-------------------------------------------------------- | * transcriber's note: every effort has been made | | to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, | | including obsolete and variant spellings and other | | inconsistencies. where the text has been changed | | to correct an obvious error by the publisher, the | | word has been marked with an asterisk. | -------------------------------------------------------- [illustration: a map of lewis and clark's track, across the western portion of north america, from the mississippi to the pacific ocean; by order of the executive of the united states, in , & . copied by samuel lewis from the original drawing by wm. clark.] history of the expedition under the command of _captains lewis and clark,_ to the sources of the missouri, thence across the rocky mountains and down the river columbia to the pacific ocean. performed during the years - - . by order of the government of the united states. prepared for the press by paul allen, esquire. in two volumes. vol. i. _philadelphia_ published by bradford and inskeep; and abm. h. inskeep, new york. j. maxwell, printer . district of pennsylvania, to wit: be it remembered, that on the twenty-second day of january, in the thirty-eighth year of the independence of the united states of america, a.d. , bradford and inskeep, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit: "history of the expedition under the command of captains lewis and clark, to the sources of the missouri, thence across the rocky mountains, and down the river columbia to the pacific ocean. performed during the years - - , by order of the government of the united states. prepared for the press by paul allen, esquire." in conformity to the act of congress of the united states, entitled "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." and also to the act, entitled, "an act supplementary to an act, entitled, "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." david caldwell, clerk of the district of pennsylvania. preface. in presenting these volumes to the public, the editor owes equally to himself and to others, to state the circumstances which have preceded the publication, and to explain his own share in compiling them. it was the original design of captain lewis to have been himself the editor of his own travels, and he was on his way towards philadelphia for that purpose when his sudden death frustrated these intentions. after a considerable and unavoidable delay, the papers connected with the expedition were deposited with another gentleman, who, in order to render the lapse of time as little injurious as possible, proceeded immediately to collect and investigate all the materials within his reach. of the incidents of each day during the expedition, a minute journal was kept by captain lewis or captain clark, and sometimes by both, which was afterwards revised and enlarged at the different periods of leisure which occurred on the route. these were carefully perused in conjunction with captain clark himself, who was able from his own recollection of the journey, as well as from a constant residence in louisiana since his return, to supply a great mass of explanations, and much additional information with regard to part of the route which has been more recently explored. besides these, recourse was had to the manuscript journals kept by two of the serjeants, one of which, the least minute and valuable, has already been published. that nothing might be wanting to the accuracy of these details, a very intelligent and active member of the party, mr. george shannon, was sent to contribute whatever his memory might add to this accumulated fund of information. from these copious materials the narrative was sketched nearly in its present form, when other pursuits diverted the attention of the writer, and compelled him to transfer his manuscript, in its unfinished state, with all the documents connected with it, to the present editor, to prepare them for the press and superintend the publication. that he may not seem to arrogate any thing from the exertions of others, he should therefore state that, although the whole work was thus submitted to his entire discretion, he found but little to change, and that his labour has been principally confined to revising the manuscript, comparing it with the original papers, and inserting such additional matter as appears to have been intentionally deferred by the writer till the period of a more mature revisal. these circumstances, which would otherwise be indifferent to the public, are mentioned merely to account for imperfections, which are in some degree inseparable from any book of travels not written by the traveller. in a work of pure description indeed, like the present, where the incidents themselves are the sole objects of attraction, the part of an editor is necessarily subordinate, nor can his humble pretensions aspire beyond the merit of rigid adherence to facts as they are stated to him. this has been very diligently attempted, and for this, in its full extent, the editor deems himself responsible. the present volumes, it will be perceived, comprise only the narrative of the journey. those parts of the work which relate to the various objects of natural history, observed or collected during the journey, as well as the alphabets of the indian languages, are in the hands of professor bartou, and will, it is understood, shortly appear. to give still further interest to the work, the editor addressed a letter to mr. jefferson, requesting some authentic memoirs of captain lewis. for the very curious and valuable information contained in his answer, the public, as well as the editor himself, owe great obligations to the politeness and knowledge of that distinguished gentleman. paul allen. philadelphia, january , . life of captain lewis. _monticello, august , ._ sir, in compliance with the request conveyed in your letter of may , i have endeavoured to obtain, from the relations and friends of the late governor lewis, information of such incidents of his life as might be not unacceptable to those who may read the narrative of his western discoveries. the ordinary occurrences of a private life, and those also while acting in a subordinate sphere in the army, in a time of peace, are not deemed sufficiently interesting to occupy the public attention; but a general account of his parentage, with such smaller incidents as marked his early character are briefly noted; and to these are added, as being peculiarly within my own knowledge, whatever related to the public mission, of which an account is now to be published. the result of my inquiries and recollections shall now be offered, to be enlarged or abridged as you may think best; or otherwise to be used with the materials you may have collected from other sources. meriwether lewis, late governor of louisiana, was born on the eighteenth of august, , near the town of charlottesville, in the county of albemarle, in virginia, of one of the distinguished families of that state. john lewis, one of his father's uncles was a member of the king's council, before the revolution. another of them, fielding lewis, married a sister of general washington. his father, william lewis, was the youngest of five sons of colonel robert lewis, of albemarle, the fourth of whom, charles, was one of the early patriots who stepped forward in the commencement of the revolution and commanded one of the regiments first raised in virginia, and placed on continental establishment. happily situated at home, with a wife and young family, and a fortune placing him at ease, he left all to aid in the liberation of his country from foreign usurpations, then first unmasking their ultimate end and aim. his good sense, integrity, bravery, enterprise, and remarkable bodily powers, marked him as an officer of great promise; but he unfortunately died early in the revolution. nicholas lewis, the second of his father's brothers, commanded a regiment of militia in the successful expedition of , against the cherokee indians; who, seduced by the agents of the british government to take up the hatchet against us, had committed great havoc on our southern frontier, by murdering and scalping helpless women and children, according to their cruel and cowardly principles of warfare. the chastisement they then received closed the history of their wars, and prepared them for receiving the elements of civilization, which, zealously inculcated by the present government of the united states, have rendered them an industrious, peaceable, and happy people. this member of the family of lewises, whose bravery was so usefully proved on this occasion, was endeared to all who knew him by his inflexible probity, courteous disposition, benevolent heart, and engaging modesty and manners. he was the umpire of all the private differences of his county--selected always by both parties. he was also the guardian of meriwether lewis, of whom we are now to speak, and who had lost his father at an early age. he continued some years under the fostering care of a tender mother, of the respectable family of meriwethers, of the same county; and was remarkable even in infancy for enterprise, boldness, and discretion. when only eight years of age he habitually went out, in the dead of night, alone with his dogs, into the forest to hunt the raccoon and opossum, which, seeking their food in the night, can then only be taken. in this exercise, no season or circumstance could obstruct his purpose--plunging through the winter's snows and frozen streams in pursuit of his object. at thirteen he was put to the latin school, and continued at that until eighteen, when he returned to his mother, and entered on the cares of his farm; having, as well as a younger brother, been left by his father with a competency for all the correct and comfortable purposes of temperate life. his talent for observation, which had led him to an accurate knowledge of the plants and animals of his own country, would have distinguished him as a farmer; but at the age of twenty, yielding to the ardour of youth, and a passion for more dazzling pursuits, he engaged as a volunteer in the body of militia which were called out by general washington, on occasion of the discontents produced by the excise taxes in the western parts of the united states; and from that situation he was removed to the regular service as a lieutenant in the line. at twenty-three he was promoted to a captaincy; and, always attracting the first attention where punctuality and fidelity were requisite, he was appointed paymaster to his regiment. about this time a circumstance occurred which, leading to the transaction which is the subject of this book, will justify a recurrence to its original idea. while i resided in paris, john ledyard, of connecticut, arrived there, well known in the united states for energy of body and mind. he had accompanied captain cook on his voyage to the pacific ocean; and distinguished himself on that voyage by his intrepidity. being of a roaming disposition, he was now panting for some new enterprise. his immediate object at paris was to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of the western coast of america, in which, however, he failed. i then proposed to him to go by land to kamschatka, cross in some of the russian vessels to nootka sound, fall down into the latitude of the missouri, and penetrate to, and through, that to the united states. he eagerly seized the idea, and only asked to be assured of the permission of the russian government. i interested, in obtaining that, m. de simoulin, minister plenipotentiary of the empress at paris, but more especially the baron de grimm, minister plenipotentiary of saxe-gotha, her more special agent and correspondent there in matters not immediately diplomatic. her permission was obtained, and an assurance of protection while the course of the voyage should be through her territories. ledyard set out from paris, and arrived at st. petersburgh after the empress had left that place to pass the winter, i think, at moscow. his finances not permitting him to make unnecessary stay at st. petersburgh, he left it with a passport from one of the ministers; and at two hundred miles from kamschatka, was obliged to take up his winter quarters. he was preparing, in the spring, to resume his journey, when he was arrested by an officer of the empress, who by this time had changed her mind, and forbidden his proceeding. he was put into a close carriage, and conveyed day and night, without ever stopping, till they reached poland; where he was set down and left to himself. the fatigue of this journey broke down his constitution; and when he returned to paris his bodily strength was much impaired. his mind, however, remained firm, and he after this undertook the journey to egypt. i received a letter from him, full of sanguine hopes, dated at cairo, the fifteenth of november, , the day before he was to set out for the head of the nile; on which day, however, he ended his career and life: and thus failed the first attempt to explore the western part of our northern continent. in , i proposed to the american philosophical society that we should set on foot a subscription to engage some competent person to explore that region in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, crossing the stony mountains, and descending the nearest river to the pacific. captain lewis being then stationed at charlottesville, on the recruiting service, warmly solicited me to obtain for him the execution of that object. i told him it was proposed that the person engaged should be attended by a single companion only, to avoid exciting alarm among the indians. this did not deter him; but mr. andre michaux, a professed botanist, author of the flora boreali-americana, and of the histoire des chesnes d'amerique, offering his services, they were accepted. he received his instructions, and when he had reached kentucky in the prosecution of his journey, he was overtaken by an order from the minister of france, then at philadelphia, to relinquish the expedition, and to pursue elsewhere the botanical inquiries on which he was employed by that government: and thus failed the second attempt for exploring that region. in , the act for establishing trading houses with the indian tribes being about to expire, some modifications of it were recommended to congress by a confidential message of january th, and an extension of its views to the indians on the missouri. in order to prepare the way, the message proposed the sending an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source, to cross the highlands, and follow the best water-communication which offered itself from thence to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposition, and voted a sum of money for carrying it into execution. captain lewis, who had then been near two years with me as private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the party. i had now had opportunities of knowing him intimately. of courage undaunted; possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities could divert from its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline; intimate with the indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded, by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own country, against losing time in the description of objects already possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal, of sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous, that whatever he should report would be as certain as if seen by ourselves; with all these qualifications, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express purpose, i could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him. to fill up the measure desired, he wanted nothing but a greater familiarity with the technical language of the natural sciences, and readiness in the astronomical observations necessary for the geography of his route. to acquire these he repaired immediately to philadelphia, and placed himself under the tutorage of the distinguished professors of that place, who with a zeal and emulation, enkindled by an ardent devotion to science, communicated to him freely the information requisite for the purposes of the journey. while attending too, at lancaster, the fabrication of the arms with which he chose that his men should be provided, he had the benefit of daily communication with mr. andrew ellicot, whose experience in astronomical observation, and practice of it in the woods, enabled him to apprise captain lewis of the wants and difficulties he would encounter, and of the substitutes and resources offered by a woodland and uninhabited country. deeming it necessary he should have some person with him of known competence to the direction of the enterprise, in the event of accident to himself, he proposed william clarke, brother of general george rogers clarke, who was approved, and, with that view, received a commission of captain. in april, , a draught of his instructions was sent to captain lewis, and on the twentieth of june they were signed in the following form: "to meriwether lewis, esquire, captain of the first regiment of infantry of the united states of america: "your situation as secretary of the president of the united states, has made you acquainted with the objects of my confidential message of january , , to the legislature; you have seen the act they passed, which, though expressed in general terms, was meant to sanction those objects, and you are appointed to carry them into execution. "instruments for ascertaining, by celestial observations, the geography of the country through which you will pass, have been already provided. light articles for barter and presents among the indians, arms for your attendants, say for from ten to twelve men, boats, tents, and other travelling apparatus, with ammunition, medicine, surgical instruments, and provisions, you will have prepared, with such aids as the secretary at war can yield in his department; and from him also you will receive authority to engage among our troops, by voluntary agreement, the number of attendants abovementioned; over whom you, as their commanding officer, are invested with all the powers the laws give in such a case. "as your movements, while within the limits of the united states, will be better directed by occasional communications, adapted to circumstances as they arise, they will not be noticed here. what follows will respect your proceedings after your departure from the united states. "your mission has been communicated to the ministers here from france, spain, and great britain, and through them to their governments; and such assurances given them as to its objects, as we trust will satisfy them. the country of louisiana having been ceded by spain to france, the passport you have from the minister of france, the representative of the present sovereign of the country, will be a protection with all its subjects; and that from the minister of england will entitle you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet. "the object of your mission is to explore the missouri river, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and communication with the waters of the pacific ocean, whether the columbia, oregan, colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practicable water-communication across the continent, for the purposes of commerce. "beginning at the mouth of the missouri, you will take observations of latitude and longitude, at all remarkable points on the river, and especially at the mouths of rivers, at rapids, at islands, and other places and objects distinguished by such natural marks and characters, of a durable kind, as that they may with certainty be recognised hereafter. the courses of the river between these points of observation may be supplied by the compass, the log-line, and by time, corrected by the observations themselves. the variations of the needle, too, in different places, should be noticed. "the interesting points of the portage between the heads of the missouri, and of the water offering the best communication with the pacific ocean, should also be fixed by observation; and the course of that water to the ocean, in the same manner as that of the missouri. "your observations are to be taken with great pains and accuracy; to be entered distinctly and intelligibly for others as well as yourself; to comprehend all the elements necessary, with the aid of the usual tables, to fix the latitude and longitude of the places at which they were taken; and are to be rendered to the war-office, for the purpose of having the calculations made concurrently by proper persons within the united states. several copies of these, as well as of your other notes, should be made at leisure times, and put into the care of the most trust-worthy of your attendants to guard, by multiplying them against the accidental losses to which they will be exposed. a further guard would be, that one of these copies be on the cuticular membranes of the paper-birch, as less liable to injury from damp than common paper. "the commerce which may be carried on with the people inhabiting the line you will pursue, renders a knowledge of those people important. you will therefore endeavour to make yourself acquainted, as far as a diligent pursuit of your journey shall admit, with the names of the nations and their numbers; "the extent and limits of their possessions; "their relations with other tribes or nations; "their language, traditions, monuments; "their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war, arts, and the implements for these; "their food, clothing, and domestic accommodations; "the diseases prevalent among them, and the remedies they use; "moral and physical circumstances which distinguish them from the tribes we know; "peculiarities in their laws, customs, and dispositions; "and articles of commerce they may need or furnish, and to what extent. "and, considering the interest which every nation has in extending and strengthening the authority of reason and justice among the people around them, it will be useful to acquire what knowledge you can of the state of morality, religion, and information among them; as it may better enable those who may endeavour to civilize and instruct them, to adapt their measures to the existing notions and practices of those on whom they are to operate. "other objects worthy of notice will be-- "the soil and face of the country, its growth and vegetable productions, especially those not of the united states; "the animals of the country generally, and especially those not known in the united states; "the remains and accounts of any which may be deemed rare or extinct; "the mineral productions of every kind, but more particularly metals, lime-stone, pit-coal, and saltpetre; salines and mineral waters, noting the temperature of the last, and such circumstances as may indicate their character; "volcanic appearances; "climate, as characterized by the thermometer, by the proportion of rainy, cloudy, and clear days; by lightning, hail, snow, ice; by the access and recess of frost; by the winds prevailing at different seasons; the dates at which particular plants put forth, or lose their flower or leaf; times of appearance of particular birds, reptiles or insects. "although your route will be along the channel of the missouri, yet you will endeavour to inform yourself, by inquiry, of the character and extent of the country watered by its branches, and especially on its southern side. the north river, or rio bravo, which runs into the gulf of mexico, and the north river, or rio colorado, which runs into the gulf of california, are understood to be the principal streams heading opposite to the waters of the missouri, and running southwardly. whether the dividing grounds between the missouri and them are mountains or flat lands, what are their distance from the missouri, the character of the intermediate country, and the people inhabiting it, are worthy of particular inquiry. the northern waters of the missouri are less to be inquired after, because they have been ascertained to a considerable degree, and are still in a course of ascertainment by english traders and travellers; but if you can learn any thing certain of the most northern source of the missisipi, and of its position relatively to the lake of the woods, it will be interesting to us. some account too of the path of the canadian traders from the missisipi, at the mouth of the onisconsing to where it strikes the missouri, and of the soil and rivers in its course, is desirable. "in all your intercourse with the natives, treat them in the most friendly and conciliatory manner which their own conduct will admit; allay all jealousies as to the object of your journey; satisfy them of its innocence; make them acquainted with the position, extent, character, peaceable and commercial dispositions of the united states; of our wish to be neighbourly, friendly, and useful to them, and of our dispositions to a commercial intercourse with them; confer with them on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums, and the articles of most desirable interchange for them and us. if a few of their influential chiefs, within practicable distance, wish to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them with authority to call on our officers on their entering the united states, to have them conveyed to this place at the public expense. if any of them should wish to have some of their young people brought up with us, and taught such arts as may be useful to them, we will receive, instruct, and take care of them. such a mission, whether of influential chiefs, or of young people, would give some security to your own party. carry with you some matter of the kine-pox; inform those of them with whom you may be of its efficacy as a preservative from the small-pox, and instruct and encourage them in the use of it. this may be especially done wherever you winter. "as it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you will be received by those people, whether with hospitality or hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe the exact degree of perseverance with which you are to pursue your journey. we value too much the lives of citizens to offer them to probable destruction. your numbers will be sufficient to secure you against the unauthorized opposition of individuals, or of small parties; but if a superior force, authorized, or not authorized, by a nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, and inflexibly determined to arrest it, you must decline its further pursuit and return. in the loss of yourselves we should lose also the information you will have acquired. by returning safely with that, you may enable us to renew the essay with better calculated means. to your own discretion, therefore, must be left the degree of danger you may risk, and the point at which you should decline, only saying, we wish you to err on the side of your safety, and to bring back your party safe, even if it be with less information. "as far up the missouri as the white settlements extend, an intercourse will probably be found to exist between them and the spanish posts of st. louis opposite cahokia, or st. genevieve opposite kaskaskia. from still further up the river the traders may furnish a conveyance for letters. beyond that you may perhaps be able to engage indians to bring letters for the government to cahokia, or kaskaskia, on promising that they shall there receive such special compensation as you shall have stipulated with them. avail yourself of these means to communicate to us, at seasonable intervals, a copy of your journal, notes and observations of every kind, putting into cypher whatever might do injury if betrayed. "should you reach the pacific ocean, inform yourself of the circumstances which may decide whether the furs of those parts may not be collected as advantageously at the head of the missouri (convenient as is supposed to the waters of the colorado and oregan or columbia) as at nootka sound, or any other point of that coast; and that trade be consequently conducted through the missouri and united states more beneficially than by the circumnavigation now practised. "on your arrival on that coast, endeavour to learn if there be any port within your reach frequented by the sea vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea, in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes; and should you be of opinion that the return of your party by the way they went will be imminently dangerous, then ship the whole, and return by sea, by the way either of cape horn, or the cape of good hope, as you shall be able. as you will be without money, clothes, or provisions, you must endeavour to use the credit of the united states to obtain them; for which purpose open letters of credit shall be furnished you, authorizing you to draw on the executive of the united states, or any of its officers, in any part of the world, on which draughts can be disposed of, and to apply with our recommendations to the consuls, agents, merchants, or citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse, assuring them, in our name, that any aids they may furnish you shall be honourably repaid, and on demand. our consuls, thomas hewes, at batavia, in java, william buchanan, in the isles of france and bourbon, and john elmslie, at the cape of good hope, will be able to supply your necessities, by draughts on us. "should you find it safe to return by the way you go, after sending two of your party round by sea, or with your whole party, if no conveyance by sea can be found, do so; making such observations on your return as may serve to supply, correct, or confirm those made on your outward journey. "on reentering the united states and reaching a place of safety, discharge any of your attendants who may desire and deserve it, procuring for them immediate payment of all arrears of pay and clothing which may have incurred since their departure, and assure them that they shall be recommended to the liberality of the legislature for the grant of a soldier's portion of land each, as proposed in my message to congress, and repair yourself, with your papers, to the seat of government. "to provide, on the accident of your death, against anarchy, dispersion, and the consequent danger to your party, and total failure of the enterprise, you are hereby authorized, by any instrument signed and written in your own hand, to name the person among them who shall succeed to the command on your decease, and by like instruments to change the nomination, from time to time, as further experience of the characters accompanying you shall point out superior fitness; and all the powers and authorities given to yourself are, in the event of your death, transferred to, and vested in the successor so named, with further power to him and his successors, in like manner to name each his successor, who, on the death of his predecessor, shall be invested with all the powers and authorities given to yourself. given under my hand at the city of washington, this twentieth day of june, . "thomas jefferson, "_president of the united states of america_." while these things were going on here, the country of louisiana, lately ceded by spain to france, had been the subject of negotiation at paris between us and this last power; and had actually been transferred to us by treaties executed at paris on the thirtieth of april. this information, received about the first day of july, increased infinitely the interest we felt in the expedition, and lessened the apprehensions of interruption from other powers. every thing in this quarter being now prepared, captain lewis left washington on the fifth of july, , and proceeded to pittsburg, where other articles had been ordered to be provided for him. the men too were to be selected from the military stations on the ohio. delays of preparation, difficulties of navigation down the ohio, and other untoward obstructions, retarded his arrival at cahokia until the season was so far advanced as to render it prudent to suspend his entering the missouri before the ice should break up in the succeeding spring. from this time his journal, now published, will give the history of his journey to and from the pacific ocean, until his return to st. louis on the twenty-third of september, . never did a similar event excite more joy through the united states. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties too for the safety of the corps had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumours, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters, or other direct information, from the time they had left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river in april of the preceding year, , until their actual return to st. louis. it was the middle of february, , before captain lewis, with his companion captain clarke, reached the city of washington, where congress was then in session. that body granted to the two chiefs and their followers the donation of lands which they had been encouraged to expect in reward of their toil and dangers. captain lewis was soon after appointed governor of louisiana, and captain clarke a general of its militia, and agent of the united states for indian affairs in that department. a considerable time intervened before the governor's arrival at st. louis. he found the territory distracted by feuds and contentions among the officers of the government, and the people themselves divided by these into factions and parties. he determined at once to take no side with either; but to use every endeavour to conciliate and harmonize them. the even-handed justice he administered to all soon established a respect for his person and authority; and perseverance and time wore down animosities, and reunited the citizens again into one family. governor lewis had, from early life, been subject to hypochondriac affections. it was a constitutional disposition in all the nearer branches of the family of his name, and was more immediately inherited by him from his father. they had not, however, been so strong as to give uneasiness to his family. while he lived with me in washington i observed at times sensible depressions of mind: but knowing their constitutional source, i estimated their course by what i had seen in the family. during his western expedition, the constant exertion which that required of all the faculties of body and mind, suspended these distressing affections; but after his establishment at st. louis in sedentary occupations, they returned upon him with redoubled vigour, and began seriously to alarm his friends. he was in a paroxysm of one of these, when his affairs rendered it necessary for him to go to washington. he proceeded to the chickasaw bluffs, where he arrived on the sixteenth of september, , with a view of continuing his journey thence by water. mr. neely, agent of the united states with the chickasaw indians, arriving there two days after, found him extremely indisposed, and betraying at times some symptoms of a derangement of mind. the rumours of a war with england, and apprehensions that he might lose the papers he was bringing on, among which were the vouchers of his public accounts, and the journals and papers of his western expedition, induced him here to change his mind, and to take his course by land through the chickasaw country. although he appeared somewhat relieved, mr. neely kindly determined to accompany and watch over him. unfortunately, at their encampment, after having passed the tennessee one day's journey, they lost two horses, which obliging mr. neely to halt for their recovery, the governor proceeded, under a promise to wait for him at the house of the first white inhabitant on his road. he stopped at the house of a mr. grinder, who not being at home, his wife, alarmed at the symptoms of derangement she discovered, gave him up the house and retired to rest herself in an out-house, the governor's and neely's servants lodging in another. about three o'clock in the night he did the deed which plunged his friends into affliction, and deprived his country of one of her most valued citizens, whose valour and intelligence would have been now employed in avenging the wrongs of his country, and in emulating by land the splendid deeds which have honoured her arms on the ocean. it lost too to the nation the benefit of receiving from his own hand the narrative now offered them of his sufferings and successes, in endeavouring to extend for them the boundaries of science, and to present to their knowledge that vast and fertile country, which their sons are destined to fill with arts, with science, with freedom and happiness. to this melancholy close of the life of one, whom posterity will declare not to have lived in vain, i have only to add, that all the facts i have stated are either known to myself, or communicated by his family or others, for whose truth i have no hesitation to make myself responsible; and i conclude with tendering you the assurances of my respect and consideration. th. jefferson. mr. paul allen, philadelphia. contents. vol. i. chapter i. the party set out on the expedition and pass wood river. description of the town of st. charles. osage woman river. gasconade and osage rivers described. character of the osage indians; curious traditionary account of their origin. the party proceed and pass the mine river. the two charitons. the kanzas, nodawa, newahaw, neeshuabatona, little nemahar, each of which are particularly described. they encamp at the mouth of the river platte. a particular description of the surrounding country. the various creeks, bays, islands, prairies, &c. given in the course of the route. chapter ii. some account of the pawnee indians. council held with the otto and missouri indians. council held with another party of the ottoes. death of sergeant floyd. the party encamp near the mouth of whitestone river. the character of the missouri, with the rivers that enter it. the surrounding country. the various islands, bays, creeks, &c. given in the course of the expedition. chapter iii. whimsical instance of superstition of the sioux indians. council held with the sioux. character of that tribe, their manners, &c. a ridiculous instance of their heroism. ancient fortifications. quieurre river described. vast herds of buffaloe. account of the petit chien or little dog. narrow escape of george shannon. description of white river. surprising fleetness of the antelope. pass the river of the sioux. description of the grand le tour, or great bend. encamp on the teton river. chapter iv. council held with the tetons. their manners, dances, &c. cheyenne river described. council held with the ricara indians. their manners and habits. strange instance of ricara idolatry. another instance. cannonball river. arrival among the mandans. character of the surrounding country, and of the creeks, islands, &c. chapter v. council held with the mandans. a prairie on fire, and a singular instance of preservation. peace established between the mandans and ricaras. the party encamp for the winter. indian mode of catching goats. beautiful appearance of northern lights. friendly character of the indians. some account of the mandans. the anahaways and the minnetarees. the party acquire the confidence of the mandans by taking part in their controversy with the sioux. religion of the mandans, and their singular conception of the term medicine. their tradition. the sufferings of the party from the severity of the season. indian game of billiards described. character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. chapter vi. the party increase in the favour of the mandans. description of a buffaloe dance. medicine dance. the fortitude with which the indians bear the severity of the season. distress of the party for want of provisions. the great importance of the blacksmith in procuring it. depredations of the sioux. the homage paid to the medicine stone. summary act of justice among the minnetarees. the process by which the mandans and ricaras make beads. character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. chapter vii. indian method of attacking the buffaloe on the ice. an enumeration of the presents sent to the president of the united states. the party are visited by a ricara chief. they leave their encampment, and proceed on their journey. description of the little missouri. some account of the assiniboins. their mode of burying the dead. whiteearth river described. great quantity of salt discovered on its banks. yellowstone river described. a particular account of the country at the confluence of the yellowstone and missouri. description of the missouri, the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. chapter viii. unusual appearance of salt. the formidable character of the white bear. porcupine river described. beautiful appearance of the surrounding country. immense quantities of game. milk river described. extraordinary character of bigdry river. an instance of uncommon tenacity of life in a white bear. narrow escape of one of the party from that animal. a still more remarkable instance. muscleshell river described. chapter ix. the party continue their route. description of judith river. indian mode of taking the buffaloe. slaughter river described. phenomena of nature. of walls on the banks of the missouri. the party encamp on the banks of the river to ascertain which of the streams constitute the missouri. captain lewis leaves the party to explore the northern fork, and captain clarke explores the southern. the surrounding country described in the route of captain lewis. narrow escape of one of his party. chapter x. return of captain lewis. account of captain clarke's researches with his exploring party. perilous situation of one of his party. tansy river described. the party still believing the southern fork the missouri, captain lewis is resolves to ascend it. mode of making a place to deposit provisions, called cache. captain lewis explores the southern fork. falls of the missouri discovered, which ascertains the question. romantic scenery of the surrounding country. narrow escape of captain lewis. the main body under captain clarke approach within five miles of the falls, and prepare for making a portage over the rapids. chapter xi. description and romantic appearance of the missouri at the junction of the medicine river. the difficulty of transporting the baggage at the falls. the party employed in the construction of a boat of skins. the embarrassments they had to encounter for the want of proper materials. during the work the party much troubled by white bears. violent hail-storm, and providential escape of captain clarke and his party. description of a remarkable fountain. singular explosion heard from the black mountains. the boat found to be insufficient, and the serious disappointment of the party. captain clarke undertakes to repair the damage by building canoes, and accomplishes the task. chapter xii. the party embark on board the canoes. description of smith's river. character of the country, &c. dearborne's river described. captain clarke precedes the party for the purpose of discovering the indians of the rocky mountains. magnificent rocky appearances on the borders of the river denominated the gates of the rocky mountains. captain clarke arrives at the three forks of the missouri without overtaking the indians. the party arrive at the three forks, of which a peculiar and interesting description is given. chapter xiii. the name of the missouri changed, as the river now divides itself into three forks, one of which is called after jefferson, the other madison, and the other after gallatin. their general character. the party ascend the jefferson branch. description of the river philosophy which enters into the jefferson. captain lewis and a small party go in advance in search of the shoshonees. description of the country, &c. bordering on the river. captain lewis still preceding the main party in quest of the shoshonees. a singular accident which prevented captain clarke from following captain lewis's advice, and ascending the middle fork of the river. description of philanthropy river, another stream running into the jefferson. captain lewis and a small party having been unsuccessful in their first attempt, set off a second time in quest of the shoshonees. chapter xiv. captain lewis proceeds before the main body in search of the shoshonees; his ill success on the first interview. the party with captain lewis at length discover the source of the missouri. captain clarke with the main body still employed in ascending the missouri or jefferson river. captain lewis's second interview with the shoshonees attended with success. the interesting ceremonies of his first introduction to the natives, detailed at large. their hospitality. their mode of hunting the antelope. the difficulties encountered by captain clarke and the main body in ascending the river. the suspicions entertained of captain lewis by the shoshonees, and his mode of allaying them. the ravenous appetites of the savages illustrated by singular adventure. the indians still jealous, and the great pains taken by captain lewis to preserve their confidence. captain clarke arrives with the main body exhausted by the difficulties they underwent. chapter xv. affecting interview between the wife of chaboneau and the chief of the shoshonees. council held with that nation, and favourable result. the extreme navigable point of the missouri mentioned. general character of the river and of the country through which it passes. captain clarke in exploring the source of the columbia falls in company with another party of shoshonees. the geographical information acquired from one of that party. their manner of catching fish. the party reach lewis river. the difficulties which captain clarke had to encounter in his route. friendship and hospitality of the shoshonees. the party with captain lewis employed in making saddles, and preparing for the journey. chapter xvi. contest between drewyer and a shoshonee. the fidelity and honour of that tribe. the party set out on their journey. the conduct of cameahwait reproved, and himself reconciled. the easy parturition of the shoshonee women. history of this nation. their terror of the pawkees. their government and family economy in their treatment of their women. their complaints of spanish treachery. description of their weapons of warfare. their curious mode of making a shield. the caparison of their horses. the dress of the men and of the women particularly described. their mode of acquiring new names. chapter xvii. the party, after procuring horses from the shoshonees, proceed on their journey through the mountains. the difficulties and dangers of the route. a council held with another band of the shoshonees, of whom some account is given. they are reduced to the necessity of killing their horses for food. captain clarke with a small party precedes the main body in quest of food, and is hospitably received by the pierced-nose indians. arrival of the main body amongst this tribe, with whom a council is held. they resolve to perform the remainder of their journey in canoes. sickness of the party. they descend the kooskooskee to its junction with lewis river, after passing several dangerous rapids. short description of the manners and dress of the pierced-nose indians. lewis and clarke's expedition up the missouri. chap. i. the party set out on the expedition and pass wood river--description of the town of st. charles--osage woman river--gasconade and osage rivers described--character of the osage indians--curious traditionary account of their origin--the party proceed and pass the mine river--the two charitons--the kanzas, nodawa, newahaw, neeshnabatona, little nemahar, each of which are particularly described--they encamp at the mouth of the river platte--a particular description of the surrounding country--the various creeks, bays, islands, prairies, &c., given in the course of the route. on the acquisition of louisiana, in the year , the attention of the government of the united states, was early directed towards exploring and improving the new territory. accordingly in the summer of the same year, an expedition was planned by the president for the purpose of discovering the courses and sources of the missouri, and the most convenient water communication thence to the pacific ocean. his private secretary captain meriwether lewis, and captain william clarke, both officers of the army of the united states, were associated in the command of this enterprize. after receiving the requisite instructions, captain lewis left the seat of government, and being joined by captain clarke at louisville, in kentucky, proceeded to st. louis, where they arrived in the month of december. their original* intention was to pass the winter at la charrette, the highest settlement on the missouri. but the spanish commandant of the province, not having received an official account of its transfer to the united states, was obliged by the general policy of his government, to prevent strangers from passing through the spanish territory. they therefore encamped at the mouth of wood river, on the eastern side of the mississippi, out of his jurisdiction, where they passed the winter in disciplining the men, and making the necessary preparations for setting out early in the spring, before which the cession was officially announced. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen--an interpreter and hunter--and a black servant belonging to captain clarke--all these, except the last, were enlisted to serve as privates during the expedition, and three sergeants appointed from amongst them by the captains. in addition to these were engaged a corporal and six soldiers, and nine watermen to accompany the expedition as far as the mandan nation, in order to assist in carrying the stores, or repelling an attack which was most to be apprehended between wood river and that tribe. the necessary stores were subdivided into seven bales, and one box, containing a small portion of each article in case of accident. they consisted of a great variety of clothing, working utensils, locks, flints, powder, ball, and articles of the greatest use. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, distributed in the same manner, and composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs--ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, lookingglasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the party was to embark on board of three boats: the first was a keel boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet water, carrying one large squaresail and twenty-two oars, a deck of ten feet in the bow, and stern formed a forecastle and cabin, while the middle was covered by lockers, which might be raised so as to form a breast-work in case of attack. this was accompanied by two perioques or open boats, one of six and the other of seven oars. two horses were at the same time to be led along the banks of the river for the purpose of bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. of the proceedings of this expedition, the following is a succinct and circumstantial narrative. all the preparations being completed, we left our encampment on monday, may th, . this spot is at the mouth of wood river, a small stream which empties itself into the mississippi, opposite to the entrance of the missouri. it is situated in latitude ° ' - / " north, and longitude from greenwich, ° ' ". on both sides of the mississippi the land for two or three miles is rich and level, but gradually swells into a high pleasant country, with less timber on the western than on the eastern side, but all susceptible of cultivation. the point which separates the two rivers on the north, extends for fifteen or twenty miles, the greater part of which is an open level plain, in which the people of the neighbourhood cultivate what little grain they raise. not being able to set sail before four o'clock p.m., we did not make more than four miles, and encamped on the first island opposite a small creek called cold water. may . the rain, which had continued yesterday and last night, ceased this morning. we then proceeded, and after passing two small islands about ten miles further, stopped for the night at piper's landing, opposite another island. the water is here very rapid and the banks falling in. we found that our boat was too heavily laden in the stern, in consequence of which she ran on logs three times to-day. it became necessary to throw the greatest weight on the bow of the boat, a precaution very necessary in ascending both the missouri and mississippi rivers, in the beds of which, there lie great quantities of concealed timber. the next morning we set sail at five o'clock. at the distance of a few miles, we passed a remarkable large coal hill on the north side, called by the french la charbonniere, and arrived at the town of st. charles. here we remained a few days. st. charles is a small town on the north bank of the missouri, about twenty-one miles from its confluence with the mississippi. it is situated in a narrow plain, sufficiently high to protect it from the annual risings of the river in the month of june, and at the foot of a range of small hills, which have occasioned its being called petite cote, a name by which it is more known to the french than by that of st. charles. one principal street, about a mile in length and running parallel with the river, divides the town, which is composed of nearly one hundred small wooden houses, besides a chapel. the inhabitants, about four hundred and fifty in number, are chiefly descendants from the french of canada; and, in their manners, they unite all the careless gayety, and the amiable hospitality of the best times of france: yet, like most of their countrymen in america, they are but ill qualified for the rude life of a frontier; not that they are without talent, for they possess much natural genius and vivacity; nor that they are destitute of enterprize, for their hunting excursions are long, laborious, and hazardous: but their exertions are all desultory; their industry is without system, and without perseverance. the surrounding country, therefore, though rich, is not, in general, well cultivated; the inhabitants chiefly subsisting by hunting and trade with the indians, and confine their culture to gardening, in which they excel. being joined by captain lewis, who had been detained by business at st. louis, we again set sail on monday, may st, in the afternoon, but were prevented by wind and rain from going more than about three miles, when we encamped on the upper point of an island, nearly opposite a creek which falls in on the south side. on the d we made about eighteen miles, passing several small farms on the bank of the river, a number of islands, and a large creek on the south side, called bonhomme, or goodman's river. a small number of emigrants from the united states have settled on the sides of this creek, which are very fertile. we also passed some high lands, and encamped, on the north side, near a small creek. here we met with a camp of kickapoo indians who had left us at st. charles, with a promise of procuring us some provisions by the time we overtook them. they now made us a present of four deer, and we gave them in return two quarts of whiskey. this tribe reside on the heads of the kaskaskia and illinois river, on the other side of the mississippi, but occasionally hunt on the missouri. may . two miles from our camp of last night, we reached a river emptying itself on the north side, called osage woman river. it is about thirty yards wide, and has now a settlement of thirty or forty families from the united states. about a mile and a half beyond this is a large cave, on the south side at the foot of cliffs nearby three hundred feet high, overhanging the water, which becomes very swift at this place. the cave is one hundred and twenty feet wide, forty feet deep, and twenty high, it is known by the name of the tavern, among the traders who have written their names on the rock, and painted some images which command the homage of the indians and french. about a little further we passed a small creek called tavern creek, and encamped on the south side of the river, having gone nine miles. early the next morning we ascended a very difficult rapid, called the devil's race ground, where the current sets for half a mile against some projecting rocks on the south side. we were less fortunate in attempting a second place of equal difficulty. passing near the southern shore, the bank fell in so fast as to oblige us to cross the river instantly, between the northern side and a sandbar which is constantly moving and banking with the violence of the current. the boat struck on it, and would have upset immediately, if the men had not jumped into the water and held her, till the sand washed from under her. we encamped on the south side, having ascended ten miles, and the next day, may , passed on the south side the mouth of wood river, on the north, two small creeks and several islands, and stopped for the night at the entrance of a creek on the north side, called by the french la charrette, ten miles from our last encampment, and a little above a small village of the same name. it consists of seven small houses, and as many poor families who have fixed themselves here for the convenience of trade, and form the last establishment of whites on the missouri. it rained last night, yet we found this morning that the river had fallen several inches. may . the wind being favourable we made eighteen miles to-day. we passed in the morning several islands, the largest of which is buffaloe island, separated from the southern side by a small channel which receives the waters of buffaloe creek. on the same side is shepherd's creek, a little beyond which we encamped on the northern side. the next day we sailed along a large island called otter island, on the northern side, extending nearly ten miles in length, narrow but high in its situation, and one of the most fertile in the whole river. between it and the northern shore, three small creeks, one of which has the same name with the island, empty themselves. on the southern shore is a creek twenty yards wide, called ash creek. in the course of the day we met two canoes loaded with furs, which had been two months on their route, from the mahar nation, residing more than seven hundred miles up the river--one large raft from the pawnees on the river platte, and three others from the grand osage river. at the distance of fifteen miles we encamped on a willow island, at the entrance of the river gasconade. this river falls into the missouri from the south, one hundred miles from the mississippi. its length is about one hundred and fifty miles in a course generally northeast through a hilly country. on its banks are a number of saltpetre caves, and it is believed some mines of lead in the vicinity. its width at the mouth is one hundred and fifty-seven yards, and its depth nineteen feet. here we halted for the purpose of hunting and drying our provisions, and making the necessary celestial observations. this being completed, we set sail on the th at four o'clock, and at four miles distance encamped on the south-side, above a small creek, called deer creek. the next day, th, we set out early, and at two miles distant reached a large cave, on the north, called montbrun's tavern, after a french trader of that name, just above a creek called after the same person. beyond this is a large island, and at the distance of four miles, rush creek coming in from the south, at eleven, big-muddy river on the north, about fifty yards wide; three miles further, is little-muddy river on the same side, opposite to which we encamped at the mouth of grindstone creek. the rain which began last night continued through the day, accompanied with high wind and some hail. the river has been rising fast for two days, and the country around appears full of water. along the sides of the river to day we observe much timber, the cotton wood, the sycamore, hickory, white walnut, some grapevines, and rushes--the high west wind and rain compelled us to remain all the next day, may . in the afternoon a boat came down from the grand osage river, bringing a letter from a person sent to the osage nation on the arkansaw river, which mentioned that the letter announcing the cession of louisiana was committed to the flames--that the indians would not believe that the americans were owners of that country, and disregarded st. louis and its supplies. the party was occupied in hunting, in the course of which, they caught in the woods several very large rats. we set sail early the next morning, june st, and at six miles distant passed bear creek, a stream of about twenty-five yards width; but the wind being ahead and the current rapid, we were unable to make more than thirteen miles to the mouth of the osage river; where we encamped and remained the following day, for the purpose of making celestial observations. the osage river empties itself into the missouri, at one hundred and thirty-three miles distance from the mouth of the latter river. its general course is west and west southwest through a rich and level country. at the junction the missouri is about eight hundred and seventy-five yards wide, and the osage three hundred and ninety-seven. the low point of junction is in latitude ° ' ", and at a short distance from it is a high commanding position, whence we enjoyed a delightful prospect of the country. the osage river gives or owes its name to a nation inhabiting its banks at a considerable distance from this place. their present name however, seems to have originated from the french traders, for both among themselves and their neighbours they are called the wasbashas. they number between twelve and thirteen hundred warriors, and consist of three tribes: the great osages of about five hundred warriors, living in a village on the south bank of the river--the little osages, of nearly half that number, residing at the distance of six miles from them--and the arkansaw band, a colony of osages, of six hundred warriors, who left them some years ago, under the command of a chief called the bigfoot, and settled on the vermillion river, a branch of the arkansaw. in person the osages are among the largest and best formed indians, and are said to possess fine military capacities; but residing as they do in villages, and having made considerable advance in agriculture, they seem less addicted to war, than their northern neighbours, to whom the use of rifles gives a great superiority. among the peculiarities of this people, there is nothing more remarkable than the tradition relative to their origin. according to universal belief, the founder of the nation was a snail passing a quiet existence along the banks of the osage, till a high flood swept him down to the missouri, and left him exposed on the shore. the heat of the sun at length ripened him into a man, but with the change of his nature, he had not forgotten his native seats on the osage, towards which, he immediately bent his way. he was however soon overtaken by hunger, and fatigue, when happily the great spirit appeared, and giving him a bow and arrow, showed him how to kill and cook deer, and cover himself with the skin. he then proceeded to his original residence, but as he approached the river, he was met by a beaver, who inquired haughtily who he was, and by what authority he came to disturb his possession. the osage answered that the river was his own, for he had once lived on its borders. as they stood disputing, the daughter of the beaver came, and having by her entreaties reconciled her father to this young stranger, it was proposed that the osage should marry the young beaver, and share with her family the enjoyment of the river. the osage readily consented, and from this happy union there soon came the village and the nation of the wasbasha, or osages, who have ever since preserved a pious reverence for their ancestors, abstaining from the chace of the beaver, because in killing that animal, they killed a brother of the osage. of late years, however, since the trade with the whites has rendered beaver skins more valuable, the sanctity of these maternal relatives has visibly reduced, and the poor animals have nearly lost all the privileges of kindred. on the afternoon of june , we proceeded, and at three miles distant, reached a creek called cupboard creek, from a rock of that appearance near its entrance. two miles further we encamped at moreau creek, a stream of twenty yards width, on the southern side. the next morning, we passed at an early hour, cedar island on the north, so called from the abundance of the tree of that name; near which is a small creek, named nightingale creek, from a bird of that species, who sang for us during the night. beyond cedar island, are some others of a smaller extent, and at seven miles distance a creek fifteen or twenty yards wide, entering from the north, and known by the name of cedar creek. at seven and a half miles further, we passed on the south side another creek, which we called mast creek, from the circumstance of our mast being broken by running under a concealed tree; a little above is another creek on the left, one mile beyond which we encamped on the southern shore under high projecting cliffs. the french had reported that lead ore was to be found in this place, but on examining the hills, we could discern no appearance of that mineral. along the river on the south, is a low land covered with rushes, and high nettles, and near the mouths of the creeks, supplied with oak, ash, and walnut timber. on the north the land is rich and well situated. we made seventeen and a half miles this day. the river is falling slowly. we continued our route the next morning early: a small creek called lead creek, on the south; another on the north, known to the french by the name of little good woman's creek, and again big rock creek on the south were the only streams we passed this morning. at eleven o'clock we met a raft made of two canoes joined together, in which two french traders were descending, from eighty leagues up the river kanzas, where they had wintered, and caught great quantities of beaver, but had lost much of their game by fires from the prairies. they told us that the kanzas nation is now hunting buffaloe in the plains, having passed the last winter in this river. two miles further, we reached on the south little manitou creek, which takes its name from a strange figure resembling the bust of a man, with the horns of a stag, painted on a projecting rock, which may represent some spirit or deity. near this is a sandbar extending several miles, which renders the navigation difficult, and a small creek called sand creek on the south, where we stopped for dinner, and gathered wild cresses and tongue grass from the sandbar. the rapidity of the currents added to our having broken our mast, prevented our going more than twelve and a half miles. the scouts and hunters whom we always kept out, report that they have seen fresh tracks of indians. the next morning we left our camp, which was on the south side, opposite to a large island in the middle of the river, and at five miles reached a creek on the north side, of about twenty yards wide, called split rock creek, from a fissure in the point of a neighbouring rock. three miles beyond this, on the south is saline river, it is about thirty yards wide, and has its name from the number of salt licks, and springs, which render its water brackish; the river is very rapid and the banks falling in. after leaving saline creek, we passed one large island and several smaller ones, having made fourteen miles. the water rose a foot during the last night. the next day, june , we passed at four and a half miles big manitou creek, near which is a limestone rock inlaid with flint of various colours, and embellished, or at least covered with uncouth paintings of animals and inscriptions. we landed to examine it, but found the place occupied by a nest of rattlesnakes, of which we killed three. we also examined some licks and springs of salt water, two or three miles up this creek. we then proceeded by some small willow islands, and encamped at the mouth of good woman river on the north. it is about thirty-five yards wide, and said to be navigable for boats several leagues. the hunters, who had hitherto given us only deer, brought in this evening three bears, and had seen some indication of buffaloe. we had come fourteen miles. june , we saw several small willow islands, and a creek on the south, near which are a number of deerlicks; at nine miles distance we came to mine river. this river, which falls into the missouri from the south, is said to be navigable for boats eighty or ninety miles, and is about seventy yards wide at its mouth. it forks about five or six leagues from the missouri, and at the point of junction are some very rich salt springs; the west branch in particular, is so much impregnated, that, for twenty miles, the water is not palatable: several branches of the manitou and good woman are equally tinctured. the french report also, that lead ore has been found on different parts of the river. we made several excursions near the river through the low rich country on its banks, and after dinner went on to the island of mills, where we encamped. we met with a party of three hunters from the sioux river; they had been out for twelve months, and collected about nine hundred dollars worth of peltries and furs. we ascended this river twelve miles. on the th, we set out early, and reached a cliff of rocks, called the arrow rock, near to which is a prairie called the prairies of arrows, and arrow creek, a small stream about eight yards wide, whose source is in the adjoining prairies on the south. at this cliff the missouri is confined within a bed of two hundred yards; and about four miles to the south east is a large lick and salt spring of great strength. about three miles further is blackbird creek on the north side, opposite to which, is an island and a prairie inclosing a small lake. five miles beyond this we encamped on the south side, after making, in the course of the day, thirteen miles. the land on the north is a high rich plain. on the south it is also even, of a good quality, and rising from fifty to one hundred feet. the next morning, th, we passed deer creek, and at the distance of five miles, the two rivers called by the french the two charatons, a corruption of thieraton, the first of which is thirty, the second seventy yards wide, and enter the missouri together. they are both navigable for boats: the country through which they pass is broken, rich, and thickly covered with timber. the ayauway nation, consisting of three hundred men, have a village near its head-waters on the river de moines. farther on we passed a large island called _chicot_ or stump island, and encamped on the south, after making ten miles. a head wind forced us to remain there all the next day, during which we dried the meat we had killed, and examined the surrounding country, which consists of good land, well watered, and supplied with timber: the prairies also differ from those eastward of the mississippi, inasmuch as the latter are generally without any covering except grass, whilst the former abound with hazel, grapes and other fruits, among which is the osage plum of a superior size and quality. on the morning of the th, we passed through difficult places in the river, and reached plum creek on the south side. at one o'clock, we met two rafts loaded, the one with furs, the other with the tallow of buffaloe; they were from the sioux nation, and on their way to st. louis; but we were fortunate enough to engage one of them, a mr. durion, who had lived with that nation more than twenty years, and was high in their confidence, to accompany us thither. we made nine miles. on the th, we passed at between four and five miles, a bend of the river, and two creeks on the north, called the round bend creeks. between these two creeks is the prairie, in which once stood the ancient village of the missouris. of this village there remains no vestige, nor is there any thing to recall this great and numerous nation, except a feeble remnant of about thirty families. they were driven from their original seats by the invasions of the sauks and other indians from the mississippi, who destroyed at this village two hundred of them in one contest, and sought refuge near the little osage, on the other side of the river. the encroachment of the same enemies forced, about thirty years since, both these nations from the banks of the missouri. a few retired with the osage, and the remainder found an asylum on the river platte, among the ottoes, who are themselves declining. opposite the plain there was an island and a french fort, but there is now no appearance of either, the successive inundations having probably washed them away, as the willow island which is in the situation described by du pratz, is small and of recent formation. five miles from this place is the mouth of grand river, where we encamped. this river follows a course nearly south, or south east, and is between eighty and a hundred yards wide where it enters the missouri, near a delightful and rich plain. a racoon, a bear, and some deer were obtained to day. we proceeded at six o'clock the next morning. the current was so rapid and the banks on the north falling in so constantly, that we were obliged to approach the sandbars on the south. these were moving continually, and formed the worst passage we had seen, and which we surmounted with much difficulty. we met a trading raft from the pawnee nation on the river platte, and attempted unsuccessfully to engage one of their party to return with us. at the distance of eight miles, we came to some high cliffs, called the snake bluffs, from the number of that animal in the neighbourhood, and immediately above these bluffs, snake creek, about eighteen yards wide, on which we encamped. one of our hunters, a half indian, brought us an account of his having to day passed a small lake, near which a number of deer were feeding, and in the pond he heard a snake making a guttural noise like a turkey. he fired his gun, but the noise became louder. he adds, that he has heard the indians mention this species of snake, and this story is confirmed by a frenchman of our party. all the next day, the river being very high, the sandbars were so rolling and numerous, and the current so strong, that we were unable to stem it even with oars added to our sails; this obliged us to go nearer the banks, which were falling in, so that we could not make, though the boat was occasionally towed, more than fourteen miles. we passed several islands and one creek on the south side, and encamped on the north opposite a beautiful plain, which extends as far back as the osage river, and some miles up the missouri. in front of our encampment are the remains of an old village of the little osage, situated at some distance from the river, and at the foot of a small hill. about three miles above them, in view of our camp is the situation of the old village of the missouris after they fled from the sauks. the inroads of the same tribe compelled the little osage to retire from the missouri a few years ago, and establish themselves near the great osages. the river, which is here about one mile wide, had risen in the morning, but fell towards evening. early this morning, june th, we joined the camp of our hunters, who had provided two deer and two bear, and then passing an island and a prairie on the north covered with a species of timothy, made our way through bad sandbars and a swift current, to an encampment for the evening, on the north side, at ten miles distance. the timber which we examined to day was not sufficiently strong for oars; the musquitoes and ticks are exceedingly troublesome. on the th, we set out early and having come to a convenient place at one mile distance, for procuring timber and making oars, we occupied ourselves in that way on this and the following day. the country on the north of the river is rich and covered with timber; among which we procured the ash for oars. at two miles it changes into extensive prairies, and at seven or eight miles distance becomes higher and waving. the prairie and high lands on the south commence more immediately on the river; the whole is well watered and provided with game, such as deer, elk, and bear. the hunters brought in a fat horse which was probably lost by some war party--this being the crossing place for the sauks, ayauways, and sioux, in their excursions against the osage. june , the oars being finished, we proceeded under a gentle breeze by two large and some smaller islands. the sandbars are numerous and so bad, that at one place we were forced to clear away the driftwood in order to pass: the water too was so rapid that we were under the necessity of towing the boat for half a mile round a point of rocks on the south side. we passed two creeks, one called tiger creek on the north, twenty-five yards wide at the extremity of a large island called panther island; the other tabo creek on the south, fifteen yards wide. along the shores are gooseberries and raspberries in great abundance. at the distance of seventeen and a half miles we encamped on the south, near a lake about two miles from the river and several in circumference; and much frequented by deer and all kinds of fowls. on the north the land is higher and better calculated for farms than that on the south, which ascends more gradually, but is still rich and pleasant. the musquitoes and other animals are so troublesome that musquitoe biers or nets were distributed to the party. the next morning we passed a large island, opposite to which on the north is a large and beautiful prairie, called sauk prairie, the land being fine and well timbered on both sides the river. pelicans were seen to day. we made six and three quarter miles, and encamped at the lower point of a small island, along the north side of which we proceeded the next day, june st, but not without danger in consequence of the sands and the rapidity of the water which rose three inches last night. behind another island come in from the south two creeks, called eau, beau, or clear water creeks; on the north is a very remarkable bend, where the high lands approach the river, and form an acute angle at the head of a large island produced by a narrow channel through the point of the bend. we passed several other islands, and encamped at seven and a half miles on the south. d. the river rose during the night four inches. the water is very rapid and crowded with concealed timber. we passed two large islands and an extensive prairie on the south, beginning with a rich low land, and rising to the distance of seventy or eighty feet of rolling clear country. the thermometer at three o'clock p.m. was at °. after coming ten and a half miles we encamped on the south, opposite a large creek called fire prairie river. d. the wind was against us this morning, and became so violent that we made only three and a half miles, and were obliged to lie to during the day at a small island. this is separated from the northern side by a narrow channel which cannot be passed by boats, being choaked by trees and drifted wood. directly opposite on the south, is a high commanding position, more than seventy feet above high water mark, and overlooking the river which is here of but little width; this spot has many advantages for a fort, and trading house with the indians.[a] the river fell eight inches last night. [footnote a: the united states built in september, , a factory and fort at this spot, which is very convenient for trading with the osages, ayauways and kanzas.] the next day, th, we passed at eight miles distance, hay cabin creek coming in from the south, about twenty yards wide, and so called from camps of straw built on it; to the north are some rocks projecting into the river, and a little beyond them a creek on the same side, called charaton scarty; that is, charaton like the otter. we halted, after making eleven and a half miles, the country on both sides being fine and interspersed with prairies, in which we now see numerous herds of deer, pasturing in the plains or feeding on the young willows of the river. th. a thick fog detained us till eight o'clock, when we set sail, and at three miles reached a bank of stone coal on the north, which appeared to be very abundant: just below it is a creek called after the bank la charbonniere. four miles further, and on the southern side, comes in a small creek, called la benite. the prairies here approach the river and contain many fruits, such as plums, raspberries, wild apples, and nearer the river vast quantities of mulberries. our encampment was at thirteen miles distance on an island to the north, opposite some hills higher than usual, and almost one hundred and sixty or one hundred and eighty feet. th. at one mile we passed at the end of a small island, blue water creek, which is about thirty yards wide at its entrance from the south.[a] here the missouri is confined within a narrow bed, and the current still more so by counter currents or whirls on one side and a high bank on the other. we passed a small island and a sandbar, where our tow rope broke twice, and we rowed round with great exertions. we saw a number of parroquets, and killed some deer; after nine and three quarter miles we encamped at the upper point of the mouth of the river kanzas: here we remained two days, during which we made the necessary observations, recruited the party, and repaired the boat. the river kanzas takes its rise in the plains between the arkansaw and platte rivers, and pursues a course generally east till its junction with the missouri which is in latitude ° ' "; here it is three hundred and forty and a quarter yards wide, though it is wider a short distance above the mouth. the missouri itself is about five hundred yards in width; the point of union is low and subject to inundations for two hundred and fifty yards, it then rises a little above high water mark, and continues so as far back as the hills. on the south of the kanzas the hills or highlands come within one mile and a half of the river; on the north of the missouri they do not approach nearer than several miles; but on all sides the country is fine. the comparative specific gravities of the two rivers is, for the missouri seventy-eight, the kanzas seventy-two degrees; the waters of the latter have a very disagreeable taste, the former has risen during yesterday and to day about two feet. on the banks of the kanzas reside the indians of the same name, consisting of two villages, one at about twenty, the other forty leagues from its mouth, and amounting to about three hundred men. they once lived twenty-four leagues higher than the kanzas, on the south bank of the missouri, and were then more numerous, but they have been reduced and banished by the sauks and ayauways, who being better supplied with arms have an advantage over the kanzas, though the latter are not less fierce or warlike than themselves. this nation is now hunting in the plains for the buffaloe which our hunters have seen for the first time. [footnote a: a few miles up the blue water creek are quarries of plaster of paris, since worked and brought down to st. louis.] on the th, we set out late in the afternoon, and having passed a sandbar, near which the boat was almost lost, and a large island on the north, we encamped at seven and a quarter miles on the same side in the low lands, where the rushes are so thick that it is troublesome to walk through them. early the next morning, th, we reached, at five miles distance, the mouth of a river coming in from the north, and called by the french, petite riviere platte, or little shallow river; it is about sixty yards wide at its mouth. a few of the party who ascended informed us, that the lands on both sides are good, and that there are several falls well calculated for mills; the wind was from the south west, and the weather oppressively warm, the thermometer standing at ° above at three o'clock p.m. one mile beyond this is a small creek on the south, at five miles from which we encamped on the same side, opposite the lower point of an island called diamond island. the land on the north between the little shallow river, and the missouri is not good and subject to overflow--on the south it is higher and better timbered. july st. we proceeded along the north side of diamond island, where a small creek called biscuit creek empties itself. one and a half miles above the island is a large sandbar in the middle of the river, beyond which we stopped to refresh the men, who suffered very much from the heat. here we observed great quantities of grapes and raspberries. between one and two miles farther are three islands a creek on the south known by the french name of remore. the main current which is now on the south side of the largest of the three islands, ran three years, as we were told on the north, and there was then no appearance of the two smaller islands. at the distance of four and a half miles we reached the lower point of a cluster of small islands, two large and two small, called isles des pares or field islands. paccaun trees were this day seen, and large quantities of deer and turkies on the banks. we had advanced twelve miles. july d. we left our encampment, opposite to which is a high and beautiful prairie on the southern side, and passed up the south of the islands, which are high meadows, and a creek on the north called pare creek. here for half an hour the river became covered with drift wood, which rendered the navigation dangerous, and was probably caused by the giving way of some sandbar, which had detained the wood. after making five miles we passed a stream on the south called turky creek, near a sandbar, where we could scarcely stem the current with twenty oars, and all the poles we had. on the north at about two miles further is a large island called by the indians, wau-car-da-war-card-da, or the bear medicine island. here we landed and replaced our mast, which had been broken three days ago, by running against a tree, overhanging the river. thence we proceeded, and after night stopped on the north side, above the island, having come eleven and a half miles. opposite our camp is a valley, in which was situated an old village of the kanzas, between two high points of land, and on the bank of the river. about a mile in the rear of the village was a small fort, built by the french on an elevation. there are now no traces of the village, but the situation of the fort may be recognized by some remains of chimnies, and the general outline of the fortification, as well as by the fine spring which supplied it with water. the party, who were stationed here, were probably cut off by the indians, as there are no accounts of them. july d. a gentle breeze from the south carried us eleven and a quarter miles this day, past two islands, one a small willow island, the other large, and called by the french isle des vaches, or cow island. at the head of this island, on the northern shore, is a large pond containing beaver, and fowls of different kinds. after passing a bad sandbar, we stopped on the south side at an old trading house, which is now deserted, and half a mile beyond it encamped on the south. the land is fine along the rivers, and some distance back. we observed the black walnut and oak, among the timber; and the honey-suckle and the buck's-eye, with the nuts on them. the morning of the th july was announced by the discharge of our gun. at one mile we reached the mouth of a bayeau or creek, coming from a large lake on the north side, which appears as if it had once been the bed of the river, to which it runs parallel for several miles. the water of it is clear and supplied by a small creek and several springs, and the number of goslins which we saw on it, induced us to call it the gosling lake. it is about three quarters of a mile wide, and seven or eight miles long. one of our men was bitten by a snake, but a poultice of bark and gunpowder was sufficient to cure the wound. at ten and a quarter miles we reached a creek on the south about twelve yards wide and coming from an extensive prairie, which approached the borders of the river. to this creek which had no name, we gave that of fourth of july creek; above it is a high mound, where three indian paths centre, and from which is a very extensive prospect. after fifteen miles sail we came to on the north a little above a creek on the southern side, about thirty yards wide, which we called independence creek, in honour of the day, which we could celebrate only by an evening gun, and an additional gill of whiskey to the men. the next day, th, we crossed over to the south and came along the bank of an extensive and beautiful prairie, interspersed with copses of timber, and watered by independence creek. on this bank formerly stood the second village of the kanzas; from the remains it must have been once a large town. we passed several bad sandbars, and a small creek to the south, which we called yellow ochre creek, from a bank of that mineral a little above it. the river continues to fall. on the shores are great quantities of summer and fall grapes, berries and wild roses. deer is not so abundant as usual, but there are numerous tracks of elk around us. we encamped at ten miles distance on the south side under a high bank, opposite to which was a low land covered with tall rushes, and some timber. july . we set sail, and at one mile passed a sandbar, three miles further an island, a prairie to the north, at the distance of four miles called reevey's prairie, after a man who was killed there; at which place the river is confined to a very narrow channel, and by a sandbar from the south. four miles beyond is another sandbar terminated by a small willow island, and forming a very considerable bend in the river towards the north. the sand of the bar is light, intermixed with small pebbles and some pit coal. the river falls slowly, and, owing either to the muddiness of its water, or the extreme heat of the weather, the men perspire profusely. we encamped on the south having made twelve miles. the bird called whip-poor-will sat on the boat for some time. in the morning, july th, the rapidity of the water obliged us to draw the boat along with ropes. at six and three quarter miles, we came to a sandbar, at a point opposite a fine rich prairie on the north, called st. michael's. the prairies of this neighbourhood have the appearance of distinct farms, divided by narrow strips of woodland, which follow the borders of the small runs leading to the river. above this, about a mile, is a cliff of yellow clay on the north. at four o'clock we passed a narrow part of the channel, where the water is confined within a bed of two hundred yards wide, the current running directly against the southern bank with no sand on the north to confine it or break its force. we made fourteen miles, and halted on the north, after which we had a violent gust about seven o'clock. one of the hunters saw in a pond to the north which we passed yesterday a number of young swans. we saw a large rat, and killed a wolf. another of our men had a stroke of the sun; he was bled, and took a preparation of nitre which relieved him considerably. july . we set out early, and soon passed a small creek on the north, which we called ordway's creek, from our sergeant of that name who had been sent on shore with the horses, and went up it. on the same side are three small islands, one of which is the little nodawa, and a large island called the great nodawa* extending more than five miles, and containing seven or eight thousand acres of high good land, rarely overflowed, and one of the largest islands of the missouri. it is separated from the northern shore by a small channel of from forty-five to eighty yards wide, up which we passed, and found near the western extremity of the island the mouth of the river nodawa. this river persues nearly a southern course, is navigable for boats to some distance, and about seventy yards wide above the mouth, though not so wide immediately there, as the mud from the missouri contracts its channel. at twelve and a quarter miles, we encamped on the north side, near the head of nodawa island, and opposite a smaller one in the middle of the river. five of the men were this day sick with violent headache. the river continues to fall. july th. we passed the island opposite to which we last night encamped, and saw near the head of it a creek falling in from a pond on the north, to which we gave the name of pike pond, from the numbers of that animal which some of our party saw from the shore. the wind changed at eight from n.e. to s.w. and brought rain. at six miles we passed the mouth of monter's creek on the south, and two miles above a few cabins, where one of our party had encamped with some frenchmen about two years ago. further on we passed an island on the north, opposite some cliffs on the south side, near which loup or wolf river falls into the missouri. this river is about sixty yards wide, it heads near the same sources as the kanzas, and is navigable for boats, at some distance up. at fourteen miles we encamped on the south side. tuesday th. we proceeded on by a prairie on the upper side of wolf river, and at four miles passed a creek fifteen yards wide on the south, called pape's creek after a spaniard of that name, who killed himself there. at six miles we dined on an island called by the french isle de salomon, or solomon's island, opposite to which on the south is a beautiful plain covered with grass, intermixed with wild rye and a kind of wild potatoe. after making ten miles we stopped for the night on the northern side, opposite a cliff of yellow clay. the river has neither risen nor fallen to day. on the north the low land is very extensive, and covered with vines; on the south, the hills approach nearer the river, and back of them commence the plains. there are a great many goslins along the banks. wednesday th. after three miles sailing we came to a willow island on the north side, behind which enters a creek called by the indians tarkio. above this creek on the north the low lands are subject to overflow, and further back the undergrowth of vines particularly, is so abundant that they can scarcely be passed. three miles from the tarkio we encamped on a large sand island on the north, immediately opposite the river nemahaw. thursday th. we remained here to day for the purpose of refreshing the party, and making lunar observations. the nemahaw empties itself into the missouri from the south, and is eighty yards wide at the confluence, which is in lat. ° ' ". capt. clarke ascended it in the perioque about two miles to the mouth of a small creek on the lower side. on going ashore he found in the level plain several artificial mounds or graves, and on the adjoining hills others of a larger size. this appearance indicates sufficiently the former population of this country; the mounds being certainly intended as tombs; the indians of the missouri still preserving the custom of interring the dead on high ground. from the top of the highest mound a delightful prospect presented itself--the level and extensive meadows watered by the nemahaw, and enlivened by the few trees and shrubs skirting the borders of the river and its tributary streams--the lowland of the missouri covered with undulating grass, nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers are interspersed with copses of the osage plum; further back are seen small groves of trees; an abundance of grapes; the wild cherry of the missouri, resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush; and the chokecherry, which we observed for the first time. some of the grapes gathered to-day are nearly ripe. on the south of the nemahaw, and about a quarter of a mile from its mouth, is a cliff of freestone, in which are various inscriptions and marks made by the indians. the sand island where we are encamped, is covered with the two species of willow, broad and narrow leaf. july th. we proceeded at sunrise with a fair wind from the south, and at two miles, passed the mouth of a small river on the north, called big tarkio. a channel from the bed of the missouri once ran into this river, and formed an island called st. joseph's, but the channel is now filled up, and the island is added to the northern shore. further on to the south, is situated an extensive plain, covered with a grass resembling timothy in its general appearance, except the seed which is like flaxseed, and also a number of grapevines. at twelve miles, we passed an island on the north, above which is a large sandbar covered with willows: and at twenty and a half miles, stopped on a large sandbar, in the middle of the river opposite a high handsome prairie, which extends to the hills four or five miles distant, though near the bank the land is low, and subject to be overflowed. this day was exceedingly fine and pleasant, a storm of wind and rain from north-northeast, last night, having cooled the air. july . we had some hard showers of rain before seven o'clock, when we set out. we had just reached the end of the sand island, and seen the opposite banks falling in, and so lined with timber that we could not approach it without danger, when a sudden squall, from the northeast, struck the boat on the starboard quarter, and would have certainly dashed her to pieces on the sand island, if the party had not leaped into the river, and with the aid of the anchor and cable kept her off: the waves dashing over her for the space of forty minutes; after which, the river became almost instantaneously calm and smooth. the two periogues were ahead, in a situation nearly similar, but fortunately no damage was done to the boats or the loading. the wind having shifted to the southeast, we came at the distance of two miles, to an inland on the north, where we dined. one mile above, on the same side of the river, is a small factory, where a merchant of st. louis traded with the ottoes and pawnees two years ago. near this is an extensive lowland, part of which is overflowed occasionally, the rest is rich and well timbered. the wind again changed to northwest by north. at seven and a half miles, we reached lower point of a large island, on the north side. a small distance above this point, is a river, called by the maha indians, nishnahbatona. this is a considerable creek, nearly as large as the mine river, and runs parallel to the missouri the greater part of its course, being fifty yards wide at the mouth. in the prairies or glades, we saw wild-timothy, lambsquarter, cuckleberries, and on the edges of the river, summer-grapes, plums, and gooseberries. we also saw to-day, for the first time, some elk, at which some of the party shot, but at too great a distance. we encamped on the north side of the island, a little above nishnahbatona, having made nine miles. the river fell a little. july . a thick fog prevented our leaving the encampment before seven. at about four miles, we reached the extremity of the large island, and crossing to the south, at the distance of seven miles, arrived at the little nemaha, a small river from the south, forty yards wide a little above its mouth, but contracting, as do almost all the waters emptying into the missouri, at its confluence. at nine and three quarter miles, we encamped on a woody point, on the south. along the southern bank, is a rich lowland covered with peavine, and rich weeds, and watered by small streams rising in the adjoining prairies. they too, are rich, and though with abundance of grass, have no timber except what grows near the water; interspersed through both are grapevines, plums of two kinds, two species of wild-cherries, hazlenuts, and gooseberries. on the south there is one unbroken plain; on the north the river is skirted with some timber, behind which the plain extends four or five miles to the hills, which seem to have little wood. july . we continued our route between a large island opposite to our last night's encampment, and an extensive prairie on the south. about six miles, we came to another large island, called fairsun island, on the same side; above which is a spot, where about twenty acres of the hill have fallen into the river. near this, is a cliff of sandstone for two miles, which is much frequented by birds. at this place the river is about one mile wide, but not deep; as the timber, or sawyers, may be seen, scattered across the whole of its bottom. at twenty miles distance, we saw on the south, an island called by the french, l'isle chance, or bald island, opposite to a large prairie, which we called baldpated prairie, from a ridge of naked hills which bound it, running parallel with the river as far as we could see, and from three to six miles distance. to the south the hills touch the river. we encamped a quarter of a mile beyond this, in a point of woods on the north side. the river continues to fall. tuesday, july . we remained here this day, in order to make observations and correct the chronometer, which ran down on sunday. the latitude we found to be ° ' " / . the observation of the time proved our chronometer too slow, by ' " / . the highlands bear from our camp, north ° west, up the river. captain lewis rode up the country, and saw the nishnahbatona, about ten or twelve miles from its mouth, at a place not more than three hundred yards from the missouri, and a little above our camp. it then passes near the foot of the baldhills, and is at least six feet below the level of the missouri. on its banks are the oak, walnut, and mulberry. the common current of the missouri, taken with the log, is fathoms in ", at some places, and even ". wednesday, july . the morning was fair, and a gentle wind from southeast by south, carried us along between the prairie on the north, and bald island to the south: opposite the middle of which, the nishnahbatona approaches the nearest to the missouri. the current here ran fifty fathoms in ". at thirteen and a half miles, we reached an island on the north, near to which the banks overflow; while on the south, the hills project over the river and form high cliffs. at one point a part of the cliff, nearly three quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, has fallen into the river. it is composed chiefly of sandstone intermixed with an iron ore of bad quality; near the bottom is a soft slatestone with pebbles. we passed several bad sandbars in the course of the day, and made eighteen miles, and encamped on the south, opposite to the lower point of the oven islands. the country around is generally divided into prairies, with little timber, except on low points, islands, and near creeks, and that consisting of cottonwood, mulberry, elm, and sycamore. the river falls fast. an indian dog came to the bank; he appeared to have been lost and was nearly starved: we gave him some food, but he would not follow us. thursday, july . the oven islands are small, and two in number; one near the south shore, the other in the middle of the river. opposite to them is the prairie, called terrien's oven, from a trader of that name. at four and a half miles, we reached some high cliffs of a yellow earth, on the south, near which are two beautiful runs of water, rising in the adjacent prairies, and one of them with a deerlick, about two hundred yards from its mouth. in this neighbourhood we observed some iron ore in the bank. at two and a half miles above the runs, a large portion of the hill, for nearly three quarters of a mile, has fallen into the river. we encamped on the western extremity of an island, in the middle of the river, having made ten and three quarter miles. the river falls a little. the sandbars which we passed to-day, are more numerous, and the rolling sands more frequent and dangerous, than any we have seen; these obstacles increasing as we approach the river platte. the missouri here is wider also than below, where the timber on the banks resists the current; while here the prairies which approach, are more easily washed and undermined. the hunters have brought for the last few days, no quadruped, but deer: great quantities of young geese are seen to-day: one of them brought calamus, which he had gathered opposite our encampment, and a large quantity of sweet-flag. friday, july . there was a heavy dew last night, and this morning was foggy and cool. we passed at about three miles distance, a small willow island to the north, and a creek on the south, about twenty-five yards wide, called by the french, l'eau qui pleure, or the weeping water, and emptying itself just above a cliff of brown clay. thence we made two and a half miles to another island; three miles further to a third: six miles beyond which is a fourth island; at the head of which we encamped on the southern shore; in all eighteen miles. the party, who walked on the shore to-day, found the plains to the south, rich, but much parched with frequent fires, and with no timber, except the scattering trees about the sources of the runs, which are numerous and fine. on the north, is a similar prairie country. the river continues to fall. a large yellow wolf was this day killed. for a month past the party have been troubled with biles, and occasionally with the dysentery. these biles were large tumours which broke out under the arms, on the legs, and, generally, in the parts most exposed to action, which sometimes became too painful to permit the men to work. after remaining some days, they disappeared without any assistance, except a poultice of the bark of the elm, or of indian meal. this disorder, which we ascribe to the muddiness of the river water, has not affected the general health of the party, which is quite as good, if not better, than that of the same number of men in any other situation. saturday, july . we had a breeze from the southeast, by the aid of which we passed, at about ten miles, a willow island on the south, near high lands covered with timber, at the bank, and formed of limestone with cemented shells: on the opposite side is a bad sandbar, and the land near it is cut through at high water, by small channels forming a number of islands. the wind lulled at seven o'clock, and we reached, in the rain, the mouth of the great river platte, at the distance of fourteen miles. the highlands which had accompanied us on the south, for the last eight or ten miles, stopped at about three quarters of a mile from the entrance of the platte. captains lewis and clarke ascended the river in a periogue, for about one mile, and found the current very rapid; rolling over sands, and divided into a number of channels; none of which are deeper than five or six feet. one of our frenchmen, who spent two winters on it, says that it spreads much more at some distance from the mouth; that its depth is generally not more than five or six feet; that there are many small islands scattered through it, and that from its rapidity and the quantity of its sand, it cannot be navigated by boats or periogues, though the indians pass it in small flat canoes made of hides. that the saline or salt river, which in some seasons is too brackish to be drank, falls into it from the south about thirty miles up, and a little above it elkhorn river from the north, running nearly parallel with the missouri. the river is, in fact, much more rapid than the missouri, the bed of which it fills with moving sands, and drives the current on the northern shore, on which it is constantly encroaching. at its junction the platte is about six hundred yards wide, and the same number of miles from the mississippi. with much difficulty we worked round the sandbars near the mouth, and came to above the point, having made fifteen miles. a number of wolves were seen and heard around us in the evening. july . the next morning we set sail, and having found at the distance of ten miles from the platte, a high and shaded situation on the north, we encamped there, intending to make the requisite observations, and to send for the neighbouring tribes, for the purpose of making known the recent change in the government, and the wish of the united states to cultivate their friendship. chap. ii. some account of the pawnee indians--council held with the otto and missouri indians--council held with another party of the ottoes--death of sergeant floyd--the party encamp near the mouth of whitestone river--the character of the missouri, with the rivers that enter it--the surrounding country--the various islands, bays, creeks, &c. given in the course of the expedition. our camp is by observation in latitude ° ' ". immediately behind it is a plain about five miles wide, one half covered with wood, the other dry and elevated. the low grounds on the south near the junction of the two rivers, are rich, but subject to be overflowed. farther up, the banks are higher, and opposite our camp the first hills approach the river, and are covered with timber, such as oak, walnut, and elm. the intermediate country is watered by the papillon, or butterfly creek, of about eighteen yards wide, and three miles from the platte; on the north are high open plains and prairies, and at nine miles from the platte, the musquitoe creek, and two or three small willow islands. we stayed here several days, during which we dried our provisions, made new oars, and prepared our despatches and maps of the country we had passed, for the president of the united states, to whom we intend to send them by a periogue from this place. the hunters have found game scarce in this neighbourhood; they have seen deer, turkies, and grouse; we have also an abundance of ripe grapes; and one of our men caught a white catfish, the eyes of which were small, and its tail resembling that of a dolphin. the present season is that in which the indians go out into the prairies to hunt the buffaloe; but as we discovered some hunter's tracks, and observed the plains on fire in the direction of their villages, we hoped that they might have returned to gather the green indian corn, and therefore despatched two men to the ottoes or pawnee villages with a present of tobacco, and an invitation to the chiefs to visit us. they returned after two days absence. their first course was through an open prairie to the south, in which they crossed butterfly creek. they then reached a small beautiful river, called come de cerf, or elkhorn river, about one hundred yards wide, with clear water and a gravelly channel. it empties a little below the ottoe village into the platte, which they crossed, and arrived at the town about forty-five miles from our camp. they found no indians there, though they saw some fresh tracks of a small party. the ottoes were once a powerful nation, and lived about twenty miles above the platte, on the southern bank of the missouri. being reduced, they migrated to the neighborhood of the pawnees, under whose protection they now live. their village is on the south side of the platte, about thirty miles from its mouth; and their number is two hundred men, including about thirty families of missouri indians, who are incorporated with them. five leagues above them, on the same side of the river, resides the nation of pawnees. this people were among the most numerous of the missouri indians, but have gradually been dispersed and broken, and even since the year , have undergone some sensible changes. they now consist of four bands; the first is the one just mentioned, of about five hundred men, to whom of late years have been added the second band, who are called republican pawnees, from their having lived on the republican branch of the river kanzas, whence they emigrated to join the principal band of pawnees: the republican pawnees amount to nearly two hundred and fifty men. the third, are the pawnees loups, or wolf pawnees, who reside on the wolf fork of the platte, about ninety miles from the principal pawnees, and number two hundred and eighty men. the fourth band originally resided on the kanzas and arkansaw, but in their wars with the osages, they were so often defeated, that they at last retired to their present position on the red river, where they form a tribe of four hundred men. all these tribes live in villages, and raise corn; but during the intervals of culture rove in the plains in quest of buffaloe. beyond them on the river, and westward of the black mountains, are the kaninaviesch, consisting of about four hundred men. they are supposed to have emigrated originally from the pawnees nation; but they have degenerated from the improvements of the parent tribe, and no longer live in villages, but rove through the plains. still further to the westward, are several tribes, who wander and hunt on the sources of the river platte, and thence to rock mountain. these tribes, of which little more is known than the names and the population, are first, the staitan, or kite indians, a small tribe of one hundred men. they have acquired the name of kites, from their flying; that is, their being always on horseback; and the smallness of their numbers is to be attributed to their extreme ferocity; they are the most warlike of all the western indians; they never yield in battle; they never spare their enemies; and the retaliation of this barbarity has almost extinguished the nation. then come the wetapahato, and kiawa tribes, associated together, and amounting to two hundred men; the castahana, of three hundred men, to which are to be added the cataka of seventy-five men, and the dotami. these wandering tribes, are conjectured to be the remnants of the great padouca nation, who occupied the country between the upper parts of the river platte, and the river kanzas. they were visited by bourgemont, in , and then lived on the kanzas river. the seats, which he describes as their residence, are now occupied by the kanzas nation; and of the padoucas, there does not now exist even the name. july . having completed the object of our stay, we set sail, with a pleasant breeze from the n.w. the two horses swam over to the southern shore, along which we went, passing by an island, at three and a half miles, formed by a pond, fed by springs: three miles further is a large sand island, in the middle of the river; the land on the south being high, and covered with timber; that on the north, a high prairie. at ten and a half miles from our encampment, we saw and examined a curious collection of graves or mounds, on the south side of the river. not far from a low piece of land and a pond, is a tract of about two hundred acres in circumference, which is covered with mounds of different heights, shapes, and sizes: some of sand, and some of both earth and sand; the largest being nearest the river. these mounds indicate the position of the ancient village of the ottoes, before they retired to the protection of the pawnees. after making fifteen miles, we encamped on the south, on the bank of a high handsome prairie, with lofty cottonwood in groves, near the river. july . at one mile, this morning we reached a bluff, on the north, being the first highlands, which approach the river on that side, since we left the nadawa. above this, is an island and a creek, about fifteen yards wide, which, as it has no name, we called indian knob creek, from a number of round knobs bare of timber, on the highlands, to the north. a little below the bluff, on the north, is the spot where the ayauway indians formerly lived. they were a branch of the ottoes, and emigrated from this place to the river desmoines. at ten and three quarter miles, we encamped on the north, opposite an island, in the middle of the river. the land, generally, on the north, consists of high prairie and hills, with timber: on the south, low and covered with cottonwood. our hunter brought to us in the evening, a missouri indian, whom he had found, with two others, dressing an elk; they were perfectly friendly, gave him some of the meat, and one of them agreed to accompany him to the boat. he is one of the few remaining missouris, who live with the ottoes: he belongs to a small party, whose camp is four miles from the river; and he says, that the body of the nation is now hunting buffaloe in the plains: he appeared quite sprightly, and his language resembled that of the osage, particularly in his calling a chief, inca. we sent him back with one of our party next morning, sunday, july , with an invitation to the indians, to meet us above on the river, and then proceeded. we soon came to a northern bend in the river, which runs within twenty yards of indian knob creek, the water of which is five feet higher than that of the missouri. in less than two miles, we passed boyer's creek on the north, of twenty-five yards width. we stopped to dine under a shade, near the highland on the south, and caught several large catfish, one of them nearly white, and all very fat. above this highland, we observed the traces of a great hurricane, which passed the river obliquely from n.w. to s.e. and tore up large trees, some of which perfectly sound, and four feet in diameter, were snapped off near the ground. we made ten miles to a wood on the north, where we encamped. the missouri is much more crooked, since we passed the river platte, though generally speaking, not so rapid; more of prairie, with less timber, and cottonwood in the low grounds, and oak, black walnut, hickory, and elm. july . we went early in the morning, three and a quarter miles, and encamped on the south, in order to wait for the ottoes. the land here consists of a plain, above the highwater level, the soil of which is fertile, and covered with a grass from five to eight feet high, interspersed with copses of large plums, and a currant, like those of the united states. it also furnishes two species of honeysuckle; one growing to a kind of shrub, common about harrodsburgh (kentucky), the other is not so high: the flowers grow in clusters, are short, and of a light pink colour; the leaves too, are distinct, and do not surround the stalk, as do those of the common honeysuckle of the united states. back of this plain, is a woody ridge about seventy feet above it, at the end of which we formed our camp. this ridge separates the lower from a higher prairie, of a good quality, with grass, of ten or twelve inches in height, and extending back about a mile, to another elevation of eighty or ninety feet, beyond which is one continued plain. near our camp, we enjoy from the bluffs a most beautiful view of the river, and the adjoining country. at a distance, varying from four to ten miles, and of a height between seventy and three hundred feet, two parallel ranges of highland affords a passage to the missouri, which enriches the low grounds between them. in its winding course, it nourishes the willow islands, the scattered cottonwood, elm, sycamore, lynn, and ash, and the groves are interspersed with hickory, walnut, coffeenut, and oak. july . the meridian altitude of this day made the latitude of our camp ° ' - / ". the hunters supplied us with deer, turkies, geese, and beaver; one of the last was caught alive, and in a very short time was perfectly tamed. catfish are very abundant in the river, and we have also seen a buffaloefish. one our men brought in yesterday an animal called, by the pawnees, chocartoosh, and, by the french, blaireau, or badger. the evening is cool, yet the musquitoes are still very troublesome. we waited with much anxiety the return of our messenger to the ottoes. the men whom we despatched to our last encampment, returned without having seen any appearance of its having been visited. our horses too had strayed; but we were so fortunate as to recover them at the distance of twelve miles. our apprehensions were at length relieved by the arrival of a party of about fourteen ottoe and missouri indians, who came at sunset, on the second of august, accompanied by a frenchman, who resided among them, and interpreted for us. captains lewis and clarke went out to meet them, and told them that we would hold a council in the morning. in the mean time we sent them some roasted meat, pork, flour, and meal; in return for which they made us a present of watermelons. we learnt that our man liberte had set out from their camp a day before them: we were in hopes that he had fatigued his horse, or lost himself in the woods, and would soon return; but we never saw him again. august . the next morning the indians, with their six chiefs, were all assembled under an awning, formed with the mainsail, in presence of all our party, paraded for the occasion. a speech was then made, announcing to them the change in the government, our promises of protection, and advice as to their future conduct. all the six chiefs replied to our speech, each in his turn, according to rank: they expressed their joy at the change in the government; their hopes that we would recommend them to their great father (the president), that they might obtain trade and necessaries; they wanted arms as well for hunting as for defence, and asked our mediation between them and the mahas, with whom they are now at war. we promised to do so, and wished some of them to accompany us to that nation, which they declined, for fear of being killed by them. we then proceeded to distribute our presents. the grand chief of the nation not being of the party, we sent him a flag, a medal, and some ornaments for clothing. to the six chiefs who were present, we gave a medal of the second grade to one ottoe chief, and one missouri chief; a medal of the third grade to two inferior chiefs of each nation: the customary mode of recognizing a chief, being to place a medal round his neck, which is considered among his tribe as a proof of his consideration abroad. each of these medals was accompanied by a present of paint, garters, and cloth ornaments of dress; and to this we added a cannister of powder, a bottle of whiskey, and a few presents to the whole, which appeared to make them perfectly satisfied. the airgun too was fired, and astonished them greatly. the absent grand chief was an ottoe named weahrushhah, which, in english, degenerates into little thief. the two principal chieftains present were, shongotongo, or big horse; and wethea, or hospitality; also shosgusean, or white horse, an ottoe; the first an ottoe, the second a missouri. the incidents just related, induced us to give to this place the name of the council-bluff; the situation of it is exceedingly favourable for a fort and trading factory, as the soil is well calculated for bricks, and there is an abundance of wood in the neighbourhood, and the air being pure and healthy. it is also central to the chief resorts of the indians: one day's journey to the ottoes; one and a half to the great pawnees; two days from the mahas; two and a quarter from the pawnees loups village; convenient to the hunting grounds of the sioux; and twenty-five days journey to santa fee. the ceremonies of the council being concluded, we set sail in the afternoon, and encamped at the distance of five miles, on the south side, where we found the musquitoes very troublesome. august . a violent wind, accompanied by rain, purified and cooled the atmosphere last night; we proceeded early, and reached a very narrow part of the river, where the channel is confined within a space of two hundred yards, by a sand point on the north, and a bend on the south; the banks in the neighbourhood washing away, the trees falling in, and the channel filled with buried logs. above this is a trading house, on the south, where one of our party passed two years, trading with the mahas. at nearly four miles, is a creek on the south, emptying opposite a large island of sand; between this creek and our last night's encampment, the river has changed its bed, and encroached on the southern shore. about two miles further, is another creek on the south, which, like the former, is the outlet of three ponds, communicating with each other, and forming a small lake, which is fed by streams from the highlands. at fifteen miles, we encamped on the south. the hills on both sides of the river are nearly twelve or fifteen miles from each other; those of the north containing some timber, while the hills of south are without any covering, except some scattering wood in the ravines, and near where the creeks pass into the hills; rich plains and prairies occupying the intermediate space, and partially covered, near the water, with cottonwood. there has been a great deal of pumice stone on shore to-day. august th. we set out early, and, by means of our oars, made twenty and a half miles, though the river was crowded with sandbars. on both sides the prairies extend along the river; the banks being covered with great quantities of grapes, of which three different species are now ripe; one large and resembling the purple grape. we had some rain this morning, attended by high wind; but generally speaking, have remarked that thunder storms are less frequent than in the atlantic states, at this season. snakes too are less frequent, though we killed one to-day of the shape and size of the rattlesnake, but of a lighter colour. we fixed our camp on the north side. in the evening, captain clarke, in pursuing some game, in an eastern direction, found himself at the distance of three hundred and seventy yards from the camp, at a point of the river whence we had come twelve miles. when the water is high, this peninsula is overflowed, and judging from the customary and notorious changes in the river, a few years will be sufficient to force the main current of the river across, and leave the great bend dry. the whole lowland between the parallel range of hills seems formed of mud or ooze of the river, at some former period, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighbouring banks accumulates with the aid of that brought down the stream, and forms sandbars, projecting into the river; these drive the channel to the opposite banks, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new and shorter passage; it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling, and the river changing its bed. august . in the morning, after a violent storm of wind and rain from n.w. we passed a large island to the north. in the channel separating it from the shore, a creek called soldier's river enters; the island kept it from our view, but one of our men who had seen it, represents it as about forty yards wide at its mouth. at five miles, we came to a bend of the river towards the north, a sandbar, running in from the south, had turned its course so as to leave the old channel quite dry. we again saw the same appearance at our encampment, twenty and a half miles distant on the north side. here the channel of the river had encroached south, and the old bed was without water, except a few ponds. the sandbars are still very numerous. august . we had another storm from the n.w. in the course of the last evening; in the morning we proceeded, having the wind from the north, and encamped on the northern shore, having rowed seventeen miles. the river is here encumbered with sandbars, but no islands, except two small ones, called detachment islands, and formed on the south side by a small stream. we despatched four men back to the ottoes village in quest of our man, liberte, and to apprehend one of the soldiers, who left us on the th, under pretence of recovering a knife which he had dropped a short distance behind, and who we fear has deserted. we also sent small presents to the ottoes and missouris, and requested that they would join us at the maha village, where a peace might be concluded between them. august . at two miles distance, this morning we came to a part of the river, where there was concealed timber difficult to pass. the wind was from the n.w. and we proceeded in safety. at six miles, a river empties on the northern side, called by the sioux indians, eaneahwadepon, or stone river; and by the french, petite riviere des sioux, or little sioux river. at its confluence it is eighty yards wide. our interpreter, mr. durion, who has been to the sources of it, and knows the adjoining country, says that it rises within about nine miles of the river desmoines; that within fifteen leagues of that river it passes through a large lake nearly sixty miles in circumference, and divided into two parts by rocks which approach each other very closely: its width is various: it contains many islands, and is known by the name of the lac d'esprit: it is near the dogplains, and within four days march of the mahas. the country watered by it, is open and undulating, and may be visited in boats up the river for some distance. the desmoines, he adds, is about eighty yards wide where the little sioux river approaches it: it is shoaly, and one of its principal branches is called cat river. two miles beyond this river is a long island which we called pelican island, from the numbers of that animal which were feeding on it: one of these being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water. an elk, too, was shot, and we had again to remark that snakes are rare in this part of the missouri. a meridian altitude near the little sioux river made the latitude ° ' ". we encamped on the north, having come sixteen miles. august . a thick fog detained us until past seven o'clock, after which we proceeded with a gentle breeze from the southeast. after passing two sandbars we reached, at seven and a half miles, a point of highland on the left, near which the river has forced itself a channel across a peninsula, leaving on the right a circuit of twelve or eighteen miles, which is now recognised by the ponds and islands it contains. at seventeen and a half miles, we reached a point on the north, where we encamped. the hills are at a great distance from the river for the last several days; the land, on both sides low, and covered with cottonwood and abundance of grape vines. an elk was seen to-day, a turkey also shot, and near our camp is a beaver den: the musquitoes have been more troublesome than ever for the two last days. august . at two and a half miles, we came to a place, called coupee a jacques, where the river has found a new bed, and abridged a circuit of several miles: at twelve and a half miles, a cliff of yellow stone on the left. this is the first highland near the river above the council-bluff. after passing a number of sandbars we reached a willow island at the distance of twenty-two and a half miles, which we were enabled to do with our oars and a wind from the s.w. and encamped on the north side. august . after a violent wind from the n.w. attended with rain, we sailed along the right of the island. at nearly five miles, we halted on the south side for the purpose of examining a spot where one of the great chiefs of the mahas named blackbird, who died about four years ago of the smallpox, was buried. a hill of yellow soft sandstone rises from the river in bluffs of various heights, till it ends in a knoll about three hundred feet above the water; on the top of this a mound, of twelve feet diameter at the base and six feet high, is raised over the body of the deceased king; a pole of about eight feet high is fixed in the centre; on which we placed a white flag, bordered with red, blue, and white. the blackbird seems to have been a personage of great consideration; for ever since his death he is supplied with provisions, from time to time, by the superstitious regard of the mahas. we descended to the river and passed a small creek on the south, called, by the mahas, waucandipeeche, (great spirit is bad.) near this creek and the adjoining hills the mahas had a village, and lost four hundred of their nation by the dreadful malady which destroyed the blackbird. the meridian altitude made the latitude ° ' - / " north. we encamped, at seventeen miles distance, on the north side in a bend of the river. during our day's course it has been crooked; we observed a number of places in it where the old channel is filled up, or gradually becoming covered with willow and cottonwood; great numbers of herons are observed to-day, and the mosquitoes annoy us very much. august . a gentle breeze from the south, carried us along about ten miles, when we stopped to take meridian altitude, and sent a man across to our place of observation: yesterday he stepped nine hundred and seventy-four yards, and the distance we had come round, was eighteen miles and three quarters. the river is wider and shallower than usual. four miles beyond this bend a bluff begins, and continues several miles; on the south it rises from the water at different heights, from twenty to one hundred and fifty feet, and higher as it recedes on the river: it consists of yellow and brown clay, with soft sandstone imbeded in it, and is covered with timber, among which may be observed some red cedar: the lands on the opposite side are low and subject to inundation, but contain willows, cottonwood, and many grapes. a prairie-wolf came near the bank and barked at us; we attempted unsuccessfully to take him. this part of the river abounds in beaver. we encamped on a sand-island in a bend to the north, having made twenty miles and a quarter. august . set out at daylight with a breeze from the southeast, and passed several sandbars. between ten and eleven miles, we came to a spot on the south, where a mr. mackay had a trading establishment in the year and , which he called fort charles. at fourteen miles, we reached a creek on the south, on which the mahas reside, and at seventeen miles and a quarter, formed a camp on a sandbar, to the south side of the river, opposite the lower point of a large island. from this place sergeant ordway and four men were detached to the maha village with a flag and a present, in order to induce them to come and hold a council with us. they returned at twelve o'clock the next day, august . after crossing a prairie covered with high grass, they reached the maha creek, along which they proceeded to its three forks, which join near the village: they crossed the north branch and went along the south; the walk was very fatiguing, as they were forced to break their way through grass, sunflowers and thistles, all above ten feet high, and interspersed with wild pea. five miles from our camp they reached the position of the ancient maha village: it had once consisted of three hundred cabins, but was burnt about four years ago, soon after the smallpox had destroyed four hundred men, and a proportion of women and children. on a hill, in the rear of the village, are the graves of the nation; to the south of which runs the fork of the maha creek: this they crossed where it was about ten yards wide, and followed its course to the missouri, passing along a ridge of hill for one and a half mile, and a long pond between that and the missouri: they then recrossed the maha creek, and arrived at the camp, having seen no tracks of indians nor any sign of recent cultivation. in the morning th, some men were sent to examine the cause of a large smoke from the northeast, and which seemed to indicate that some indians were near; but they found that a small party, who had lately passed that way, had left some trees burning, and that the wind from that quarter blew the smoke directly towards us. our camp lies about three miles northeast from the old maha village, and is in latitude ° ' ". the accounts we have had of the effects of the smallpox on that nation are most distressing; it is not known in what way it was first communicated to them, though probably by some war party. they had been a military and powerful people; but when these warriors saw their strength wasting before a malady which they could not resist, their phrenzy was extreme; they burnt their village, and many of them put to death their wives and children, to save them from so cruel an affliction, and that all might go together to some better country. on the th, we still waited for the indians: a party had gone out yesterday to the maha creek, which was damned up by the beaver between the camp and the village: a second went to-day. they made a kind of drag with small willows and bark, and swept the creek: the first company brought three hundred and eighteen, the second upwards of eight hundred, consisting of pike, bass, fish resembling salmon, trout, redhorse, buffaloe, one rockfish, one flatback, perch, catfish, a small species of perch called, on the ohio, silverfish, a shrimp of the same size, shape and flavour of those about neworleans, and the lower part of the mississippi. we also found very fat muscles; and on the river as well as the creek, are different kinds of ducks and plover. the wind, which in the morning had been from the northwest, shifted round in the evening to the southeast, and as usual we had a breeze, which cooled the air and relieve us from the musquitoes, who generally give us great trouble. friday . the wind continued from the southeast, and the morning was fair. we observe about us a grass resembling wheat, except that the grain is like rye, also some similar to both rye and barley, and a kind of timothy, the seed of which branches from the main stock, and is more like a flaxseed than a timothy. in the evening, one of the party sent to the ottoes, returned with the information that the rest were coming on with the deserter: they had also caught liberte, but, by a trick, he made his escape: they were bringing three of the chiefs in order to engage our assistance in making peace with the mahas. this nation having left their village, that desirable purpose cannot be effected; but in order to bring in any neighbouring tribes, we set the surrounding prairies on fire. this is the customary signal made by traders to apprize the indians of their arrival: it is also used between different nations as an indication of any event which they have previously agreed to announce in that way; and as soon as it is seen collects the neighbouring tribes, unless they apprehend that it is made by their enemies. august . in the afternoon the party arrived with the indians, consisting of the little thief and the big horse, whom we had seen on the third, together with six other chiefs, and a french interpreter. we met them under a shade, and after they had finished a repast with which we supplied them, we inquired into the origin of the war between them and the mahas, which they related with great frankness. it seems that two of the missouris went to the mahas to steal horses, but were detected and killed; the ottoes and missouris thought themselves bound to avenge their companions, and the whole nations were at last obliged to share in the dispute; they are also in fear of a war from the pawnees, whose village they entered this summer, while the inhabitants were hunting, and stole their corn. this ingenuous confession did not make us the less desirous of negotiating a peace for them; but no indians have as yet been attracted by our fire. the evening was closed by a dance; and the next day, august , the chiefs and warriors being assembled at ten o'clock, we explained the speech we had already sent from the council-bluffs, and renewed our advice. they all replied in turn, and the presents were then distributed: we exchanged the small medal we had formerly given to the big horse for one of the same size with that of little thief: we also gave a small medal to a third chief, and a kind of certificate or letter of acknowledgment to five of the warriors expressive of our favour and their good intentions: one of them dissatisfied, returned us the certificate; but the chief, fearful of our being offended, begged that it might be restored to him; this we declined, and rebuked them severely for having in view mere traffic instead of peace with their neighbours. this displeased them at first; but they at length all petitioned that it should be given to the warrior, who then came forward and made an apology to us; we then delivered it to the chief to be given to the most worthy, and he bestowed it on the same warrior, whose name was great blue eyes. after a more substantial present of small articles and tobacco, the council was ended with a dram to the indians. in the evening we exhibited different objects of curiosity, and particularly the airgun, which gave them great surprise. those people are almost naked, having no covering, except a sort of breechcloth round the middle, with a loose blanket or buffaloe robe painted, thrown over them. the names of these warriors, besides those already mentioned were karkapaha, (or crow's head) and nenasawa (or black cat) missouris; and sananona (or iron eyes) neswaunja (or big ox) stageaunja (or big blue eyes) and wasashaco (or brave man) all ottoes. these two tribes speak very nearly the same language: they all begged us to give them whiskey. the next morning, august , the indians mounted their horses and left us, having received a canister of whiskey at parting. we then set sail, and after passing two islands on the north, came to on that side under some bluffs; the first near the river since we left the ayauwa village. here we had the misfortune to lose one of our sergeants, charles floyd. he was yesterday seized with a bilious cholic, and all our care and attention were ineffectual to relieve him: a little before his death, he said to captain clark, "i am going to leave you," his strength failed him as he added "i want you to write me a letter," but he died with a composure which justified the high opinion we had formed of his firmness and good conduct. he was buried on the top of the bluff with the honours due to a brave soldier; and the place of his interment marked by a cedar post, on which his name and the day of his death were inscribed. about a mile beyond this place, to which we gave his name, is a small river about thirty yards wide, on the north, which we called floyd's river, where we encamped. we had a breeze from the southeast, and made thirteen miles. august . the same breeze from the southeast carried us by a small willow creek on the north, about one mile and a half above floyd's river. here began a range of bluffs which continued till near the mouth of the great sioux river, three miles beyond floyd's. this river comes in from the north, and is about one hundred and ten yards wide. mr. durion, our sioux interpreter, who is well acquainted with it, says that it is navigable upwards of two hundred miles to the falls, and even beyond them; that its sources are near those of the st. peters. he also says, that below the falls a creek falls in from the eastward, after passing through cliffs of red rock: of this the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article, has introduced a sort of law of nations, by which the banks of the creek are sacred, and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find even among savages certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigours of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated. a sense of common danger, where stronger ties are wanting, gives all the binding force of more solemn obligations. the importance of preserving the known and settled rules of warfare among civilized nations, in all their integrity, becomes strikingly evident; since even savages, with their few precarious wants, cannot exist in a state of peace or war where this faith is once violated. the wind became southerly, and blew with such violence that we took a reef in our sail: it also blew the sand from the bars in such quantities, that we could not see the channel at any distance ahead. at four and a quarter miles, we came to two willow islands, beyond which are several sandbars; and at twelve miles, a spot where the mahas once had a village, now no longer existing. we again passed a number of sandbars, and encamped on the south; having come twenty-four and three quarter miles. the country through which we passed has the same uniform appearance ever since we left the river platte: rich low-grounds near the river, succeeded by undulating prairies, with timber near the waters. some wolves were seen to-day on the sandbeaches to the south; we also procured an excellent fruit, resembling a red currant, growing on a shrub like the privy, and about the height of a wild plum. august . about three miles distance, we joined the men who had been sent from the maha village with our horses, and who brought us two deer. the bluffs or hills which reach the river at this place, on the south, contain allum, copperas, cobalt which had the appearance of soft isinglass, pyrites, and sandstone, the two first very pure. above this bluff comes in a small creek on the south, which we call rologe creek. seven miles above is another cliff, on the same side, of allum rock, of a dark brown colour, containing in its crevices great quantities of cobalt, cemented shells, and red earth. from this the river bends to the eastward, and approaches the sioux river within three or four miles. we sailed the greater part of the day, and made nineteen miles to our camp on the north side. the sandbars are as usual numerous: there are also considerable traces of elk; but none are yet seen. captain lewis in proving the quality of some of the substances in the first cliff, was considerably injured by the fumes and taste of the cobalt, and took some strong medicine to relieve him from its effects. the appearance of these mineral substances enable us to account for disorders of the stomach, with which the party had been affected since they left the river sioux. we had been in the habit of dipping up the water of the river inadvertently and making use of it, till, on examination, the sickness was thought to proceed from a scum covering the surface of the water along the southern shore, and which, as we now discovered, proceeded from these bluffs. the men had been ordered, before we reached the bluffs, to agitate the water, so as to disperse the scum, and take the water, not at the surface, but at some depth. the consequence was, that these disorders ceased: the biles too which had afflicted the men, were not observed beyond the sioux river. in order to supply the place of sergeant floyd, we permitted the men to name three persons, and patrick gass having the greatest number of votes was made a sergeant. august . we set out early, and at four miles came to a small run between cliffs of yellow and blue earth: the wind, however, soon changed, and blew so hard from the west, that we proceeded very slowly; the fine sand from the bar being driven in such clouds, that we could scarcely see. three and a quarter miles beyond this run, we came to a willow island, and a sand island opposite, and encamped on the south side, at ten and a quarter miles. on the north side is an extensive and delightful prairie, which we called buffaloe prairie, from our having here killed the first buffaloe. two elk swam the river to-day and were fired at, but escaped: a deer was killed from the boat; one beaver was killed; and several prairie wolves were seen. august . it began to rain last night, and continued this morning: we proceeded, however, two and a quarter miles, to the commencement of a bluff of blue clay, about one hundred and eighty, or one hundred and ninety feet on the south side: it seems to have been lately on fire; and even now the ground is so warm that we cannot keep our hands in it at any depth: there are strong appearances of coal, and also great quantities of cobalt, or a crystalized substance resembling it. there is a fruit now ripe which looks like a currant, except that it is double the size, and grows on a bush like a privy, the size of a damson, and of a delicious flavour; its indian name means rabbit-berries. we then passed, at the distance of about seven miles, the mouth of a creek on the north side, called by an indian name, meaning whitestone river. the beautiful prairie of yesterday, has changed into one of greater height, and very smooth and extensive. we encamped on the south side, at ten and a quarter miles, and found ourselves much annoyed by the musquitoes. chap. iii. whimsical instance of superstition of the sioux indians--council held with the sioux--character of that tribe, their manners, &c.--a ridiculous instance of their heroism--ancient fortifications--quieurre river described--vast herds of buffaloe--account of the petit chien or little dog--narrow escape of george shannon--description of whiteriver--surprising fleetness of the antelope--pass the river of the sioux--description of the grand le tour, or great bend--encamp on the teton river. august . captains lewis and clarke, with ten men, went to see an object deemed very extraordinary among all the neighbouring indians. they dropped down to the mouth of whitestone river, about thirty yards wide, where they left the boat, and at the distance of two hundred yards, ascended a rising ground, from which a plain extended itself as far as the eye could discern. after walking four miles, they crossed the creek where it is twenty-three yards wide, and waters an extensive valley. the heat was so oppressive that we were obliged to send back our dog to the creek, as he was unable to bear the fatigue; and it was not till after four hours march that we reached the object of our visit. this was a large mound in the midst of the plain about n. ° w. from the month of whitestone river, from which it is nine miles distant. the base of the mound is a regular parallelogram, the longest side being about three hundred yards, the shorter sixty or seventy: from the longest side it rises with a steep ascent from the north and south to the height of sixty-five or seventy feet, leaving on the top a level plain of twelve feet in breadth and ninety in length. the north and south extremities are connected by two oval borders which serve as new bases, and divide the whole side into three steep but regular gradations from the plain. the only thing characteristic in this hill is its extreme symmetry, and this, together with its being totally detached from the other hills which are at the distance of eight or nine miles, would induce a belief that it was artificial; but, as the earth and the loose pebbles which compose it, are arranged exactly like the steep grounds on the borders of the creek, we concluded from this similarity of texture that it might be natural. but the indians have made it a great article of their superstition: it is called the mountain of little people, or little spirits, and they believe that it is the abode of little devils, in the human form, of about eighteen inches high and with remarkably large heads; they are armed with sharp arrows, with which they are very skilful, and are always on the watch to kill those who should have the hardihood to approach their residence. the tradition is, that many have suffered from these little evil spirits, and among others, three maha indians fell a sacrifice to them a few years since. this has inspired all the neighbouring nations, sioux, mahas, and ottoes, with such terror, that no consideration could tempt them to visit the hill. we saw none of these wicked little spirits; nor any place for them, except some small holes scattered over the top: we were happy enough to escape their vengeance, though we remained some time on the mound to enjoy the delightful prospect of the plain, which spreads itself out till the eye rests upon the n.w. hills at a great distance, and those of n.e. still farther off, enlivened by large herds of buffaloe feeding at a distance. the soil of these plains is exceedingly fine; there is, however, no timber except on the missouri: all the wood of the whitestone river not being sufficient to cover thickly one hundred acres. the plain country which surrounds this mound has contributed not a little to its bad reputation: the wind driving from every direction over the level ground obliges the insects to seek shelter on its leeward side, or be driven against us by the wind. the small birds, whose food they are, resort of course in great numbers in quest of subsistence; and the indians always seem to discover an unusual assemblage of birds as produced by some supernatural cause: among them we observed the brown martin employed in looking for insects, and so gentle that they did not fly until we got within a few feet of them. we have also distinguished among numerous birds of the plain, the blackbird, the wren or prairie bird, and a species of lark about the size of a partridge, with a short tail. the excessive heat and thirst forced us from the hill, about one o'clock, to the nearest water, which we found in the creek, at three miles distance, and remained an hour and a half. we then went down the creek, through a lowland about one mile in width, and crossed it three times, to the spot where we first reached it in the morning. here we gathered some delicious plums, grapes and blue currants, and afterwards arrived at the mouth of the river about sunset. to this place the course from the mound is s. twenty miles, e. nine miles; we there resumed our periogue, and on reaching our encampment of last night set the prairies on fire, to warn the sioux of our approach. in the mean time, the boat under serjeant pryor had proceeded in the afternoon one mile, to a bluff of blue clay on the south, and after passing a sandbar and two sand islands fixed their camp at the distance of six miles on the south. in the evening some rain fell. we had killed a duck and several birds: in the boat, they had caught some large catfish. sunday, august . we rejoined the boat at nine o'clock before she set out, and then passing by an island, and under a cliff on the south, nearly two miles in extent and composed of white and blue earth, encamped at nine miles distance, on a sandbar towards the north. opposite to this, on the south, is a small creek called petit arc or little bow, and a short distance above it, an old village of the same name. this village, of which nothing remains but the mound of earth about four feet high surrounding it, was built by a maha chief named little bow, who being displeased with blackbird, the late king, seceded with two hundred followers and settled at this spot, which is now abandoned, as the two villages have reunited since the death of blackbird. we have great quantities of grapes, and plums of three kinds; two of a yellow colour, and distinguished by one of the species being longer than the other; and a third round and red: all have an excellent flavour, particularly those of the yellow kind. august . the morning star appeared much larger than usual. a gentle breeze from the southeast carried us by some large sandbars, on both sides and in the middle of the river, to a bluff, on the south side, at seven and a half miles distant; this bluff is of white clay or chalk, under which is much stone, like lime, incrusted with a clear substance, supposed to be cobalt, and some dark ore. above this bluff we set the prairie on fire, to invite the sioux. after twelve and a half miles, we had passed several other sandbars, and now reached the mouth of a river called by the french jacques (james river) or yankton, from the tribe which inhabits its banks. it is about ninety yards wide at the confluence: the country which it waters is rich prairie, with little timber: it becomes deeper and wider above its mouth, and may be navigated a great distance; as its sources rise near those of st. peter's, of the mississippi, and the red river of lake winnipeg. as we came to the mouth of the river, an indian swam to the boat; and, on our landing, we were met by two others, who informed us that a large body of sioux were encamped near us: they accompanied three of our men, with an invitation to meet us at a spot above the river: the third indian remained with us: he is a maha boy, and says that his nation have gone to the pawnees to make peace with them. at fourteen miles, we encamped on a sandbar to the north. the air was cool, the evening pleasant, the wind from the southeast, and light. the river has fallen gradually, and is now low. tuesday, th. we passed, with a stiff breeze from the south, several sandbars. on the south is a prairie which rises gradually from the water to the height of a bluff, which is, at four miles distance, of a whitish colour, and about seventy or eighty feet high. further on is another bluff, of a brownish colour, on the north side; and at the distance of eight and a half miles is the beginning of calumet bluff, on the south side, under which we formed our camp, in a beautiful plain, to wait the arrival of the sioux. at the first bluff the young indian left us and joined their camp. before reaching calumet bluff one of the periogues ran upon a log in the river, and was rendered unfit for service; so that all our loading was put into the second periogue. on both sides of the river are fine prairies, with cotton wood; and near the bluff there is more timber in the points and valleys than we have been accustomed to see. wednesday, th. we had a violent storm of wind and rain last evening; and were engaged during the day in repairing the periogue, and other necessary occupations; when, at four o'clock in the afternoon, sergeant pryor and his party arrived on the opposite side, attended by five chiefs, and about seventy men and boys. we sent a boat for them, and they joined us, as did also mr. durion, the son of our interpreter, who happened to be trading with the sioux at this time. he returned with sergeant pryor to the indians, with a present of tobacco, corn, and a few kettles; and told them that we would speak to their chiefs in the morning. sergeant pryor reported, that on reaching their village, which is at twelve miles distance from our camp, he was met by a party with a buffaloe robe, on which they desired to carry their visitors: an honour which they declined, informing the indians that they were not the commanders of the boats: as a great mark of respect, they were then presented with a fat dog, already cooked, of which they partook heartily, and found it well flavoured. the camps of the sioux are of a conical form, covered with buffaloe robes, painted with various figures and colours, with an aperture in the top for the smoke to pass through. the lodges contain from ten to fifteen persons, and the interior arrangement is compact and handsome, each lodge having a place for cooking detached from it. august th. thursday. the fog was so thick that we could not see the indian camp on the opposite side, but it cleared off about eight o'clock. we prepared a speech, and some presents, and then sent for the chiefs and warriors, whom we received, at twelve o'clock, under a large oak tree, near to which the flag of the united states was flying. captain lewis delivered a speech, with the usual advice and counsel for their future conduct. we then acknowledged their chiefs, by giving to the grand chief a flag, a medal, a certificate, with a string of wampum; to which we added a chief's coat; that is, a richly laced uniform of the united states artillery corps, and a cocked hat and red feather. one second chief and three inferior ones were made or recognised by medals, and a suitable present of tobacco, and articles of clothing. we then smoked the pipe of peace, and the chiefs retired to a bower, formed of bushes, by their young men, where they divided among each other the presents, and smoked and eat, and held a council on the answer which they were to make us to-morrow. the young people exercised their bows and arrows in shooting at marks for beads, which we distributed to the best marksmen; and in the evening the whole party danced until a late hour, and in the course of their amusement we threw among them some knives, tobacco, bells, tape, and binding, with which they were much pleased. their musical instruments were the drum, and a sort of little bag made of buffaloe hide, dressed white, with small shot or pebbles in it, and a bunch of hair tied to it. this produces a sort of rattling music, with which the party was annoyed by four musicians during the council this morning. august . in the morning, after breakfast, the chiefs met, and sat down in a row, with pipes of peace, highly ornamented, and all pointed towards the seats intended for captains lewis and clarke. when they arrived and were seated, the grand chief, whose indian name, weucha, is, in english shake hand, and, in french, is called le liberateur (the deliverer) rose, and spoke at some length, approving what we had said, and promising to follow our advice: "i see before me," said he, "my great father's two sons. you see me, and the rest of our chiefs and warriors. we are very poor; we have neither powder nor ball, nor knives; and our women and children at the village have no clothes. i wish that as my brothers have given me a flag and a medal, they would give something to those poor people, or let them stop and trade with the first boat which comes up the river. i will bring chiefs of the pawnees and mahas together, and make peace between them; but it is better that i should do it than my great father's sons, for they will listen to me more readily. i will also take some chiefs to your country in the spring; but before that time i cannot leave home. i went formerly to the english, and they gave me a medal and some clothes: when i went to the spanish they gave me a medal, but nothing to keep it from my skin; but now you give me a medal and clothes. but still we are poor; and i wish, brothers, you would give us something for our squaws." "when he sat down, mahtoree, or white crane, rose: "i have listened," said he, "to what our father's words were yesterday; and i am, to-day, glad to see how you have dressed our old chief. i am a young man, and do not wish to take much: my fathers have made me a chief: i had much sense before, but now i think i have more than ever. what the old chief has declared i will confirm, and do whatever he and you please: but i wish that you would take pity on us, for we are very poor." another chief, called pawnawneahpahbe, then said; "i am a young man, and know but little: i cannot speak well; but i have listened to what you have told the old chief, and will do whatever you agree." the same sentiments were then repeated by aweawechache. we were surprised at finding that the first of these titles means "struck by the pawnee," and was occasioned by some blow which the chief had received in battle, from one of the pawnee tribe. the second is, in english, "half man," which seems a singular name for a warrior, till it was explained to have its origin, probably, in the modesty of the chief; who, on being told of his exploits, would say, "i am no warrior: i am only half a man." the other chiefs spoke very little; but after they had finished, one of the warriors delivered a speech, in which he declared he would support them. they promised to make peace with the ottoes and missouris, the only nations with whom they are at war. all these harangues concluded by describing the distress of the nation: they begged us to have pity on them: to send them traders: that they wanted powder and ball; and seemed anxious that we should supply them with some of their great father's milk, the name by which they distinguish ardent spirits. we then gave some tobacco to each of the chiefs, and a certificate to two of the warriors who attended the chief. we prevailed on mr. durion to remain here, and accompany as many of the sioux chiefs as he could collect, down to the seat of government. we also gave his son a flag, some clothes, and provisions, with directions to bring about a peace between the surrounding tribe, and to convey some of their chiefs to see the president. in the evening they left us, and encamped on the opposite bank, accompanied by the two durions. during the evening and night we had much rain, and observed that the river rises a little. the indians, who have just left us, are the yanktons, a tribe of the great nation of sioux. these yanktons are about two hundred men in number; and inhabit the jacques, desmoines, and sioux rivers. in person they are stout, well proportioned, and have a certain air of dignity and boldness. in their dress they differ nothing from the other bands of the nation whom we saw, and will describe afterwards: they are fond of decorations, and use paint, and porcupine quills, and feathers. some of them wore a kind of necklace of white bear's claws, three inches long, and closely strung together round their necks. they have only a few fowling pieces, being generally armed with bows and arrows, in which, however, they do not appear as expert as the more northern indians. what struck us most was an institution, peculiar to them, and to the kite indians, further to the westward, from whom it is said to have been copied. it is an association of the most active and brave young men, who are bound to each other by attachment, secured by a vow, never to retreat before any danger, or give way to their enemies. in war they go forward without sheltering themselves behind trees, or aiding their natural valour by any artifice. this punctilious determination, not to be turned from their course, became heroic, or ridiculous, a short time since, when the yanktons were crossing the missouri on the ice. a hole lay immediately in their course, which might easily have been avoided, by going round. this the foremost of the band disdained to do; but went straight forward, and was lost. the others would have followed his example, but were forcibly prevented by the rest of the tribe. these young men sit, and encamp, and dance together, distinct from the rest of the nation: they are generally about thirty or thirty-five years old; and such is the deference paid to courage, that their seats in council are superior to those of the chiefs, and their persons more respected. but, as may be supposed, such indiscreet bravery will soon diminish the numbers of those who practise it; so that the band is now reduced to four warriors, who were among our visitors. these were the remains of twenty-two, who composed the society not long ago; but, in a battle with the kite indians, of the black mountains, eighteen of them were killed, and these four were dragged from the field by their companions. whilst these indians remained with us we made very minute inquiries relative to their situation and numbers, and trade, and manners. this we did very satisfactorily, by means of two different interpreters; and from their accounts, joined to our interviews with other bands of the same nation, and much intelligence acquired since, we were enabled to understand, with some accuracy, the condition of the sioux hitherto so little known. the sioux, or dacorta indians, originally settled on the mississippi, and called by carver, madowesians, are now subdivided into tribes, as follow: first, the yanktons: this tribe inhabits the sioux, desmoines, and jacques rivers, and number about two hundred warriors. second, the tetons of the burnt woods. this tribe numbers about three hundred men, who rove on both sides of the missouri, the white, and teton rivers. third. the tetons okandandas, a tribe consisting of about one hundred and fifty men, who inhabit both sides of the missouri below the chayenne river. fourth, tetons minnakenozzo, a nation inhabiting both sides of the missouri, above the chayenne river, and containing about two hundred and fifty men. fifth, tetons saone; these inhabit both sides of the missouri below the warreconne river, and consist of about three hundred men. sixth, yanktons of the plains, or big devils; who rove on the heads of the sioux, jacques, and red river; the most numerous of all the tribes, and number about five hundred men. seventh, wahpatone; a nation residing on the st. peter's, just above the mouth of that river, and numbering two hundred men. eighth, mindawarcarton, or proper dacorta or sioux indians. these possess the original seat of the sioux, and are properly so denominated. they rove on both sides of the mississippi, about the falls of st. anthony, and consist of three hundred men. ninth, the wahpatoota, or leaf beds. this nation inhabits both sides of the river st. peter's, below yellow-wood river, amounting to about one hundred and fifty men. tenth, sistasoone: this nation numbers two hundred men, and reside at the head of the st. peter's. of these several tribes, more particular notice will be taken hereafter. saturday, september , . we proceeded this morning under a light southern breeze, and passed the calumet bluffs; these are composed of a yellowish red, and brownish clay as hard as chalk, which it much resembles, and are one hundred and seventy, or one hundred and eighty feet high. at this place the hills on each side come to the verge of the river, those on the south being higher than on the north. opposite the bluffs is a large island covered with timber; above which the highlands form a cliff over the river on the north side, called white bear cliff; an animal of that kind being killed in one of the holes in it, which are numerous and apparently deep. at six miles we came to a large sand island covered with cottonwood; the wind was high, and the weather rainy and cloudy during the day. we made fifteen miles to a place on the north side, at the lower point of a large island called bonhomme, or goodman's island. the country on both sides has the same character of prairies, with no timber; with occasional lowlands covered with cottonwood, elm and oak: our hunters had killed an elk and a beaver: the catfish too are in great abundance. september . it rained last night, and this morning we had a high wind from the n.w. we went three miles to the lower part of an ancient fortification on the south side, and passed the head of bonhomme island, which is large and well timbered: after this the wind became so violent, attended by a cold rain, that we were compelled to land at four miles on the northern side, under a high bluff of yellow clay, about one hundred and ten feet in height. our hunters supplied us with four elk; and we had grapes and plums on the banks: we also saw the beargrass and rue, on the side of the bluffs. at this place there are highlands on both sides of the river which become more level at some distance back, and contain but few streams of water. on the southern bank, during this day, the grounds have not been so elevated. captain clarke crossed the river to examine the remains of the fortification we had just passed. [illustration: fortification] this interesting object is on the south side of the missouri, opposite the upper extremity of bonhomme island, and in a low level plain, the hills being three miles from the river. it begins by a wall composed of earth, rising immediately from the bank of the river and running in a direct course s. °, w. ninety six yards; the base of this wall or mound is seventy-five feet, and its height about eight. it then diverges in a course s. ° w. and continues at the same height and depth to the distance of fifty-three yards, the angle being formed by a sloping descent; at the junction of these two is an appearance of a hornwork of the same height with the first angle: the same wall then pursues a course n. ° w. for three hundred yards: near its western extremity is an opening or gateway at right angles to the wall, and projecting inwards; this gateway is defended by two nearly semicircular walls placed before it, lower than the large walls; and from the gateway there seems to have been a covered way communicating with the interval between these two walls: westward of the gate, the wall becomes much larger, being about one hundred and five feet at its base, and twelve feet high: at the end of this high ground the wall extends for fifty-six yards on a course n. ° w; it then turns n. ° w. for seventy-three yards: these two walls seems to have had a double or covered way; they are from ten to fifteen feet eight inches in height, and from seventy-five to one hundred and five feet in width at the base; the descent inwards being steep, whilst outwards it forms a sort of glacis. at the distance of seventy-three yards, the wall ends abruptly at a large hollow place much lower than the general level of the plain, and from which is some indication of a covered way to the water. the space between them is occupied by several mounds scattered promiscuously through the gorge, in the centre of which is a deep round hole. from the extremity of the last wall, in a course n. ° w. is a distance of ninety-six yards over the low ground, where the wall recommences and crosses the plain in a course n. ° w. for eighteen hundred and thirty yards to the bank of the missouri. in this course its height is about eight feet, till it enters, at the distance of five hundred and thirty-three yards, a deep circular pond of seventy-three yards diameter; after which it is gradually lower, towards the river: it touches the river at a muddy bar, which bears every mark of being an encroachment of the water, for a considerable distance; and a little above the junction, is a small circular redoubt. along the bank of the river, and at eleven hundred yards distance, in a straight line from this wall, is a second, about six feet high, and of considerable width: it rises abruptly from the bank of the missouri, at a point where the river bends, and goes straight forward, forming an acute angle with the last wall, till it enters the river again, not far from the mounds just described, towards which it is obviously tending. at the bend the missouri is five hundred yards wide; the ground on the opposite side highlands, or low hills on the bank; and where the river passes between this fort and bonhomme island, all the distance from the bend, it is constantly washing the banks into the stream, a large sandbank being already taken from the shore near the wall. during the whole course of this wall, or glacis, it is covered with trees, among which are many large cotton trees, two or three feet in diameter. immediately opposite the citadel, or the part most strongly fortified, on bonhomme island, is a small work in a circular form, with a wall surrounding it, about six feet in height. the young willows along the water, joined to the general appearance of the two shores, induce a belief that the bank of the island is encroaching, and the missouri indemnifies itself by washing away the base of the fortification. the citadel contains about twenty acres, but the parts between the long walls must embrace nearly five hundred acres. these are the first remains of the kind which we have had an opportunity of examining; but our french interpreters assure us, that there are great numbers of them on the platte, the kanzas, the jacques, &c. and some of our party say, that they observed two of those fortresses on the upper side of the petit arc creek, not far from its mouth; that the wall was about six feet high, and the sides of the angles one hundred yards in length. september . the morning was cold, and the wind from the northwest. we passed at sunrise, three large sandbars, and at the distance of ten miles reached a small creek, about twelve yards wide, coming in from the north, above a white bluff: this creek has obtained the name of plum creek, from the number of that fruit which are in the neighbourhood, and of a delightful quality. five miles further, we encamped on the south near the edge of a plain; the river is wide, and covered with sandbars to-day: the banks are high and of a whitish colour; the timber scarce, but an abundance of grapes. beaver houses too have been observed in great numbers on the river, but none of the animals themselves. september . we set out early, with a very cold wind from s.s.e. and at one mile and a half, reached a small creek, called whitelime creek, on the south side. just above this is a cliff, covered with cedar trees, and at three miles a creek, called whitepaint creek, of about thirty yards wide: on the same side, and at four and a half miles distance from the whitepaint creek, is the rapid river, or, as it is called by the french, la riverequi court; this river empties into the missouri, in a course s.w. by w. and is one hundred and fifty-two yards wide, and four feet deep at the confluence. it rises in the black mountains, and passes through a hilly country, with a poor soil. captain clark ascended three miles to a beautiful plain, on the upper side, where the pawnees once had a village: he found that the river widened above its mouth, and much divided by sands and islands, which, joined to the great rapidity of the current, makes the navigation very difficult, even for small boats. like the platte its waters are of a light colour; like that river too it throws out into the missouri, great quantities of sand, coarser even than that of the platte, which form sandbars and shoals near its mouth. we encamped just above it, on the south, having made only eight miles, as the wind shifted to the south, and blew so hard that in the course of the day we broke our mast: we saw some deer, a number of geese, and shot a turkey and a duck: the place in which we halted is a fine low-ground, with much timber, such as red cedar, honeylocust, oak, arrowwood, elm and coffeenut. september , wednesday. the wind was again high from the south. at five miles, we came to a large island, called pawnee island, in the middle of the river; and stopped to breakfast at a small creek on the north, which has the name of goat creek, at eight and a half miles. near the mouth of this creek the beaver had made a dam across so as to form a large pond, in which they built their houses. above this island the river poncara falls into the missouri from the south, and is thirty yards wide at the entrance. two men whom we despatched to the village of the same name, returned with information that they had found it on the lower side of the creek; but as this is the hunting season, the town was so completely deserted that they had killed a buffaloe in the village itself. this tribe of poncaras, who are said to have once numbered four hundred men, are now reduced to about fifty, and have associated for mutual protection with the mahas, who are about two hundred in number. these two nations are allied by a similarity of misfortune; they were once both numerous, both resided in villages, and cultivated indian corn; their common enemies, the sioux and small-pox, drove them from their towns, which they visit only occasionally for the purposes of trade; and they now wander over the plains on the sources of the wolf and quieurre rivers. between the pawnee island and goat creek on the north, is a cliff of blue earth, under which are several mineral springs, impregnated with salts: near this we observed a number of goats, from which the creek derives its name. at three and a half miles from the creek, we came to a large island on the south, along which we passed to the head of it, and encamped about four o'clock. here we replaced the mast we had lost, with a new one of cedar: some bucks and an elk were procured to-day, and a black tailed deer was seen near the poncara's village. thursday, september . there was a storm this morning from the n.w. and though it moderated, the wind was still high, and the weather very cold; the number of sandbars too, added to the rapidity of the current, obliged us to have recourse to the towline: with all our exertions we did not make more than eight and a half miles, and encamped on the north, after passing high cliffs of soft, blue, and red coloured stone, on the southern shore. we saw some goats, and great numbers of buffaloe, in addition to which the hunters furnished us with elk, deer, turkies, geese, and one beaver: a large catfish too was caught in the evening. the ground near the camp, was a low prarie, without timber, though just below is a grove of cottonwood. friday, september . the morning was very cold and the wind southeast. at five and a half miles, we reached and encamped at the foot of a round mountain, on the south, having passed two small islands. this mountain, which is about three hundred feet at the base, forms a cone at the top, resembling a dome at a distance, and seventy feet or more above the surrounding highlands. as we descended from this dome, we arrived at a spot, on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes: these are the residence of a little animal, called by the french, petit chien (little dog) who sit erect near the mouth, and make a whistling noise, but when alarmed take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water without filling it, but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half way to the bottom: we discovered, however, two frogs in the hole, and near it we killed a dark rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie dog: we were also informed, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard, and a snake, live habitually with these animals. the petit chien are justly named, as they resemble a small dog in some particulars, though they have also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter, the tail like that of the ground-squirrel, the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray. saturday, september . the wind still continued from the southeast, but moderately. at seven miles we reached a house on the north side, called the pawnee house, where a trader, named trudeau, wintered in the year - : behind this, hills, much higher than usual, appear to the north, about eight miles off. before reaching this house, we came by three small islands, on the north side, and a small creek on the south; and after leaving it, reached another, at the end of seventeen miles, on which we encamped, and called it boat island: we here saw herds of buffaloe, and some elk, deer, turkies, beaver, a squirrel, and a prairie dog. the party on the north represent the country through which they passed, as poor, rugged, and hilly, with the appearance of having been lately burnt by the indians; the broken hills, indeed, approach the river on both sides, though each is bordered by a strip of woodland near the water. sunday, september . we coasted along the island on which we had encamped, and then passed three sand and willow islands, and a number of smaller sandbars. the river is shallow, and joined by two small creeks from the north, and one from the south. in the plains, to the south, are great numbers of buffaloe, in herds of nearly five hundred; all the copses of timber appear to contain elk or deer. we encamped on a sandbar, on the southern shore, at the distance of fourteen and a quarter miles. september , monday. the next day we made twenty miles. the morning was cloudy and dark, but a light breeze from the southeast carried us past two small islands on the south, and one on the north; till, at the distance of ten and a half miles, we reached an island, extending for two miles in the middle of the river, covered with red cedar, from which it derives its name of cedar island. just below this island, on a hill, to the south, is the backbone of a fish, forty-five feet long, tapering towards the tail, and in a perfect state of petrifaction, fragments of which were collected and sent to washington. on both sides of the river are high dark-coloured bluffs. about a mile and a half from the island, on the southern shore, the party on that side discovered a large and very strong impregnated spring of water; and another, not so strongly impregnated, half a mile up the hill. three miles beyond cedar island is a large island on the north, and a number of sandbars. after which is another, about a mile in length, lying in the middle of the river, and separated by a small channel, at its extremity, from another above it, on which we encamped. these two islands are called mud islands. the river is shallow during this day's course, and is falling a little. the elk and buffaloe are in great abundance, but the deer have become scarce. september , tuesday. at six and a half miles we passed the upper extremity of an island on the south; four miles beyond which is another on the same side of the river; and about a quarter of a mile distant we visited a large village of the barking-squirrel. it was situated on a gentle declivity, and covered a space of nine hundred and seventy yards long, and eight hundred yards wide; we killed four of them. we then resumed our course, and during five and a half miles passed two islands on the north, and then encamped at the distance of sixteen miles, on the south side of the river, and just above a small run. the morning had been cloudy, but in the afternoon it began raining, with a high northwest wind, which continued during the greater part of the night. the country seen to-day consists of narrow strips of lowland, rising into uneven grounds, which are succeeded, at the distance of three miles, by rich and level plains, but without any timber. the river itself is wide, and crowded with sandbars. elk, deer, squirrels, a pelican, and a very large porcupine, were our game this day; some foxes too were seen, but not caught. in the morning we observed a man riding on horseback down towards the boat, and we were much pleased to find that it was george shannon, one of our party, for whose safety we had been very uneasy. our two horses having strayed from us on the th of august, he was sent to search for them. after he had found them he attempted to rejoin us, but seeing some other tracks, which must have been those of indians, and which he mistook for our own, he concluded that we were ahead, and had been for sixteen days following the bank of the river above us. during the first four days he exhausted his bullets, and was then nearly starved, being obliged to subsist, for twelve days, on a few grapes, and a rabbit which he killed by making use of a hard piece of stick for a ball. one of his horses gave out, and was left behind; the other he kept as a last resource for food. despairing of overtaking us, he was returning down the river, in hopes of meeting some other boat; and was on the point of killing his horse, when he was so fortunate as to join us. wednesday, september . the day was dark and cloudy; the wind from the northwest. at a short distance we reached an island in the middle of the river, which is covered with timber, a rare object now. we with great difficulty were enabled to struggle through the sandbars, the water being very rapid and shallow, so that we were several hours in making a mile. several times the boat wheeled on the bar, and the men were obliged to jump out and prevent her from upsetting; at others, after making a way up one channel, the shoalness of the water forced us back to seek the deep channel. we advanced only four miles in the whole day and encamped on the south. along both sides of the river are high grounds; on the southern side particularly, they form dark bluffs, in which may be observed slate and coal intermixed. we saw also several villages of barking-squirrels; great numbers of growse, and three foxes. september , thursday. we made twelve miles to-day through a number of sandbars, which make it difficult to find the proper channel. the hills on each side are high, and separated from the river by a narrow plain on its borders. on the north, these lowlands are covered in part with timber, and great quantities of grapes, which are now ripe: on the south we found plenty of plums, but they are not yet ripe; and near the dark bluffs, a run tainted with allum and copperas; the southern side being more strongly impregnated with minerals than the northern. last night four beaver were caught in the traps; a porcupine was shot as it was upon a cottontree, feeding on its leaves and branches. we encamped on the north side, opposite to a small willow island. at night the musquitoes were very troublesome, though the weather was cold and rainy and the wind from the northwest. friday, september . at two miles we reached a round island on the northern side; at about five, a run on the south; two and a half miles further, a small creek; and at nine miles encamped near the month of a creek, on the same side. the sandbars are very numerous, and render the river wide and shallow, and obliged the crew to get into the water and drag the boat over the bars several times. during the whole day we searched along the southern shore, and at some distance into the interior, to find an ancient volcano which we heard at st. charles was somewhere in this neighbourhood; but we could not discern the slightest appearance of any thing volcanic. in the course of their search the party shot a buck-goat and a hare. the hills, particularly on the south, continue high, but the timber is confined to the islands and banks of the river. we had occasion here to observe the rapid undermining of these hills by the missouri: the first attacks seem to be on the hills which overhang the river; as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves and mixes with the water: the muddy mixture is then forced over the low-grounds, which it covers sometimes to the depth of three inches, and gradually destroys the herbage; after which it can offer no resistance to the water, and becomes at last covered with sand. saturday, september . we passed, at an early hour, the creek near our last night's encampment; and at two miles distance reached the mouth of white river, coming in from the south. we ascended a short distance, and sent a sergeant and another man to examine it higher up. this river has a bed of about three hundred yards, though the water is confined to one hundred and fifty: in the mouth is a sand island, and several sandbars. the current is regular and swift, with sandbars projecting from the points. it differs very much from the platte, and quieurre, in throwing out, comparatively, little sand, but its general character is like that of the missouri. this resemblance was confirmed by the sergeant, who ascended about twelve miles; at which distance it was about the same width as near the mouth, and the course, which was generally west, had been interrupted by islands and sandbars. the timber consisted chiefly of elm; they saw pine burrs, and sticks of birch were seen floating down the river; they had also met with goats, such as we have heretofore seen; great quantities of buffaloe, near to which were wolves, some deer, and villages of barking squirrels. at the confluence of white river with the missouri is an excellent position for a town; the land rising by three gradual ascents, and the neighbourhood furnishing more timber than is usual in this country. after passing high dark bluffs on both sides, we reached the lower point of an island towards the south, at the distance of six miles. the island bears an abundance of grapes, and is covered with red cedar: it also contains a number of rabbits. at the end of this island, which is small, a narrow channel separates it from a large sand island, which we passed, and encamped, eight miles on the north, under a high point of land opposite a large creek to the south, on which we observe an unusual quantity of timber. the wind was from the northwest this afternoon, and high, the weather cold, and its dreariness increased by the howlings of a number of wolves around us. september , sunday. early this morning, having reached a convenient spot on the south side, and at one mile and a quarter distance, we encamped just above a small creek, which we called corvus, having killed an animal of that genus near it. finding that we could not proceed over the sandbars, as fast as we desired, while the boat was so heavily loaded, we concluded not to send back, as we originally intended, our third periogue, but to detain the soldiers until spring, and in the mean time lighten the boat by loading the periogue: this operation, added to that of drying all our wet articles, detained us during the day. our camp is in a beautiful plain, with timber thinly scattered for three quarters of a mile, and consisting chiefly of elm, cottonwood, some ash of an indifferent quality, and a considerable quantity of a small species of white oak: this tree seldom rises higher than thirty feet, and branches very much; the bark is rough, thick and of a light colour; the leaves small, deeply indented, and of a pale green; the cup which contains the acorn is fringed on the edges, and embraces it about one half: the acorn itself, which grows in great profusion, is of an excellent flavour, and has none of the roughness which most other acorns possess; they are now falling, and have probably attracted the number of deer which we saw on this place, as all the animals we have seen are fond of that food. the ground having been recently burnt by the indians, is covered with young green grass, and in the neighbourhood are great quantities of fine plums. we killed a few deer for the sake of their skins, which we wanted to cover the periogues, the meat being too poor for food: the cold season coming on, a flannel shirt was given to each man, and fresh powder to those who had exhausted their supply. monday, september . whilst some of the party were engaged in the same way as yesterday, others were employed in examining the surrounding country. about a quarter of a mile behind our camp, and at an elevation of twenty feet above it, a plain extends nearly three miles parallel to the river, and about a mile back to the hills, towards which it gradually ascends. here we saw a grove of plum-trees loaded with fruit, now ripe, and differing in nothing from those of the atlantic states, except that the tree is smaller and more thickly set. the ground of the plain is occupied by the burrows of multitudes of barking squirrels, who entice hither the wolves of a small kind, hawks, and polecats, all of which animals we saw, and presumed that they fed on the squirrel. this plain is intersected nearly in its whole extent by deep ravines and steep irregular rising grounds from one to two hundred feet. on ascending the range of hills which border the plain, we saw a second high level plain stretching to the south as far as the eye could reach. to the westward, a high range of hills about twenty miles distant runs nearly north and south, but not to any great extent, as their rise and termination is embraced by one view, and they seemed covered with a verdure similar to that of the plains. the same view extended over the irregular hills which border the northern side of the missouri; all around the country had been recently burnt, and a young green grass about four inches high covered the ground, which was enlivened by herds of antelopes and buffaloe; the last of which were in such multitudes, that we cannot exaggerate in saying that at a single glance we saw three thousand of them before us. of all the animals we had seen the antelope seems to possess the most wonderful fleetness: shy and timorous they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view of all the approaches of an enemy: the acuteness of their sight distinguishes the most distant danger, the delicate sensibility of their smell defeats the precautions of concealment, and when alarmed their rapid career seems more like the flight of birds than the movements of an earthly being. after many unsuccessful attempts, captain lewis at last, by winding around the ridges, approached a party of seven, which were on an eminence, towards which the wind was unfortunately blowing. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to announce any danger to the females, who formed a group at the top. although they did not see captain lewis, the smell alarmed them, and they fled when he was at the distance of two hundred yards: he immediately ran to the spot where they had been, a ravine concealed them from him, but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether it could be the same, but their number and the extreme rapidity with which they continued their course, convinced him that they must have gone with a speed equal to that of the most distinguished racehorse. among our acquisitions to-day was a mule-deer, a magpie, the common deer, and buffaloe: captain lewis also saw a hare, and killed a rattlesnake near the burrows of the barking squirrels. tuesday, september . having everything in readiness we proceeded, with the boat much lightened, but the wind being from the n.w. we made but little way. at one mile we reached an island in the middle of the river, nearly a mile in length, and covered with red cedar; at its extremity a small creek comes in from the north; we then met some sandbars, and the wind being very high and ahead, we encamped on the south, having made only seven miles. in addition to the common deer, which were in great abundance, we saw goats, elk, buffaloe, the black tailed deer; the large wolves too are very numerous, and have long hair with coarse fur, and are of a light colour. a small species of wolf about the size of a gray fox was also killed, and proved to be the animal which we had hitherto mistaken for a fox: there are also many porcupines, rabbits, and barking squirrels in the neighbourhood. september . we this day enjoyed a cool clear morning, and a wind from the southeast. we reached at three miles a bluff on the south, and four miles farther, the lower point of prospect island, about two and a half miles in length; opposite to this are high bluffs, about eighty feet above the water, beyond which are beautiful plains gradually rising as they recede from the river: these are watered by three streams which empty near each other; the first is about thirty-five yards wide, the ground on its sides high and rich, with some timber; the second about twelve yards wide, but with less timber; the third is nearly of the same size, and contains more water, but it scatters its waters over the large timbered plain, and empties itself into the river at three places. these rivers are called by the french les trois rivieres des sioux, the three sioux rivers; and as the sioux generally cross the missouri at this place, it is called the sioux pass of the three rivers. these streams have the same right of asylum, though in a less degree than pipestone creek already mentioned. two miles from the island we passed a creek fifteen yards wide; eight miles further, another twenty yards wide; three miles beyond which, is a third of eighteen yards width, all on the south side: the second which passes through a high plain we called elm creek; to the third we gave the name of night creek, having reached it late at night. about a mile beyond this is a small island on the north side of the river, and is called lower island, as it is situated at the commencement of what is known by the name of the grand detour, or great bend of the missouri. opposite is a creek on the south about ten yards wide, which waters a plain where there are great numbers of the prickley pear, which name we gave to the creek. we encamped on the south, opposite the upper extremity of the island, having made an excellent day's sail of twenty six and a quarter miles. our game this day consisted chiefly of deer, of these four were black tails, one a buck with two main prongs of horns on each side and forked equally. large herds of buffaloe, elk and goats, were also seen. thursday, september . finding we had reached the big bend, we despatched two men with our only horse across the neck, to hunt there and wait our arrival at the first creek beyond it. we then set out with fair weather and the wind from s.e. to make the circuit of the bend. near the lower island the sandbars are numerous, and the river shallow. at nine and a half miles is a sand island, on the southern side. about ten miles beyond it is a small island on the south, opposite to a small creek on the north. this island, which is near the n.w. extremity of the bend, is called solitary island. at about eleven miles further, we encamped on a sandbar, having made twenty-seven and a half miles. captain clarke, who early this morning had crossed the neck of the bend, joined us in the evening. at the narrowest part, the gorge is composed of high and irregular hills of about one hundred and eighty or one hundred and ninety feet in elevation; from this descends an unbroken plain over the whole of the bend, and the country is separated from it by this ridge. great numbers of buffaloe, elk, and goats are wandering over these plains, accompanied by grouse and larks. captain clarke saw a hare also, on the great bend. of the goats killed to-day, one is a female differing from the male in being smaller in size; its horns too are smaller and straighter, having one short prong, and no black about the neck: none of these goats have any beard, but are delicately formed, and very beautiful. friday, september . between one and two o'clock the serjeant on guard alarmed us, by crying that the sandbar on which we lay was sinking; we jumped up, and found that both above and below our camp the sand was undermined and falling in very fast: we had scarcely got into the boats and pushed off, when the bank under which they had been lying, fell in, and would certainly have sunk the two periogues if they had remained there. by the time we reached the opposite shore the ground of our encampment sunk also. we formed a second camp for the rest of the night; and at daylight proceeded on to the gorge or throat of the great bend, where we breakfasted. a man, whom we had despatched to step off the distance across the bend, made it two thousand yards: the circuit is thirty miles. during the whole course, the land of the bend is low, with occasional bluffs; that on the opposite side, high prairie ground, and long ridges of dark bluffs. after breakfast, we passed through a high prairie on the north side, and a rich cedar lowland and cedar bluff on the south, till we reached a willow island below the mouth of a small creek. this creek, called tyler's river, is about thirty-five yards wide, comes in on the south, and is at the distance of six miles from the neck of the great bend. here we found a deer, and the skin of a white wolf, left us by our hunters ahead: large quantities of different kinds of plover and brants are in this neighbourhood, and seen collecting and moving towards the south; the catfish are small, and not in such plenty as we had found them below this place. we passed several sandbars, which make the river very shallow and about a mile in width, and encamped on the south, at the distance of eleven and a half miles. on each side the shore is lined with hard rough gulleystones, rolled from the hills and small brooks. the most common timber is the cedar, though, in the prairies, there are great quantities of the prickly pear. from this place we passed several sandbars, which make the river shallow, and about a mile in width. at the distance of eleven and a half miles, we encamped on the north at the lower point of an ancient island, which has since been connected with the main land by the filling up of the northern channel, and is now covered with cottonwood. we here saw some tracks of indians, but they appeared three or four weeks old. this day was warm. september . a thick fog detained us until seven o'clock; our course was through inclined prairies on each side of the river, crowded with buffaloe. we halted at a point on the north side, near a high bluff on the south, and took a meridian altitude, which gave us the latitude of ° ' - / ". on renewing our course, we reached first a small island on the south, at the distance of four and a half miles, immediately above which is another island opposite to a creek fifteen yards wide. this creek, and the two islands, one of which is half a mile long, and the second three miles, are called the three sisters: a beautiful plain extending on both sides of the river. this is followed by an island on the north, called cedar island, about one mile and a half in length and the same distance in breadth, and deriving its name from the quality of the timber. on the south side of this island, is a fort and a large trading house, built by a mr. loisel, who wintered here during the last year, in order to trade with the sioux, the remains of whose camps are in great numbers about this place. the establishment is sixty or seventy feet square, built with red cedar and picketted in with the same materials. the hunters who had been sent ahead joined us here. they mention that the hills are washed in gullies, in passing over which, some mineral substances had rotted and destroyed their moccasins; they had killed two deer and a beaver. at sixteen miles distance we came to on the north side at the mouth of a small creek. the large stones which we saw yesterday on the shores are now some distance in the river, and render the navigation dangerous. the musquitoes are still numerous in the low grounds. sunday, september . we passed, with a light breeze from the southeast, a small island on the north, called goat island; above which is a small creek, called by the party smoke creek, as we observed a great smoke to the southwest on approaching it. at ten miles we came to the lower point of a large island, having passed two small willow islands with sandbars projecting from them. this island, which we called elk island, is about two and a half miles long, and three quarters of a mile wide, situated near the south, and covered with cottonwood, the red currant, and grapes. the river is here almost straight for a considerable distance, wide and shallow, with many sandbars. a small creek on the north, about sixteen yards wide, we called reuben's creek; as reuben fields, one of our men, was the first of the party who reached it. at a short distance above this we encamped for the night, having made twenty miles. the country, generally, consists of low, rich, timbered ground on the north, and high barren lands on the south: on both sides great numbers of buffaloe are feeding. in the evening three boys of the sioux nation swam across the river, and informed us that two parties of sioux were encamped on the next river, one consisting of eighty, and the second of sixty lodges, at some distance above. after treating them kindly we sent them back with a present of two carrots of tobacco to their chiefs, whom we invited to a conference in the morning. monday, september . the wind was from the east, and the day fair; we soon passed a handsome prairie on the north side, covered with ripe plums, and the mouth of a creek on the south, called highwater creek, a little above our encampment. at about five miles we reached an island two and a half miles in length, and situated near the south. here we were joined by one of our hunters, who procured four elk, but whilst he was in pursuit of the game the indians had stolen his horse. we left the island, and soon overtook five indians on the shore: we anchored and told them from the boat we were friends and wished to continue so, but were not afraid of any indians; that some of their young men had stolen the horse which their great father had sent for their great chief, and that we could not treat with them until he was restored. they said that they knew nothing of the horse, but if he had been taken he should be given up. we went on, and at eleven and a half miles, passed an island on the north, which we called good-humoured island; it is about one and a half miles long, and abounds in elk. at thirteen and a half miles, we anchored one hundred yards off the mouth of a river on the south side, where we were joined by both the periogues and encamped; two thirds of the party remained on board, and the rest went as a guard on shore with the cooks and one periogue; we have seen along the sides of the hills on the north a great deal of stone; besides the elk, we also observed a hare; the five indians whom we had seen followed us, and slept with the guard on shore. finding one of them was a chief we smoked with him, and made him a present of tobacco. this river is about seventy yards wide, and has a considerable current. as the tribe of the sioux which inhabit it are called teton, we gave it the name of teton river. chap. iv. council held with the tetons--their manners, dances, &c.--chayenne river--council held with the ricara indians--their manners and habits--strange instance of ricara idolatry--another instance--cannonball river--arrival among the mandans--character of the surrounding country, and of the creeks, islands, &c. september . the morning was fine, and the wind continued from the southeast. we raised a flagstaff and an awning, under which we assembled at twelve o'clock, with all the party parading under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the camp two miles up the river, met us, about fifty or sixty in number, and after smoking delivered them a speech; but as our sioux interpreter, mr. durion, had been left with the yanktons, we were obliged to make use of a frenchman who could not speak fluently, and therefore we curtailed our harangue. after this we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs, by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather: to the two other chiefs a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration certificates. the name of the great chief is untongasabaw, or black buffaloe; the second tortohonga, or the partisan; the third tartongawaka, or buffaloe medicine: the name of one of the warriors was wawzinggo; that of the second matocoquepa, or second bear. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the airgun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them: in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, and sucked the bottle, it was with much difficulty that we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied captain clarke on shore in a periogue with five men; but it seems they had formed a design to stop us; for no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the periogue, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast: the second chief who affected intoxication, then said, that we should not go on, that they had not received presents enough from us; captain clarke told him that he would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them: the chief replied, that he too had warriors, and was proceeding to offer personal violence to captain clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him, drew their arrows from their quivers and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the boat was instantly pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the periogue and joined captain clarke. this movement made an impression on them, for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the periogue, and they withdrew and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, captain clarke then went forward and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them and got into the periogue, but had not gone more than ten paces when both the chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him, and he brought them on board. we then proceeded on for a mile and anchored off a willow island, which from the circumstances which had just occurred, we called badhumoured island. wednesday, september . our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with fear of us, and as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing at one and a half mile a small willow island and several sandbars, we came to on the south side, where a crowd of men, women and children were waiting to receive us. captain lewis went on shore and remained several hours, and observing that their disposition was friendly we resolved to remain during the night to a dance, which they were preparing for us. captains lewis and clarke, who went on shore one after the other, were met on landing by ten well dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated and carried them to a large council house, where they were placed on a dressed buffaloe skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall or council-room was in the shape of three quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. this left a vacant circle of about six feet diameter, in which the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks, about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered: a large fire, in which they were cooking provisions, stood near, and in the centre about four hundred pounds of excellent buffaloe meat as a present for us. as soon as we were seated, an old man got up, and after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity on their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose and delivered an harangue to the same effect: then with great solemnity he took some of the most delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth, made a short speech, lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people, after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog which they had just been cooking, this being a great dish among the sioux and used on all festivals; to this were added, pemitigon, a dish made of buffaloe meat, dried or jerked, and then pounded and mixed raw with grease and a kind of ground potatoe, dressed like the preparation of indian corn called hominy, to which it is little inferior. of all these luxuries which were placed before us in platters with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potatoe, which we found good, but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we eat and smoked for an hour, when it became dark: every thing was then cleared away for the dance, a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ballroom. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourin, formed of skin stretched across a hoop; and made a jingling noise with a long stick to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung; the third instrument was a small skin bag with pebbles in it: these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connexions. having arranged themselves in two columns, one on each side of the fire, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre, when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted and returned back to their places. they have no step, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffaloe skin: the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward and recites, in a sort of low guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous; or, as was the case this evening, voluptuous and indecent; this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain and dance to it. sometimes they alternate; the orchestra first performing, and when it ceases, the women raise their voices and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable than that of the musicians. the dances of the men, which are always separate from those of the women, are conducted very nearly in the same way, except that the men jump up and down instead of shuffling; and in the war dances the recitations are all of a military cast. the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffaloe robe held in one hand and beaten with the other, by several of the company, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourin, and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board. while on shore we saw twenty-five squaws, and about the same number of children, who had been taken prisoners two weeks ago, in a battle with their countrymen the mahas. in this engagement the sioux destroyed forty lodges, killed seventy-five men, of which we saw many of the scalps, and took these prisoners; their appearance is wretched and dejected; the women too seem low in stature, coarse and ugly; though their present condition may diminish their beauty. we gave them a variety of small articles, such as awls and needles, and interceded for them with the chiefs, to whom we recommended to follow the advice of their great father, to restore the prisoners and live in peace with the mahas, which they promised to do. the tribe which we this day saw, are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the teton okandandas: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the chayenne and teton rivers. in their persons they are rather ugly and ill made, their legs and arms being too small, their cheekbones high, and their eyes projecting. the females, with the same character of form, are more handsome; and both sexes appear cheerful and sprightly; but in our intercourse with them we discovered that they were cunning and vicious. the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow and wear in plaits over the shoulders; to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather, or calumet feather worked with porcupine quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffaloe skin dressed white, adorned with porcupine quills loosely fixed so as to make a gingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits, or any other incident; the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather, but when it rains the hair is put outside, and the robe is either thrown over the arm, or wrapped round the body, all of which it may cover. under this in the winter season they wear a kind of shirt resembling ours, and made either of skin or cloth, and covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or procured dressed elk-skin, about an inch in width and closely tied to the body, to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind; from the hip to the ancle he is covered by leggings of dressed antelope skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair the produce of the scalps they have made in war, which are scattered down the leg. the winter moccasins are of dressed buffaloe-skin, the hair being worn inwards, and soaled with thick elk-skin parchment: those for summer are of deer or elk-skin, dressed without the hair, and with soals of elk-skin. on great occasions, or wherever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat fixed to the heel of the moccasin. another skin of the same animal is either tucked into the girdle or carried in the hand, and serves as a pouch for their tobacco, or what the french traders call the bois roule: this is the inner bark of a species of red willow, which being dried in the sun or over the fire, is rubbed between the hands and broken into small pieces, and is used alone or mixed with tobacco. the pipe is generally of red earth, the stem made of ash, about three or four feet long, and highly decorated with feathers, hair and porcupine quills. the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head, at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasins are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not however reach beyond the knee, where it is met by a long loose shift of skin which reaches nearly to the ancles: this is fastened over the shoulders by a string and has no sleeves, but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. they seem fond of dress. their lodges are very neatly constructed, in the same form as those of the yanktons; they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffaloe hide dressed, with a larger one in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins; these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation wherever they go, by dogs which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffaloe skins: they seem perfectly well disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed. this nation, although it makes so many ravages among its neighbours, is badly supplied with guns. the water which they carry with them is contained chiefly in the paunches of deer and other animals, and they make use of wooden bowls. some had their heads shaved, which we found was a species of mourning for relations. another usage, on these occasions, is to run arrows through the flesh both above and below the elbow. while on shore to-day we witnessed a quarrel between two squaws, which appeared to be growing every moment more boisterous, when a man came forward, at whose approach every one seemed terrified and ran. he took the squaws, and without any ceremony whipped them severely; on inquiring into the nature of such summary justice, we learnt that this man was an officer well known to this and many other tribes. his duty is to keep the peace, and the whole interior police of the village is confided to two or three of these officers, who are named by the chief and remain in power some days, at least till the chief appoints a successor; they seem to be a sort of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to keep tranquillity during the day, and guarding the camp in the night. the short duration of their office is compensated by its authority: his power is supreme, and in the suppression of any riot or disturbance no resistance to him is suffered: his person is sacred, and if in the execution of his duty he strikes even a chief of the second class, he cannot be punished for this salutary insolence. in general they accompany the person of the chief, and when ordered to any duty, however dangerous, it is a point of honour rather to die than to refuse obedience. thus, when they attempted to stop us yesterday, the chief ordered one of these men to take possession of the boat: he immediately put his arms round the mast, and, as we understood, no force except the command of the chief would have induced him to release his hold. like the other men their bodies are blackened, but their distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way, that the tails stick out horizontally from the body. on his head too is a raven skin split into two parts, and tied so as to let the beak project from the forehead. thursday september . we rose early, and the two chiefs took off, as a matter of course and according to their custom, the blanket on which they had slept. to this we added a peck of corn as a present to each. captain lewis and the chiefs went on shore to see a part of the nation that was expected, but did not come. he returned at two o'clock, with four of the chiefs and a warrior of distinction, called wadrapa, (or on his guard); they examined the boat and admired whatever was strange, during half an hour, when they left it with great reluctance. captain clarke accompanied them to the lodge of the grand chief, who invited them to a dance, where, being joined by captain lewis, they remained till a late hour. the dance was very similar to that of yesterday. about twelve we left them, taking the second chief and one principal warrior on board: as we came near the boat the man who steered the periogue, by mistake, brought her broadside against the boat's cable, and broke it. we called up all hands to their oars; but our noise alarmed the two indians: they called out to their companions, and immediately the whole camp crowded to the shore; but after half an hour they returned, leaving about sixty men near us. the alarm given by the chiefs was said to be that the mahas had attacked us, and that they were desirous of assisting us to repel it; but we suspected that they were afraid we meant to set sail, and intended to prevent us from doing so; for in the night the maha prisoners had told one of our men, who understood the language, that we were to be stopped. we therefore, without giving any indication of our suspicion, prepared every thing for an attack, as the loss of our anchor obliged to come to near a falling bank, very unfavourable for defence. we were not mistaken in these opinions; for when in the morning, friday, september , after dragging unsuccessfully for the anchor, we wished to set sail, it was with great difficulty that we could make the chiefs leave the boat. at length we got rid of all except the great chief; when just as we were setting out, several of the chief's soldiers sat on the rope which held the boat to the shore. irritated at this we got every thing ready to fire on them if they persisted, but the great chief said that these were his soldiers and only wanted some tobacco. we had already refused a flag and some tobacco to the second chief, who had demanded it with great importunity; but willing to leave them without going to extremities, we threw him a carrot of tobacco, saying to him, "you have told us that you were a great man, and have influence; now show your influence, by taking the rope from those men, and we will then go without any further trouble." this appeal to his pride had the desired effect; he went out of the boat, gave the soldiers the tobacco, and pulling the rope out of their hands delivered it on board, and we then set sail under a breeze from the s.e. after sailing about two miles we observed the third chief beckoning to us: we took him on board, and he informed us that the rope had been held by the order of the second chief, who was a double-faced man. a little farther on we were joined by the son of the chief, who came on board to see his father. on his return we sent a speech to the nation, explaining what we had done, and advising them to peace; but if they persisted in their attempts to stop us, we were willing and able to defend ourselves. after making six miles, during which we passed a willow island on the south and one sandbar, we encamped on another in the middle of the river. the country on the south-side was a low prairie, that on the north highland. september . we set out early, but were again impeded by sandbars, which made the river shallow; the weather was however fair; the land on the north side low and covered with timber contrasted with the bluffs to the south. at nine o'clock we saw the second chief and two women and three men on shore, who wished us to take two women offered by the second chief to make friends, which was refused; he then requested us to take them to the other band of their nation, who were on the river not far from us: this we declined; but in spite of our wishes they followed us along shore. the chief asked us to give them some tobacco; this we did, and gave more as a present for that part of the nation which we did not see. at seven and a half miles we came to a small creek on the southern side, where we saw great numbers of elk, and which we called notimber creek from its bare appearance. above the mouth of this stream, a ricara band of pawnees had a village five years ago: but there are no remains of it except the mound which encircled the town. here the second chief went on shore. we then proceeded, and at the distance of eleven miles encamped on the lower part of a willow island, in the middle of the river, being obliged to substitute large stones in the place of the anchor which we lost. september . the wind was this morning very high from the southeast, so that we were obliged to proceed under a double-reefed mainsail, through the rain. the country presented a large low prairie covered with timber on the north side; on the south, we first had high barren hills, but after some miles it became of the same character as that on the opposite side. we had not gone far when an indian ran after us, and begged to be carried on board as far as the ricaras, which we refused: soon after, we discovered on the hills at a distance, a great number of indians, who came towards the river and encamped ahead of us. we stopped at a sandbar, at about eleven miles, and after breakfasting proceeded on a short distance to their camp, which consisted of about four hundred souls. we anchored one hundred yards from the shore, and discovering that they were tetons belonging to the band which we had just left: we told them that we took them by the hand, and would make each chief a present of tobacco; that we had been badly treated by some of their band, and that having waited for them two days below, we could not stop here, but referred them to mr. durion for our talk and an explanation of our views: they then apologized for what had past, assured us that they were friendly, and very desirous that we should land and eat with them: this we refused, but sent the periogue on shore with the tobacco, which was delivered to one of the soldiers of the chief, whom we had on board. several of them now ran along the shore after us, but the chief threw them a twist of tobacco, and told them to go back and open their ears to our counsels; on which they immediately returned to their lodges. we then proceeded past a continuation of the low prairie on the north, where we had large quantities of grapes, and on the south saw a small creek and an island. six miles above this, two indians came to the bank, looked at us about half an hour, and then went without speaking over the hills to the southwest. after some time, the wind rose still higher, and the boat struck a log, turned, and was very near taking in water. the chief became so much terrified at the danger, that he hid himself in the boat, and as soon as we landed got his gun and told us that he wanted to return, that we would now see no more tetons, and that we might proceed unmolested: we repeated the advice we had already given, presented him with a blanket, a knife, some tobacco, and after smoking with him he set out. we then continued to a sandbar on the north side, where we encamped, having come twenty and a half miles. in the course of the day we saw a number of sandbars which impede the navigation. the only animal which we observed was the white gull, then in great abundance. october st, . the weather was very cold and the wind high from the southeast during the night, and continued so this morning. at three miles distance, we had passed a large island in the middle of the river, opposite to the lower end of which the ricaras once had a village on the south side of the river: there are, however, no remnants of it now, except a circular wall three or four feet in height, which encompassed the town. two miles beyond this island is a river coming in from the southwest, about four hundred yards wide; the current gentle, and discharging not much water, and very little sand: it takes its rise in the second range of the cote noire or black mountains, and its general course is nearly east; this river has been occasionally called dog river, under a mistaken opinion that its french name was chien, but its true appellation is chayenne, and it derives this title from the chayenne indians: their history is the short and melancholy relation of the calamities of almost all the indians. they were a numerous people and lived on the chayenne, a branch of the red river of lake winnipeg. the invasion of the sioux drove them westward; in their progress they halted on the southern side of the missouri below the warreconne, where their ancient fortifications still exist; but the same impulse again drove them to the heads of the chayenne, where they now rove, and occasionally visit the ricaras. they are now reduced, but still number three hundred men. although the river did not seem to throw out much sand, yet near and above its mouth we find a great many sandbars difficult to pass. on both sides of the missouri, near the chayenne, are rich thinly timbered lowlands, behind which are bare hills. as we proceeded, we found that the sandbars made the river so shallow, and the wind was so high, that we could scarcely find the channel, and at one place were forced to drag the boat over a sandbar, the missouri being very wide and falling a little. at seven and a half miles we came to at a point, and remained three hours, during which time the wind abated: we then passed within four miles two creeks on the south, one of which we called centinel creek, and the other lookout creek. this part of the river has but little timber; the hills are not so high as we have hitherto seen, and the number of sandbars extends the river to more than a mile in breadth. we continued about four and a half miles further, to a sandbar in the middle of the river, where we spent the night, our progress being sixteen miles. on the opposite shore, we saw a house among the willows and a boy to whom we called, and brought him on board. he proved to be a young frenchman in the employ of a mr. valle a trader, who is now here pursuing his commerce with the sioux. tuesday, october . there had been a violent wind from s.e. during the night, which having moderated we set sail with mr. valle, who visited us this morning and accompanied us for two miles. he is one of three french traders who have halted here, expecting the sioux who are coming down from the ricaras, where they now are, for the purposes of traffic. mr. valle tells us that he passed the last winter three hundred leagues up the chayenne under the black mountains. that river he represents as very rapid, liable to sudden swells, the bed and shores formed of course gravel, and difficult of ascent even for canoes. one hundred leagues from its mouth it divides into two branches, one coming from the south, the other at forty leagues from the junction enters the black mountains. the land which it waters from the missouri to the black mountains, resembles the country on the missouri, except that the former has even less timber, and of that the greater proportion is cedar. the chayennes reside chiefly on the heads of the river, and steal horses from the spanish settlement, a plundering excursion which they perform in a month's time. the black mountains he observes are very high, covered with great quantities of pine, and in some parts the snow remains during the summer. there are also great quantities of goats, white bear, prairie cocks, and a species of animal which from his description must resemble a small elk, with large circular horns. at two and a half miles we had passed a willow island on the south, on the north side of the river were dark bluffs, and on the south low rich prairies. we took a meridian altitude on our arrival at the upper end of the isthmus of the bend, which we called the lookout bend, and found the latitude to be ° ' ". this bend is nearly twenty miles round, and not more than two miles across. in the afternoon we heard a shot fired, and not long after observed some indians on a hill: one of them came to the shore and wished us to land, as there were twenty lodges of yanktons or boisbrule there; we declined doing so, telling him that we had already seen his chiefs, and that they might learn from mr. durion the nature of the talk we had delivered to them. at nine miles we came to the lower point of a long island on the north, the banks of the south side of the river being high, those of the north forming a low rich prairie. we coasted along this island, which we called caution island, and after passing a small creek on the south encamped on a sandbar in the middle of the river, having made twelve miles. the wind changed to the northwest, and became very high and cold. the current of the river is less rapid, and the water though of the same colour contains less sediment than below the chayenne, but its width continues the same. we were not able to hunt to-day; for as there are so many indians in the neighbourhood, we were in constant expectation of being attacked, and were therefore forced to keep the party together and be on our guard. wednesday, october . the wind continued so high from the northwest, that we could not set out till after seven: we then proceeded till twelve o'clock, and landed on a bar towards the south, where we examined the periogues, and the forecastle of the boat, and found that the mice had cut several bags of corn, and spoiled some of our clothes: about one o'clock an indian came running to the shore with a turkey on his back: several others soon joined him, but we had no intercourse with them. we then went on for three miles, but the ascent soon became so obstructed by sandbars and shoal water, that after attempting in vain several channels, we determined to rest for the night under some high bluffs on the south, and send out to examine the best channel. we had made eight miles along high bluffs on each side. the birds we saw were the white gulls and the brant which were flying to the southward in large flocks. thursday, th. on examination we found that there was no outlet practicable for us in this channel, and that we must retread our steps. we therefore returned three miles, and attempted another channel in which we were more fortunate. the indians were in small numbers on the shore, and seemed willing had they been more numerous to molest us. they called to desire that we would land, and one of them gave three yells and fired a ball ahead of the boat: we however took no notice of it, but landed on the south to breakfast. one of these indians swam across and begged for some powder, we gave him a piece of tobacco only. at eight and a half miles we had passed an island in the middle of the river, which we called goodhope island. at one and a half mile we reached a creek on the south side about twelve yards wide, to which we gave the name of teal creek. a little above this is an island on the north side of the current, about one and a half mile in length and three quarters of a mile in breadth. in the centre of this island is an old village of the ricaras, called lahoocat; it was surrounded by a circular wall, containing seventeen lodges. the ricaras are known to have lived therein , and the village seems to have been deserted about five years since; it does not contain much timber. we encamped on a sandbar making out from the upper end of this island; our journey to-day being twelve miles. friday, october . the weather was very cold: yesterday evening and this morning there was a white frost. we sailed along the highlands on the north side, passing a small creek on the south, between three and four miles. at seven o'clock we heard some yells and saw three indians of the teton band, who asked us to come on shore and begged for some tobacco, to all which we gave the same answer as hitherto. at eight miles we reached a small creek on the north. at fourteen we passed an island on the south, covered with wild rye, and at the head a large creek comes in from the south, which we named whitebrant creek, from seeing several white brants among flocks of dark-coloured ones. at the distance of twenty miles we came to on a sandbar towards the north side of the river, with a willow island opposite; the hills or bluffs come to the banks of the river on both sides, but are not so high as they are below: the river itself however continues of the same width, and the sandbars are quite as numerous. the soil of the banks is dark coloured, and many of the bluffs have the appearance of being on fire. our game this day was a deer, a prairie wolf, and some goats out of a flock that was swimming across the river. saturday, october . the morning was still cold, the wind being from the north. at eight miles we came to a willow island on the north, opposite a point of timber, where there are many large stones near the middle of the river, which seem to have been washed from the hills and high plains on both sides, or driven from a distance down the stream. at twelve miles we halted for dinner at a village which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras; it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it had been left in the spring. we found three different sorts of squashes growing in the village; we also killed an elk near it, and saw two wolves. on leaving the village the river became shallow, and after searching a long time for the main channel, which was concealed among sandbars, we at last dragged the boat over one of them rather than go back three miles for the deepest channel. at fourteen and a half miles we stopped for the night on a sandbar, opposite a creek on the north, called otter creek, twenty-two yards in width, and containing more water than is common for creeks of that size. the sides of the river during the day are variegated with high bluffs and low timbered grounds on the banks: the river is very much obstructed by sandbars. we saw geese, swan, brants and ducks of different kinds on the sandbars, and on shore numbers of the prairie hen; the magpie too is very common, but the gulls and plover, which we saw in such numbers below, are now quite rare. sunday, october . there was frost again last evening, and this morning was cloudy and attended with rain. at two miles we came to the mouth of a river; called by the ricaras, sawawkawna, or pork river; the party who examined it for about three miles up, say that its current is gentle, and that it does not seem to throw out much sand. its sources are in the first range of the black mountains, and though it has now only water of twenty yards width, yet when full it occupies ninety. just below the mouth is another village or wintering camp of the ricaras, composed of about sixty lodges, built in the same form as those passed yesterday, with willow and straw mats, baskets and buffaloe-skin canoes remaining entire in the camp. we proceeded under a gentle breeze from the southwest: at ten o'clock we saw two indians on the north side, who told us they were a part of the lodge of tartongawaka, or buffaloe medicine, the teton chief whom we had seen on the twenty-fifth, that they were on the way to the ricaras, and begged us for something to eat, which we of course gave them. at seven and a half miles is a willow island on the north, and another on the same side five miles beyond it, in the middle of the river between highlands on both sides. at eighteen and a half miles is an island called grouse island, on which are the walls of an old village; the island has no timber, but is covered with grass and wild rye, and owes its name to the number of grouse that frequent it. we then went on till our journey for the day was twenty-two miles: the country presented the same appearance as usual. in the low timbered ground near the mouth of the sawawkawna, we saw the tracks of large white bear, and on grouse island killed a female blaireau, and a deer of the black-tailed species, the largest we have ever seen. monday, october . we proceeded early with a cool northwest wind, and at two and a half miles above grouse island, reached the mouth of a creek on the south, then a small willow island, which divides the current equally; and at four and a half miles came to a river on the southern side where we halted. this river, which our meridian altitude fixes at ° ' " north latitude, is called by the ricaras wetawhoo; it rises in the black mountains, and its bed which flows at the mouth over a low soft slate stone, is one hundred and twenty yards wide, but the water is now confined within twenty yards, and is not very rapid, discharging mud with a small proportion of sand: here as in every bend of the river, we again observe the red berries resembling currants, which we mentioned before. two miles above the wetawhoo, and on the same side, is a small river called maropa by the indians; it is twenty yards in width, but so dammed up by mud that the stream creeps through a channel of not more than an inch in diameter, and discharges no sand. one mile further we reached an island close to the southern shore, from which it is separated by a deep channel of sixty yards. about half way a number of ricara indians came out to see us. we stopped and took a frenchman on board, who accompanied us past the island to our camp on the north side of the river, which is at the distance of twelve miles from that of yesterday. captain lewis then returned with four of the party to see the village; it is situated in the centre of the island, near the southern shore, under the foot of some high, bald, uneven hills, and contains about sixty lodges. the island itself is three miles long, and covered with fields in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. several frenchmen living among these indians as interpreters, or traders, came back with captain lewis, and particularly a mr. gravelines, a man who has acquired the language. on setting out we had a low prairie covered with timber on the north, and on the south highlands, but at the mouth of the wetawhoo the southern country changes, and a low timbered plain extends along the south, while the north has a ridge of barren hills during the rest of the day's course. tuesday, th. the wind was so cold and high last night and during all the day, that we could not assemble the indians in council; but some of the party went to the village. we received the visits of the three principal chiefs with many others, to whom we gave some tobacco, and told them that we would speak to them to-morrow. the names of these chiefs were first, kakawissassa or lighting crow; second chief pocasse or hay; third chief piaheto or eagle's feather. notwithstanding the high waves, two or three squaws rowed to us in little canoes made of a single buffaloe skin, stretched over a frame of boughs interwoven like a basket, and with the most perfect composure. the object which appeared to astonish the indians most, was captain clark's servant york, a remarkable stout strong negro. they had never seen a being of that colour, and therefore flocked round him to examine the extraordinary monster. by way of amusement he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and caught and tamed by his master, and to convince them, showed them feats of strength which added to his looks made him more terrible than we wished him to be. opposite our camp is a small creek on the south, which we distinguished by the name of the chief kakawissassa. wednesday, th. the weather was this day fine, and as we were desirous of assembling the whole nation at once, we despatched mr. gravelines, who with mr. tabeau another french trader had breakfeasted with us, to invite the chiefs of the two upper villages to a conference. they all assembled at one o'clock, and after the usual ceremonies we addressed them in the same way in which we had already spoken to the ottoes and sioux: we then made or acknowledged three chiefs, one for each of the three villages; giving to each a flag, a medal, a red coat, a cocked hat and feather, also some goods, paint and tobacco, which they divided among themselves: after this the airgun was exhibited, very much to their astonishment, nor were they less surprised at the colour and manner of york. on our side we were equally gratified at discovering that these ricaras made use of no spirituous liquors of any kind, the example of the traders who bring it to them so far from tempting having in fact disgusted them. supposing that it was as agreeable to them as to the other indians, we had at first offered them whiskey; but they refused it with this sensible remark, that they were surprised that their father should present to them a liquor which would make them fools. on another occasion they observed to mr. tabeau, that no man could be their friend who tried to lead them into such follies. the council being over they retired to consult on their answer, and the next morning, thursday, th, at eleven o'clock we again met in council at our camp. the grand chief made a short speech of thanks for the advice we had given, and promised to follow it; adding that the door was now open and no one dare shut it, and that we might depart whenever we pleased, alluding to the treatment we had received from the sioux: they also brought us some corn, beans, and dried squashes, and in return we gave them a steel mill with which they were much pleased. at one o'clock we left our camp with the grand chief and his nephew on board, and at about two miles anchored below a creek on the south, separating the second and third village of the ricaras, which are about half a mile distant from each other. we visited both the villages, and sat conversing with the chiefs for some time, during which they presented us with a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. these two villages are placed near each other in a high smooth prairie; a fine situation, except that having no wood the inhabitants are obliged to go for it across the river to a timbered lowland opposite to them. we told them that we would speak to them in the morning at their villages separately. thursday, th. accordingly after breakfast we went on shore to the house of the chief of the second village named lassel, where we found his chiefs and warriors. they made us a present of about seven bushels of corn, a pair of leggings, a twist of their tobacco, and the seeds of two different species of tobacco. the chief then delivered a speech expressive of his gratitude for the presents and the good counsels which we had given him; his intention of visiting his great father but for fear of the sioux; and requested us to take one of the ricara chiefs up to the mandans and negociate a peace between the two nations. to this we replied in a suitable way, and then repaired to the third village. here we were addressed by the chief in nearly the same terms as before, and entertained with a present of ten bushels of corn, some beans, dried pumpkins, and squashes. after we had answered and explained the magnitude and power of the united states, the three chiefs came with us to the boat. we gave them some sugar, a little salt, and a sunglass. two of them then left us, and the chief of the third, by name ahketahnasha or chief of the town, accompanied us to the mandans. at two o'clock we left the indians, who crowded to the shore to take leave of us, and after making seven and a half miles landed on the north side, and had a clear, cool, pleasant evening. the three villages which we have just left, are the residence of a nation called the ricaras. they were originally colonies of pawnees, who established themselves on the missouri, below the chayenne, where the traders still remember that twenty years ago they occupied a number of villages. from that situation a part of the ricaras emigrated to the neighbourhood of the mandans, with whom they were then in alliance. the rest of the nation continued near the chayenne till the year , in the course of which, distressed by their wars with the sioux, they joined their countrymen near the mandans. soon after a new war arose between the ricaras and the mandans, in consequence of which the former came down the river to their present position. in this migration those who had first gone to the mandans kept together, and now live in the two lower villages, which may thence be considered as the ricaras proper. the third village was composed of such remnants of the villages as had survived the wars, and as these were nine in number a difference of pronunciation and some difference of language may be observed between them and the ricaras proper, who do not understand all the words of these wanderers. the villages are within the distance of four miles of each other, the two lower ones consisting of between one hundred and fifty and two hundred men each, the third of three hundred. the ricaras are tall and well proportioned, the women handsome and lively, and as among other savages to them falls all the drudgery of the field and the labours of procuring subsistence, except that of hunting: both sexes are poor, but kind and generous, and although they receive with thankfulness what is given to them, do not beg as the sioux did, though this praise should be qualified by mentioning that an axe was stolen last night from our cooks. the dress of the men is a simple pair of moccasins, legings, and a cloth round the middle, over which a buffaloe robe is occasionally thrown, with their hair, arms and ears decorated with different ornaments. the women wear moccasins, legings, a long shirt made of goats' skins, generally white and fringed, which is tied round the waist; to those they add, like the men, a buffaloe robe without the hair, in summer. these women are handsomer than the sioux; both of them are however, disposed to be amorous, and our men found no difficulty in procuring companions for the night by means of the interpreters. these interviews were chiefly clandestine, and were of course to be kept a secret from the husband or relations. the point of honour indeed, is completely reversed among the ricaras; that the wife or the sister should submit to a stranger's embraces without the consent of her husband or brother, is a cause of great disgrace and offence, especially as for many purposes of civility or gratitude the husband and brother will themselves present to a stranger these females, and be gratified by attentions to them. the sioux had offered us squaws, but while we remained there having declined, they followed us with offers of females for two days. the ricaras had been equally accommodating; we had equally withstood their temptation; but such was their desire to oblige that two very handsome young squaws were sent on board this evening, and persecuted us with civilities. the black man york participated largely in these favours; for instead of inspiring any prejudice, his colour seemed to procure him additional advantages from the indians, who desired to preserve among them some memorial of this wonderful stranger. among other instances of attention, a ricara invited him into his house and presenting his wife to him, retired to the outside of the door: while there one of york's comrades who was looking for him came to the door, but the gallant husband would permit no interruption before a reasonable time had elapsed. the ricara lodges are in a circular or octagonal form, and generally about thirty or forty feet in diameter: they are made by placing forked posts about six feet high round the circumference of the circle; these are joined by poles from one fork to another, which are supported also by other forked poles slanting from the ground: in the centre of the lodge are placed four higher forks, about fifteen feet in length, connected together by beams; from these to the lower poles the rafters of the roof are extended so as to leave a vacancy in the middle for the smoke: the frame of the building is then covered with willow branches, with which is interwoven grass, and over this mud or clay: the aperture for the door is about four feet wide, and before it is a sort of entry about ten feet from the lodge. they are very warm and compact. they cultivate maize or indian corn, beans, pumpkins, watermelons, squashes, and a species of tobacco peculiar to themselves. their commerce is chiefly with the traders who supply them with goods in return for peltries, which they procure not only by their own hunting, but in exchange for corn from their less civilized neighbours. the object chiefly in demand seemed to be red paint, but they would give any thing they had to spare for the most trifling article. one of the men to-day gave an indian a hook made out of a pin, and he gave him in return a pair of moccasins. they express a disposition to keep at peace with all nations, but they are well armed with fusils, and being much under the influence of the sioux, who exchanged the goods which they get from the british for ricara corn, their minds are sometimes poisoned and they cannot be always depended on. at the present moment they are at war with the mandans. we are informed by mr. gravelines, who had passed through that country, that the yankton or jacques river rises about forty miles to the east or northeast of this place, the chayenne branch of the red river about twenty miles further, passing the sioux, and the st. peter's about eighty. saturday, th. in the morning our visitors left us, except the brother of the chief who accompanies us and one of the squaws. we passed at an early hour a camp of sioux on the north bank, who merely looked at us without saying a word, and from the character of the tribe we did not solicit a conversation. at ten and a half miles we reached the mouth of a creek on the north, which takes its rise from some ponds a short distance to the northeast: to this stream we gave the name of stoneidol creek, for after passing a willow and sand island just above its mouth, we discovered that a few miles back from the missouri there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the metamorphoses of ovid. a young man was deeply enamoured with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes; a sympathy of feeling led the lady to the same spot, and the faithful dog would not cease to follow his master. after wandering together and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which beginning at the feet gradually invaded the nobler parts leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes which the female holds in her hands to this day. whenever the ricaras pass these sacred stones, they stop to make some offering of dress to propitiate these deities. such is the account given by the ricara chief which we had no mode of examining, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the river near where the event is said to have occurred, we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had yet seen. above this is a small creek four and a half miles from stoneidol creek, which is fifteen yards wide, comes in from the south, and received from us the name of pocasse or hay creek, in honour of the chief of the second village. above the ricara island, the missouri becomes narrow and deeper, the sandbars being generally confined to the points; the current too is much more gentle; the timber on the lowlands is also in much greater quantities, though the high grounds are still naked. we proceeded on under a fine breeze from the southeast, and after making eighteen miles encamped on the north near a timbered low plain, after which we had some rain and the evening was cold. the hunters killed one deer only. sunday, th. we set out in the rain which continued during the day. at five miles we came to a creek on the south, about fifteen yards wide, and named by us piaheto or eagle's feather, in honour of the third chief of the ricaras. after dinner we stopped on a sandbar, and executed the sentence of a court martial which inflicted corporal punishment on one of the soldiers. this operation affected the indian chief very sensibly, for he cried aloud during the punishment: we explained the offence and the reasons of it. he acknowledged that examples were necessary, and that he himself had given them by punishing with death; but his nation never whipped even children from their birth. after this we continued with the wind from the northeast, and at the distance of twelve miles, encamped in a cove of the southern bank. immediately opposite our camp on the north side are the ruins of an ancient fortification, the greater part of which is washed into the river: nor could we distinguish more than that the walls were eight or ten feet high. the evening is wet and disagreeable, and the river which is somewhat wider than yesterday, continues to have an unusual quantity of timber. the country was level on both sides in the morning, but afterwards we passed some black bluffs on the south. monday, th. we stopped at three miles on the north a little above a camp of ricaras who are hunting, where we were visited by about thirty indians. they came over in their skin canoes, bringing us meat, for which we returned them beads and fishhooks. about a mile higher we found another encampment of ricaras on the south, consisting of eight lodges: here we again ate and exchanged a few presents. as we went we discerned numbers of other indians on both sides of the river; and at about nine miles we came to a creek on the south, where we saw many high hills resembling a house with a slanting roof; and a little below the creek an old village of the sharha or chayenne indians. the morning had been cloudy, but the evening became pleasant, the wind from the northeast, and at sunset we halted, after coming ten miles over several sandbars and points, above a camp of ten ricara lodges on the north side. we visited their camp, and smoked and eat with several of them; they all appeared kind and pleased with our attentions, and the fair sex received our men with more than hospitality. york was here again an object of astonishment; the children would follow him constantly, and if he chanced to turn towards them, run with great terror. the country of to-day is generally low and covered with timber on both sides, though in the morning we passed some barren hills on the south. tuesday, th. at this camp the squaw who accompanied the chief left us; two others were very anxious to go on with us. just above our camp we passed a circular work or fort where the sharha or chayennes formerly lived: and a short distance beyond, a creek which we called chayenne creek. at two miles is a willow island with a large sandbar on both sides above it, and a creek, both on the south, which we called sohaweh, the ricara name for girl; and two miles above a second creek, to which we gave the name of chapawt, which means woman in the same language. three miles further is an island situated in a bend to the north, about a mile and a half long, and covered with cottonwood. at the lower end of this island comes in a small creek from the north, called keetooshsahawna or place of beaver. at the upper extremity of the island a river empties itself from the north: it is called warreconne, or elk shed their horns, and is about thirty-five yards wide: the island itself is named carp island by evans, a former traveller. as we proceeded there were great numbers of goats on the banks of the river, and we soon after saw large flocks of them in the water: they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them, while sometimes boys went into the river and killed them with sticks: they seemed to be very successful, for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. we ourselves killed some, and then passing the lodges to which these indians belonged, encamped at the distance of half a mile on the south, having made fourteen and a half miles. we were soon visited by numbers of these ricaras, who crossed the river hallooing and singing: two of them then returned for some goats' flesh and buffaloe meat dried and fresh, with which they made a feast that lasted till late at night, and caused much music and merriment. wednesday th. the weather was pleasant: we passed a low ground covered with small timber on the south, and barren hills on the north which come close to the river; the wind from the northwest then become so strong that we could not move after ten o'clock, until late in the afternoon, when we were forced to use the towline, and we therefore made only six miles. we all went out hunting and examining the country. the goats, of which we see large flocks coming to the north bank of the river, spend the summer, says mr. gravelines, in the plains east of the missouri, and at the present season are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. we also saw buffaloe, elk, and deer, and a number of snakes; a beaver house too was seen, and we caught a whippoorwill of a small and uncommon kind: the leaves are fast falling; the river wider than usual and full of sandbars: and on the sides of the hills are large stones, and some rock of a brownish colour in the southern bend below us. our latitude by observation was ° ' ". thursday . after three miles we reached the mouth of le boulet or cannonball river: this stream rises in the black mountains, and falls into the missouri on the south; its channel is about one hundred and forty yards wide, though the water is now confined within forty, and its name is derived from the numbers of perfectly round large stones on the shore and in the bluffs just above. we here met with two frenchmen in the employ of mr. gravelines, who had been robbed by the mandans of their traps, furs, and other articles, and were descending the river in a periogue, but they turned back with us in expectation of obtaining redress through our means. at eight miles is a creek on the north, about twenty-eight yards wide, rising in the northeast, and called chewah or fish river; one mile above this is another creek on the south: we encamped on a sandbar to the south, at the distance of thirteen miles, all of which we had made with oars and poles. great numbers of goats are crossing the river and directing their course to the westward; we also saw a herd of buffaloe and of elk; a pelican too was killed, and six fallow deer, having found, as the ricaras informed us, that there are none of the black-tail species as high up as this place. the country is in general level and fine, with broken short high grounds, low timbered mounds on the river, and a rugged range of hills at a distance. friday . we set sail with a fine morning, and a southeast wind, and at two and a half miles passed a creek on the north side: at eleven and a half miles we came to a lake or large pond on the same side, in which were some swans. on both banks of the missouri are low grounds which have much more timber than lower down the river: the hills are at one or two miles distance from the banks, and the streams which rise in them are brackish, and the mineral salts appear on the sides of the hills and edges of the runs. in walking along the shore we counted fifty-two herds of buffaloe, and three of elk, at a single view. besides these we also observed elk, deer, pelicans, and wolves. after seventeen and a half miles we encamped on the north, opposite to the uppermost of a number of round hills, forming a cone at the top, one being about ninety, another sixty feet in height, and some of less elevation. our chief tells us that the calumet bird lives in the holes formed by the filtration of the water from the top of these hills through the sides. near to one of these moles, on a point of a hill ninety feet above the plain, are the remains of an old village which is high, strong, and has been fortified; this our chief tells us is the remains of one of the mandan villages, and are the first ruins which we have seen of that nation in ascending the missouri: opposite to our camp is a deep bend to the south, at the extremity of which is a pond. saturday . we proceeded early with a southeast wind, which continued high all day, and came to a creek on the north at two miles distance, twenty yards wide. at eight miles we reached the lower point of an island in the middle of the river, though there is no current on the south. this island is covered with willows and extends about two miles, there being a small creek coming in from the south at its lower extremity. after making twelve miles we encamped on the south, at the upper part of a bluff containing stone-coal of an inferior quality; immediately below this bluff and on the declivity of a hill, are the remains of a village covering six or eight acres, formerly occupied by the mandans, who, says our ricara chief, once lived in a number of villages on each side of the river, till the sioux forced them forty miles higher; whence after a few years residence, they moved to their present position. the country through, which we passed has wider bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see, the hills rising at a distance and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloe, and the usual attendants of these last, the wolves, who follow their movements and feed upon those who die by accident, or who are too poor to keep pace with the herd; we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals which are twice as large as the track of a man. sunday . last night the weather was cold, the wind high from the northeast, and the rain which fell froze on the ground. at daylight it began to snow, and continued till the afternoon, when it remained cloudy and the ground was covered with snow. we however, set out early, and just above our camp came to a creek on the south, called chisshetaw, about thirty yards wide and with a considerable quantity of water. our ricara chief tells us, that at some distance up this river is situated a large rock which is held in great veneration, and visited by parties who go to consult it as to their own or their nations' destinies, all of which they discern in some sort of figures or paintings with which it is covered. about two miles off from the mouth of the river the party on shore saw another of the objects of ricara superstition: it is a large oak tree, standing alone in the open prairie, and as it alone has withstood the fire which has consumed every thing around, the indians naturally ascribe to it extraordinary powers. one of their ceremonies is to make a hole in the skin of their necks through which a string is passed and the other end tied to the body of the tree; and after remaining in this way for some time they think they become braver. at two miles a from our encampment we came to the ruins of a second mandan village, which was in existence at the same time with that just mentioned. it is situated on the north at the foot of a hill in a beautiful and extensive plain, which is now covered with herds of buffaloe: nearly opposite are remains of a third village on the south of the missouri; and there is another also about two miles further on the north, a little off the river. at the distance of seven miles we encamped on the south, and spent a cold night. we procured to-day a buffaloe and an otter only. the river is wide and the sandbars numerous, and a low island near our encampment. monday . in the morning we passed an old mandan village on the south, near our camp; at four miles another on the same side. about seven o'clock we came to at a camp of eleven sioux of the teton tribe, who are almost perfectly naked, having only a piece of skin or cloth round the middle, though we are suffering from the cold. from their appearance, which is warlike, and from their giving two different accounts of themselves, we believe that they are either going to or returning from the mandans, to which nations the sioux frequently make excursions to steal horses. as their conduct displeased as, we gave them nothing. at six we reached an island about one mile in length, at the head of which is a mandan village on the north in ruins, and two miles beyond a bad sandbar. at eight miles are remains of another mandan village on the south; and at twelve miles encamped on the south. the hunters brought in a buffaloe bull, and mentioned that of about three hundred which they had seen, there was not a single female. the beaver is here in plenty, and the two frenchmen who are returning with us catch several every night. these villages which are nine in number are scattered along each side of the river within a space of twenty miles; almost all that remains of them is the wall which surrounded them, the fallen heaps of earth which covered the houses, and occasionally human skulls and the teeth and bones of men, and different animals, which are scattered on the surface of the ground. tuesday . the weather was cloudy and we had some snow; we soon arrived at five lodges where the two frenchmen had been robbed, but the indians had left it lately as we found the fires still burning. the country consists as usual of timbered low grounds, with grapes, rushes, and great quantities of a small red acid fruit, known among the indians by a name signifying rabbitberries, and called by the french graisse de buffle or buffaloe fat. the river too, is obstructed by many sandbars. at twelve miles we passed an old village on the north, which was the former residence of the ahnahaways who now live between the mandans and minnetarees. after making thirteen miles we encamped on the south. wednesday . the day was again dark and it snowed a little in the morning. at three miles we came to a point on the south, where the river by forcing a channel across a former bend has formed a large island on the north. on this island we found one of the grand chiefs of the mandans, who with five lodges was on a hunting excursion. he met his enemy the ricara chief, with great ceremony and apparent cordiality, and smoked with him. after visiting his lodges, the grand chief and his brother came on board our boat for a short time; we then proceeded and encamped on the north, at seven miles from our last night's station and below the old village of the mandans and ricaras. here four mandans came down from a camp above, and our ricara chief returned with them to their camp, from which we auger favourably of their pacific views towards each other. the land is low and beautiful, and covered with oak and cottonwood, but has been too recently hunted to afford much game. th. the morning was cold and the wind gentle from the southeast: at three miles we passed a handsome high prairie on the south, and on an eminence about forty feet above the water and extending back for several miles in a beautiful plain, was situated an old village of the mandan nation which has been deserted for many years. a short distance above it, on the continuation of the same rising ground are two old villages of ricaras, one on the top of the hill, the other in the level plain, which have been deserted only five years ago. above these villages is an extensive low ground for several miles, in which are situated, at three or four miles from the ricara villages, three old villages of mandans near together. here the mandans lived when the ricaras came to them for protection, and from this they moved to their present situation above. in the low ground the squaws raised their corn, and the timber, of which there was little near the villages, was supplied from the opposite side of the river, where it was and still is abundant. as we proceeded several parties of mandans both on foot and horseback came along the river to view us, and were very desirous that we should land and talk to them: this we could not do on account of the sandbreaks on the shore, but we sent our ricara chief to them in a periogue. the wind too having shifted to the southwest and being very high it required all our precautions on board, for the river was full of sandbars which made it very difficult to find the channel. we got aground several times, and passed a very bad point of rocks, after which we encamped on a sandpoint to the north, above a handsome plain covered with timber, and opposite to a high hill on the south side at the distance of eleven miles. here we were joined by our ricara chief, who brought an indian to the camp where he remained all night. th. we set out early with a southwest wind, and after putting the ricara chief on shore to join the mandans who were in great numbers along it, we proceeded to the camp of the grand chiefs four miles distant. here we met a mr. m'cracken one of the northwest or hudson bay company, who arrived with another person about nine days ago to trade for horses and buffaloe robes. two of the chiefs came on board with some of their household furniture, such as earthern pots and a little corn and went on with us; the rest of the indians following on shore. at one mile beyond the camp we passed a small creek, and at three more a bluff of coal of an inferior quality on the south. after making eleven miles we reached an old field where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer, and encamped for the night on the south side, about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. in the morning we had a willow low ground on the south and highland on the north, which occasionally varied in the course of the day. there is but little wood on this part of the river, which is here subdivided into many channels and obstructed by sandbars. as soon as we arrived a crowd of men, women, and children came down to see us. captain lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening; the object which seemed to surprise them most, was a cornmill fixed to the boat which we had occasion to use, and delighted them by the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had his two little fingers cut off at the second joints. on inquiring into this accident, we found that it was customary to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose two joints of the little fingers, or sometimes the other fingers. the wind blew very cold in the evening from the southwest. two of the party are affected with rheumatic complaints. chapter v. council held with the mandans--a prairie on fire, and a singular instance of preservation--peace established between the mandans and ricaras--the party encamp for the winter--indian mode of catching goats--beautiful appearance of northern lights--friendly character of the indians--some account of the mandans--the ahnahaways and the minnetarees--the party acquire the confidence of the mandans by taking part in their controversy with the sioux--religion of the mandans, and their singular conception of the term medicine--their tradition--the sufferings of the party from the severity of the season--indian game of billiards described--character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. saturday, october . at an early hour we proceeded and anchored off the village. captain clarke went on shore, and after smoking a pipe with the chiefs, was desired to remain and eat with them. he declined on account of his being unwell; but his refusal gave great offence to the indians, who considered it disrespectful not to eat when invited, till the cause was explained to their satisfaction. we sent them some tobacco, and then proceeded to the second village on the north, passing by a bank containing coal, and a second village, and encamped at four miles on the north, opposite to a village of ahnahaways. we here met with a frenchman, named jesseaume, who lives among the indians with his wife and children, and who we take as an interpreter. the indians had flocked to the bank to see us as we passed, and they visited in great numbers the camp, where some of them remained all night. we sent in the evening three young indians with a present of tobacco for the chiefs of the three upper villages, inviting them to come down in the morning to a council with us. accordingly the next day, sunday, october , we were joined by many of the minnetarees and ahnahaways from above, but the wind was so violent from the southwest that the chiefs of the lower villages could not come up, and the council was deferred till to-morrow. in the mean while we entertained our visitors by showing them what was new to them in the boat; all which, as well our black servant, they called great medicine, the meaning of which we afterwards learnt. we also consulted the grand chief of the mandans, black cat, and mr. jesseaume, as to the names, characters, &c. of the chiefs with whom we are to hold the council. in the course of the day we received several presents from the women, consisting of corn, boiled hominy, and garden stuffs: in our turn we gratified the wife of the great chief with a gift of a glazed earthen jar. our hunter brought us two beaver. in the afternoon we sent the minnetaree chiefs to smoke for us with the great chief of the mandans, and told them we would speak in the morning. finding that we shall be obliged to pass the winter at this place, we went up the river about one and a half miles to-day, with a view of finding a convenient spot for a fort, but the timber was too scarce and small for our purposes. monday, october . the morning was fine and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. after breakfast we were visited by an old chief of the ahnahaways, who finding himself growing old and weak had transferred his power to his son, who is now at war against the shoshonees. at ten o'clock the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails, stretched so as to exclude the wind which had become high; that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded, and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. we then delivered a speech, which like those we had already made intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade: while we were speaking the old ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees; he was instantly rebuked with great dignity by one of the chiefs for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. towards the end of our speech we introduced the subject of our ricara chief, with whom we recommended a firm peace: to this they seemed well disposed, and all smoked with him very amicably. we all mentioned the goods which had been taken from the frenchmen, and expressed a wish that they should he restored. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony: one chief of each town was acknowledged by a gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat and feather: to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs medals with the impressions of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other presents were distributed, but none seemed to give them more satisfaction than an iron corn mill which we gave to the mandans. the chiefs who were made to-day are: shahaka or big white, a first chief, and kagohami or little raven, a second chief of the lower village of the mandans, called matootonha: the other chiefs of an inferior quality who were recommended were, . ohheenaw, or big man, a chayenne taken prisoner by the mandans who adopted him, and he now enjoys great consideration among the tribe. . shotahawrora, or coal, of the second mandan village which is called rooptahee. we made poscopsahe, or black cat, the first chief of the village, and the grand chief of the whole mandan nation: his second chief is kagonomokshe, or raven man chief; inferior chiefs of this village were, tawnuheo, and bellahsara, of which we did not learn the translation. in the third village which is called mahawha, and where the arwacahwas reside, we made one first chief, tetuckopinreha, or white buffaloe robe unfolded, and recognized two of an inferior order: minnissurraree, or neighing horse, and locongotiha, or old woman at a distance. of the fourth village where the minnetarees live, and which is called metaharta, we made a first chief, ompsehara, or black moccasin: a second chief, ohhaw, or little fox. other distinguished chiefs of this village were, mahnotah, or big thief, a man whom we did not see as he is out fighting, and was killed soon after; and mahserassa, or tail of the calumet bird. in the fifth village we made a first chief eapanopa, or red shield; a second chief wankerassa, or two tailed calumet bird, both young chiefs; other persons of distinction are, shahakohopinnee, or little wolf's medicine; ahrattanamoekshe, or wolfman chief, who is now at war, and is the son of the old chief we have mentioned, whose name is caltahcota, or cherry on a bush. the presents intended for the grand chief of the minnetarees, who was not at the council, were sent to him by the old chief caltahcota; and we delivered to a young chief those intended for the chief of the lower village. the council was concluded by a shot from our swivel, and after firing the airgun for their amusement, they retired to deliberate on the answer which they are to give to-morrow. in the evening the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury, the whole plain being enveloped in flames: so rapid was its progress that a man and a woman were burnt to death before they could reach a place of safety; another man with his wife and child were much burnt, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest a boy of the half white breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames; his safety was ascribed to the great medicine spirit, who had preserved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and covering him with the fresh hide of a buffaloe, escaped herself from the flames; as soon as the fire had passed, she returned and found him untouched, the skin having prevented, the flame from reaching the grass on which he lay. tuesday . we were this morning visited by two persons from the lower village, one the big white the chief of the village, the other the chayenne called the big man; they had been hunting, and did not return yesterday early enough to attend the council. at their request we repeated part of our speech of yesterday, and put the medal round the neck of the chief. captain clarke took a periogue and went up the river in search of a good wintering place, and returned after going seven miles to the lower point of an island on the north side, about one mile in length; he found the banks on the north side high, with coal occasionally, and the country fine on all sides; but the want of wood and the scarcity of game up the river, induced us to decide on fixing ourselves lower down during the winter. in the evening our men danced among themselves to the great amusement of the indians. wednesday . a second chief arrived this morning with an invitation from the grand chief of the mandans, to come to his village where he wished to present some corn to us and to speak with us. captain clarke walked down to his village; he was first seated with great ceremony on a robe by the side of the chief, who then threw over his shoulders another robe handsomely ornamented. the pipe was then smoked with several of the old men who were seated around the chief; after some time he began his discourse, by observing that he believed what we had told him, and that they should soon enjoy peace, which would gratify him as well as his people, because they could then hunt without fear of being attacked, and the women might work in the fields without looking every moment for the enemy, and at night put off their moccasins, a phrase by which is conveyed the idea of security when the women could undress at night without fear of attack. as to the ricaras, he continued, in order to show you that we wish peace with all men, that chief, pointing to his second chief, will go with some warriors back to the ricaras with their chief now here and smoke with that nation. when we heard of your coming all the nations around returned from their hunting to see you, in hopes of receiving large presents; all are disappointed and some discontented; for his part he was not much so, though his village was. he added that he would go and see his great father the president. two of the steel traps stolen from the frenchmen were then laid before captain clarke, and the women brought about twelve bushels of corn. after the chief had finished, captain clarke made an answer to the speech and then returned to the boat, where he found the chief of the third village and kagohami (the little raven) who smoked and talked about an hour. after they left the boat the grand chief of the mandans came dressed in the clothes we had given him, with his two children, and begged to see the men dance, in which they willingly gratified him. thursday, november st. mr. m'cracken, the trader whom we found here, set out to-day on his return to the british fort and factory on the assiniboin river, about one hundred and fifty miles from this place. he took a letter from captain lewis to the northwest company, inclosing a copy of the passport granted by the british minister in the united states. at ten o'clock the chiefs of the lower village arrived; they requested that we would call at their village for some corn, that they were willing to make peace with the ricaras, that they had never provoked the war between them, but as the ricaras had killed some of their chiefs, they had retaliated on them; that they had killed them like birds, till they were tired of killing them, so that they would send a chief and some warriors to smoke with them. in the evening we dropped down to the lower village where captain lewis went on shore, and captain clarke proceeded to a point of wood on the north side. friday, november . he therefore went up to the village where eleven bushels of corn were presented to him. in the meantime captain clarke went down with the boats three miles, and having found a good position where there was plenty of timber, encamped and began to fell trees to build our huts. our ricara chief set out with one mandan chief and several minnetaree and mandan warriors; the wind was from the southeast, and the weather being fine a crowd of indians came down to visit us. saturday . we now began the building of our cabins, and the frenchmen who are to return to st. louis are building a periogue for the purpose. we sent six men in a periogue to hunt down the river. we were also fortunate enough to engage in our service a canadian frenchmen, who had been with the chayenne indians on the black mountains, and last summer descended thence by the little missouri. mr. jessaume our interpreter also came down with his squaw and children to live at our camp. in the evening we received a visit from kagohami or little raven, whose wife accompanied him, bringing about sixty weight of dried meat, a robe and a pot of meal. we gave him in return a piece of tobacco, to his wife an axe and a few small articles, and both of them spent the night at our camp. two beavers were caught in traps this morning. sunday . we continued our labours: the timber which we employ is large and heavy, and chiefly consists of cottonwood and elm with some ash of an inferior size. great numbers of the indians pass our camp on their hunting excursions: the day was clear and pleasant, but last night was very cold and there was a white frost. monday . the indians are all out on their hunting parties: a camp of mandans caught within two days one hundred goats a short distance below us: their mode of hunting them is to form a large strong pen or fold, from which a fence made of bushes gradually widens on each side: the animals are surrounded by the hunters and gently driven towards this pen, in which they imperceptibly find themselves inclosed and are then at the mercy of the hunters. the weather is cloudy and the wind moderate from the northwest. late at night we were awaked by the sergeant on guard to see the beautiful phenomenon called the northern light: along the northern sky was a large space occupied by a light of a pale but brilliant white colour: which rising from the horizon extended itself to nearly twenty degrees above it. after glittering for some time its colours would be overcast, and almost obscured, but again it would burst out with renewed beauty; the uniform colour was pale light, but its shapes were various and fantastic: at times the sky was lined with light coloured streaks rising perpendicularly from the horizon, and gradually expanding into a body of light in which we could trace the floating columns sometimes advancing, sometimes retreating and shaping into infinite forms, the space in which they moved. it all faded away before the morning. at daylight, tuesday , the clouds to the north were darkening and the wind rose high from the northwest at eight o'clock, and continued cold during the day. mr. gravelines and four others who came with us returned to the ricaras in a small periogue, we gave him directions to accompany some of the ricara chiefs to the seat of government in the spring. wednesday . the day was temperate but cloudy and foggy, and we were enabled to go on with our work with much expedition. thursday . the morning again cloudy; our huts advance very well, and we are visited by numbers of indians who come to let their horses graze near us: in the day the horses are let loose in quest of grass, in the night they are collected and receive an armful of small boughs of the cottonwood, which being very juicy, soft and brittle, form nutritious and agreeable food: the frost this morning was very severe, the weather during the day cloudy and the wind from the northwest. we procured from an indian a weasel perfectly white except the extremity of the tail which was black: great numbers of wild geese are passing to the south, but their flight is too high for us to procure any of them. november . we had again a raw day, a northwest wind, but rose early in hopes of finishing our works before the extreme cold begins. a chief who is a half pawnee came to us and brought a present of half a buffaloe, in return for which we gave him some small presents and a few articles to his wife and son: he then crossed the river in a buffaloe skin canoe; his wife took the boat on her back and carried it to the village three miles off. large flocks of geese and brant, and also a few ducks are passing towards the south. sunday . the weather is cold. we received the visit of two squaws, prisoners from the rock mountains, and purchased by chaboneau. the mandans at this time are out hunting the buffaloe. monday . the last night had been cold and this morning we had a very hard frost: the wind changeable during the day, and some ice appears on the edges of the rivers; swans too are passing to the south. the big white came down to us, having packed on the back of his squaw about one hundred pounds of very fine meat: for which we gave him as well as the squaw some presents, particularly an axe to the woman with which she was very much pleased. tuesday . we this morning unloaded the boat and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we have built. at half past ten ice began to float down the river for the first time: in the course of the morning we were visited by the black cat, poscapsahe, who brought an assiniboin chief and seven warriors to see us. this man, whose name is chechawk, is a chief of one out of three bands of assiniboins who wander over the plains between the missouri and assiniboin during the summer, and in the winter carry the spoils of their hunting to the traders on the assiniboin river, and occasionally come to this place: the whole three bands consist of about eight hundred men. we gave him a twist of tobacco to smoke with his people, and a gold cord for himself: the sioux also asked for whiskey which we refused to give them. it snowed all day and the air was very cold. wednesday . the river rose last night half an inch, and is now filled with floating ice. this morning was cloudy with some snow: about seventy lodges of assiniboins and some knistenaux are at the mandan village, and this being the day of adoption and exchange of property between them all, it is accompanied by a dance, which prevents our seeing more than two indians to-day: these knistenaux are a band of chippeways whose language they speak; they live on the assiniboin and saskashawan rivers, and are about two hundred and forty men. we sent a man down on horseback to see what had become of our hunters, and as we apprehend a failure of provisions we have recourse to our pork this evening. two frenchmen who had been below returned with twenty beaver which they had caught in traps. thursday . the morning again cloudy, and the ice running thicker than yesterday, the wind variable. the man came back with information that our hunters were about thirty miles below, and we immediately sent an order to them to make their way through the floating ice, to assist them in which we sent some tin for the bow of the periogue and a towrope. the ceremony of yesterday seem to continue still, for we were not visited by a single indian. the swan are still passing to the south. friday . we had a very hard white frost this morning, the trees are all covered with ice, and the weather cloudy. the men this day moved into the huts, although they are not finished. in the evening some horses were sent down to the woods near us in order to prevent their being stolen by the assiniboins, with whom some difficulty is now apprehended. an indian came down with four buffaloe robes and some corn, which he offered for a pistol, but was refused. saturday, november . last night was very cold, and the ice in the river to-day is thicker than hitherto. we are totally occupied with our huts, but received visits from several indians. sunday, november . to-day we had a cold windy morning; the black cat came to see us, and occupied us for a long time with questions on the usages of our country. he mentioned that a council had been held yesterday to deliberate on the state of their affairs. it seems that not long ago, a party of sioux fell in with some horses belonging to the minnetarees, and carried them off; but in their flight they were met by some assiniboins, who killed the sioux and kept the horses: a frenchman too who had lived many years among the mandans, was lately killed on his route to the british factory on the assiniboin; some smaller differences existed between the two nations, all of which being discussed, the council decided that they would not resent the recent insults from the assiniboins and knistenaux, until they had seen whether we had deceived them or not in our promises of furnishing them with arms and ammunition. they had been disappointed in their hopes of receiving them from mr. evans and were afraid that we too, like him, might tell them what was not true. we advised them to continue at peace, that supplies of every kind would no doubt arrive for them, but that time was necessary to organize the trade. the fact is that the assiniboins treat the mandans as the sioux do the ricaras; by their vicinity to the british they get all the supplies, which they withhold or give at pleasure to the remoter indians: the consequence is, that however badly treated, the mandans and ricaras are very slow to retaliate lest they should* lose their trade altogether. monday . the ice continues to float in the river, the wind high from the northwest, and the weather cold. our hunters arrived from their excursion below, and bring a very fine supply of thirty-two deer, eleven elk, and five buffaloe, all of which was hung in a smokehouse. tuesday . we this day moved into our huts which are now completed. this place which we call fort mandan, is situated in a point of low ground, on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cottonwood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they joined each other; each row containing four rooms, of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling*, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground: the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height, and opposite the angle the place of the wall was supplied by picketing; in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude by observation is ° ' ", and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri sixteen hundred miles. in the course of the day several indians came down to partake of our fresh meat; among the rest, three chiefs of the second mandan village. they inform us that the sioux on the missouri above the chayenne river, threaten to attack them this winter; that these sioux are much irritated at the ricaras for having made peace through our means with the mandans, and have lately ill treated three ricaras who carried the pipe of peace to them, by beating them and taking away their horses. we gave them assurances that we would protect them from all their enemies. november st. the weather was this day fine: the river clear of ice and rising a little: we are now settled in our new winter habitation, and shall wait with much anxiety the first return of spring to continue our journey. the villages near which we are established are five in number, and are the residence of three distinct nations: the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the history of the mandans, as we received it from our interpreters and from the chiefs themselves, and as it is attested by existing monuments, illustrates more than that of any other nation the unsteady movements and the tottering fortunes of the american nations. within the recollection of living witnesses, the mandans were settled forty years ago in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below, and situated seven on the west and two on the east side of the missouri. the two finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, united into one village, and moved up the river opposite to the ricaras. the same causes reduced the remaining seven to five villages, till at length they emigrated in a body to the ricara nation, where they formed themselves into two villages, and joined those of their countrymen who had gone before them. in their new residence they were still insecure, and at length the three villages ascended the missouri to their present position. the two who had emigrated together still settled in the two villages on the northwest side of the missouri, while the single village took a position on the southeast side. in this situation they were found by those who visited them in ; since which the two villages have united into one. they are now in two villages, one on the southeast of the missouri, the other on the opposite side, and at the distance of three miles across. the first, in an open plain, contains about forty or fifty lodges, built in the same way as those of the ricaras: the second, the same number, and both may raise about three hundred and fifty men. on the same side of the river, and at the distance of four miles from the lower mandan village, is another called mahaha. it is situated in a high plain at the mouth of knife river, and is the residence of the ahnahaways. this nation, whose name indicates that they were "people whose village is on a hill," formerly resided on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assiniboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, where the greatest part of them were put to death, and the rest emigrated to their present situation, in order to obtain an assylum near the minnetarees. they are called by the french, soulier noir or shoe indians; by the mandans, wattasoons, and their whole force is about fifty men. on the south side of the same knife river, half a mile above the mahaha and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees surnamed metaharta, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. on the opposite side of knife river, and one and a half mile above this village is a second of minnetarees, who may be considered as the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful low plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the accounts which we received of the minnetarees were contradictory. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them in their former establishment in nine villages; that they were very numerous, and fixed themselves in one village on the southern side of the missouri. a quarrel about a buffaloe divided the nation, of which two bands went into the plains, and were known by the name of crow and paunch indians, and the rest moved to their present establishment. the minnetarees proper assert, on the contrary, that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared that if they moved they would all die. they also say that the minnetarees metaharta, that is minnetarees of the willows, whose language with very little variation is their own, came many years ago from the plains and settled near them, and perhaps the two traditions may be reconciled by the natural presumption that these minnetarees were the tribe known to the mandans below, and that they ascended the river for the purpose of rejoining the minnetarees proper. these minnetarees are part of the great nation called fall indians, who occupy the intermediate country between the missouri and the saskaskawan, and who are known by the name of minnetarees of the missouri, and minnetarees of fort de prairie; that is, residing near or rather frequenting the establishment in the prairie on the saskaskawan. these minnetarees indeed, told us that they had relations on the saskaskawan, whom they had never known till they met them in war, and having engaged in the night were astonished at discovering that they were fighting with men who spoke their own language. the name of grosventres, or bigbellies is given to these minnetarees, as well as to all the fall indians. the inhabitants of these five villages, all of which are within the distance of six miles, live in harmony with each other. the ahnahaways understand in part the language of the minnetarees: the dialect of the mandans differs widely from both; but their long residence together has insensibly blended their manners, and occasioned some approximation in language, particularly as to objects of daily occurrence and obvious to the senses. november . the morning was fine, and the day warm. we purchased from the mandans a quantity of corn of a mixed colour, which they dug up in ears from holes made near the front of their lodges, in which it is buried during the winter: this morning the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort; we went down to the house of our interpreter where we found the parties, and after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such as atrocity. it appeared that some days ago a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the two squaws of our interpreter lived: by running away she forfeited her life, which might have been lawfully taken by the husband. about two days ago she had returned to the village, but the same evening came back to the fort much beaten and stabbed in three places, and the husband now came for the purpose of completing his revenge. he observed that he had lent her to one of our serjeants for a night, and that if he wanted her he would give her to him altogether: we gave him a few presents and tried to persuade him to take his wife home; the grand chief too happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence, till at length they went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent love. november . again we had a fair and warm day, with the wind from the southeast: the river is now at a stand having risen four inches in the whole. november . the wind continued from the same quarter and the weather was warm: we were occupied in finishing our huts and making a large rope of elk-skin to draw our boat on the bank. sunday, november . the weather is still fine, warm and pleasant, and the river falls one inch and a half. captain lewis went on an excursion to the villages accompanied by eight men. a minnetaree chief, the first who has visited us, came down to the fort: his name was waukerassa, but as both the interpreters had gone with captain lewis we were obliged to confine our civilities to some presents with which he was much pleased: we now completed our huts, and fortunately too, for the next day, monday, november , before daylight the wind shifted to the northwest, and blew very hard, with cloudy weather and a keen cold air, which confined us much and prevented us from working: the night continued very cold, and, tuesday , the weather cloudy, the wind continuing from the northwest and the river crowded with floating ice. captain lewis returned with two chiefs mahnotah, an ahnahaway, and minnessurraree a minnetaree, and a third warrior: they explained to us that the reason of their not having come to see us, was that the mandans had told them that we meant to combine with the sioux and cut them off in the course of the winter: a suspicion increased by the strength of the fort, and the circumstance of our interpreters having both removed there with their families: these reports we did not fail to disprove to their entire satisfaction, and amused them by every attention, particularly by the dancing of the men which diverted them highly. all the indians whom captain lewis had visited were very well disposed, and received him with great kindness, except a principal chief of one of the upper villages, named mabpahpaparapassatoo or horned weasel, who made use of the civilized indecorum of refusing to be seen, and when captain lewis called he was told the chief was not at home. in the course of the day seven of the northwest company's traders arrived from the assiniboin river, and one of their interpreters having undertaken to circulate among the indians unfavourable reports, it become necessary to warn them of the consequences if they did not desist from such proceedings. the river fell two inches to-day and the weather became very cold. wednesday . about eight o'clock last evening it began to snow and continued till daybreak, after which it ceased till seven o'clock, but then resumed and continued during the day, the weather being cold and the river full of floating ice: about eight o'clock poscopsahe came down to visit us, with some warriors; we gave them presents and entertained them with all that might amuse their curiosity, and at parting we told them that we had heard of the british trader, mr. laroche, having attempted to distribute medals and flags among them, but that those emblems could not be received from any other than the american nation without incurring the displeasure of their great father the president. they left us much pleased with their treatment. the river fell one inch to-day. thursday . the wind is again from the northwest, the weather cold, and the snow which fell yesterday and this night is thirteen inches in depth. the river closed during the night at the village above, and fell two feet; but this afternoon it began to rise a little. mr. laroche, the principal of the seven traders, came with one of his men to see us; we told him that we should not permit him to give medals and flags to the indians; he declared that he had no such intention, and we then suffered him to make use of one of our interpreters, on his stipulating not to touch any subject but that of his traffic with them. an unfortunate accident occurred to sergeant pryor, who in taking down the boat's mast dislocated his shoulder, nor was it till after four trials that we replaced it. friday . about eight o'clock an indian came to the opposite bank of the river, calling out that he had something important to communicate, and on sending for him, he told us that five mandans had been met about eight leagues to the southwest by a party of sioux, who had killed one of them, wounded two, and taken nine horses; that four of the wattasoons were missing, and that the mandans expected an attack. we thought this an excellent opportunity to discountenance the injurious reports against us, and to fix the wavering confidence of the nation. captain clarke therefore instantly crossed the river with twenty-three men strongly armed, and circling the town approached it from behind. his unexpected appearance surprised and alarmed the chiefs, who came out to meet him, and conducted him to the village. he then told them that having heard of the outrage just committed, he had come to assist his dutiful children; that if they would assemble their warriors and those of the nation, he would lead them against the sioux and avenge the blood of their countrymen. after some minutes conversation, oheenaw the chayenne arose; "we now see," said he, "that what you have told us is true, since as soon as our enemies threaten to attack us you come to protect us and are ready to chastise those who have spilt our blood. we did indeed listen to your good talk, for when you told us that the other nations were inclined to peace with us, we went out carelessly in small parties, and some have been killed by the sioux and ricaras. but i knew that the ricaras were liars, and i told their chief who accompanied you, that his whole nation were liars and bad men; that we had several times made a peace with them which they were the first to break; that whenever we pleased we might shoot them like buffaloe, but that we had no wish to kill them; that we would not suffer them to kill us, nor steal our horses; and that although we agreed to make peace with them, because our two fathers desired it, yet we did not believe that they would be faithful long. such, father, was my language to them in your presence, and you see that instead of listening to your good counsels they have spilt our blood. a few days ago two ricaras came here and told us that two of their villages were making moccasins, that the sioux were stirring them up against us, and that we ought to take care of our horses; yet these very ricaras we sent home as soon as the news reached us to-day, lest our people should kill them in the first moment of grief for their murdered relatives. four of the wattasoons whom we expected back in sixteen days have been absent twenty-four, and we fear have fallen. but father the snow is now deep, the weather cold, and our horses cannot travel through the plains; the murderers have gone off: if you will conduct us in the spring, when the snow has disappeared, we will assemble all the surrounding warriors and follow you." captain clarke replied that we were always willing and able to defend them; that he was sorry that the snow prevented their marching to meet the sioux, since he wished to show them that the warriors of their great father would chastise the enemies of his obedient children who opened their ears to his advice; that if some ricaras had joined the sioux, they should remember that there were bad men in every nation, and that they should not be offended at the ricaras till they saw whether these ill-disposed men were countenanced by the whole tribe; that the sioux possessed great influence over the ricaras, whom they supplied with military stores, and sometimes led them astray, because they were afraid to oppose them: but that this should be the less offensive since the mandans themselves were under the same apprehensions from the assiniboins and knistenaux, and that while they were thus dependant, both the ricaras and mandans ought to keep on terms with their powerful neighbours, whom they may afterwards set at defiance, when we shall supply them with arms, and take them under our protection. after two hours conversation captain clarke left the village. the chief repeatedly thanked him for the fatherly protection he had given them, observing that the whole village had been weeping all night and day for the brave young man who had been slain, but now they would wipe their eyes and weep no more as they saw that their father would protect them. he then crossed the river on the ice and returned on the north side to the fort. the day as well as the evening was cold, and the river rose to its former height. saturday, december . the wind was from the northwest, and the whole party engaged in picketing the fort. about ten o'clock the half-brother of the man who had been killed, came to inform us that six sharhas or chayenne indians had arrived, bringing a pipe of peace, and that their nation was three days march behind them. three pawnees had accompanied the sharhas, and the mandans being afraid of the sharhas on account of their being at peace with the sioux, wished to put both them and the three pawnees to death; but the chiefs had forbidden it as it would be contrary to our wishes. we gave him a present of tobacco, and although from his connexion with the sufferer, he was more embittered against the pawnees than any other mandan, yet he seemed perfectly satisfied with our pacific counsels and advice. the mandans, we observe, call all the ricaras by the name of pawnees; the name of ricaras being that by which the nation distinguishes itself. in the evening we were visited by a mr. henderson, who came from the hudson bay company to trade with the minnetarees. he had been about eight days on his route in a direction nearly south, and brought with him tobacco, beeds, and other merchandize to trade for furs, and a few guns which are to be exchanged for horses. sunday, december . the latter part of the evening was warm, and a thaw continued till the morning, when the wind shifted to the north. at eleven o'clock the chiefs of the lower village brought down four of the sharhas. we explained to them our intentions, and advised them to remain at peace with each other: we also gave them a flag, some tobacco, and a speech for their nation. these were accompanied by a letter to messrs. tabeau and gravelines at the ricara village, requesting them to preserve peace if possible, and to declare the part which we should be forced to take if the ricaras and sioux made war on those whom we had adopted. after distributing a few presents to the sharhas and mandans, and showing them our curiosities we dismissed them, apparently well pleased at their reception. monday, december . the morning was fine, but in the afternoon the weather became cold with the wind from the northwest. the father of the mandan who was killed brought us a present of dried pumpkins and some pemitigon, for which we gave him some small articles. our offer of assistance to avenge the death of his son seemed to have produced a grateful respect from him, as well as from the brother of the deceased, which pleased us much. tuesday th. the wind continues from the northwest, the weather cloudy and raw, and the river rose one inch, oscapsahe and two young chiefs pass the day with us. the whole religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius since it is associated with the healing art, and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine, a name also applied to every thing which they do not comprehend. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either some invisible being or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector or his intercessor with the great spirit; to propitiate whom every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. "i was lately owner of seventeen horses," said a mandan to us one day, "but i have offered them all up to my medicine and am now poor." he had in reality taken all his wealth, his horses, into the plain, and turning them loose committed them to the care of his medicine and abandoned them forever. the horses less religious took care of themselves, and the pious votary travelled home on foot. their belief in a future state is connected with this tradition of their origin: the whole nation resided in one large village under ground near a subterraneous lake; a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation and gave them a view of the light: some of the most adventurous climed up the vine and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloe and rich with every kind of fruits: returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste of them that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the charms of the upper region; men, women and children ascended by means of the vine; but when about half the nation had reached the surface of the earth, a corpulent woman who was clambering up the vine broke it with her weight, and closed upon herself and the rest of the nation the light of the sun. those who were left on earth made a village below where we saw the nine villages; and when the mandans die they expect to return to the original seats of their forefathers; the good reaching the ancient village by means of the lake, which the burden of the sins of the wicked will not enable them to cross. wednesday . the morning was cold and disagreeable, the wind from the southeast accompanied with snow: in the evening there was snow again and the wind shifted to the northeast: we were visited by several indians with a present of pumpkins, and by two of the traders of the northwest company. thursday . the wind was violent from the north northwest with some snow, the air keen and cold. at eight o'clock a.m. the thermometer stood at ten degrees above , and the river rose an inch and a half in the course of the day. friday, december . the wind still continued from the northwest and the day is very cold: shahaka the chief of the lower village came to apprise us that the buffaloe were near, and that his people were waiting for us to join them in the chase: captain clark with fifteen men went out and found the indians engaged in killing the buffaloe, the hunters mounted on horseback and armed with bows and arrows encircle the herd, and gradually drive them into a plain or an open place fit for the movements of horse; they then ride in among them, and singling out a buffaloe, a female being preferred, go as close as possible and wound her with arrows till they think they have given the mortal stroke; when they pursue another till the quiver is exhausted: if, which rarely happens, the wounded buffaloe attacks the hunter, he evades his blow by the agility of his horse which is trained for the combat with great dexterity. when they have killed the requisite number they collect their game, and the squaws and attendants come up from the rear and skin and dress the animals. captain clarke killed ten buffaloe, of which five only were brought to the fort, the rest which could not be conveyed home being seized by the indians, among whom the custom is that whenever a buffaloe is found dead without an arrow or any particular mark, he is the property of the finder; so that often a hunter secures scarcely any of the game he kills if the arrow happens to fall off: whatever is left out at night falls to the share of the wolves, who are the constant and numerous attendants of the buffaloe. the river closed opposite the fort last night, an inch and a half in thickness. in the morning the thermometer stood at one degree below . three men were badly frostbitten in consequence of their exposure. saturday . the thermometer stood at twelve degrees below , that is at forty-two degrees below the freezing point: the wind was from the northwest. captain lewis with fifteen men went out to hunt the buffaloe; great numbers of which darkened the prairies for a considerable distance: they did not return till after dark, having killed eight buffaloe and one deer. the hunt was, however, very fatiguing, as they were obliged to make a circuit at the distance of more than seven miles; the cold too, was so excessive that the air was filled with icy particles resembling a fog, and the snow generally six or eight inches deep and sometimes eighteen, in consequence of which two of the party were hurt by falls, and several had their feet frostbitten. sunday . the wind was this day from the east, the thermometer at seven degrees above , and the sun shone clear: two chiefs visited us, one in a sleigh drawn by a dog and loaded with meat. monday . captain clarke who had gone out yesterday with eighteen men to bring in the meat we had killed the day before, and to continue the hunt, came in at twelve o'clock. after killing nine buffaloe and preparing that already dead, he had spent a cold disagreeable night on the snow, with no covering but a small blanket, sheltered by the hides of the buffaloe they had killed. we observe large herds of buffaloe crossing the river on the ice, the men who were frostbitten are recovering, but the weather is still exceedingly cold, the wind being from the north, and the thermometer at ten and eleven degrees below : the rise of the river is one inch and a half. tuesday . the weather became so intensely cold that we sent for all the hunters who had remained out with captain clarke's party, and they returned in the evening several of them frostbitten. the wind was from the north and the thermometer at sunrise stood at twenty-one below , the ice in the atmosphere being so thick as to render the weather hazy and give the appearance of two suns reflecting each other. the river continues at a stand. pocapsahe made us a visit to-day. wednesday, december . the wind is still from the north, the thermometer being at sunrise thirty-eight degrees below . one of the ahnahaways brought us down the half of an antelope killed near the fort; we had been informed that all these animals return to the black mountains, but there are great numbers of them about us at this season which we might easily kill, but are unwilling to venture out before our constitutions are hardened gradually to the climate. we measured the river on the ice, and find it five hundred yards wide immediately opposite the fort. thursday . last night was clear and a very heavy frost covered the old snow, the thermometer at sun rise being twenty degrees below , and followed by a fine day. the river falls. friday . the morning was fine, and the weather having moderated so far, that the mercury stood at , captain lewis went down with a party to hunt; they proceeded about eighteen miles, but the buffaloe having left the banks of the river they saw only two, which were so poor as not to be worth killing, and shot two deer. notwithstanding the snow we were visited by a large number of the mandans. saturday . captain lewis finding no game returned to the fort hunting on both sides of the river, but with no success. the wind being from the north, the mercury at sunrise eight degrees below , and the snow of last night an inch and a half in depth. the indian chiefs continue to visit us to-day with presents of meat. sunday . the morning is clear and cold, the mercury at sunrise ° below . a mr. haney with two other persons from the british establishment on the assiniboin, arrived in six days with a letter from mr. charles chabouilles, one of the company, who with much politeness offered to render us any service in his power. monday . the weather to-day was colder than any we had yet experienced, the thermometer at sunrise being ° below , and about eight o'clock it fell to ° below the freezing point. from mr. haney, who is a very sensible intelligent man, we obtained much geographical information with regard to the country between the missouri and mississippi, and the various tribes of sioux who inhabit it. tuesday . the thermometer at sunrise was ° below . the indians had invited us yesterday to join their chace to-day, but the seven men whom we sent returned in consequence of the cold, which was so severe last night that we were obliged to have the sentinel relieved every half hour. the northwest traders however left us on their return home. wednesday . the weather moderated, and the river rose a little, so that we were enabled to continue the picketing of the fort. notwithstanding the extreme cold, we observe the indians at the village engaged out in the open air at a game which resembled billiards more than any thing we had seen, and which we inclined to suspect may have been acquired by ancient intercourse with the french of canada. from the first to the second chief's lodge, a distance of about fifty yards, was covered with timber smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses, with a battery at the end to stop the rings: these rings were of clay-stone and flat like the chequers for drafts, and the sticks were about four feet long, with two short pieces at one end in the form of a mace, so fixed that the whole will slide along the board. two men fix themselves at one end, each provided with a stick, and one of them with a ring: they then run along the board, and about half way slide the sticks after the ring. thursday . the wind was from the n.w. the weather moderate, the thermometer ° above at sunrise. we availed ourselves of this change to picket the fort near the river. friday . the day was fine and warm, the wind n.w. by w. the indian who had been prevented a few days ago from killing his wife, came with both his wives to the fort, and was very desirous of reconciling our interpreter, a jealousy against whom on account of his wife's taking refuge in his house, had been the cause of his animosity. a woman brought her child with an abscess in the lower part of the back, and offered as much corn as she could carry for some medicine; we administered to it of course very cheerfully. saturday, d. a number of squaws and men dressed like squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things we procured two horns of the animal called by the french the rock mountain sheep, and known to the mandans by the name of ahsahta. the animal itself is about the size of a small elk or large deer: the horns winding like those of a ram which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. sunday, d. the weather was fine and warm like that of yesterday: we were again visited by crowds of indians of all descriptions, who came either to trade or from mere curiosity. among the rest kogahami, the little raven, brought his wife and son loaded with corn, and she then entertained us with a favourite mandan dish, a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and chokecherries with the stones, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. monday, th. the day continued warm and pleasant, and the number of visitors became troublesome. as a present to three of the chiefs, we divided a fillet of sheepskin which we brought for spunging into three pieces each of two inches in width; they were delighted at the gift, which they deemed of equal value with a fine horse. we this day completed our fort, and the next morning being christmas, tuesday, th, we were awaked before day by a discharge of three platoons from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us as it was one of our great medicine days; so that the men remained at home and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out, and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity. wednesday, th. the weather is again temperate, but no indians have come to see us. one of the northwest traders who came down to request the aid of our minnetaree interpreter, informs us that a party of minnetarees who had gone in pursuit of the assiniboins who lately stole their horses had just returned. as is their custom, they came back in small detachments, the last of which brought home eight horses which they had captured or stolen from an assiniboin camp on mouse river. thursday, th. a little fine snow fell this morning and the air was colder than yesterday, with a high northwest wind. we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles; his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us, but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered as a very great medicine. having heretofore promised a more particular account of the sioux, the following may serve as a general outline of their history: almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnepeg, the saskaskawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is darcota, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. their original seats were on the mississippi, but they have gradually spread themselves abroad and become subdivided into numerous tribes. of these, what may be considered as the darcotas are the mindawarcarton, or minowakanton, known to the french by the name of the gens du lac, or people of the lake. their residence is on both sides of the mississippi near the falls of st. anthony, and the probable number of their warriors about three hundred. above them, on the river st. peter's, is the wahpatone, a smaller band of nearly two hundred men; and still farther up the same river below yellow-wood river are the wahpatootas or gens de feuilles, an inferior band of not more than one hundred men; while the sources of the st. peter's are occupied by the sisatoones, a band consisting of about two hundred warriors. these bands rarely if ever approach the missouri, which is occupied by their kinsmen the yanktons and the tetons. the yanktons are of two tribes, those of the plains, or rather of the north, a wandering race of about five hundred men, who roam over the plains at the heads of the jacques, the sioux, and the red river; and those of the south, who possess the country between the jacques and sioux rivers and the desmoine. but the bands of sioux most known on the missouri are the tetons. the first who are met on ascending the missouri is the tribe called by the french the tetons of the boise brule or burntwood, who reside on both sides of the missouri, about white and teton rivers, and number two hundred warriors. above them on the missouri are the teton okandandas, a band of one hundred and fifty men living below the chayenne river, between which and the wetarhoo river is a third band, called teton minnakenozzo, of nearly two hundred and fifty men; and below the warreconne is the fourth and last tribe of tetons of about three hundred men, and called teton saone. northward of these, between the assiniboin and the missouri, are two bands of assiniboins, one on mouse river of about two hundred men, and called assiniboin menatopa; the other, residing on both sides of white river, called by the french gens de feuilles, and amounting to two hundred and fifty men. beyond these a band of assiniboins of four hundred and fifty men, and called the big devils, wander on the heads of milk, porcupine, and martha's rivers; while still farther to the north are seen two bands of the same nation, one of five hundred and the other of two hundred, roving on the saskaskawan. those assiniboins are recognised by a similarity of language, and by tradition as descendents or seceders from the sioux; though often at war are still acknowledged as relations. the sioux themselves, though scattered, meet annually on the jacques, those on the missouri trading with those on the mississippi. chapter vi. the party increase in the favour of the mandans--description of a buffaloe dance--medicine dance--the fortitude with which the indians bear the severity of the season--distress of the party for want of provisions--the great importance of the blacksmith in procuring it--depredations of the sioux--the homage paid to the medicine stone--summary act of justice among the minnetarees--the process by which the mandans and ricaras make beads--character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. friday, th. the wind continued high last night, the frost severe, and the snow drifting in great quantities through the plains. saturday, th. there was a frost fell last night nearly one quarter of an inch in depth, which continued to fall till the sun had gained some height: the mercury at sunrise stood at ° below : there were a number of indians at the fort in the course of the day. sunday, th. the weather was cold, and the thermometer ° below . we killed one deer, and yesterday one of the men shot a wolf. the indians brought corn, beans, and squashes, which they very readily gave for getting their axes and kettles mended. in their general conduct during these visits they are honest, but will occasionally pilfer any small article. monday, . during the night there was a high wind which covered the ice with hillocks of mixed sand and snow: the day was however fine, and the indians came in great numbers for the purpose of having their utensils repaired. tuesday, january , . the new year was welcomed by two shot from the swivel and a round of small arms. the weather was cloudy but moderate; the mercury which at sunrise was at °, in the course of the day rose to ° above : towards evening it began to rain, and at night we had snow, the temperature for which is about . in the morning we permitted sixteen men with their music to go up to the first village, where they delighted the whole tribe with their dances, particularly with the movements of one of the frenchmen who danced on his head. in return they presented the dancers with several buffaloe robes and quantities of corn. we were desirous of showing this attention to the village, because they had received an impression that we had been wanting in regard for them, and they had in consequence circulated invidious comparisons between us and the northern traders: all these however they declared to captain clarke, who visited them in the course of the morning, were made in jest. as captain clarke was about leaving the village, two of their chiefs returned from a mission to the grosventres or wandering minnetarees. these people were encamped about ten miles above, and while there one of the ahnahaways had stolen a minnetaree girl: the whole nation immediately espoused the quarrel, and one hundred and fifty of their warriors were marching down to revenge the insult on the ahnahaways. the chief of that nation took the girl from the ravisher, and giving her to the mandans requested their intercession. the messengers went out to meet the warriors, and delivered the young damsel into the hands of her countrymen, smoked the pipe of peace with them, and were fortunate enough to avert their indignation and induce them to return. in the evening some of the men came to the fort and the rest slept in the village. pocapsahe also visited us and brought some meat on his wife's back. wednesday, january . it snowed last night, and during this day the same scene of gayety was renewed at the second village, and all the men returned in the evening. thursday . last night it became very cold, and this morning we had some snow: our hunters were sent out for buffaloe, but the game had been frightened from the river by the indians, so that they obtained only one: they however killed a hare and a wolf. among the indians who visited us was a minnetaree who came to seek his wife: she had been much abused and came here for protection, but returned with him; as we had no authority to separate those whom even the mandan rites had united. friday . the morning was cloudy and warm, the mercury being ° above : but towards evening the wind changed to northwest, and the weather became cold. we sent some hunters down the river, but they killed only one buffaloe and a wolf. we received the visit of kagohami who is very friendly, and to whom we gave a hankerchief and two files. saturday . we had high and boisterous winds last night and this morning: the indians continue to purchase repairs with grain of different kinds. in the first village there has been a buffaloe dance for the last three nights, which has put them all into commotion, and the description which we received from those of the party who visited the village and from other sources, is not a little ludicrous: the buffaloe dance is an institution originally intended for the benefit of the old men, and practised at their suggestion. when buffaloe becomes scarce they send a man to harangue the village, declaring that the game is far off and that a feast is necessary to bring it back, and if the village be disposed a day and place is named for the celebration of it. at the appointed hour the old men arrive, and seat themselves crosslegged on skins round a fire in the middle of the lodge with a sort of doll or small image, dressed like a female, placed before them. the young men bring with them a platter of provisions, a pipe of tobacco, and their wives, whose dress on the occasion is only a robe or mantle loosely thrown round the body. on their arrival each youth selects the old man whom he means to distinguish by his favour, and spreads before him the provisions, after which he presents the pipe and smokes with him. mox senex vir simulacrum parvæ puellæ ostensit. tune egrediens eætu, jecit effigium solo et superincumbens, senili ardore veneris complexit. hoc est signum. denique uxor e turba recessit, et jactu corporis, fovet amplexus viri solo recubante. maritus appropinquans senex vir dejecto vultu, et honorem et dignitatem ejus conservare amplexu uxoris illum oravit. forsitan imprimis ille refellit; dehine, maritus multis precibus, multis lachrymis, et multis donis vehementer intercessit. tune senex amator perculsus miserecordia, tot precibus, tot lachrymis, et tot donis, conjugali amplexu submisit. multum ille jactatus est, sed debilis et effoetus senectute, frustra jactatus est. maritus interdum stans juxta guadit multum honore, et ejus dignitati sic conservata. unus nostrum sodalium multum alacrior et potentior juventute, hac nocte honorem quartour maritorum custodivit. sunday . a clear cold morning with high wind: we caught in a trap a large gray wolf, and last night obtained in the same way a fox who had for some time infested the neighbourhood of the fort. only a few indians visited us to-day. monday . the weather was again clear and cold with a high northwest wind, and the thermometer at sunrise ° below ; the river fell an inch. shahaka the big white chief dined with us, and gave a connected sketch of the country as far as the mountains. tuesday . the wind was still from the northwest, the day cold, and we received few indians at the fort. besides the buffaloe dance we have just described, there is another called medicine dance, an entertainment given by any person desirous of doing honour to his medicine or genius. he announces, that on such a day he will sacrifice his horses, or other property, and invites the young females of the village to assist in rendering homage to his medicine; all the inhabitants may join in the solemnity, which is performed in the open plain and by daylight, but the dance is reserved for the virgins or at least the unmarried females, who disdain the incumbrance or the ornament of dress. the feast is opened by devoting the goods of the master of the feast to his medicine, which is represented by a head of the animal itself, or by a medicine bag if the deity be an invisible being. the young women then begin the dance, in the intervals of which each will prostrate herself before the assembly to challenge or reward the boldness of the youth, who are often tempted by feeling or the hopes of distinction to achieve the adventure. wednesday . the weather is cold, the thermometer at sunrise ° below . kagohami breakfasted with us, and captain clarke with three or four men accompanied him and a party of indians to hunt, in which they were so fortunate as to kill a number of buffaloe: but they were incommoded by snow, by high and squally winds, and by extreme cold; several of the indians came to the fort nearly frozen, others are missing, and we are uneasy, for one of our men who was separated from the rest during the chase has not returned: in the morning, thursday , however, he came back just as we were sending out five men in search of him. the night had been excessively cold, and this morning at sunrise the mercury stood at ° below , or below the freezing point. he had however, made a fire and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, also came in soon after. his father who came last night to inquire after him very anxiously, had sent him in the afternoon to the fort: he was overtaken by the night, and was obliged to sleep on the snow with no covering except a pair of antelope skin moccasins and leggings and a buffaloe robe: his feet being frozen we put them into cold water, and gave him every attention in our power. about the same time an indian who had also been missing returned to the fort, and although his dress was very thin, and he had slept on the snow without a fire, he had not suffered the slightest inconvenience. we have indeed observed that these indians support the rigours of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible. a more pleasing reflection occurred at seeing the warm interest which the situation of these two persons had excited in the village, the boy had been a prisoner and adopted from charity, yet the distress of the father proved that he felt for him the tenderest affection, the man was a person of no distinction, yet the whole village was full of anxiety for his safety and when they came to us, borrowed a sleigh to bring them home with ease, if they survived, or to carry their bodies if they had perished. friday . we despatched three hunters to join the same number whom we had sent below about seven miles to hunt elk. like that of yesterday the weather to-day was cold and clear, the thermometer standing at ° below . poscopsahe and shotahawrora visited us, and past the night at the fort. saturday . the weather continues very cold, the mercury at sunrise being ° below . three of the hunters returned, having killed three elk. sunday . we have a continuation of clear weather, and the cold has increased, the mercury having sunk to ° below . nearly one half of the mandan nation passed down the river to hunt for several days; in these excursions men, women and children, with their dogs, all leave the village together, and after discovering a spot convenient for the game, fix their tents; all the family bear their part in the labour, and the game is equally divided among the families of the tribe. when a single hunter returns from the chase with more than is necessary for his own immediate consumption, the neighbours are entitled by custom to a share of it: they do not however ask for it, but send a squaw, who without saying any thing, sits down by the door of the lodge till the master understands the hint, and gives her gratuitously a part for her family. chaboneau who with one man had gone to some lodges of minnetarees near the turtle mountain, returned with their faces much frostbitten. they had been about ninety miles distant, and procured from the inhabitants some meat and grease, with which they loaded the horses. he informs us that the agent of the hudson bay company at that place, had been endeavouring to make unfavourable impressions with regard to us on the mind of the great chief, and that the n.w. company intend building a fort there. the great chief had in consequence spoken slightly of the americans, but said that if we would give him our great flag he would come and see us. monday . the mandans continue to pass down the river on their hunting party, and were joined by six of our men. one of those sent on thursday returned, with information that one of his companions had his feet so badly frostbitten that he could not walk home. in their excursion they had killed a buffaloe, a wolf, two porcupines and a white hare. the weather was more moderate to-day, the mercury being at ° below , and the wind from the s.e. we had however some snow, after which it remained cloudy. tuesday . the morning is much warmer than yesterday, and the snow begins to melt, though the wind after being for some time from the s.e. suddenly shifted to n.w. between twelve and three o'clock a.m. there was a total eclipse of the moon, from which we obtained a part of the observation necessary for ascertaining the longitude. we were visited by four of the most distinguished men of the minnetarees, to whom we showed marked attentions, as we knew that they had been taught to entertain strong prejudices against us; these we succeeded so well in removing, that when in the morning, wednesday , about thirty mandans, among whom six were chiefs came to see us, the minnetarees reproached them with their falsehoods, declaring that they were bad men and ought to hide themselves. they had told the minnetarees that we would kill them if they came to the fort, yet on the contrary they had spent a night there and been treated with kindness by the whites, who had smoked with them and danced for their amusement. kagohami visited us and brought us a little corn, and soon afterwards one of the first war chiefs of the minnetarees came accompanied by his squaw, a handsome woman, whom he was desirous we should use during the night. he favoured us with a more acceptable present, a draft of the missouri in his manner, and informed us of his intention to go to war in the spring against the snake indians; we advised him to reflect seriously before he committed the peace of his nation to the hazards of war; to look back on the numerous nations whom war has destroyed, that if he wished his nation to be happy he should cultivate peace and intercourse with all his neighbours, by which means they would procure more horses, increase in numbers, and that if he went to war he would displease his great father the president, and forfeit his protection. we added that we had spoken thus to all the tribes whom we had met, that they had all opened their ears, and that the president would compel those who did not voluntarily listen to his advice. although a young man of only twenty-six years of age, this discourse seemed to strike him. he observed that if it would be displeasing to us he would not go to war, since he had horses enough, and that he would advise all the nation to remain at home, until we had seen the snake indians, and discovered whether their intentions were pacific. the party who went down with the horses for the man who was frostbitten returned, and we are glad to find his complaint not serious. thursday . the day was very windy from the north; the morning clear and cold, the thermometer at sunrise being at : we had several indians with us. friday . the weather is fine and moderate. messrs. laroche and m'kenzie, two of the n.w. company's traders, visited us with some of the minnetarees. in the afternoon two of our hunters returned, having killed four wolves and a blaireau. saturday . another cloudy day. the two traders set out on their return, and we sent two men with the horses thirty miles below to the hunting camp. sunday . the day fair and cold. a number of indians visit us with corn to exchange for articles, and to pay for repairs to their household utensils. monday . the weather was fine and moderate. the hunters all returned, having killed during their absence three elk, four deer, two porcupines, a fox and a hare. tuesday . the cold having moderated and the day pleasant, we attempted to cut the boats out of the ice, but at the distance of eight inches came to water, under which the ice became three feet thick, so that we were obliged to desist. wednesday . the cold weather returned, the mercury having sunk ° below , and the snow fell four inches deep. thursday . the day was colder than any we have had lately, the thermometer being at ° below . the hunters whom we sent out returned unsuccessful, and the rest were occupied in cutting wood to make charcoal. friday . the thermometer was at ° below , the wind from n.w. and the day fair, so that the men were employed in preparing coal, and cutting the boats out of the ice. a band of assiniboins headed by their chief, called by the french, son of the little calf, have arrived at the villages. saturday . a fine warm day: a number of indians dine with us: and one of our men is attacked with a violent pleurisy. sunday . another warm and pleasant day: we again attempted to get the boat out of the ice. the man who has the pleurisy was blooded and sweated, and we were forced to take off the toes of the young indian who was frostbitten some time since. our interpreter returned from the villages, bringing with him three of mr. laroche's horses which he had sent in order to keep them out of the way of the assiniboins, who are very much disposed to steal, and who have just returned to their camp. monday . the weather to-day is clear and cold: we are obliged to abandon the plan of cutting the boat through the ice, and therefore made another attempt the next day, tuesday , by heating a quantity of stones so as to warm the water in the boat, and thaw the surrounding ice: but in this too we were disappointed, as all the stones on being put into the fire cracked into pieces: the weather warm and pleasant: the man with the pleurisy is recovering. wednesday . the morning was fair, but afterwards became cloudy. mr. laroche the trader from the northwest company paid us a visit, in hopes of being able to accompany us on our journey westward, but this proposal we thought it best to decline. thursday . it snowed last night, and the morning is cold and disagreeable, with a high wind from the northwest: we sent five hunters down the river. another man is taken with the pleurisy. friday, february . a cold windy day: our hunters returned having killed only one deer. one of the minnetaree war chiefs, a young man named maubuksheahokeah or seeing snake, came to see us and procure a war hatchet: he also requested that we would suffer him to go to war against the sioux and ricaras who had killed a mandan some time ago: this we refused for reasons which we explained to him. he acknowledged that we were right, and promised to open his ears to our counsels. saturday . the day is fine: another deer was killed. mr. laroche who has been very anxious to go with us left the fort to-day, and one of the squaws of the minnetaree interpreter is taken ill. sunday . the weather is again pleasant: disappointed in all our efforts to get the boats free, we occupied ourselves in making iron spikes so as to prize them up by means of long poles. monday . the morning fair and cold, the mercury at sunrise being ° below , and the wind from the northwest. the stock of meat which we had procured in november and december being now nearly exhausted, it became necessary to renew our supply; captain clarke therefore took eighteen men, and with two sleighs and three horses descended the river for the purpose of hunting, as the buffaloe has disappeared from our neighbourhood, and the indians are themselves suffering for want of meat. two deer were killed to-day but they were very lean. tuesday . a pleasant fair morning with the wind from northwest: a number of the indians come with corn for the blacksmith, who being now provided with coal has become one of our greatest resources for procuring grain. they seem particularly attached to a battle axe, of a very inconvenient figure: it is made wholly of iron, the blade extremely thin, and from seven to nine inches long; it is sharp at the point and five or six inches on each side, whence they converge towards the eye, which is circular and about an inch in diameter, the blade itself being not more than an inch wide, the handle is straight, and twelve or fifteen inches long; the whole weighing about a pound. by way of ornament, the blade is perforated with several circular holes. the length of the blade compared with the shortness of the handle render it a weapon of very little strength, particularly as it is always used on horseback: there is still however another form which is even worse, the same sort of handle being fixed to a blade resembling an espontoon. wednesday, february . the morning was fair and pleasant, the wind n.w. a number of indian chiefs visited us and withdrew after we had smoked with them contrary to their custom, for after being once introduced into our apartment they are fond of lounging about during the remainder of the day. one of the men killed three antelopes. our blacksmith has his time completely occupied, so great is the demand for utensils of different kinds. the indians are particularly fond of sheet iron, out of which they form points for arrows and instruments for scraping hides, and when the blacksmith cut up an old cambouse of that metal, we obtained for every piece of four inches square seven or eight gallons of corn from the indians, who were delighted at the exchange. thursday . the morning was fair and much warmer than for some days, the thermometer being at ° above , and the wind from the s.e. a number of indians continue to visit us; but learning that the interpreter's squaws had been accustomed to unbar the gate during the night, we ordered a lock put on it, and that no indian should remain in the fort all night, nor any person admitted during the hours when the gate is closed, that is from sunset to sunrise. friday . a fair pleasant morning, with s.e. winds. pocopsahe came down to the fort with a bow, and apologized for his not having finished a shield which he had promised captain lewis, and which the weather had prevented him from completing. this chief possesses more firmness, intelligence, and integrity, than any indian of this country, and he might be rendered highly serviceable in our attempts to civilize the nation. he mentioned that the mandans are very much in want of meat, and that he himself had not tasted any for several days. to this distress they are often reduced by their own improvidence, or by their unhappy situation. their principal article of food is buffaloe-meat, their corn, beans, and other grain being reserved for summer, or as a last resource against what they constantly dread, an attack from the sioux, who drive off the game and confine them to their villages. the same fear too prevents their going out to hunt in small parties to relieve their occasional wants, so that the buffaloe is generally obtained in large quantities and wasted by carelessness. saturday . the morning was fair and pleasant, the wind from the s.e. mr. m'kenzie from the n.w. company establishment visited us. sunday . a slight snow fell in the course of the night, the morning was cloudy, and the northwest wind blew so high that although the thermometer was ° above , the day was cooler than yesterday, when it was only ° above the same point. mr. m'kenzie left us, and chaboneau returned with information that our horses loaded with meat were below, but could not cross the ice not being shod. monday . we sent down a party with sleds, to relieve the horses from their loads; the weather fair and cold, with a n.w. wind. about five o'clock one of the wives of chaboneau was delivered of a boy; this being her first child she was suffering considerable, when mr. jessaume told captain lewis that he had frequently administered to persons in her situation, a small dose of the rattle of the rattlesnake which had never failed to hasten the delivery. having some of the rattle, captain lewis gave it to mr. jessaume who crumbled two of the rings of it between his fingers, and mixing it with a small quantity of water gave it to her. what effect it may really have had it might be difficult to determine, but captain lewis was informed that she had not taken it more than ten minutes before the delivery took place. tuesday . the morning is fair though cold, the mercury being ° below the wind from the s.e. about four o'clock the horses were brought in much fatigued; on giving them meal bran moistened with water they would not eat it, but preferred the bark of the cottonwood, which as is already observed forms their principal food during the winter. the horses of the mandans are so often stolen by the sioux, ricaras, and assiniboins, that the invariable rule now is to put the horses every night in the same lodge with the family. in the summer they ramble in the plains in the vicinity of the camp, and feed on the grass, but during cold weather the squaws cut down the cottonwood trees as they are wanted, and the horses feed on the boughs and bark of the tender branches, which are also brought into the lodges at night and placed near them. these animals are very severely treated; for whole days they are pursuing the buffaloe, or burdened with the fruits of the chase, during which they scarcely ever taste food, and at night return to a scanty allowance of wood; yet the spirit of this valuable animal sustains him through all these difficulties, and he is rarely deficient either in flesh or vigour. wednesday . the morning was cloudy, the thermometer at ° below , the wind from the southeast. captain clarke returned last evening with all his hunting party: during their excursion they had killed forty deer, three buffaloe, and sixteen elk; but most of the game was too lean for use, and the wolves, who regard whatever lies out at night as their own, had appropriated a large part of it: when he left the fort on the th instant, he descended on the ice twenty-two miles to new mandan island, near some of their old villages, and encamped, having killed nothing, and therefore without food for the night. early on the th, the hunters went out and killed two buffaloe and a deer, but the last only could be used, the others being too lean. after breakfast they proceeded down to an indian lodge and hunted during the day: the next morning, th, they encamped forty-four miles from the fort on a sand point near the mouth of a creek on the southwest side, which they call hunting creek, and during this and the following day hunted through all the adjoining plains, with much success, having killed a number of deer and elk. on the th, the best of the meat was sent with the horses to the fort, and such parts of the remainder as were fit for use were brought to a point of the river three miles below, and after the bones were taken out, secured in pens built of logs, so as to keep off the wolves, ravens and magpies, who are very numerous and constantly disappoint the hunter of his prey: they then went to the low grounds near the chisshetaw river where they encamped, but saw nothing except some wolves on the hills, and a number of buffaloe too poor to be worth hunting. the next morning th, as there was no game and it would have been inconvenient to send it back sixty miles to the fort, they returned up the river, and for three days hunted along the banks and plains, and reached the fort in the evening of the twelfth much fatigued, having walked thirty miles that day on the ice and through the snow in many places knee deep, the moccasins too being nearly worn out: the only game which they saw besides what is mentioned, was some growse on the sandbars in the river. thursday . last night the snow fell three inches deep; the day was, however, fine. four men were despatched with sleds and three horses to bring up the meat which had been collected by the hunters. they returned however, with intelligence that about twenty-one miles below the fort a party of upwards of one hundred men, whom they supposed to be sioux, rushed on them, cut the traces of the sleds, and carried off two of the horses, the third being given up by intercession of an indian who seemed to possess some authority over them; they also took away two of the men's knifes, and a tomahawk, which last however they returned. we sent up to the mandans to inform them of it, and to know whether any of them would join a party which intended to pursue the robbers in the morning. about twelve o'clock two of their chiefs came down and said that all their young men were out hunting, and that there were few guns in the village. several indians however, armed some with bows and arrows, some with spears and battle-axes, and two with fusils, accompanied captain lewis, who set out, friday , at sunrise with twenty-four men. the morning was fine and cool, the thermometer being at ° below . in the course of the day one of the mandan chiefs returned from captain lewis's party, his eye-sight having become so bad that he could not proceed. at this season of the year the reflexion from the ice and snow is so intense as to occasion almost total blindness. this complaint is very common, and the general remedy is to sweat the part affected by holding the face over a hot stone, and receiving the fumes from snow thrown on it. a large red fox was killed to-day. saturday . the morning was warm, mercury at ° above , the weather cloudy: several of the indians who went with captain lewis returned, as did also one of our men, whose feet had been frostbitten. sunday . the weather continued as yesterday, though in the afternoon it became fair. shotawhorora and his son came to see us, with about thirty pounds of dried buffaloe meat and some tallow. monday . the morning was cloudy with some snow, but in the latter part of the day it cleared up. mr. m'kenzie who had spent yesterday at the fort now left us. our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet, at least till the return of the party: for this, however, we are at no loss, since both on this and the following day, tuesday , our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came in great numbers to see us. the weather was fair and warm, the wind from the south. wednesday, th. the day was delightfully fine; the mercury being at sunrise ° and in the course of the day ° above , the wind southerly. kagohami came down to see us early: his village is afflicted by the death of one of their eldest men, who from his account to us must have seen one hundred and twenty winters. just as he was dying, he requested his grandchildren to dress him in his best robe when he was dead, and then carry him on a hill and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river towards their old villages, that he might go straight to his brother who had passed before him to the ancient village under ground. we have seen a number of mandans who have lived to a great age; chiefly however the men, whose robust exercises fortify the body, while the laborious occupations of the women shorten their existence. thursday . we had a continuation of the same pleasant weather. oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their medicine stone as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick porous stone twenty-feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves and then present the pipe to the stone; after this they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed that all the embassy do not sleep; and in the morning they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decypher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities and the same influence over the nation. captain lewis returned from his excursion in pursuit of the indians. on reaching the place where the sioux had stolen our horses, they found only one sled, and several pair of moccasins which were recognised to be those of the sioux. the party then followed the indian tracks till they reached two old lodges where they slept, and the next morning pursued the course of the river till they reached some indian camps, where captain clarke passed the night some time ago, and which the sioux had now set on fire, leaving a little corn near the place in order to induce a belief that they were ricaras. from this point the sioux tracks left the river abruptly and crossed into the plains; but perceiving that there was no chance of overtaking them, captain lewis went down to the pen where captain clarke had left some meat, which he found untouched by the indians, and then hunted in the low grounds on the river, till he returned with about three thousand pounds of meat, some drawn in a sled by fifteen of the men, and the rest on horseback; having killed thirty-six deer, fourteen elk, and one wolf. friday, nd. the morning was cloudy and a little snow fell, but in the afternoon the weather became fair. we were visited by a number of indians, among whom was shotawhorora, a chief of much consideration among the mandan, although by birth a ricara. saturday, d. the day is warm and pleasant. having worked industriously yesterday and all this morning we were enabled to disengage one of the periogues and haul it on shore, and also nearly to cut out the second. the father of the boy whose foot had been so badly frozen, and whom we had now cured, came to-day and carried him home in a sleigh. sunday, th. the weather is again fine. we succeeded in loosening the second periogue and barge, though we found a leak in the latter. the whole of the next day, monday, th, we were occupied in drawing up the boats on the bank: the smallest one we carried there with no difficulty, but the barge was too heavy for our elk-skin ropes which constantly broke. we were visited by orupsehara, or black moccasin, and several other chiefs, who brought us presents of meat on the backs of their squaws, and one of the minnetarees requested and obtained permission for himself and his two wives to remain all night in the fort. the day was exceedingly pleasant. tuesday . the weather is again fine. by great labour during the day we got all the boats on the bank by sunset, an operation which attracted a great number of indians to the fort. wednesday . the weather continues fine. all of us employed in preparing tools to build boats for our voyage, as we find that small periogues will be much more convenient than the barge in ascending the missouri. thursday . the day is clear and pleasant. sixteen men were sent out to examine the country for trees suitable for boats, and were successful in finding them. two of the n.w. company traders arrived with letters; they had likewise a root which is used for the cure of persons bitten by mad dogs, snakes, and other venomous animals: it is found on high grounds and the sides of hills, and the mode of using it is to scarify the wound, and apply to it an inch or more of the chewed or pounded root, which is to be renewed twice a day; the patient must not however chew or swallow any of the root, as an inward application might be rather injurious than beneficial. mr. gravelines with two frenchmen and two indians arrived from the ricara nation, with letters from mr. anthony tabeau. this last gentleman informs us that the ricaras express their determination to follow our advice, and to remain at peace with the mandans and minnetarees, whom they are desirous of visiting; they also wish to know whether these nations would permit the ricaras to settle near them, and form a league against their common enemies the sioux. on mentioning this to the mandans they agreed to it, observing that they always desired to cultivate friendship with the ricaras, and that the ahnahaways and minnetarees have the same friendly views. mr. gravelines states that the band of tetons whom we had seen was well disposed to us, owing to the influence of their chief the black buffaloe; but that the three upper bands of tetons, with the sisatoons, and the yanktons of the north, mean soon to attack the indians in this quarter, with a resolution to put to death every white man they encounter. moreover, that mr. cameron of st. peter's has armed the sioux against the chippeways, who have lately put to death three of his men. the men who had stolen our horses we found to be all sioux, who after committing the outrage went to the ricara villages, where they said that they had hesitated about killing our men who were with the horses, but that in future they would put to death any of us they could, as we were bad medicines and deserved to be killed. the ricaras were displeased at their conduct and refused to give them any thing to eat, which is deemed the greatest act of hostility short of actual violence. friday, march . the day is fine, and the whole party is engaged, some in making ropes and periogues, others in burning coal, and making battle axes to sell for corn. saturday . mr. laroche one of the n.w. company's traders has just arrived with merchandise from the british establishments on the assiniboin. the day is fine, and the river begins to break up in some places, the mercury being between ° and ° above , and the wind from the n.e. we were visited by several indians. sunday . the weather pleasant, the wind from the e. with clouds; in the afternoon the clouds disappeared and the wind came from the n.w. the men are all employed in preparing the boats; we are visited by poscapsahe and several other indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. monday . a cloudy morning with n.w. wind, the latter part of the day clear. we had again some indian visitors with a small present of meat. the assiniboins, who a few days since visited the mandans, returned, and attempted to take horses from the minnetarees, who fired on them; a circumstance which may occasion some disturbance between the two nations. tuesday . about four o'clock in the morning there was a slight fall of snow, but the day became clear and pleasant with the mercury ° above . we sent down an indian and a frenchman to the ricara villages with a letter to mr. tabeau. wednesday . the day was cloudy and smoky in consequence of the burning of the plains by the minnetarees; they have set all the neighbouring country on fire in order to obtain an early crop of grass which may answer for the consumption of their horses, and also as an inducement for the buffaloe and other game to visit it. the horses stolen two days ago by the assiniboins have been returned to the minnetarees. ohhaw second chief of the lower minnetaree village came to see us. the river rose a little and overran the ice, so as to render the crossing difficult. thursday, th. the day was somewhat cloudy, and colder than usual; the wind from the northeast. shotawhorora visited us with a sick child, to whom some medicine was administered. there were also other indians who brought corn and dried buffaloe meat in exchange for blacksmith's work. friday . the day cold and fair with a high easterly wind: we were visited by two indians who gave us an account of the country and people near the rocky mountains where they had been. saturday . the morning cloudy and cool, the wind from the north. the grand chief of the minnetarees, who is called by the french le borgne, from his having but one eye, came down for the first time to the fort. he was received with much attention, two guns were fired in honour of his arrival, the curiosities were exhibited to him, and as he said that he had not received the presents which we had sent to him on his arrival, we again gave him a flag, a medal, shirt, armbraces and the usual presents on such occasions, with all which he was much pleased. in the course of the conversation, the chief observed that some foolish young men of his nation had told him there was a person among us who was quite black, and he wished to know if it could be true. we assured him that it was true, and sent for york: the borgne was very much surprised at his appearance, examined him closely, and spit on his finger and rubbed the skin in order to wash off the paint; nor was it until the negro uncovered his head, and showed his short hair, that the borgne could be persuaded that he was not a painted white man. sunday . a cold windy day. tetuckopinreha, chief of the ahnahaways, and the minnetaree chief ompsehara, passed the day with us, and the former remained during the night. we had occasion to see an instance of the summary justice of the indians: a young minnetaree had carried off the daughter of cagonomokshe, the raven man, second chief of the upper village of the mandans; the father went to the village and found his daughter, whom he brought home, and took with him a horse belonging to the offender: this reprisal satisfied the vengeance of the father and of the nation, as the young man would not dare to reclaim his horse, which from that time became the property of the injured party. the stealing of young women is one of the most common offenses against the police of the village, and the punishment of it always measured by the power or the passions of the kindred of the female. a voluntary elopement is of course more rigorously chastised. one of the wives of the borgne deserted him in favour of a man who had been her lover before the marriage, and who after some time left her, and she was obliged to return to her father's house. as soon as he heard it the borgne walked there and found her sitting near the fire: without noticing his wife, he began to smoke with the father; when they were joined by the old men of the village, who knowing his temper had followed in hopes of appeasing him. he continued to smoke quietly with them, till rising to return, he took his wife by the hair, led her as far as the door, and with a single stroke of his tomahawk put her to death before her father's eyes: then turning fiercely upon the spectators, he said that if any of her relations wished to avenge her, they might always find him at his lodge; but the fate of the woman had not sufficient interest to excite the vengeance of the family. the caprice or the generosity of the same chief gave a very different result to a similar incident which occurred some time afterwards. another of his wives eloped with a young man, who not being able to support her as she wished they both returned to the village, and she presented herself before the husband, supplicating his pardon for her conduct: the borgne sent for the lover: at the moment when the youth expected that he would be put to death, the chief mildly asked them if they still preserved their affection for each other; and on their declaring that want, and not a change of affection had induced them to return, he gave up his wife to her lover, with the liberal present of three horses, and restored them both to his favour. monday . the weather was cloudy in the morning and a little snow fell, the wind then shifted from southeast to northwest and the day became fair. it snowed again in the evening, but the next day, tuesday , was fair with the wind from the northwest. wednesday . we had a fine day, and a southwest wind. mr. m'kenzie came to see us, as did also many indians who are so anxious for battle-axes that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn. the river rose a little to-day, and so continued. thursday . the wind being from the west, and the day fine, the whole party were employed in building boats and in shelling corn. friday . the day is clear, pleasant and warm. we take advantage of the fine weather to hang all our indian presents and other articles out to dry before our departure. saturday . the weather is cloudy, the wind from the southeast. a mr. garrow, a frenchman who has resided a long time among the ricaras and mandans, explained to us the mode in which they make their large beads, an art which they are said to have derived from some prisoners of the snake indian nation, and the knowledge of which is a secret even now confined to a few among the mandans and ricaras: the process is as follows: glass of different colours is first pounded fine and washed, till each kind, which is kept separate, ceases to stain the water thrown over it: some well seasoned clay, mixed with a sufficient quantity of sand to prevent its becoming very hard when exposed to heat, and reduced by water to the consistency of dough, is then rolled on the palm of the hand, till it becomes of the thickness wanted for the hole in the bead; these sticks of clay are placed upright, each on a little pedestal or ball of the same material about an ounce in weight, and distributed over a small earthen platter, which is laid on the fire for a few minutes, when they are taken off to cool: with a little paddle or shovel three or four inches long and sharpened at the end of the handle, the wet pounded glass is placed in the palm of the hand: the beads are made of an oblong form wrapped in a cylindrical form round the stick of clay which is laid crosswise over it, and gently rolled backwards and forwards till it becomes perfectly smooth. if it be desired to introduce any other colour, the surface of the bead is perforated with the pointed end of the paddle and the cavity filled with pounded glass of that colour: the sticks with the string of beads are then replaced on their pedestals, and the platter deposited on burning coals or hot embers: over the platter an earthern pot containing about three gallons, with a mouth large enough to cover the platter, is reversed, being completely closed except a small aperture at the top, through which are watched the bead: a quantity of old dried wood formed into a sort of dough or paste is placed round the pot so as almost to cover it, and afterwards set on fire: the manufacturer then looks through the small hole in the pot, till he sees the beads assume a deep red colour, to which succeeds a paler or whitish red, or they become pointed at the upper extremity; on which the fire is removed and the pot suffered to cool gradually: at length it is removed, the beads taken out, the clay in the hollow of them picked out with an awl or needle, and it is then fit for use. the beads thus formed are in great demand among the indians, and used as pendants to their ears and hair, and are sometimes worn round the neck. sunday . a windy but clear and pleasant day, the river rising a little and open in several places. our minnetaree interpreter chaboneau, whom we intended taking with us to the pacific, had some days ago been worked upon by the british traders, and appeared unwilling to accompany us, except on certain terms; such as his not being subject to our orders, and do duty, or to return whenever he chose. as we saw clearly the source of his hesitation, and knew that it was intended as an obstacle to our views, we told him that the terms were inadmissible, and that we could dispense with his services: he had accordingly left us with some displeasure. since then he had made an advance towards joining us, which we showed no anxiety to meet; but this morning he sent an apology for his improper conduct, and agreed to go with us and perform the same duties as the rest of the corps; we therefore took him again into our service. monday . the weather was cold and cloudy, the wind from the north. we were engaged in packing up the goods into eight divisions, so as to preserve a portion of each in case of accident. we hear that the sioux have lately attacked a party of assiniboins and knistenaux, near the assiniboin river, and killed fifty of them. tuesday . some snow fell last night, and this morning was cold, windy, and cloudy. shahaka and kagohami came down to see us, as did another indian with a sick child, to whom we gave some medicine. there appears to be an approaching war, as two parties have already gone from the minnetarees, and a third is preparing. wednesday . the morning was cold and cloudy, the wind high from the north, but the afternoon was pleasant. the canoes being finished, four of them were carried down to the river, at the distance of a mile and a half from where they were constructed. thursday . the remaining periogues were hauled to the same place, and all the men except three, who were left to watch them returned to the fort. on his way down, which was about six miles, captain clarke passed along the points of the high hills, where he saw large quantities of pumicestone on the foot, sides and tops of the hills, which had every appearance of having been at some period on fire. he collected specimens of the stone itself, the pumicestone, and the hard earth; and on being put into the furnace the hard earth melted and glazed, the pumicestone melted, and the hardstone became a pumicestone glazed. chapter vii. indian method of attacking the buffaloe on the ice--an enumeration of the presents sent to the president of the united states--the party are visited by a ricara chief--they leave their encampment, and proceed on their journey--description of the little missouri--some account of the assiniboins--their mode of burying the dead--whiteearth river described--great quantity of salt discovered on its banks--yellowstone river described--a particular account of the country at the confluence of the yellowstone and missouri--description of the missouri, the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. friday . this was a clear pleasant day, with the wind from the s.s.w. we were visited by the second chief of the minnetarees, to whom we gave a medal and some presents, accompanied by a speech. mr. m'kenzie and mr. laroche also came to see us. they all took their leave next day. saturday . soon after their departure, a brother of the borgne with other indians came to the fort. the weather was fine, but in the evening we had the first rain that has fallen during the winter. sunday . the morning cloudy, but the afternoon fair, the wind from the n.e. we are employed in preparing for our journey. this evening swans and wild geese flew towards the n.e. monday . a fine day, the wind s.w. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away in several places, so as to endanger our canoes which we are hauling down to the fort. tuesday . the river rose only half an inch, and being choaked up with ice near the fort, did not begin to run till towards evening. this day is clear and pleasant. wednesday . the wind is still high from the s.w.: the ice which is ocasionally stopped for a few hours is then thrown over shallow sandbars when the river runs. we had all our canoes brought down, and were obliged to cauk and pitch very attentively the cracks so common in cottonwood. thursday . the day is fair. some obstacle above has prevented the ice from running. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear to permit us to pass. friday . the weather clear, and the wind from n.w. the obstruction above gave way this morning, and the ice came down in great quantities; the river having fallen eleven inches in the course of the last twenty-four hours. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloe. every spring as the river is breaking up the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloe tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning: on their way they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice, which floats down the river: the indians now select the most favourable points for attack, and as the buffaloe approaches dart with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square: the animal is of course unsteady, and his footsteps insecure on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance, and the hunter, who has given him his death wound, paddles his icy boat to the shore and secures his prey. saturday . the day was clear and pleasant, the wind n.w. and the ice running in great quantities. all our indian presents were again exposed to the air, and the barge made ready to descend the missouri. monday . early this morning it rained, and the weather continued cloudy during the day; the river rose nine inches, the ice not running so much as yesterday. several flocks of geese and ducks fly up the river. monday, april , . this morning there was a thunder storm, accompanied with large hail, to which succeeded rain for about half an hour. we availed ourselves of this interval to get all the boats in the water. at four o'clock p.m. it began to rain a second time, and continued till twelve at night. with the exception of a few drops at two or three different times, this is the first rain we have had since the th of october last. tuesday . the wind was high last night and this morning from n.w. and the weather continued cloudy. the mandans killed yesterday twenty-one elk, about fifteen miles below, but they were so poor as to be scarcely fit for use. wednesday . the weather is pleasant, though there was a white frost and some ice on the edge of the water. we were all engaged in packing up our baggage and merchandize. thursday . the day is clear and pleasant, though the wind is high from n.w. we now packed up in different boxes a variety of articles for the president, which we shall send in the barge. they consisted of a stuffed male and female antelope with their skeletons, a weasel, three squirrels from the rocky mountains, the skeleton of the prairie wolf, those of the white and gray hare, a male and female blaireau, or burrowing dog of the prairie, with a skeleton of the female, two burrowing squirrels, a white weasel, and the skin of the louservia, the horns of the mountain ram, or big-horn, a pair of large elk horns, the horns and tail of the black-tailed deer, and a variety of skins, such as those of the red fox, white hare, martin, yellow bear obtained from the sioux; also, a number of articles of indian dress, among which was a buffaloe robe, representing a battle fought about eight years since between the sioux and ricaras against the mandans and minnetarees, in which the combatants are represented on horseback. it has of late years excited much discussion to ascertain the period when the art of painting was first discovered: how hopeless all researches of this kind are, is evident from the foregoing fact. it is indebted for its origin to one of the strongest passions of the human heart; a wish to preserve the features of a departed friend, or the memory of some glorious exploit: this inherits equally the bosoms of all men either civilized or savage. such sketches, rude and imperfect as they are, delineate the predominant character of the savage nations. if they are peaceable and inoffensive, the drawings usually consist of local scenery, and their favourite diversions. if the band are rude and ferocious, we observe tomahawks, scalpingknives, bows, arrows, and all the engines of destruction. a mandan bow and quiver of arrows; also some ricara tobacco-seed and an ear of mandan corn; to these were added a box of plants, another of insects, and three cases containing a burrowing squirrel; a prairie hen, and four magpies, all alive. friday, th. fair and pleasant, but the wind high from the northwest: we were visited by a number of mandans, and are occupied in loading our boats in order to proceed on our journey. saturday, th. another fine day with a gentle breeze from the south. the mandans continue to come to the fort; and in the course of the day informed us of the arrival of a party of ricaras on the other side of the river. we sent our interpreter to inquire into their reason for coming; and in the morning, sunday, th, he returned with a ricara chief and three of his nation. the chief, whose name is kagohweto, or brave raven, brought a letter from mr. tabeau, mentioning the wish of the grand chiefs of the ricaras to visit the president, and requesting permission for himself and four men to join our boat when it descends; to which we consented, as it will then be manned with fifteen hands and be able to defend itself against the sioux. after presenting the letter, he told us that he was sent with ten warriors by his nation to arrange their settling near the mandans and minnetarees, whom they wished to join; that he considered all the neighboring nations friendly except the sioux, whose persecution they would no longer withstand, and whom they hoped to repel by uniting with the tribes in this quarter: he added that the ricaras intended to follow our advice and live in peace with all nations, and requested that we would speak in their favour to the assiniboin indians. this we willingly promised to do, and assured them that their great father would protect them and no longer suffer the sioux to have good guns, or to injure his dutiful children. we then gave him a small medal, a certificate of his good conduct, a carrot of tobacco, and some wampum, with which he departed for the mandan village well satisfied with his reception. having made all our arrangements, we left the fort about five o'clock in the afternoon. the party now consisted of thirty-two persons. besides ourselves were serjeants john ordway, nathaniel pryor, and patrick gass: the privates were william bratton, john colter, john collins, peter cruzatte, robert frazier, reuben fields, joseph fields, george gibson, silas goodrich, hugh hall, thomas p. howard, baptiste lapage, francis labiche, hugh m'neal, john potts, john shields, george shannon, john b. thompson, william werner, alexander willard, richard windsor, joseph whitehouse, peter wiser, and captain clarke's black servant york. the two interpreters, were george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau also accompanied us with her young child, and we hope may be useful as an interpreter among the snake indians. she was herself one of that tribe, but having been taken in war by the minnetarees, by whom she was sold as a slave to chaboneau, who brought her up and afterwards married her. one of the mandans likewise embarked with us, in order to go to the snake indians and obtain a peace with them for his countrymen. all this party with the baggage was stowed in six small canoes and two large periogues. we left the fort with fair pleasant weather though the northwest wind was high, and after making about four miles encamped on the north side of the missouri, nearly opposite the first mandan village. at the same time that we took our departure, our barge manned with seven soldiers, two frenchmen, and mr. gravelines as pilot, sailed for the united states loaded with our presents and despatches. monday, th. the day was clear and cool, the wind from the northwest, so that we travelled slowly. after breakfasting at the second mandan village we passed the mahaha at the mouth of knife river, a handsome stream about eighty yards wide. beyond this we reached the island which captain clarke had visited on the th october. this island has timber as well as the lowlands on the north, but its distance from the water had prevented our encamping there during the winter. from the head of this island we made three and a half miles to a point of wood on the north, passing a high bluff on the south, and having come about fourteen miles. in the course of the day one of our boats filled and was near sinking; we however saved her with the loss of a little biscuit and powder. tuesday, april . we set off as soon as it was light, and proceeded five miles to breakfast, passing a low ground on the south, covered with groves of cottonwood timber. at the distance of six miles, we reached on the north a hunting camp of minnetarees consisting of thirty lodges, and built in the usual form of earth and timber. two miles and a quarter farther, comes in on the same side miry creek, a small stream about ten yards wide, which, rising in some lakes near the mouse river, passes through beautiful level fertile plains without timber in a direction nearly southwest; the banks near its entrance being steep, and rugged on both sides of the missouri. three miles above this creek we came to a hunting party of minnetarees, who had prepared a park or inclosure and were waiting the return of the antelope: this animal, which in the autumn retires for food and shelter to the black mountains during the winter, recross the river at this season of the year, and spread themselves through the plains on the north of the missouri. we halted and smoked a short time with them, and then proceeded on through handsome plains on each side of the river, and encamped at the distance of twenty-three and a half miles on the north side: the day was clear and pleasant, the wind high from the south, but afterwards changed to a western steady breeze. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of a mixture of yellow clay and sand, with many horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in depth, and scattered through the bluff at different elevations, some as high as eighty feet above the water: the hills along the river are broken, and present every appearance of having been burned at some former period; great quantities of pumicestone and lava or rather earth, which seems to have been boiled and then hardened by exposure, being seen in many parts of these hills where they are broken and washed down into gullies by the rain and melting snow. a great number of brants pass up the river: there are some of them perfectly white, except the large feathers of the first and second joint of the wing which are black, though in every other characteristic they resemble common gray brant: we also saw but could not procure an animal that burrows in the ground, and similar in every respect to the burrowing squirrel, except that it is only one third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies; they resemble the labours of the salamander in the sand hills of south carolina and georgia, and like him, the animals rarely come above ground; they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose ground which would seem to have been reversed from a pot, though no aperture is seen through which it could have been thrown: on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half diameter, where the ground is looser though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner the squaw went out, and after penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, near some drift wood, brought to us a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect and hoard in large numbers; the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger, and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavour as well as the stalk which issues from it resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger. a large beaver was caught in a trap last night, and the musquitoes begin to trouble us. wednesday . we again set off early with clear pleasant weather, and halted about ten for breakfast, above a sandbank which was falling in, and near a small willow island. on both sides of the missouri, after ascending the hills near the water, one fertile unbroken plain extends itself as far as the eye can reach, without a solitary tree or shrub, except in moist situations or in the steep declivities of hills where they are sheltered from the ravages of fire. at the distance of twelve miles we reached the lower point of a bluff on the south; which is in some parts on fire and throws out quantities of smoke which has a strong sulphurous smell, the coal and other appearances in the bluffs being like those described yesterday: at one o'clock we overtook three frenchmen who left the fort a few days before us, in order to make the first attempt on this river of hunting beaver, which they do by means of traps: their efforts promise to be successful for they have already caught twelve which are finer than any we have ever seen: they mean to accompany us as far as the yellowstone river in order to obtain our protection against the assiniboins who might attack them. in the evening we encamped on a willow point to the south opposite to a bluff, above which a small creek falls in, and just above a remarkable bend in the river to the southwest, which we called the little basin. the low grounds which we passed to-day possess more timber than is usual, and are wider: the current is moderate, at least not greater than that of the ohio in high tides; the banks too fall in but little; so that the navigation comparatively with that lower down the missouri is safe and easy. we were enabled to make eighteen and a half miles: we saw the track of a large white bear, there were also a herd of antelopes in the plains; the geese and swan are now feeding in considerable quantities on the young grass in the low prairies; we shot a prairie hen, and a bald eagle of which there were many nests in the tall cottonwood trees; but could procure neither of two elk which were in the plain. our old companions the musquitoes have renewed their visit, and gave us much uneasiness. thursday, th. we set out at daylight, and after passing bare and barren hills on the south, and a plain covered with timber on the north, breakfasted at five miles distance: here we were regaled with a deer brought in by the hunters, which was very acceptable as we had been for several days without fresh meat; the country between this and fort mandan being so frequently disturbed by hunters that the game has become scarce. we then proceeded with a gentle breeze from the south which carried the periogues on very well; the day was however so warm that several of the men worked with no clothes except round the waist, which is the less inconvenient as we are obliged to wade in some places owing to the shallowness of the river. at seven miles we reached a large sandbar making out from the north. we again stopped for dinner, after which we went on to a small plain on the north covered with cottonwood where we encamped, having made nineteen miles. the country around is much the same as that we passed yesterday: on the sides of the hills, and even on the banks of the rivers, as well as on the sandbars, is a white substance which appears in considerable quantities on the surface of the earth, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts: many of the streams which come from the foot of the hills, are so strongly impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste and a purgative effect. a beaver was caught last night by one of the frenchmen; we killed two geese, and saw some cranes, the largest bird of that kind common to the missouri and mississippi, and perfectly white except the large feathers on the two first joints of the wing which are black. under a bluff opposite to our encampment we discovered some indians with horses, whom we supposed were minnetarees, but the width of the river prevented our speaking to them. friday, th. we set off early and passed a high range of hills on the south side, our periogues being obliged to go over to the south in order to avoid a sandbank which was rapidly falling in. at six miles we came to at the lower side of the entrance of the little missouri, where we remained during the day for the purpose of making celestial observations. this river empties itself on the south side of the missouri, one thousand six hundred and ninety-three miles from its confluence with the mississippi. it rises to the west of the black mountains, across the northern extremity of which it finds a narrow rapid passage along high perpendicular banks, then seeks the missouri in a northeastern direction, through a broken country with highlands bare of timber, and the low grounds particularly supplied with cottonwood, elm, small ash, box, alder, and an undergrowth of willow, redwood, sometimes called red or swamp-willow, the redberry and chokecherry. in its course it passes near the northwest side of the turtle mountain, which is said to be only twelve or fifteen miles from its mouth in a straight line a little to the south of west, so that both the little missouri and knife river have been laid down too far southwest. it enters the missouri with a bold current, and is one hundred and thirty-four yards wide, but its greatest depth is two feet and a half, and this joined to its rapidity and its sandbars, make the navigation difficult except for canoes, which may ascend it for a considerable distance. at the mouth, and as far as we could discern from the hills between the two rivers about three miles from their junction, the country is much broken, the soil consisting of a deep rich dark coloured loam, intermixed with a small proportion of fine sand and covered generally with a short grass resembling blue grass. in its colour, the nature of its bed, and its general appearance, it resembles so much the missouri as to induce a belief that the countries they water are similar in point of soil. from the mandan villages to this place the country is hilly and irregular, with the same appearance of glauber salts and carbonated wood, the low grounds smooth, sandy, and partially covered with cottonwood and small ash; at some distance back there are extensive plains of a good soil, but without timber or water. we found great quantities of small onions which grow single, the bulb of an oval form, white, about the size of a bullet with a leaf resembling that of the chive. on the side of a neighbouring hill, there is a species of dwarf cedar: it spreads its limbs along the surface of the earth, which it almost conceals by its closeness and thickness, and is sometimes covered by it, having always a number of roots on the under side, while on the upper are a quantity of shoots which with their leaves seldom rise higher than six or eight inches; it is an evergreen, its leaf more delicate than that of the common cedar, though the taste and smell is the same. the country around has been so recently hunted that the game are extremely shy, so that a white rabbit, two beaver, a deer, and a bald eagle were all that we could procure. the weather had been clear, warm, and pleasant in the morning, but about three we had a squall of high wind and rain with some thunder, which lasted till after sunset when it again cleared off. saturday . we set out at sunrise, and at nine o'clock having the wind in our favour went on rapidly past a timbered low ground on the south, and a creek on the north at the distance of nine miles, which we called onion creek, from the quantity of that plant which grows in the plains near it: this creek is about sixteen yards wide at a mile and a half above its mouth, it discharges more water than is usual for creeks of that size in this country, but the whole plain which it waters is totally destitute of timber. the missouri itself widens very remarkably just above the junction with the little missouri: immediately at the entrance of the latter, it is not more than two hundred yards wide, and so shallow that it may be passed in canoes with setting poles, while a few miles above it is upwards of a mile in width: ten miles beyond onion creek we came to another, discharging itself on the north in the centre of a deep bend: on ascending it for about a mile and a half, we found it to be the discharge of a pond or small lake, which seemed to have been once the bed of the missouri: near this lake were the remains of forty-three temporary lodges which seem to belong to the assiniboins, who are now on the river of the same name. a great number of swan and geese were also in it, and from this circumstance we named the creek goose creek, and the lake by the same name: these geese we observe do not build their nests on the ground or in sandbars, but in the tops of lofty cottonwood trees: we saw some elk and buffaloe to-day but at too great a distance to obtain any of them, though a number of the carcases of the latter animal are strewed along the shores, having fallen through the ice, and been swept along when the river broke up. more bald eagles are seen on this part of the missouri than we have previously met with; the small or common hawk, common in most parts of the united states, are also found here: great quantities of geese are feeding in the prairies, and one flock of white brant or goose with black wings, and some gray brant with them pass up river, and from their flight they seem to proceed much farther to the northwest. we killed two antelopes which were very lean, and caught last night two beaver: the french hunters who had procured seven, thinking the neighborhood of the little missouri a convenient hunting ground for that animal, remained behind there: in the evening we encamped in a beautiful plain on the north thirty feet above the river, having made twenty-two and a half miles. sunday . we set off early with pleasant and fair weather: a dog joined us, which we suppose had strayed from the assiniboin camp on the lake. at two and a half miles we passed timbered low grounds and a small creek: in these low grounds are several uninhabited lodges built with the boughs of the elm, and the remains of two recent encampments, which from the hoops of small kegs found in them we judged could belong to assiniboins only, as they are the only missouri indians who use spirituous liquors: of these they are so passionately fond that it forms their chief inducement to visit the british on the assiniboin, to whom they barter for kegs of rum their dried and pounded meat, their grease, and the skins of large and small wolves, and small foxes. the dangerous exchange is transported to their camps with their friends and relations, and soon exhausted in brutal intoxication: so far from considering drunkenness as disgraceful, the women and children are permitted and invited to share in these excesses with their husbands and fathers, who boast how often their skill and industry as hunters has supplied them with the means of intoxication: in this, as in their other habits and customs, they resemble the sioux from whom they are descended: the trade with the assiniboins and knistenaux is encouraged by the british, because it procures provision for their _engages_ on their return from rainy lake to the english river and the athabasky country where they winter; these men being obliged during that voyage to pass rapidly through a country but scantily supplied with game. we halted for dinner near a large village of burrowing squirrels, who we observe generally select a southeasterly exposure, though they are sometimes found in the plains. at ten and a quarter miles we came to the lower point of an island, which from the day of our arrival there we called sunday island: here the river washes the bases of the hills on both sides and above the island, which with its sandbar extends a mile and a half: two small creeks fall in from the south; the uppermost of these, which is the largest, we called chaboneau's creek, after our interpreter who once encamped on it several weeks with a party of indians. beyond this no white man had ever been except two frenchmen, one of whom lapage is with us, and who having lost their way straggled a few miles further, though to what point we could not ascertain: about a mile and a half beyond this island we encamped on a point of woodland on the north, having made in all fourteen miles. the assiniboins have so recently left the river that game is scarce and shy. one of the hunters shot at an otter last evening; a buffaloe too was killed, and an elk, both so poor as to be almost unfit for use; two white bear were also seen, and a muskrat swimming across the river. the river continues wide and of about the same rapidity as the ordinary current of the ohio. the low grounds are wide, the moister parts containing timber, the upland extremely broken, without wood, and in some places seem as if they had slipped down in masses of several acres in surface. the mineral appearances of salts, coal, and sulphur, with the burnt hill and pumicestone continue, and a bituminous water about the colour of strong lye, with the taste of glauber salts and a slight tincture of allum. many geese were feeding in the prairies, and a number of magpies who build their nest much like those of the blackbird in trees, and composed of small sticks, leaves and grass, open at top: the egg is of a bluish brown color, freckled with reddish brown spots. we also killed a large hooting owl resembling that of the united states, except that it was more booted and clad with feathers. on the hills are many aromatic herbs, resembling in taste, smell and appearance the sage, hysop, wormwood, southern wood, juniper and dwarf cedar; a plant also about two or three feet high, similar to the camphor in smell and taste, and another plant of the same size, with a long, narrow, smooth, soft leaf, of an agreeable smell and flavour, which is a favourite food of the antelope, whose necks are often perfumed by rubbing against it. monday . we proceeded under a fine breeze from the south, and clear pleasant weather. at seven miles we reached the lower point of an island in a bend to the south, which is two miles in length. captain clarke, who went about nine miles northward from the river reached the high grounds, which, like those we have seen, are level plains without timber; here he observed a number of drains, which descending from the hills pursue a northeast course, and probably empty into the mouse river, a branch of the assiniboin, which from indian accounts approaches very near to the missouri at this place. like all the rivulets of this neighbourhood these drains were so strongly impregnated with mineral salts that they are not fit to drink. he saw also the remains of several camps of assiniboins; the low grounds on both sides of the river are extensive, rich, and level. in a little pond on the north, we heard for the first time this season the croaking of frogs, which exactly resembles that of the small frogs in the united states: there are also in these plains great quantities of geese, and many of the grouse, or prairie hen, as they are called by the n.w. company traders; the note of the male, as far as words can represent it, is cook, cook, cook, coo, coo, coo, the first part of which both male and female use when flying; the male too drums with his wings when he flies in the same way, though not so loud as the pheasant; they appear to be mating. some deer, elk, and goats were in the low grounds, and buffaloe on the sand beaches, but they were uncommonly shy; we also saw a black bear, and two white ones. at fifteen miles we passed on the north side a small creek twenty yards wide, which we called goatpen creek, from a park or enclosure for the purpose of catching that animal, which those who went up the creek found, and which we presume to have been left by the assiniboins. its water is impregnated with mineral salts, and the country through which it flows consists of wide and very fertile plains, but without any trees. we encamped at the distance of twenty-three miles, on a sandpoint to the south; we passed in the evening a rock in the middle of the river, the channel of which a little above our camp, is confined within eighty yards. tuesday . the morning was clear, the wind light from the s.e. the country presents the same appearance of low plains and meadows on the river, bounded a few miles back by broken hills, which end in high level fertile lands, the quantity of timber is however increasing. the appearance of minerals continues as usual, and to-day we found several stones which seemed to have been wood, first carbonated and then petrified by the water of the missouri, which has the same effect on many vegetable substances. there is indeed reason to believe that the strata of coal in the hills cause the fire and appearances which they exhibit of being burned. whenever these marks present themselves in the bluffs on the river, the coal is seldom seen, and when found in the neighborhood of the strata of burnt earth, the coal with the sand and sulphurous matter usually accompanying it, is precisely at the same height and nearly of the same thickness with those strata. we passed three small creeks or rather runs, which rise in the hills to the north. numbers of geese, and few ducks chiefly of the mallard and bluewinged teal, many buffaloe, elk and deer were also observed, and in the timbered low grounds this morning we were surprised to observe a great quantity of old hornets' nests: we encamped in a point of woods on the south, having come eighteen miles, though the circuits which we were obliged to make around sandbars very much increased the real distance. wednesday, april . we set off early, the weather being fine, and the wind so favourable as to enable us to sail the greater part of the course. at ten and three quarter miles we passed a creek ten yards wide on the south; at eighteen miles a little run on the north, and at night encamped in a woody point on the south. we had travelled twenty-six miles through a country similar to that of yesterday, except that there were greater appearances of burnt hills, furnishing large quantities of lava and pumicestone, of the last of which we observe some pieces floating down the river, as we had previously done, as low as the little missouri. in all the copses of wood are the remains of the assiniboin encampments; around us are great quantities of game, such as herds of buffaloe, elk, antelopes, some deer and wolves, the tracks of bears, a curlue was also seen, and we obtained three beaver, the flesh of which is more relished by the men than any other food which we have. just before we encamped we saw some tracks of indians, who had passed twenty-four hours before, and left four rafts, and whom we supposed to be a band of assiniboins on their return from war against the indians on the rocky mountains. thursday . we had again a pleasant day, and proceeded on with a westerly wind, which however changed to n.w. and blew so hard that we were obliged to stop at one o'clock and remain four hours, when it abated and we then continued our course. we encamped about dark on a woody bank having made thirteen miles. the country presented the usual variety of highlands interspersed with rich plains. in one of these we observed a species of pea bearing a yellow flower, which is now in blossom, the leaf and stalk resembling the common pea. it seldom rises higher than six inches, and the root is perennial. on the rose bushes we also saw a quantity of the hair of the buffaloe, which had become perfectly white by exposure, and resembled the wool of the sheep, except that it was much finer and more soft and silky. a buffaloe which we killed yesterday had shed his long hair, and that which remained was about two inches long, thick, fine, and would have furnished five pounds of wool, of which we have no doubt an excellent cloth may be made. our game to-day was a beaver, a deer, an elk, and some geese. the river has been crooked all day and bearing towards the south. on the hills we observed considerable quantities of dwarf juniper, which seldom grows higher than three feet. we killed in the course of the day an elk, three geese and a beaver. the beaver on this part of the missouri are in greater quantities, larger and fatter, and their fur is more abundant and of a darker colour than any we had hitherto seen: their favourite food seems to be the bark of the cottonwood and willow, as we have seen no other species of tree that has been touched by them, and these they gnaw to the ground through a diameter of twenty inches. the next day, friday, th, the wind was so high from northwest that we could not proceed, but being less violent on saturday, th, we set off about seven o'clock, and had nearly lost one of the canoes as we left the shore, by the falling in of a large part of the bank. the wind too became again so strong that we could scarcely make one mile an hour, and the sudden squalls so dangerous to the small boats, that we stopped for the night among some willows on the north, not being able to advance more than six and a half miles. in walking through the neighbouring plains we found a fine fertile soil covered with cottonwood, some box, alder, ash, red elm, and an undergrowth of willow, rosebushes, honeysuckle, red willow, gooseberry, currant, and serviceberries, and along the foot of the hills great quantities of hysop. our hunters procured elk and deer which are now lean, and six beaver which are fatter and more palatable. along the plain there were also some indian camps; near one of these was a scaffold about seven feet high, on which were two sleds with their harness, and under it the body of a female, carefully wrapped in several dressed buffaloe skins; near it lay a bag made of buffaloe skin, containing a pair of moccasins, some red and blue paint, beaver's nails, scrapers for dressing hides, some dried roots, several plaits of sweet grass, and a small quantity of mandan tobacco. these things as well as the body itself had probably fallen down by accident, as the custom is to place them on the scaffold. at a little distance was the body of a dog not yet decayed, who had met this reward for having dragged thus far in the sled the corpse of his mistress, to whom according to the indian usage he had been sacrificed. sunday, st. last night there was a hard white frost, and this morning the weather cold, but clear and pleasant: in the course of the day however it became cloudy and the wind rose. the country is of the same description as within the few last days. we saw immense quantities of buffaloe, elk, deer, antelopes, geese, and some swan and ducks, out of which we procured three deer, four buffaloe calves, which last are equal in flavour to the most delicious veal; also two beaver, and an otter. we passed one large and two small creeks on the south side, and reached at sixteen miles the mouth of whiteearth river, coming in from the north. this river before it reaches the low grounds near the missouri, is a fine bold stream sixty yards wide, and is deep and navigable, but it is so much choked up at the entrance by the mud of the missouri, that its mouth is not more than ten yards wide. its course, as far as we could discern from the neighbouring hills, is nearly due north, passing through a beautiful and fertile valley, though without a tree or bush of any description. half a mile beyond this river we encamped on the same side below a point of highland, which from its appearance we call cut bluff. monday, d. the day clear and cold: we passed a high bluff on the north and plains on the south, in which were large herds of buffaloe, till breakfast, when the wind became so strong ahead that we proceeded with difficulty even with the aid of the towline. some of the party now walked across to the whiteearth river, which here at the distance of four miles from its mouth approaches very near to the missouri. it contains more water than is usual in streams of the same size at this season, with steep banks about ten or twelve feet high, and the water is much clearer than that of the missouri; the salts which have been mentioned as common on the missouri, are here so abundant that in many places the ground appears perfectly white, and from this circumstance it may have derived its name; it waters an open country and is navigable almost to its source, which is not far from the saskaskawan, and judging from its size and course, it is probable that it extends as far north as the fiftieth degree of latitude. after much delay in consequence of the high wind, we succeeded in making eleven miles, and encamped in a low ground on the south covered with cottonwood and rabbitberries. the hills of the missouri near this place exhibit large irregular broken masses of rocks and stones, some of which, although two hundred feet above the water, seem at some remote period to have been subject to its influence, being apparently worn smooth by the agitation of the water. these rocks and stones consist of white and gray granite, a brittle black rock, flint, limestone, freestone, some small specimens of an excellent pebble, and occasionally broken stratas of a black coloured stone like petrified wood, which make good whetstones. the usual appearances of coal, or carbonated wood, and pumicestone still continue, the coal being of a better quality and when burnt affords a hot and lasting fire, emitting very little smoke or flame. there are huge herds of deer, elk, buffaloe, and antelopes in view of us: the buffaloe are not so shy as the rest, for they suffer us to approach within one hundred yards before they run, and then stop and resume their pasture at a very short distance. the wolves to-day pursued a herd of them, and at length caught a calf that was unable to keep up with the rest; the mothers on these occasions defending their young as long as they can retreat as fast as the herd, but seldom returning any distance to seek for them. tuesday . a clear and pleasant morning, but at nine o'clock the wind became so high that the boats were in danger of upsetting; we therefore were forced to stop at a place of safety till about five in the afternoon, when the wind being lower we proceeded and encamped on the north at the distance of thirteen and a half miles: the party on shore brought us a buffaloe calf and three blacktailed deer: the sand on the river has the same appearances as usual, except that the quantity of wood increases. wednesday . the wind blew so high during the whole day that we were unable to move; such indeed was its violence, that although we were sheltered by high timber the waves wet many articles in the boats: the hunters went out and returned with four deer, two elk, and some young wolves of the small kind. the party are very much afflicted with sore eyes, which we presume are occasioned by the vast quantities of sand which are driven from the sandbars in such clouds as often to hide from us the view of the opposite bank. the particles of this sand are so fine and light that it floats for miles in the air like a column of thick smoke, and is so penetrating that nothing can be kept free from it, and we are compelled to eat, drink, and breathe it very copiously. to the same cause we attribute the disorder of one of our watches, although her cases are double and tight; since without any defect in its works, that we can discover, it will not run for more than a few minutes without stopping. thursday . the wind moderated this morning, but was still high; we therefore set out early, the weather being so cold that the water froze on the oars as we rowed, and about ten o'clock the wind increased so much that we were obliged to stop. this detention from the wind and the reports from our hunters of the crookedness of the river, induced us to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellowstone river. in order therefore to prevent delay as much as possible, captain lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to be enabled to proceed on immediately after the boats should join him; he therefore landed about eleven o'clock on the south side, accompanied by four men; the boats were prevented from going until five in the afternoon, when they went on a few miles further and encamped for the night at the distance of fourteen and a half miles. friday . we continued our voyage in the morning and by twelve o'clock encamped at eight miles distance, at the junction of the missouri and yellowstone rivers; where we were soon joined by captain lewis. on leaving us yesterday he pursued his route along the foot of the hills, which he ascended at the distance of eight miles; from these the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellowstone spread themselves before the eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the irregular windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloe, deer, elk, and antelope. the confluence of the two rivers was concealed by the wood, but the yellowstone itself was only two miles distant to the south. he therefore descended the hills and encamped on the bank of the river, having killed as he crossed the plain four buffaloes; the deer alone are shy and retire to the woods, but the elk, antelope, and buffaloe suffered him to approach them without alarm, and often followed him quietly for some distance. this morning he sent a man up the river to examine it, while he proceeded down to the junction: the ground on the lower side of the yellowstone near its mouth, is flat, and for about a mile seems to be subject to inundation, while that at the point or junction, as well as on the opposite side of the missouri, is at the usual height of ten or eighteen feet above the water, and therefore not overflown. there is more timber in the neighbourhood of this place, and on the missouri, as far below as the whiteearth river, than on any other part of the missouri on this side of the chayenne: the timber consists principally of cottonwood, with some small elm, ash, and box alder. on the sandbars and along the margin of the river grows the small-leafed willow; in the low grounds adjoining are scattered rosebushes three or four feet high, the redberry, serviceberry and redwood. the higher plains are either immediately on the river, in which case they are generally timbered, and have an undergrowth like that of the low grounds, with the addition of the broad-leafed willow, gooseberry, chokecherry, purple currant, and honeysuckle; or they are between the low grounds and the hills, and for the most part without wood or any thing except large quantities of wild hysop; this plant rises about two feet high, and like the willow of the sandbars is a favourite food of the buffaloe, elk, deer, grouse, porcupine, hare, and rabbit. this river which had been known to the french as the roche jaune, or as we have called it the yellowstone, rises according to indian information in the rocky mountains; its sources are near those of the missouri and the platte, and it may be navigated in canoes almost to its head. it runs first through a mountainous country, but in many parts fertile and well timbered; it then waters a rich delightful land, broken into vallies and meadows, and well supplied with wood and water till it reaches near the missouri open meadows and low grounds, sufficiently timbered on its borders. in the upper country its course is represented as very rapid, but during the two last and largest portions, its current is much more gentle than that of the missouri, which it resembles also in being turbid though with less sediment. the man who was sent up the river, reported in the evening that he had gone about eight miles, that during that distance the river winds on both sides of a plain four or five miles wide, that the current was gentle and much obstructed by sandbars, that at five miles he had met with a large timbered island, three miles beyond which a creek falls in on the s.e. above a high bluff, in which are several strata of coal. the country as far as he could discern, resembled that of the missouri, and in the plain he met several of the bighorn animals, but they were too shy to be obtained. the bed of the yellowstone, as we observed it near the mouth, is composed of sand and mud, without a stone of any kind. just above the confluence we measured the two rivers, and found the bed of the missouri five hundred and twenty yards wide, the water occupying only three hundred and thirty, and the channel deep: while the yellowstone, including its sandbar, occupied eight hundred and fifty-eight yards, with two hundred and ninety-seven yards of water: the deepest part of the channel is twelve feet, but the river is now falling and seems to be nearly at its summer height. april . we left the mouth of the yellowstone. from the point of junction a wood occupies the space between the two rivers, which at the distance of a mile comes within two hundred and fifty yards of each other. there a beautiful low plain commences, and widening as the rivers recede, extends along each of them for several miles, rising about half a mile from the missouri into a plain twelve feet higher than itself. the low plain is a few inches above high water mark, and where it joins the higher plain there is a channel of sixty or seventy yards in width, through which a part of the missouri when at its greatest height passes into the yellowstone. at two and a half miles above the junction and between the high and low plain is a small lake, two hundred yards wide, extending for a mile parallel with the missouri along the edge of the upper plain. at the lower extremity of this lake, about four hundred yards from the missouri, and twice that distance from the yellowstone, is a situation highly eligible for a trading establishment; it is in the high plain which extends back three miles in width, and seven or eight miles in length, along the yellowstone, where it is bordered by an extensive body of woodland, and along the missouri with less breadth, till three miles above it is circumscribed by the hills within a space four yards in width. a sufficient quantity of limestone for building may easily be procured near the junction of the rivers; it does not lie in regular stratas, but is in large irregular masses, of a light colour and apparently of an excellent quality. game too is very abundant, and as yet quite gentle; above all, its elevation recommends it as preferable to the land at the confluence of the rivers, which their variable channels may render very insecure. the n.w. wind rose so high at eleven o'clock, that we were obliged to stop till about four in the afternoon, when we proceeded till dusk. on the south a beautiful plain separates the two rivers, till at about six miles there is a timbered piece of low ground, and a little above it bluffs, where the country rises gradually from the river; the situations on the north more high and open. we encamped on that side, the wind, the sand which it raised, and the rapidity of the current having prevented our advancing more than eight miles; during the latter part of the day the river becomes wider and crowded with sandbars: although the game is in such plenty we kill only what is necessary for our subsistence. for several days past we have seen great numbers of buffaloe lying dead along the shore, and some of them partly devoured by the wolves; they have either sunk through the ice during the winter, or been drowned in attempting to cross, or else, after crossing to some high bluff, found themselves too much exhausted either to ascend or swim back again, and perished for want of food; in this situation we found several small parties of them. there are geese too in abundance, and more bald-eagles than we have hitherto observed; the nests of these last being always accompanied by those of two or three magpies, who are their inseparable attendants. chapter viii. unusual appearance of salt--the formidable character of the white bear--porcupine river described--beautiful appearance of the surrounding country--immense quantities of game--milk river described--extraordinary character of bigdry river--an instance of uncommon tenacity of life in a white bear--narrow escape of one of the party from that animal--a still more remarkable instance--muscleshell river described. sunday . the day was clear and pleasant, and the wind having shifted to southeast, we could employ our sails, and went twenty-four miles to a low ground on the north opposite to steep bluffs: the country on both sides is much broken, the hills approaching nearer to the river, and forming bluffs, some of a white and others of a red colour, and exhibiting the usual appearances of minerals, and some burnt hills though without any pumicestone; the salts are in greater quantities than usual, and the banks and sandbars are covered with a white incrustation like frost. the low grounds are level, fertile and partially timbered, but are not so wide as for a few days past. the woods are now green, but the plains and meadows seem to have less verdure than those below: the only streams which we met to-day are two small runs on the north and one on the south, which rise in the neighbouring hills, and have very little water. at the distance of eighteen miles the missouri makes a considerable bend to the southeast: the game is very abundant, the common, and mule or blacktailed deer, elk, buffaloe, antelope, brown bear, beaver, and geese. the beaver have committed great devastation among the trees, one of which, nearly three feet in diameter, has been gnawed through by them. monday . we proceeded early with a moderate wind: captain lewis who was on shore with one hunter met about eight o'clock two white bears: of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians had given us dreadful accounts: they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and even then are often defeated with the loss of one or more of the party. having no weapons but bows and arrows, and the bad guns with which the traders supply them, they are obliged to approach very near to the bear; and as no wound except through the head or heart is mortal, they frequently fall a sacrifice if they miss their aim. he rather attacks than avoids a man, and such is the terror which he has inspired, that the indians who go in quest of him paint themselves and perform all the superstitious rites customary when they make war on a neighbouring nation. hitherto those we had seen did not appear desirous of encountering us, but although to a skilful rifleman the danger is very much diminished, yet the white bear is still a terrible animal: on approaching these two, both captain lewis and the hunter fired and each wounded a bear: one of them made his escape; the other turned upon captain lewis and pursued him seventy or eighty yards, but being badly wounded he could not run so fast as to prevent him from reloading his piece, which he again aimed at him, and a third shot from the hunter brought him to the ground: he was a male not quite full grown, and weighed about three hundred pounds: the legs are somewhat longer than those of the black bear, and the talons and tusks much larger and longer. the testicles are also placed much farther forward and suspended in separate pouches from two to four inches asunder, while those of the black bear are situated back between the thighs and in a single pouch like those of the dog: its colour is a yellowish brown, the eyes small, black, and piercing, the front of the fore legs near the feet is usually black, and the fur is finer, thicker, and deeper than that of the black bear: add to which, it is a more furious animal, and very remarkable for the wounds which it will bear without dying. we are surrounded with deer, elk, buffaloe, antelopes, and their companions the wolves, who have become more numerous and make great ravages among them: the hills are here much more rough and high, and almost overhang the banks of the river. there are greater appearances of coal than we have hitherto seen, the stratas of it being in some places six feet thick, and there are stratas of burnt earth, which are always on the same level with those of coal. in the evening after coming twenty-five miles we encamped at the entrance of a river which empties itself into a bend on the north side of the missouri: this stream which we called martha's river, is about fifty yards wide, with water for fifteen yards, the banks are of earth, and steep, though not high, and the bed principally of mud. captain clarke, who ascended it for three miles, found that it continued of the same width with a gentle current, and pursuing its course about north ° west, through an extensive, fertile, and beautiful valley, but without a single tree. the water is clear, and has a brownish yellow tint; at this place the highlands which yesterday and to-day had approached so near the river became lower, and receding from the water left a valley seven or eight miles wide. tuesday . the wind was high from the north during last evening and continued so this morning: we however continued, and found the river more winding than usual and with a number of sand islands and bars, on one of which last we encamped at the distance of twenty-four miles. the low grounds are fertile and extensive but with very little timber, and that cottonwood, very bad of its kind, being too small for planks, and broken and dead at the top and unsound in the centre of the trunk. we passed some ancient lodges of driftwood which do not appear to have been lately inhabited. the game continues abundant: we killed the largest male elk we have yet seen; on placing it in its natural erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. the antelopes are yet lean and the females are with young: this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity: when they first see the hunters they run with great velocity; if he lies down on the ground and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times till they approach within reach of the rifle; so too they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves who crouch down, and if the antelope be frightened at first repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other till they decoy it from the party when they seize it. but generally the wolves take them as they are crossing the rivers, for although swift of foot they are not good swimmers. wednesday, may . the wind was in our favour and we were enabled to use the sails till twelve o'clock, when the wind became so high and squally that we were forced to come to at the distance of ten miles on the south, in a low ground stocked with cottonwood, and remain there during the day; one of the canoes being separated from us, and not able to cross over in consequence of the high waves. the country around is more pleasant than that through which we had passed for several days, the hills being lower, the low grounds wider and better supplied with timber, which consists principally of cottonwood: the undergrowth willow on the banks and sandbars, rosebushes, redwillow, and the broad-leafed willow in the low plains, while the high country on both sides is one extensive plain without wood, though the soil is a dark, rich, mellow loam. our hunters killed a buffaloe, an elk, a goat, and two beaver, and also a bird of the plover kind. thursday, d. the wind continued high during the night, and at daylight it began to snow and did not stop till ten o'clock, when the ground was covered an inch deep, forming a striking contrast with the vegetation which is now considerably advanced; some flowers having put forth, and the cottonwood leaves as large as a dollar. the wind lulled about five o'clock in the afternoon, and we then proceeded along wide fertile low grounds and high level plains, and encamped at the distance of four miles. our game to-day was deer, elk, and buffaloe: we also procured three beaver who are quite gentle, as they have not been hunted, but when the hunters are in pursuit they never leave their huts during the day: this animal we esteem a great delicacy, particularly the tail, which when boiled resembles in flavor the flesh tongues and sounds of the codfish, and is generally so large as to afford a plentiful meal for two men. one of the hunters in passing near an old indian camp found several yards of scarlet cloth, suspended on the bough of a tree as a sacrifice to the deity by the assiniboins: the custom of making these offerings being common among that people as indeed among all the indians on the missouri. the air was sharp this evening; the water froze on the oars as we rowed, and in the morning. friday, d, the weather became quite cold, the ice was a quarter of an inch thick in the kettle, and the snow still continued on the hills though it has melted from the plains. the wind too continued high from the west, but not so violently as to prevent our going on. at two miles from our encampment we passed a curious collection of bushes about thirty feet high and ten or twelve in diameter, tied in the form of a fascine and standing on end in the middle of the low ground: this too we supposed to have been left by the indians as a religious sacrifice: at twelve o'clock the usual hour we halted for dinner. the low grounds on the river are much wider than common, sometimes extending from five to nine miles to the highlands, which are much lower than heretofore, not being more than fifty or sixty feet above the lower plain: through all this valley traces of the ancient bed of the river are every where visible, and since the hills have become lower, the stratas of coal, burnt earth, and pumicestone have in a great measure ceased, there being in fact none to-day. at the distance of fourteen miles we reached the mouth of a river on the north, which from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. this is a bold and beautiful stream one hundred and twelve yards wide, though the water is only forty yards at its entrance: captain clarke who ascended it several miles and passed it above where it enters the highlands, found it continued nearly of the same width and about knee deep, and as far as he could distinguish for twenty miles from the hills, its course was from a little to the east of north. there was much timber on the low grounds: he found some limestone also on the surface of the earth in the course of his walk, and saw a range of low mountains at a distance to the west of north, whose direction was northwest; the adjoining country being every where level, fertile, open, and exceedingly beautiful. the water of this river is transparent, and is the only one that is so of all those that fall into the missouri: before entering a large sandbar through which it discharges itself, its low grounds are formed of a stiff blue and black clay, and its banks which are from eight to ten feet high and seldom if ever overflow are composed of the same materials. from the quantity of water which this river contains, its direction, and the nature of the country through which it passes, it is not improbable that its sources may be near the main body of the saskaskawan, and as in high water it can be no doubt navigated to a considerable distance, it may be rendered the means of intercourse with the athabasky country, from which the northwest company derive so many of their valuable furs. a quarter of a mile beyond this river a creek falls in on the south, to which on account of its distance from the mouth of the missouri, we gave it the name of two-thousand mile creek: it is a bold stream with a bed thirty yards wide. three miles and a half above porcupine river, we reached some high timber on the north, and encamped just above an old channel of the river, which is now dry. we saw vast quantities of buffaloe, elk, deer, principally of the long tailed kind, antelopes, beaver, geese, ducks, brant, and some swan. the porcupines too are numerous, and so careless and clumsy that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows; towards evening we also found for the first time, the nest of a goose among some driftwood, all that we have hitherto seen being on the top of a broken tree on the forks, and invariably from fifteen to twenty feet or more in height. saturday . we were detained till nine in order to repair the rudder of one of the boats, and when we set out the wind was ahead; at six and a half miles we passed a small creek in a deep bend on the south with a sand island opposite to it, and then passing along an extensive plain which gradually rises from the north side of the river, encamped at the distance of eighteen miles in a point of woodland on the north: the river is this day wider than usual, and crowded with sandbars on all sides: the country is level, fertile, and beautiful, the low grounds extensive and contain a much greater portion of timber than is common: indeed all the forepart of the day the river was bordered with timber on both sides, a circumstance very rare on the missouri, and the first that has occurred since we left the mandans. there are as usual vast quantities of game, and extremely gentle; the male buffaloe particularly will scarcely give way to us, and as we approach will merely look at us for a moment, as something new, and then quietly resume their feeding. in the course of the day we passed some old indian hunting camps, one of which consisted of two large lodges fortified with a circular fence, twenty or thirty feet in diameter, and made of timber laid horizontally, the beams overlaying each other to the height of five feet, and covered with the trunks and limbs of trees that have drifted down the river: the lodges themselves are formed by three or more strong sticks about the size of a man's leg or arm, and twelve feet long, which are attached at the top by a whith of small willows, and spreading out so as to form at the base a circle of ten or fourteen feet in diameter: against these are placed pieces of driftwood and fallen timber, usually in three ranges one on the other, and the interstices are covered with leaves, bark, and straw, so as to form a conical figure about ten feet high, with a small aperture in one side for the door. it is, however, at best a very imperfect shelter against the inclemencies of the seasons. sunday . we had a fine morning, and the wind being from the east we used our sails. at the distance of five miles we came to a small island, and twelve miles farther encamped on the north, at the distance of seventeen miles. the country like that of yesterday is beautiful in the extreme. among the vast quantities of game around us, we distinguish a small species of goose differing considerably from the common canadian goose; its neck, head, and beak, being much thicker, larger, and shorter in proportion to its size, which is nearly a third smaller; the noise too resembling more that of the brant or of a young goose that has not yet fully acquired its note; in other respects its colour, habits, and the number of feathers in the tail, the two species correspond; this species also associates in flocks with the large geese, but we have not seen it pair off with them. the white brant is about the size of the common brown brant, or two thirds of the common goose, than which it is also six inches shorter from the extremity of the wings, though the beak, head, and neck are larger and stronger: the body and wings are of a beautiful pure white, except the black feathers of the first and second joints of the wings; the beak and legs are of a reddish or flesh-coloured white, the eye of a moderate size, the pupil of a deep sea-green incircled with a ring of yellowish brown, the tail consists of sixteen feathers equally long, the flesh is dark and as well as its note differs but little from those of the common brant, whom in form and habits it resembles, and with whom it sometimes unites in a common flock; the white brant also associate by themselves in large flocks, but as they do not seem to be mated or paired off, it is doubtful whether they reside here during the summer for the purpose of rearing their young. the wolves are also very abundant, and are of two species. first, the small wolf or burrowing dog of the prairies, which are found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed, the head long and pointed, like that of the fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish brown colour, though much coarser than that of the fox; the eye of a deep sea-green colour, small and piercing; the talons rather longer than those of the wolf of the atlantic states, which animal as far as we can perceive is not to be found on this side of the river platte. these wolves usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely if ever seen alone, not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live and rear their young in burrows, which they fix near some pass or spot much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but on the slightest alarm retreat to their burrows making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. the second species is lower, shorter in the legs and thicker than the atlantic wolf; their colour, which is not affected by the seasons, is of every variety of shade, from a gray or blackish brown to a cream coloured white. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl, and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the skirts of the buffaloe herds, in order to attack the weary or wounded. captain clarke and one of the hunters met this evening the largest brown bear we have seen. as they fired he did not attempt to attack, but fled with a most tremendous roar, and such was its extraordinary tenacity of life, that although he had five balls passed through his lungs and five other wounds, he swam more than half across the river to a sandbar, and survived twenty minutes. he weighed between five and six hundred pounds at least, and measured eight feet seven inches and a half from the nose to the extremity of the hind feet, five feet ten inches and half round the breast, three feet eleven inches round the neck, one foot eleven inches round the middle of the foreleg, and his talons, five on each foot, were four inches and three eighths in length. it differs from the common black bear in having its talons much longer and more blunt; its tail shorter; its hair of a reddish or bay brown, longer, finer, and more abundant; his liver, lungs, and heart, much larger even in proportion to his size, the heart particularly being equal to that of a large ox; his maw ten times larger; his testicles pendant from the belly and in separate pouches four inches apart: besides fish and flesh he feeds on roots, and every kind of wild fruit. the antelope are now lean and with young, so that they may readily be caught at this season, as they cross the river from s.w. to n.e. monday . the morning being fair and the wind favourable, we set sail, and proceeded on very well the greater part of the day. the country continues level, rich, and beautiful; the low grounds wide and comparatively with the other parts of the missouri, well supplied with wood. the appearances of coal, pumicestone, and burnt earth have ceased, though the salts of tartar or vegetable salts continue on the banks and sandbars, and sometimes in the little ravines at the base of the low hills. we passed three streams on the south; the first at the distance of one mile and a half from our camp was about twenty-five yards wide, but although it contained some water in standing pools it discharges none; this we called littledry creek, about eight miles beyond which is bigdry creek; fifty yards wide, without any water; the third is six miles further, and has the bed of a large river two hundred yards wide, yet without a drop of water: like the other two this stream, which we called bigdry river, continues its width undiminished as far as we can discern. the banks are low, this channel formed of a fine brown sand, intermixed with a small proportion of little pebbles of various colours, and the country around flat and without trees. they had recently discharged their waters, and from their appearance and the nature of the country through which they pass, we concluded that they rose in the black mountains, or in the level low plains which are probably between this place and the mountains; that the country being nearly of the same kind and of the same latitude, the rains of spring melting the snows about the same time, conspire with them to throw at once vast quantities of water down these channels, which are then left dry during the summer, autumn, and winter, when there is very little rain. we had to-day a slight sprinkling. but it lasted a very short time. the game is in such plenty that it has become a mere amusement to supply the party with provisions. we made twenty-five miles to a clump of trees on the north where we passed the night. tuesday . the morning was pleasant and we proceeded at an early hour. there is much driftwood floating, and what is contrary to our expectation, although the river is rising, the water is somewhat clearer than usual. at eleven o'clock the wind became so high that one of the boats was nearly sunk, and we were obliged to stop till one, when we proceeded on, and encamped on the south, above a large sandbar projecting from the north, having made fifteen miles. on the north side of the river are the most beautiful plains we have yet seen: they rise gradually from the low grounds on the water to the height of fifty or sixty feet, and then extend in an unbroken level as far as the eye can reach: the hills on the south are more broken and higher, though at some distance back the country becomes level and fertile. there are no more appearances of burnt earth, coal, or pumicestone, though that of salt still continues, and the vegetation seems to have advanced but little since the twenty-eighth of last month: the game is as abundant as usual. the bald-eagles, of whom we see great numbers, probably feed on the carcases of dead animals, for on the whole missouri we have seen neither the blue-crested fisher, nor the fishing-hawks, to supply them with their favourite food, and the water of the river is so turbid that no bird which feeds exclusively on fish can procure a subsistence. wednesday . a light breeze from the east carried us sixteen miles, till we halted for dinner at the entrance of a river on the north. captain clarke who had walked on the south, on ascending a high point opposite to its entrance discovered a level and beautiful country which it watered; that its course for twelve or fifteen miles was n.w. when it divided into two nearly equal branches, one pursuing a direction nearly north, the other to the w. of n.w: its width at the entrance is one hundred and fifty yards, and on going three miles up, captain lewis found it to be of the same breadth, and sometimes more; it is deep, gentle, and has a large quantity of water; its bed is principally of mud, the banks abrupt, about twelve feet in height, and formed of a dark, rich loam and blue clay; the low grounds near it are wide and fertile, and possess a considerable proportion of cottonwood and willow. it seems to be navigable for boats and canoes, and this circumstance joined to its course and the quantity of water, which indicates that it passes through a large extent of country, we are led to presume that it may approach the saskashawan and afford a communication with that river. the water has a peculiar whiteness, such as might be produced by a tablespoon full of milk in a dish of tea, and this circumstance induced us to call it milk river. in the evening we had made twenty-seven miles, and encamped on the south. the country on that side consists in general of high broken hills, with much gray, black and brown granite scattered over the surface of the ground. at a little distance from the river there is no timber on either side, the wood being confined as below to the margin of the river; so that unless the contrary is particularly mentioned, it is always understood that the upland is perfectly naked, and that we consider the low grounds well timbered if even a fifth be covered with wood. the wild liquorice is found in great abundance on these hills, as is also the white apple. as usual we are surrounded by buffaloe, elk, common and blacktailed deer, beaver, antelopes and wolves. we observed a place where an indian had recently taken the hair off an antelope's skin, and some of the party thought they distinguished imperfectly some smoke and indian lodges up milk river, marks which we are by no means desirous of realizing, as the indians are probably assiniboins, and might be very troublesome. thursday, th. we again had a favourable wind and sailed along very well. between four and five miles we passed a large island in a deep bend to the north, and a large sandbar at the upper point. at fifteen and a quarter miles we reached the bed of a most extraordinary river which presents itself on the south: though as wide as the missouri itself, that is about half a mile, it does not discharge a drop of water and contains nothing but a few standing pools. on ascending it three miles we found an eminence from which we saw the direction of the channel, first south for ten or twelve miles, then turning to the east of southeast as far as we could see; it passes through a wide valley without timber, and the surrounding country consists of waving low hills interspersed with some handsome level plains; the banks are abrupt and consist of a black or yellow clay; or of a rich sandy loam, but though they do not rise more than six or eight feet above the bed, they exhibit no appearance of being overflowed: the bed is entirely composed of a light brown sand, the particles of which like those of the missouri are extremely fine. like the dry rivers we passed before, this seemed to have discharged its waters recently, but the watermark indicated that its greatest depth had not been more than two feet: this stream, if it deserve the name, we called bigdry river. about a mile below is a large creek on the same side, which is also perfectly dry: the mineral salts and quartz are in large quantities near this neighbourhood. the sand of the missouri from its mouth to this place has been mixed with a substance which we had presumed to be a granulated chalk, but which is most probably this quartz. the game is now in great quantities, particularly the elk and buffaloe, which last is so gentle that the men are obliged to drive them out of the way with sticks and stones. the ravages of the beaver are very apparent: in one place the timber was entirely prostrated for a space of three acres in front on the river and one in depth, and great part of it removed, although the trees were in large quantities, and some of them as thick as the body of a man. at the distance of twenty-four miles we encamped, after making twenty-five and a half miles, at the entrance of a small creek in a bend on the north; to which we gave the name of werner's creek after one of our men. for several days past the river has been as wide as it generally is near its mouth, but as it is much shallower, crowded with sandbars, and the colour of the water has become much clearer, we do not yet despair of reaching the rock mountains, for which we are very anxious. friday, th. we had not proceeded more than four and a quarter miles when the violence of the wind forced us to halt for the day under some timber in a bend on the south side. the wind continued high, the clouds thick and black, and we had a slight sprinkling of rain several times in the course of the day. shortly after our landing a dog came to us, and as this induced us to believe that we are near the hunting grounds of the assiniboins, who are a vicious ill-disposed people, it was necessary to be on our guard: we therefore inspected our arms which we found in good order, and sent several hunters to scour the country, but they returned in the evening having seen no tents, nor any recent tracks of indians. biles and imposthumes are very common among the party, and sore eyes continue in a greater or less degree with all of us; for the imposthumes we use emollient poultices, and apply to the eyes a solution of two grains of white vitriol and one of sugar of lead with one ounce of water. saturday, th. the wind blew very hard in the night, but having abated this morning we went on very well, till in the afternoon the wind arose and retarded our progress; the current too was strong, the river very crooked, and the banks as usual constantly precipitating themselves in large masses into the water. the highlands are broken and approach nearer the river than they do below. the soil however of both hills and low grounds appear as fertile as that further down the river: it consists of a black looking loam with a small portion of sand, which cover the hills and bluffs to the depth of twenty or thirty feet, and when thrown in the water dissolves as readily as loaf-sugar, and effervesces like marle; there are also great appearances of quartz and mineral salts: the first is most commonly seen in the faces of the bluffs, the second is found on the hills as well as the low grounds, and in the gullies which come down from the hills; it lies in a crust of two or three inches in depth, and may be swept up with a feather in large quantities. there is no longer any appearance of coal burnt earth or pumicestone. we saw and visited some high hills on the north side about three miles from the river, whose tops were covered with the pitch-pine: this in the first pine we have seen on the missouri, and it is like that of virginia, except that the leaves are somewhat longer; among this pine is also a dwarf cedar, sometimes between three or four feet high, but generally spreading itself like a vine along the surface of the earth, which it covers very closely, putting out roots from the under side. the fruit and smell resemble those of the common red cedar, but the leaf is finer and more delicate. the tops of the hills where these plants grow have a soil quite different from that just described, the basis of it is usually yellow or white clay, and the general appearance light coloured, sandy, and barren, some scattering tufts of sedge being almost its only herbage. about five in the afternoon one of our men who had been afflicted with biles, and suffered to walk on shore, came running to the boats with loud cries and every symptom of terror and distress: for some time after we had taken him on board he was so much out of breath as to be unable to describe the cause of his anxiety, but he at length told us that about a mile and a half below he had shot a brown bear which immediately turned and was in close pursuit of him; but the bear being badly wounded could not overtake him. captain lewis with seven men immediately went in search of him, and having found his track followed him by the blood for a mile, and found him concealed in some thick brushwood, and shot him with two balls through the skull. though somewhat smaller than that killed a few days ago, he was a monstrous animal and a most terrible enemy: our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs, yet he had pursued him furiously for half a mile, then returned more than twice that distance, and with his talons had prepared himself a bed in the earth two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the wonderful power of life which these animals possess render them dreadful: their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than meet a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot unless the ball goes through the brains, and this is very difficult on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the centre of the frontal bone, which is also thick. our encampment was on the south at the distance of sixteen miles from that of last night; the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men, and the oil amounted to eight gallons. sunday, th. the weather being clear and calm, we set out early. within a mile we came to a small creek, about twenty yards wide, emptying itself on the south. at eleven and three quarter miles we reached a point of woodland on the south, opposite to which is a creek of the same width as the last, but with little water, which we called pine creek. at eighteen and three quarter miles we came to on the south opposite to the lower point of a willow island, situated in a deep bend of the river to the southeast: here we remained during the day, the wind having risen at twelve so high that we could not proceed: it continued to blow violently all night, with occasional sprinklings of rain from sunset till midnight. on both sides of the river the country is rough and broken, the low grounds becoming narrower; the tops of the hills on the north exhibits some scattered pine and cedar, on the south the pine has not yet commenced, though there is some cedar on the sides of the hills and in the little ravines. the chokecherry, the wild hysop, sage, fleshy-leafed thorn, and particularly the aromatic herb on which the antelope and hare feed, are to be found on the plains and hills. the soil of the hills has now altered its texture considerably: their bases, like that of the river plains, is as usual a rich, black loam, while from the middle to the summits they are composed of a light brown-coloured earth, poor and sterile, and intermixed with a coarse white sand. monday, th. the wind was so strong that we could not proceed till about one o'clock, when we had to encounter a current rather stronger than usual. in the course of a mile and a half we passed two small creeks on the south, one of eighteen the other of thirty yards width, but neither of them containing any water, and encamped on the south at a point of woodland, having made only seven miles. the country is much the same as yesterday, with little timber in the low grounds, and a small quantity of pine and cedar on the northern hills. the river however continues to grow clearer, and this as well as the increased rapidity induces us to hope for some change of country. the game is as usual so abundant that we can get without difficulty all that is necessary. tuesday, th. there was some fog on the river this morning, which is a very rare occurrence. at the distance of a mile and a half we reached an island in a bend on the north, which continued for about half a mile, when at the head of it a large creek comes in on the north, to which we gave the name of gibson's creek. at seven and a half miles is a point of rocks on the south, above a creek on the same side, which we called sticklodge creek: five miles further is a large creek on the south, which like the two others has no running water; and at sixteen and a half miles a timbered point on the north, where we encamped for the night. the country is like that of yesterday, except that the low grounds are wider; there are also many high black bluffs along the banks: the game too is in great abundance. towards evening the men in the hindmost canoes discovered a large brown bear lying in the open grounds, about three hundred paces from the river: six of them, all good hunters, immediately went to attack him, and concealing themselves by a small eminence came unperceived within forty paces of him: four of the hunters now fired, and each lodged a ball in his body, two of them directly through the lungs: the furious animal sprung up and ran openmouthed upon them; as he came near, the two hunters who had reserved their fire gave him two wounds, one of which breaking his shoulder retarded his motion for a moment; but before they could reload he was so near that they were obliged to run to the river, and before they reached it he had almost overtaken them: two jumped into the canoe; the other four separated, and concealing themselves in the willows fired as fast as each could reload: they struck him several times, but instead of weakening the monster each shot seemed only to direct him towards the hunter, till at last he pursued two of them so closely, that they threw aside their guns and pouches, and jumped down a perpendicular bank of twenty feet into the river; the bear sprang after them, and was within a few feet of the hindmost, when one of the hunters on shore shot him in the head and finally killed him: they dragged him to the shore, and found that eight balls had passed through him in different directions; the bear was old and the meat tough, so that they took the skin only, and rejoined us at camp, where we had been as much terrified by an accident of a different kind. this was the narrow escape of one of our canoes containing all our papers, instruments, medicine, and almost every article indispensible for the success of our enterprise. the canoe being under sail, a sudden squall of wind struck her obliquely, and turned her considerably. the man at the helm, who was unluckily the worst steersman of the party, became alarmed, and instead of putting her before the wind luffed her up into it. the wind was so high that it forced the brace of the squaresail out of the hand of the man who was attending it, and instantly upset the canoe, which would have turned bottom upwards but for the resistance made by the awning. such was the confusion on board, and the waves ran so high, that it was half a minute before she righted, and then nearly full of water, but by baling out she was kept from sinking until they rowed ashore; besides the loss of the lives of three men who not being able to swim would probably have perished, we should have been deprived of nearly every thing necessary for our purpose, at a distance of between two and three thousand miles from any place where we could supply the deficiency. wednesday . as soon as a slight shower of rain had passed, we spread out the articles to dry; but the weather was so damp and cloudy that they derived little benefit from exposure. our hunters procured us deer, buffaloe, and beaver. thursday . the morning was fair and we were enabled to dry and repack our stores: the loss we sustained is chiefly in the medicines, many articles of which are completely spoiled, and others considerably injured. at four o'clock we embarked, and after making seven miles encamped on the north near some wood: the country on both sides is broken, the low grounds narrower and with less timber, though there are some scattered pine and cedar on the steep declivities of the hills, which are now higher than usual. a white bear tore the coat of one of the men which he had left on shore; and two of the party wounded a large panther who was feasting on a deer. we caught some lean antelopes as they were swimming the river, and killed two buffaloe. friday . we set out early and proceeded on very well; the banks being firm and the shore bold we were enabled to use the towline, which, whenever the banks will permit it, is the safest and most expeditious mode of ascending the river, except under a sail with a steady breeze. at the distance of ten and a half miles we came to the mouth of a small creek on the south, below which the hills approach the river, and continue near it during the day: three miles further is a large creek on the north, and again six and three quarter miles beyond it, another large creek to the south, which contain a small quantity of running water of a brackish taste. the last we called rattlesnake creek from our seeing that animal near it. although no timber can be observed on it from the missouri, it throws out large quantities of driftwood, among which were some pieces of coal brought down by the stream. we continued on one mile and a quarter, and encamped on the south, after making twenty and a half miles. the country in general is rugged, the hills high, with their summits and sides partially covered with pine and cedar, and their bases on both sides washed by the river: like those already mentioned the lower part of these hills is a dark rich loam, while the upper region for one hundred and fifty feet consists of a whitish brown sand, so hard as in many places to resemble stone, though in fact very little stone or rock of any kind is to be seen on the hills. the bed of the missouri is much narrower than usual, being not more than between two and three hundred yards in width, with an uncommonly large proportion of gravel; but the sandbars, and low points covered with willows have almost entirely disappeared: the timber on the river consists of scarcely any thing more than a few scattered cottonwood trees. the saline incrustations along the banks and the foot of the hills are more abundant than usual. the game is in great quantities, but the buffaloe are not so numerous as they were some days ago: two rattlesnakes were seen to-day, and one of them killed: it resembles those of the middle atlantic states, being about two feet six inches long, of a yellowish brown on the back and sides, variegated with a row of oval dark brown spots lying transversely on the back from the neck to the tail, and two other rows of circular spots of the same colour on the sides along the edge of the scuta: there are one hundred and seventy-six scuta on the belly, and seventeen on the tail. captain clarke saw in his excursions a fortified indian camp which appeared to have been recently occupied, and was, we presumed, made by a party of minnetarees who went to war last march. late at night we were roused by the sergeant of the guard in consequence of a fire which had communicated to a tree overhanging our camp. the wind was so high, that we had not removed the camp more than a few minutes when a large part of the tree fell precisely on the spot it had occupied, and would have crushed us if we had not been alarmed in time. saturday . the wind continued high from the west, but by means of the towline we were able to make nineteen miles, the sandbars being now few in number, the river narrow and the current gentle; the willow has in a great measure disappeared, and even the cottonwood, almost the only timber remaining, is growing scarce. at twelve and three quarter miles we came to a creek on the north, which was perfectly dry. we encamped on the south opposite the lower point of an island. sunday . the last night was disagreeably cold; and in the morning there was a very heavy fog which obscured the river so much as to prevent our seeing the way. this is the first fog of any degree of thickness which we have experienced: there was also last evening a fall of dew, the second which we have seen since entering this extensive open country. about eight o'clock the fog dispersed, and we proceeded with the aid of the towline: the island near which we were encamped, was three quarters of a mile in length. the country resembles that of yesterday, high hills closely bordering the river. in the afternoon the river became crooked, and contained more sawyers or floating timber than we have seen in the same space since leaving the platte. our game consisted of deer, beaver, and elk: we also killed a brown bear, who, although shot through the heart, ran at his usual pace nearly a quarter of a mile before he fell. at twenty-one miles is a willow island half a mile in length, on the north side, a quarter of a mile beyond which is a shoal of rapid water under a bluff: the water continued very strong for some distance beyond it: at half a mile we came to a sandbar on the north, from which to our place of encampment was another half mile, making in all twenty-two and a quarter miles. the saline substances which we have mentioned continue to appear; and the men are much afflicted with sore eyes and imposthumes. monday . as usual we set out early, and the banks being convenient for that purpose, we used the towline: the river is narrow and crooked, the water rapid, and the country much like that of yesterday: at the distance of two and a quarter miles we passed a large creek with but little water, to which we gave the name of blowingfly creek, from the quantity of those insects found in its neighbourhood. they are extremely troublesome, infesting our meat whilst cooking and at our meals. after making seven miles we reached by eleven o'clock the mouth of a large river on the south, and encamped for the day at the upper point of its junction with the missouri. this stream which we suppose to be that called by the minnetarees the muscleshell river, empties into the missouri two thousand two hundred and seventy miles above the mouth of the latter river, and in latitude ° ' " north. it is one hundred and ten yards wide, and contains more water than streams of that size usually do in this country; its current is by no means rapid, and there is every appearance of its being susceptible of navigation by canoes for a considerable distance: its bed is chiefly formed of coarse sand and gravel, with an occasional mixture of black mud; the banks abrupt and nearly twelve feet high, so that they are secure from being overflowed: the water is of a greenish yellow cast and much more transparent than that of the missouri, which itself, though clearer than below, still retains its whitish hue and a portion of its sediment. opposite to the point of junction the current of the missouri is gentle, and two hundred and twenty-two yards in width, the bed principally of mud (the little sand remaining being wholly confined to the points) and still too deep to use the setting pole. if this be, as we suppose, the muscleshell, our indian information is, that it rises in the first chain of the rocky mountains not far from the sources of the yellowstone, whence in its course to this place it waters a high broken country, well timbered particularly on its borders, and interspersed with handsome fertile plains and meadows. we have reason, however, to believe, from their giving a similar account of the timber where we now are, that the timber of which they speak is similar to that which we have seen for a few days past, which consists of nothing more than a few straggling small pine and dwarf cedar, on the summits of the hills, nine-tenths of the ground being totally destitute of wood, and covered with a short grass, aromatic herbs, and an immense quantity of prickly pears: though the party who explored it for eight miles represented low grounds on the river as well supplied with cottonwood of a tolerable size, and of an excellent soil. they also reported that the country is broken and irregular like that near our camp; that about five miles up a handsome river about fifty yards wide, which we named after chaboneau's wife, sahcajahweah, or birdwoman's river, discharges itself into the muscleshell on the north or upper side. another party found at the foot of the southern hills, about four miles from the missouri, a fine bold spring, which in this country is so rare that since we left the mandans we have found only one of a similar kind, and that was under the bluffs on the south side of the missouri, at some distance from it, and about five miles below the yellowstone: with this exception all the small fountains of which we have met a number are impregnated with the salts which are so abundant here, and with which the missouri is itself most probably tainted, though to us who have been so much accustomed to it, the taste is not perceptible. among the game to-day we observed two large owls, with remarkably long feathers resembling ears on the sides of the head, which we presume are the hooting owls, though they are larger and their colours are brighter than those common in the united states. tuesday . the morning being very fine we were able to employ the rope and made twenty miles to our camp on the north. the shores of the river are abrupt, bold and composed of a black and yellow clay, the bars being formed of black mud, and a small proportion of fine sand; the current strong. in its course the missouri makes a sudden and extensive bend towards the south, to receive the waters of the muscleshell. the neck of land thus formed, though itself high is lower than the surrounding country, and makes a waving valley extending for a great distance to the northward, with a fertile soil which, though without wood, produces a fine turf of low grass, some herbs and vast quantities of prickly pear. the country on the south is high, broken, and crowned with some pine and dwarf cedar; the leaf of this pine is longer than that of the common pitch or red pine of virginia, the cone is longer and narrower, the imbrications wider and thicker, and the whole frequently covered with rosin. during the whole day the bends of the river are short and sudden; and the points covered with some cottonwood, large or broad leaved willow, and a small quantity of redwood; the undergrowth consisting of wild roses, and the bushes of the small honeysuckle. the mineral appearances on the river are as usual. we do not find the grouse or prairie hen so abundant as below, and think it probable that they retire from the river to the plains during this season. the wind had been moderate during the fore part of the day, but continued to rise towards evening, and about dark veered to northeast, and blew a storm all night. we had encamped on a bar on the north, opposite the lower point of an island, which from this circumstance we called windy island; but we were so annoyed by clouds of dust and sand that we could neither eat nor sleep, and were forced to remove our camp at eight o'clock to the foot of an adjoining hill, which shielded us in some degree from the wind: we procured elk, deer, and buffaloe. wednesday . the wind blew so violently that it was deemed prudent to wait till it had abated, so that we did not leave the camp till ten o'clock, when we proceeded principally by the towline. we passed windy island which is about three quarters of a mile in length: and five and a half miles above it a large island in a bend to the north: three miles beyond this we came to the entrance of a creek twenty yards wide, though with little water, which we called grouse creek, from observing near its mouth a quantity of the prairie hen with pointed tails, the first we have seen in such numbers for several days: the low grounds are somewhat wider than usual and apparently fertile, though the short and scanty grass on the hills does not indicate much richness of soil. the country around is not so broken as that of yesterday, but is still waving, the southern hills possessing more pine than usual, and some appearing on the northern hills, which are accompanied by the usual salt and mineral appearances. the river continues about two hundred and fifty yards wide, with fewer sandbars, and the current more gentle and regular. game is no longer in such abundance, since leaving the muscleshell. we have caught very few fish on this side of the mandans, and these were the white catfish of two to five pounds. we killed a deer and a bear: we have not seen in this quarter the black bear, common in the united states and on the lower parts of the missouri, nor have we discerned any of their tracks, which may easily be distinguished by the shortness of its talons from the brown, grizzly, or white bear, all of which seem to be of the same family, which assumes those colours at different seasons of the year. we halted earlier than usual, and encamped on the north, in a point of woods, at the distance of sixteen and a half miles. chapter ix. the party continue their route--description of judith river--indian mode of taking the buffaloe--slaughter river described--phenomena of nature--of walls on the banks of the missouri--the party encamp on the banks of the river to ascertain which of the streams constitute the missouri--captain lewis leaves the party to explore the northern fork, and captain clarke explores the southern--the surrounding country described in the route of captain lewis--narrow escape of one of his party. thursday . last night the frost was severe, and this morning the ice appeared along the edges of the river, and the water froze on our oars. at the distance of a mile we passed the entrance of a creek on the north, which we named teapot creek; it is fifteen yards wide, and although it has running water at a small distance from its mouth, yet it discharges none into the missouri, resembling, we believe, most of the creeks in this hilly country, the waters of which are absorbed by the thirsty soil near the river. they indeed afford but little water in any part, and even that is so strongly tainted with salts that it is unfit for use, though all the wild animals are very fond of it. on experiment it was found to be moderately purgative, but painful to the intestines in its operation. this creek seems to come from a range of low hills, which run from east to west for seventy miles, and have their eastern extremity thirty miles to the north of teapot creek. just above its entrance is a large assemblage of the burrowing squirrels on the north side of the river. at nine miles we reached the upper point of an island in a bend on the south, and opposite the centre of the island, a small dry creek on the north. half a mile further a small creek falls in on the same side; and six and a half miles beyond this another on the south. at four and a half we passed a small island in a deep bend to the north, and on the same side in a deep northeastern bend of the river another small island. none of these creeks however possessed any water, and at the entrances of the islands, the two first are covered with tall cottonwood timber, and the last with willows only. the river has become more rapid, the country much the same as yesterday, except that there is rather more rocks on the face of the hills, and some small spruce pine appears among the pitch. the wild roses are very abundant and now in bloom; they differ from those of the united states only in having the leaves and the bush itself of a somewhat smaller size. we find the musquitoes troublesome, notwithstanding the coolness of the morning. the buffaloe is scarce to-day, but the elk, deer, and antelope, are very numerous. the geese begin to lose the feathers of the wings, and are unable to fly. we saw five bears, one of which we wounded, but in swimming from us across the river, he become entangled in some driftwood and sank. we formed our camp on the north opposite to a hill and a point of wood in a bend to the south, having made twenty-seven miles. friday . the water in the kettles froze one eighth of an inch during the night; the ice appears along the margin of the river, and the cottonwood trees which have lost nearly all their leaves by the frost, are putting forth other buds. we proceeded with the line principally till about nine o'clock, when a fine breeze sprung up from the s.e. and enabled us to sail very well, notwithstanding the rapidity of the current. at one mile and a half is a large creek thirty yards wide, and containing some water which it empties on the north side, over a gravelly bed, intermixed with some stone. a man who was sent up to explore the country returned in the evening, after having gone ten miles directly towards the ridge of mountains to the north, which is the source of this as well as of teapot creek. the air of these highlands is so pure, that objects appear much nearer than they really are, so that although our man went ten miles without thinking himself by any means half way to the mountains, they do not from the river appear more than fifteen miles distant; this stream we called northmountain creek. two and a half miles higher is a creek on the south which is fifteen yards wide, but without any water, and to which we gave the name of littledog creek, from a village of burrowing squirrels opposite to its entrance, that being the name given by the french watermen to those animals. three miles from this a small creek enters on the north, five beyond which is an island a quarter of a mile in length, and two miles further a small river: this falls in on the south, is forty yards wide, and discharges a handsome stream of water; its bed rocky with gravel and sand, and the banks high: we called it southmountain creek, as from its direction it seemed to rise in a range of mountains about fifty or sixty miles to the s.w. of its entrance. the low grounds are narrow and without timber; the country high and broken; a large portion of black rock, and brown sandy rock appears in the face of the hills, the tops of which are covered with scattered pine, spruce and dwarf cedar: the soil is generally poor, sandy near the tops of the hills, and nowhere producing much grass, the low grounds being covered with little else than the hysop, or southern wood, and the pulpy-leafed thorn. game is more scarce, particularly beaver, of which we have seen but few for several days, and the abundance or scarcity of which seems to depend on the greater or less quantity of timber. at twenty-four and a half miles we reached a point of woodland on the south, where we observed that the trees had no leaves, and encamped for the night. the high country through which we have passed for some days, and where we now are, we suppose to be a continuation of what the french traders called the cote noire or black hills. the country thus denominated consists of high broken irregular hills and short chains of mountains; sometimes one hundred and twenty miles in width, sometimes narrower, but always much higher than the country on either side. they commence about the head of the kanzas, where they diverge; the first ridge going westward, along the northern shore of the arkansaw; the second approaches the rock mountains obliquely in a course a little to the w. of n.w. and after passing the platte above its forks, and intersecting the yellowstone near the bigbend, crosses the missouri at this place, and probably swell the country as far as the saskashawan, though as they are represented much smaller here than to the south, they may not reach that river. saturday, th. two canoes which were left behind yesterday to bring on the game, did not join us till eight o'clock this morning, when we set out with the towline, the use of which the banks permitted. the wind was, however, ahead, the current strong, particularly round the points against which it happened to set, and the gullies from the hills having brought down quantities of stone, those projected into the river, forming barriers for forty or fifty feet round, which it was very difficult to pass. at the distance of two and three quarter miles we passed a small island in a deep bend on the south, and on the same side a creek twenty yards wide, but with no running water. about a mile further is an island between two and three miles in length, separated from the northern shore by a narrow channel, in which is a sand island at the distance of half a mile from its lower extremity. to this large island we gave the name of teapot island; two miles above which is an island a mile long, and situated on the south. at three and a half miles is another small island, and one mile beyond it a second three quarters of a mile in length, on the north side. in the middle of the river two miles above this is an island with no timber, and of the same extent as this last. the country on each side is high, broken, and rocky; the rock being either a soft brown sandstone, covered with a thin stratum of limestone, or else a hard black rugged granite, both usually in horizontal stratas, and the sandrock overlaying the other. salts and quartz as well as some coal and pumicestone still appear: the bars of the river are composed principally of gravel; the river low grounds are narrow, and afford scarcely any timber; nor is there much pine on the hills. the buffaloe have now become scarce: we saw a polecat this evening, which was the first for several days: in the course of the day we also saw several herds of the big-horned animals among the steep cliffs on the north, and killed several of them. at the distance of eighteen miles we encamped on the south, and the next morning, sunday, th, proceeded on at an early hour by means of the towline, using our oars merely in passing the river, to take advantage of the best banks. there are now scarcely any low grounds on the river, the hills being high and in many places pressing on both sides to the verge of the water. the black rock has given place to a very soft sandstone, which seems to be washed away fast by the river, and being thrown into the river renders its navigation more difficult than it was yesterday: above this sandstone, and towards the summits of the hills, a hard freestone of a yellowish brown colour shows itself in several stratas of unequal thickness, frequently overlaid or incrusted by a thin stratum of limestone, which seems to be formed of concreted shells. at eight and a quarter miles we came to the mouth of a creek on the north, thirty yards wide, with some running water and a rocky bed: we called it windsor creek, after one of the party. four and three quarter miles beyond this we came to another creek in a bend to the north, which is twenty yards wide, with a handsome little stream of water: there is however no timber on either side of the river, except a few pines on the hills. here we saw for the first time since we left the mandans several soft shelled turtles, though this may be owing rather to the season of the year than to any scarcity of the animal. it was here that after ascending the highest summits of the hills on the north side of the river, that captain lewis first caught a distant view of the rock mountains, the object of all our hopes, and the reward of all our ambition. on both sides of the river and at no great distance from it, the mountains followed its course: above these, at the distance of fifty miles from us, an irregular range of mountains spread themselves from west to northwest from his position. to the north of these a few elevated points, the most remarkable of which bore north ° west, appeared above the horizon, and as the sun shone on the snows of their summits he obtained a clear and satisfactory view of those mountains which close on the missouri the passage to the pacific. four and a half miles beyond this creek we came to the upper point of a small sand island. at the distance of five miles between high bluffs, we passed a very difficult rapid, reaching quite across the river, where the water is deep, the channel narrow, and gravel obstructing it on each side: we had great difficulty in ascending it, although we used both the rope and the pole, and doubled the crews: this is the most considerable rapid on the missouri, and in fact the only place where there is a sudden descent: as we were labouring over them, a female elk with its fawn swam down through the waves, which ran very high, and obtained for the place the name of the elk rapids. just above them is a small low ground of cottonwood trees, where, at twenty-two and a quarter miles we fixed our encampment, and were joined by captain lewis, who had been on the hills during the afternoon. the country has now become desert and barren: the appearances of coal, burnt earth, pumicestone, salts, and quartz, continue as yesterday: but there is no timber except the thinly scattered pine and spruce on the summits of the hills, or along the sides. the only animals we have observed are the elk, the bighorn, and the hare, common in this country. in the plain where we lie are two indian cabins made of sticks, and during the last few days we have passed several others in the points of timber on the river. monday, . the wind was so high that we did not start till ten o'clock, and even then were obliged to use the line during the greater part of the day. the river has become very rapid with a very perceptible descent: its general width is about two hundred yards: the shoals too are more frequent, and the rocky points at the mouth of the gullies more troublesome to pass: great quantities of this stone lie in the river and on its banks, and seem to have fallen down as the rain washed away the clay and sand in which they were imbedded. the water is bordered by high rugged bluffs, composed of irregular but horizontal stratas of yellow and brown or black clay, brown and yellowish white sand, soft yellowish white sandstone: hard dark brown freestone; and also large round kidney formed irregular separate masses of a hard black ironstone, imbedded in the clay and sand; some coal or carbonated wood also makes its appearance in the cliffs, as do also its usual attendants the pumicestone and burnt earth. the salts and quartz are less abundant, and generally speaking the country is if possible more rugged and barren than that we passed yesterday; the only growth of the hills being a few pine, spruce, and dwarf cedar, interspersed with an occasional contrast once in the course of some miles, of several acres of level ground, which supply a scanty subsistence for a few little cottonwood trees. soon after setting out we passed a small untimbered island on the south: at about seven miles we reached a considerable bend which the river makes towards the southeast, and in the evening, after making twelve and a half miles, encamped on the south near two dead cottonwood trees, the only timber for fuel which we could discover in the neighbourhood. tuesday, . the weather was dark and cloudy; the air smoky, and there fell a few drops of rain. at ten o'clock we had again a slight sprinkling of rain, attended with distant thunder, which is the first we have heard since leaving the mandans. we employed the line generally, with the addition of the pole at the ripples and rocky points, which we find more numerous and troublesome than those we passed yesterday. the water is very rapid round these points, and we are sometimes obliged to steer the canoes through the points of sharp rocks rising a few inches above the surface of the water, and so near to each other that if our ropes give way the force of the current drives the sides of the canoe against them, and must inevitably upset them or dash them to pieces. these cords are very slender, being almost all made of elkskin, and much worn and rotted by exposure to the weather: several times they gave way, but fortunately always in places where there was room for the canoe to turn without striking the rock; yet with all our precautions it was with infinite risk and labour that we passed these points. an indian pole for building floated down the river, and was worn at one end as if dragged along the ground in travelling; several other articles were also brought down by the current, which indicate that the indians are probably at no great distance above us, and judging from a football which resembles those used by the minnetarees near the mandans, we conjecture that they must be a band of the minnetarees of fort de prairie. the appearance of the river and the surrounding country continued as usual, till towards evening, at about fifteen miles, we reached a large creek on the north thirty-five yards wide, discharging some water, and named after one of our men thompson's creek. here the country assumed a totally different aspect; the hills retired on both sides from the river, which now spreads to more than three times its former size, and is filled with a number of small handsome islands covered with cottonwood. the low grounds on the river are again wide, fertile, and enriched with trees; those on the north are particularly wide, the hills being comparatively low and opening into three large vallies, which extend themselves for a considerable distance towards the north: these appearances of vegetation are delightful after the dreary hills over which we have passed, and we have now to congratulate ourselves at having escaped from the last ridges of the black mountains. on leaving thompson's creek we passed two small islands, and at twenty-three miles distance encamped among some timber on the north, opposite to a small creek, which we named bull creek. the bighorn is in great quantities, and must bring forth their young at a very early season, as they are now half grown. one of the party saw a large bear also, but being at a distance from the river, and having no timber to conceal him, he would not venture to fire. wednesday, . last night we were alarmed by a new sort of enemy. a buffaloe swam over from the opposite side and to the spot where lay one of our canoes, over which he clambered to the shore: then taking fright he ran full speed up the bank towards our fires, and passed within eighteen inches of the heads of some of the men, before the sentinel could make him change his course: still more alarmed he ran down between four fires and within a few inches of the heads of the second row of the men, and would have broken into our lodge if the barking of the dog had not stopped him. he suddenly turned to the right and was out of sight in a moment, leaving us all in confusion, every one seizing his rifle and inquiring the cause of the alarm. on learning what had happened, we had to rejoice at suffering no more injury than the damage to some guns which were in the canoe which the buffaloe crossed. in the morning early we left our camp, and proceeded as usual by the cord. we passed an island and two sandbars, and at the distance of two and a half miles we came to a handsome river which discharges itself on the south, and which we ascended to the distance of a mile and a half: we called it judith's river: it rises in the rock mountains in about the same place with the muscleshell and near the yellowstone river. its entrance is one hundred yards wide from one bank to the other, the water occupying about seventy-five yards, and in greater quantity than that of the muscleshell river, and though more rapid equally navigable, there being no stones or rocks in the bed, which is composed entirely of gravel and mud with some sand: the water too is clearer than any which we have yet seen; and the low grounds, as far as we could discern, wider and more woody than those of the missouri: along its banks we observed some box-alder intermixed with the cottonwood and the willow; the undergrowth consisting of rosebushes, honeysuckle, and a little red willow. there was a great abundance of the argalea or bighorned animals in the high country through which it passes, and a great number of the beaver in its waters: just above the entrance of it we saw the fires of one hundred and twenty-six lodges, which appeared to have been deserted about twelve or fifteen days, and on the other side of the missouri a large encampment, apparently made by the same nation. on examining some moccasins which we found there, our indian woman said that they did not belong to her own nation the snake indians, but she thought that they indicated a tribe on this side of the rocky mountain, and to the north of the missouri; indeed it is probable that these are the minnetarees of fort de prairie. at the distance of six and a half miles the hills again approach the brink of the river, and the stones and rocks washed down from them form a very bad rapid, with rocks and ripples more numerous and difficult than those we passed on the th and th; here the same scene was renewed, and we had again to struggle and labour to preserve our small craft from being lost. near this spot are a few trees of the ash, the first we have seen for a great distance, and from which we named the place ash rapids. on these hills there is but little timber, but the salts, coal, and other mineral appearances continue. on the north we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least one hundred carcases of buffaloes, although the water which had washed away the lower part of the hill must have carried off many of the dead. these buffaloe had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffaloe skin round his body; the skin of the head with the ears and horns fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloe: thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distant between a herd of buffaloe and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions in the meantime get in the rear and side of the herd, and at a given signal show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloe: they instantly take the alarm, and finding the hunters beside them, they run towards the disguised indian or decoy, who leads them on at full speed toward the river, when suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice: it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat or even to stop; they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them till the whole are precipitated and the shore is strewn with their dead bodies. sometimes in this perilous seduction the indian is himself either trodden under root by the rapid movements of the buffaloe, or missing his footing in the cliff is urged down the precipice by the falling herd. the indians then select as much meat as they wish, and the rest is abandoned to the wolves, and create a most dreadful stench. the wolves who had been feasting on these carcases were very fat, and so gentle that one of them was killed with an esponton. above this place we came to for dinner at the distance of seventeen miles, opposite to a bold running river of twenty yards wide, and falling in on the south. from the objects we had just passed we called this stream slaughter river. its low grounds are narrow, and contain scarcely any timber. soon after landing it began to blow and rain, and as there was no prospect of getting wood for fuel farther on, we fixed our camp on the north, three quarters of a mile above slaughter river. after the labours of the day we gave to each man a dram, and such was the effect of long abstinence from spirituous liquors, that from the small quantity of half a gill of rum, several of the men were considerably affected by it, and all very much exhilirated. our game to-day consisted of an elk and two beaver. thursday, . the rain which commenced last evening continued with little intermission till eleven this morning, when the high wind which accompanied it having abated, we set out. more rain has now fallen than we have had since the st of september last, and many circumstances indicate our approach to a climate differing considerably from that of the country through which we have been passing: the air of the open country is astonishingly dry and pure. observing that the case of our sextant, though perfectly seasoned, shrank and the joints opened, we tried several experiments, by which it appeared that a tablespoon full of water exposed in a saucer to the air would evaporate in thirty-six hours, when the mercury did not stand higher than the temperate point at the greatest heat of the day. the river, notwithstanding the rain, is much clearer than it was a few days past; but we advance with great labour and difficulty; the rapid current, the ripples and rocky points rendering the navigation more embarrassing than even that of yesterday, in addition to which the banks are now so slippery after the rain, that the men who draw the canoes can scarcely walk, and the earth and stone constantly falling down the high bluffs make it dangerous to pass under them; still however we are obliged to make use of the cord, as the wind is strong ahead, the current too rapid for oars, and too deep for the pole. in this way we passed at the distance of five and a half miles a small rivulet in a bend on the north, two miles further an island on the same side, half a mile beyond which came to a grove of trees at the entrance of a run in a bend to the south, and encamped for the night on the northern shore. the eight miles which we made to-day cost us much trouble. the air was cold and rendered more disagreeable by the rain, which fell in several slight showers in the course of the day; our cords too broke several times, but fortunately without injury to the boats. on ascending the hills near the river, one of the party found that there was snow mixed with the rain on the heights: a little back of these the country becomes perfectly level on both sides of the river. there is now no timber on the hills, and only a few scattering cottonwood, ash, box-alder, and willows, along the water. in the course of the day we passed several encampments of indians, the most recent of which seemed to have been evacuated about five weeks since, and from the several apparent dates we supposed that they were made by a band of about one hundred lodges who were travelling slowly up the river. although no part of the missouri from the minnetarees to this place exhibit signs of permanent settlements, yet none seem exempt from the transient visits of hunting parties. we know that the minnetarees of the missouri extend their excursions on the south side of the river, as high as the yellowstone; and the assiniboins visit the northern side, most probably as high as porcupine river. all the lodges between that place and the rocky mountains we supposed to belong to the minnetarees of fort de prairie, who live on the south fork of the saskashawan. friday, . we proceeded in two periogues, leaving the canoes to bring on the meat of two buffaloes killed last evening. soon after we set off it began to rain, and though it ceased at noon, the weather continued cloudy during the rest of the day. the obstructions of yesterday still remain and fatigue the men excessively: the banks are so slippery in some places and the mud so adhesive that they are unable to wear their moccasins; one fourth of the time they are obliged to be up to their armpits in the cold water, and sometimes walk for several yards over the sharp fragments of rocks which have fallen from the hills: all this added to the burden of dragging the heavy canoes is very painful, yet the men bear it with great patience and good humour. once the rope of one of the periogues, the only one we had made of hemp, broke short, and the periogue swung and just touched a point of rock which almost overset her. at nine miles we came to a high wall of black rock rising from the water's edge on the south, above the cliffs of the river: this continued about a quarter of a mile, and was succeeded by a high open plain, till three miles further a second wall two hundred feet high rose on the same side. three miles further a wall of the same kind about two hundred feet high and twelve in thickness, appeared to the north: these hills and river cliffs exhibit a most extraordinary and romantic appearance: they rise in most places nearly perpendicular from the water, to the height of between two and three hundred feet, and are formed of very white sandstone, so soft as to yield readily to the impression of water, in the upper part of which lie imbedded two or three thin horizontal stratas of white freestone insensible to the rain, and on the top is a dark rich loam, which forms a gradually ascending plain, from a mile to a mile and a half in extent, when the hills again rise abruptly to the height of about three hundred feet more. in trickling down the cliffs, the water has worn the soft sandstone into a thousand grotesque figures, among which with a little fancy may be discerned elegant ranges of freestone buildings, with columns variously sculptured, and supporting long and elegant galleries, while the parapets are adorned with statuary: on a nearer approach they represent every form of elegant ruins; columns, some with pedestals and capitals entire, others mutilated and prostrate, and some rising pyramidally over each other till they terminate in a sharp point. these are varied by niches, alcoves, and the customary appearances of desolated magnificence: the allusion is increased by the number of martins, who have built their globular nests in the niches and hover over these columns; as in our country they are accustomed to frequent large stone structures. as we advance there seems no end to the visionary enchantment which surrounds us. in the midst of this fantastic scenery are vast ranges of walls, which seem the productions of art, so regular is the workmanship: they rise perpendicularly from the river, sometimes to the height of one hundred feet, varying in thickness from one to twelve feet, being equally broad at the top as below. the stones of which they are formed are black, thick, and durable, and composed of a large portion of earth, intermixed and cemented with a small quantity of sand, and a considerable proportion of talk or quartz. these stones are almost invariably regular parallelipeds of unequal sizes in the wall, but equally deep, and laid regularly in ranges over each other like bricks, each breaking and covering the interstice of the two on which it rests: but though the perpendicular interstice be destroyed, the horizontal one extends entirely through the whole work: the stones too are proportioned to the thickness of the wall in which they are employed, being largest in the thickest walls. the thinner walls are composed of a single depth of the paralleliped, while the thicker ones consist of two or more depths: these walls pass the river at several places, rising from the water's edge much above the sandstone bluffs which they seem to penetrate; thence they cross in a straight line on either side of the river, the plains over which they tower to the height of from ten to seventy feet, until they lose themselves in the second range of hills: sometimes they run parallel in several ranges near to each other, sometimes intersect each other at right angles, and have the appearance of walls of ancient houses or gardens. the face of some of these river hills, is composed of very excellent freestone of a light yellowish brown colour, and among the cliffs we found a species of pine which we had not yet seen, and differing from the virginia pitchpine in having a shorter leaf, and a longer and more pointed cone. the coal appears only in small quantities, as do the burnt earth and pumicestone: the mineral salts have abated. among the animals are a great number of the bighorn, a few buffaloe and elk, and some mule-deer, but none of the common deer nor any antelopes. we saw but could not procure a beautiful fox, of a colour varied with orange, yellow, white, and black, rather smaller than the common fox of this country, and about the same size as the red fox of the united states. the river to-day has been from about one hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty yards wide, with but little timber. at the distance of two miles and a half from the last stone wall, is a stream on the north side, twenty-eight yards in width, and with some running water. we encamped just above its mouth having made eighteen miles. saturday, june . the weather was cloudy with a few drops of rain. as we proceeded by the aid of our cord we found the river cliffs and bluffs not so high as yesterday, and the country more level. the timber too is in greater abundance on the river, though there is no wood on the high ground; coal however appears in the bluffs. the river is from two hundred to two hundred and fifty feet wide, the current more gentle, the water becoming still clearer and fewer rocky points and shoals than we met yesterday, though those which we did encounter were equally difficult to pass. game is by no means in such plenty as below; all that we obtained were one bighorn, and a mule-deer though we saw in the plains a quantity of buffaloe, particularly near a small lake about eight miles from the river to the south. notwithstanding the wind was ahead all day, we dragged the canoes along the distance of twenty-three miles. at fourteen and a quarter miles, we came to a small island opposite a bend of the river to the north: two and a half miles to the upper point of a small island on the north; five miles to another island on the south side and opposite to a bluff. in the next two miles we passed an island on the south, a second beyond it on the north, and reached near a high bluff on the north a third on which we encamped. in the plains near the river are the chokecherry, yellow and red currant-bushes, as well as the wild rose and prickly pear, both of which are now in bloom. from the tops of the river hills, which are lower than usual, we enjoyed a delightful view of the rich fertile plains on both sides, in many places extending from the river cliffs to a great distance back. in these plains we meet occasionally large banks of pure sand, which were driven apparently by the southwest winds, and there deposited. the plains are more fertile some distance from the river than near its banks, where the surface of the earth is very generally strewed with small pebbles, which appear to be smoothed and worn by the agitation of the waters with which they were no doubt once covered. a mountain or part of the north mountain approaches the river within eight or ten miles, bearing north from our encampment of last evening; and this morning a range of high mountains bearing s.w. from us and apparently running to the westward, are seen at a great distance covered with snow. in the evening we had a little more rain. sunday . the wind blew violently last night, and a slight shower of rain fell, but this morning was fair. we set out at an early hour, and although the wind was ahead by means of the cord went on much better than for the last two days, as the banks were well calculated for towing. the current of the river is strong but regular, its timber increases in quantity, the low grounds become more level and extensive, and the bluffs on the river are lower than usual. in the course of the day we had a small shower of rain, which lasted a few minutes only. as the game is very abundant we think it necessary to begin a collection of hides for the purpose of making a leathern boat, which we intend constructing shortly. the hunters who were out the greater part of the day brought in six elk, two buffaloe, two mule-deer and a bear. this last animal had nearly cost us the lives of two of our hunters who were together when he attacked them: one of them narrowly escaped being caught, and the other after running a considerable distance, concealed himself in some thick bushes, and while the bear was in quick pursuit of his hiding place, his companion came up and fortunately shot the animal through the head. at six and at half miles we reached an island on the northern side; one mile and a quarter thence is a timbered low ground on the south: and in the next two and three quarter miles we passed three small islands, and came to a dark bluff on the south: within the following mile are two small islands on the same side. at three and a quarter miles we reached the lower part of a much larger island near a northern point, and as we coasted along its side, within two miles passed a smaller island, and half a mile above reached the head of another. all these islands are small, and most of them contain some timber. three quarters of a mile beyond the last, and at the distance of eighteen miles from our encampment, we came to for the night in a handsome low cottonwood plain on the south, where we remained for the purpose of making some celestial observations during the night, and of examining in the morning a large river which comes in opposite to us. accordingly at an early hour, monday, d, we crossed and fixed our camp in the point, formed by the junction of the river with the missouri. it now became an interesting question which of these two streams is what the minnetarees call ahmateahza or the missouri, which they described as approaching very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since if after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we were following did not come near the columbia, and be obliged to return; we should not only lose the travelling season, two months of which had already elapsed, but probably dishearten the men so much as to induce them either to abandon the enterprise, or yield us a cold obedience instead of the warm and zealous support which they had hitherto afforded us. we determined, therefore, to examine well before we decided on our future course; and for this purpose despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the current, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. at the same time parties were sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers; and all were directed to return towards evening. while they were gone we ascended together the high grounds in the fork of these two rivers, whence we had a very extensive prospect of the surrounding country: on every side it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloe were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves: some flocks of elk also were seen, and the solitary antelopes were scattered with their young over the face of the plain. to the south was a range of lofty mountains, which we supposed to be a continuation of the south mountain, stretching themselves from southeast to northwest, and terminating abruptly about southwest from us. these were partially covered with snow; but at a great distance behind them was a more lofty ridge completely covered with snow, which seemed to follow the same direction as the first, reaching from west to the north of northwest, where their snowy tops were blended with the horizon. the direction of the rivers could not however be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. on our return we continued our examination; the width of the north branch is two hundred yards, that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, although narrower and with a gentler current, is deeper than the south: its waters too are of the same whitish brown colour, thickness, and turbidness: they run in the same boiling and rolling manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is deeper, but its waters are perfectly transparent: its current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed too is composed of round and flat smooth stones like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. the air and character of the north fork so much resemble those of the missouri that almost all the party believe that to be the true course to be pursued. we however, although we have given no decided opinion, are inclined to think otherwise, because, although this branch does give the colour and character to the missouri, yet these very circumstances induce an opinion that it rises in and runs through an open plain country, since if it came from the mountains it would be clearer, unless, which from the position of the country is improbable, it passed through a vast extent of low ground after leaving them: we thought it probable that it did not even penetrate the rocky mountains, but drew it sources from the open country towards the lower and middle parts of the saskashawan, in a direction north of this place. what embarrasses us most is, that the indians who appeared to be well acquainted with the geography of the country, have not mentioned this northern river; for "the river which scolds at all others," as it is termed, must be according to their account one of the rivers which we have passed; and if this north fork be the missouri, why have they not designated the south branch which they must also have passed, in order to reach the great falls which they mention on the missouri. in the evening our parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. the north fork was less rapid, and therefore afforded the easiest navigation: the shallowest water of the north was five feet deep, that of the south six feet. at two and a half miles up the north fork is a small river coming in on the left or western side, sixty feet wide, with a bold current three feet in depth. the party by land had gone up the south fork in a straight line, somewhat north of west for seven miles, where they discovered that this little river came within one hundred yards of the south fork, and on returning down it found it a handsome stream, with as much timber as either of the larger rivers, consisting of the narrow and wide-leafed cottonwood, some birch and box-alder, amid undergrowth of willows, rosebushes, and currants: they also saw on this river a great number of elk and some beaver. all these accounts were however very far from deciding the important question of our future route, and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther if necessary, for our satisfaction. our hunters killed two buffaloe, six elk, and four deer to-day. along the plains near the junction, are to be found the prickly pear in great quantities; the chokecherry is also very abundant in the river low grounds, as well as the ravines along the river bluffs; the yellow and red currants are not yet ripe; the gooseberry is beginning to ripen, and the wildrose which now covers all the low grounds near the rivers is in full bloom. the fatigues of the last few days have occasioned some falling off in the appearance of the men, who not having been able to wear moccasins, had their feet much bruised and mangled in passing over the stones and rough ground. they are however perfectly cheerful, and have an undiminished ardour for the expedition. tuesday, june . at the same hour this morning captain lewis and captain clarke set out to explore the two rivers: captain lewis with six men crossed the north fork near the camp, below a small island from which he took a course n. ° w. for four and a half miles to a commanding eminence. here we observed that the north mountain, changing its direction parallel to the missouri, turned towards the north and terminated abruptly at the distance of about thirty miles, the point of termination bearing n. ° e. the south mountain too diverges to the south, and terminates abruptly, its extremity bearing s. ° w. distant about twenty miles: to the right of, and retreating from this extremity, is a separate mountain at the distance of thirty-five miles in a direction s. ° w. which from its resemblance to the roof of a barn, we called the barn mountain. the north fork, which is now on the left, makes a considerable bend to the northwest, and on its western border a range of hills about ten miles long, and bearing from this spot n. ° w. runs parallel with it: north of this range of hills is an elevated point of the river bluff on its south side, bearing n. ° w. about twelve miles from us; towards this he directed his course across a high, level, dry open plain; which in fact embraces the whole country to the foot of the mountains. the soil is dark, rich, and fertile, yet the grass by no means so luxuriant as might have been expected, for it is short and scarcely more than sufficient to cover the ground. there are vast quantities of prickly pears, and myriads of grasshoppers, which afford food for a species of curlew which is in great numbers in the plain. he then proceeded up the river to the point of observation they had fixed on; from which he went two miles n. ° w. to a bluff point on the north side of the river: thence his course was n. ° w. for two miles to the entrance of a large creek on the south. the part of the river along which he passed is from forty to sixty yards wide, the current strong, the water deep and turbid, the banks falling in, the salts, coal and mineral appearances are as usual, and in every respect, except as to size, this river resembles the missouri. the low grounds are narrow but well supplied with wood: the bluffs are principally of dark brown yellow, and some white clay with freestone in some places. from this point the river bore n. ° e. to a bluff on the south, at the distance of twelve miles: towards this he directed his course, ascending the hills which are about two hundred feet high, and passing through plains for three miles, till he found the dry ravines so steep and numerous that he resolved to return to the river and follow its banks. he reached it about four miles from the beginning of his course, and encamped on the north in a bend among some bushes which sheltered the party from the wind: the air was very cold, the northwest wind high, and the rain wet them to the skin. besides the game just mentioned, he observed buffaloe, elk, wolves, foxes, and we got a blaireau and a weasel, and wounded a large brown bear, whom it was too late to pursue. along the river are immense quantities of roses which are now in full bloom, and which make the low grounds a perfect garden. wednesday . the rain fell during the greater part of the last night, and in the morning the weather was cloudy and cold, with a high northwest wind: at sunrise he proceeded up the river eight miles to the bluff on the left side, towards which he had been directing his course yesterday. here he found the bed of a creek twenty-five yards wide at the entrance, with some timber, but no water, notwithstanding the rain: it is, indeed, astonishing to observe the vast quantities of water absorbed by the soil of the plains, which being opened in large crevices presents a fine rich loam: at the mouth of this stream (which he called lark creek) the bluffs are very steep and approach the river so that he ascended them, and crossing the plains reached the river, which from the last point bore n. ° w: four miles from this place it extended north two miles. here he discovered a lofty mountain standing alone at the distance of more than eighty miles in the direction of n. ° w. and which from its conical figure he called tower mountain. he then proceeded on these two hills and afterwards in different courses six miles, when he again changed for a western course across a deep bend along the south side: in making this passage over the plains he found them like those of yesterday, level and beautiful, with great quantities of buffaloes, and some wolves, foxes, and antelopes, and intersected near the river by deep ravines. here at the distance of from one to nine miles from the river, he met the largest village of barking squirrels which we had yet seen: for he passed a skirt of their territory for seven miles. he also saw near the hills a flock of the mountain cock or a large species of heath hen with a long pointed tail, which the indians below had informed us were common among the rock mountains. having finished his course of ten miles west across a bend, he continued two miles n. ° w. and from that point discovered some lofty mountains to the northwest of tower mountain and bearing n. ° w. at eighty or one hundred miles distance: here he encamped on the north side in a handsome low ground, on which were several old stick lodges: there had been but little timber on the river in the forepart of the day, but now there is a greater quantity than usual. the river itself is about eighty yards wide, from six to ten feet deep, and has a strong steady current. the party had killed five elk, and a mule-deer; and by way of experiment roasted the burrowing squirrels, which they found to be well flavoured and tender. thursday . captain lewis was now convinced that this river pursued a direction too far north for our route to the pacific, and therefore resolved to return; but waited till noon to take a meridian altitude. the clouds, however, which had gathered during the latter part of the night continued and prevented the observation: part of the men were sent forward to a commanding eminence, six miles s. ° w; from which they saw at the distance of about fifteen miles s. ° w. a point of the south bluff of the river, which thence bore northwardly. in their absence two rafts had been prepared, and when they returned about noon, the party embarked: but they soon found that the rafts were so small and slender that the baggage was wet, and therefore it was necessary to abandon them, and go by land. they therefore crossed the plains, and at the distance of twelve miles came to the river, through a cold storm from the northeast, accompanied by showers of rain. the abruptness of the cliffs compelled them, after going a few miles, to leave the river and meet the storm in the plains. here they directed their course too far northward, in consequence of which they did not meet the river till late at night, after having travelled twenty-three miles since noon, and halted at a little below the entrance of lark creek. they had the good fortune to kill two buffaloe which supplied them with supper, but spent a very uncomfortable night without any shelter from the rain, which continued till morning, friday , when at an early hour they continued down the river. the route was extremely unpleasant, as the wind was high from the n.e. accompanied with rain, which made the ground so slippery that they were unable to walk over the bluffs which they had passed on ascending the river. the land is the most thirsty we have ever seen; notwithstanding all the rain which has fallen, the earth is not wet for more than two inches deep, and resembles thawed ground; but if it requires more water to saturate it than the common soils, on the other hand it yields its moisture with equal difficulty. in passing along the side of one of these bluffs at a narrow pass thirty yards in length, captain lewis slipped, and but for a fortunate recovery, by means of his espontoon, would then have been precipitated into the river over a precipice of about ninety feet. he had just reached a spot where by the assistance of his espontoon he could stand with tolerable safety, when he heard a voice behind him cry out, good god captain what shall i do? he turned instantly and found it was windsor who had lost his foothold about the middle of the narrow pass, and had slipped down to the very verge of the precipice where he lay on his belly, with his right arm and leg over the precipice, while with the other leg and arm he was with difficulty holding on to keep himself from being dashed to pieces below. his dreadful situation was instantly perceived by captain lewis, who stifling his alarm, calmly told him that he was in no danger; that he should take his knife out of his belt with the right hand, and dig a hole in the side of the bluff to receive his right foot. with great presence of mind he did this, and then raised himself on his knees; captain lewis then told him to take off his moccasins and come forward on his hands and knees, holding the knife in one hand and his rifle in the other. he immediately crawled in this way till he came to a secure spot. the men who had not attempted this passage, were ordered to return and wade the river at the foot of the bluff, where they found the water breast high. this adventure taught them the danger of crossing the slippery heights of the river; but as the plains were intersected by deep ravines almost as difficult to pass, they continued down the river, sometimes in the mud of the low grounds, sometimes up to their arms in the water, and when it became too deep to wade, they cut footholds with their knives in the sides of the banks. in this way they travelled through the rain, mud, and water, and having made only eighteen miles during the whole day, encamped in an old indian lodge of sticks, which afforded them a dry shelter. here they cooked part of six deer they had killed in the course of their walk, and having eaten the only morsel they had tasted during the whole day slept comfortably on some willow boughs. chapter x. return of captain lewis--account of captain clarke's researches with his exploring party--perilous situation of one of his party--tansy river described--the party still believing the southern fork the missouri, captain lewis resolves to ascend it--mode of making a place to deposit provisions, called cache--captain lewis explores the southern fork--falls of the missouri discovered, which ascertains the question--romantic scenery of the surrounding country--narrow escape of captain lewis--the main body under captain clarke approach within five miles of the falls, and prepare for making a portage over the rapids. saturday . it continued to rain moderately all last night, and the morning was cloudy till about ten o'clock, when it cleared off, and became a fine day. they breakfasted about sunrise and then proceeded down the river in the same way as they had done yesterday, except that the travelling was somewhat better, as they had not so often to wade, though they passed some very dangerous bluffs. the only timber to be found is in the low grounds which are occasionally on the river, and these are the haunts of innumerable birds, who, when the sun began to shine, sang very delightfully. among these birds they distinguished the brown thrush, robin, turtledove, linnet, goldfinch, the large and small blackbird, the wren, and some others. as they came along, the whole of the party were of opinion that this river was the true missouri, but captain lewis being fully persuaded that it was neither the main stream, nor that which it would be advisable to ascend, gave it the name of maria's river. after travelling all day they reached the camp at five o'clock in the afternoon, and found captain clarke and the party very anxious for their safety, as they had staid two days longer than had been expected, and as captain clarke had returned at the appointed time, it was feared that they had met with some accident. captain clarke on setting out with five men on the th, went seven miles on a course s. ° w. to a spring; thence he went s. ° w. for eight miles to the river where was an island, from which he proceeded in a course n. ° w. and approached the river at the distance of three, five, and thirteen miles, at which place they encamped in an old indian lodge made of sticks and bark. in crossing the plains they observed several herds of buffaloe, some muledeer, antelopes and wolves. the river is rapid and closely hemmed in by high bluffs, crowded with bars of gravel, with little timber on the low grounds, and none on the highlands. near the camp this evening, a white bear attacked one of the men, whose gun happening to be wet, would not go off; he instantly made towards a tree, but was so closely pursued, that as he ascended the tree he struck the bear with his foot. the bear not being able to climb, waited till he should be forced to come down; and as the rest of the party were separated from him by a perpendicular cliff of rocks, which they could not descend, it was not in their power to give him any assistance: fortunately however at last the bear became frighted at their cries and firing, and released the man. in the afternoon it rained, and during the night there fell both rain and snow, and in the morning. june , the hills to the s.e. were covered with snow, and the rain continued. they proceeded on in a course n. ° w. near the river several miles, till at the distance of eleven miles they reached a ridge, from the top of which on the north side they could plainly discern a mountain to the s. and w. at a great distance covered with snow; a high ridge projecting from the mountains to the southeast approaches the river on the southeast side, forming some cliffs of dark hard stone. they also saw that the river ran for a great distance west of south, with a rapid current, from which as well as its continuing of the same width and depth, captain clarke thought it useless to advance any further, and therefore returned across the level plain in a direction north ° east, and reached at the distance of twenty miles the little river which is already mentioned as falling into the north fork, and to which they gave the name of tansy river, from the great quantity of that herb growing on its banks. here they dined, and then proceeded on a few miles by a place where the tansy breaks through a high ridge on its north side and encamped. the next day, th, the weather was cold, raw and cloudy, with a high northeast wind. they set out early, down the tansy, whose low grounds resemble precisely, except as to extent, those of the missouri before it branches, containing a great proportion of a species of cottonwood, with a leaf like that of the wild cherry. after halting at twelve o'clock for dinner, they ascended the plain, and at five o'clock reached the camp through the rain, which had fallen without intermission since noon. during his absence the party had been occupied in dressing skins, and being able to rest themselves were nearly freed from their lameness and swollen feet. all this night and the whole of the following day, th, it rained, the wind being from the southwest off the mountains: yet the rivers are falling, and the thermometer ° above . the rain continued till the next day, th, at ten o'clock, when it cleared off, and the weather became fine, the wind high from the southwest. the rivers at the point have now fallen six inches since our arrival, and this morning the water of the south fork became of a reddish brown colour, while the north branch continued of its usual whitish appearance. the mountains to the south are covered with snow. sunday, th. we now consulted upon the course to be pursued. on comparing our observations, we were more than ever convinced of what we already suspected, that mr. arrowsmith is incorrect in laying down in the chain of rocky mountains one remarkable mountain called the tooth, nearly as far south as °, and said to be so marked from the discoveries of mr. fidler. we are now within one hundred miles of the rocky* mountains and in the latitude of ° ' " , and therefore it is highly improbable that the missouri should make such a bend to the south before it reaches the rocky mountains, as to have suffered mr. fidler to come as low as ° along the eastern borders without touching that river: yet the general course of maria's river from this place for fifty-nine miles, as far as captain lewis ascended, was north ° west, and the south branch, or what we consider the missouri, which captain clarke had examined as far as forty-five miles in a straight line, ran in a course south ° west, and as far as it could be seen went considerably west of south, whence we conclude that the missouri itself enters the rocky mountains to the north of °. in writing to the president from our winter quarters, we had already taken the liberty of advancing the southern extremity of mr. fidler's discoveries about a degree to the northward, and this from indian information as to the bearing of the point at which the missouri enters the mountain; but we think actual observation will place it one degree still further to the northward. this information of mr. fidler however, incorrect as it is, affords an additional reason for not pursuing maria's river; for if he came as low even as ° and saw only small streams coming down from the mountains, it is to be presumed that these rivulets do not penetrate the rocky mountains so far as to approach any navigable branch of the columbia, and they are most probably the remote waters of some northern branch of the missouri. in short, being already in latitude ° ' we cannot reasonably hope by going farther to the northward to find between this place and the saskashawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance in the rocky mountains: the indians had assured us also that the water of the missouri was nearly transparent at the falls; this is the case with the southern branch; that the falls lay a little to the south of sunset from them; this too is in favour of the southern fork, for it bears considerably south of this place which is only a few minutes to the northward of fort mandan; that the falls are below the rocky mountains and near the northern termination of one range of those mountains: now there is a ridge of mountains which appear behind the south mountains and terminates to the southwest of us, at a sufficient distance from the unbroken chain of the rocky mountains to allow space for several falls, indeed we fear for too many of them. if too the indians had ever passed any stream as large as this southern fork on their way up the missouri, they would have mentioned it; so that their silence seems to prove that this branch must be the missouri. the body of water also which it discharges must have been acquired from a considerable distance in the mountains, for it could not have been collected in the parched plains between the yellowstone and the rocky mountains, since that country could not supply nourishment for the dry channels which we passed on the south, and the travels of mr. fidler forbid us to believe that it could have been obtained from the mountains towards the northwest. these observations which satisfied our mind completely we communicated to the party: but every one of them were of a contrary opinion; and much of their belief depended on crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his decided judgment that the north fork was the genuine missouri. the men therefore mentioned that although they would most cheerfully follow us wherever we should direct, yet they were afraid that the south fork would soon terminate in the rocky mountains and leave us at a great distance from the columbia. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into an error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until we reached either the falls or the mountains. in the meantime in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here one of the periogues and all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provision, salt, powder, and tools: this would at once lighten the other boats, and give them the crew which had been employed on board the periogue. monday, . the weather being fair and pleasant we dried all our baggage and merchandize and made our deposit. these holes or _caches_ as they are called by the missouri traders are very common, particularly among those who deal with the sioux, as the skins and merchandize will keep perfectly sound for years, and are protected from robbery: our cache is built in this manner: in the high plain on the north side of the missouri and forty yards from a steep bluff, we chose a dry situation, and then describing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, removed the sod as gently and carefully as possible: the hole is then sunk perpendicularly for a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as they descend, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle or the lower part of a large still with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug it is handed up in a vessel and carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away and usually thrown into the river or concealed so as to leave no trace of it. a floor of three or four inches in thickness is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay or a hide perfectly dry. the goods being well aired and dried are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the wall by other dried sticks in proportion as the merchandize is stowed away: when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods, and on this earth is thrown and beaten down until with the addition of the sod first removed the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains not the slightest appearance of an excavation. in addition to this we made another of smaller dimensions, in which we placed all the baggage, some powder, and our blacksmith's tools, having previously repaired such of the tools we carry with us as require mending. to guard against accident, we hid two parcels of lead and powder in the two distinct places. the red periogue was drawn up on the middle of a small island at the entrance of maria's river, and secured by being fastened to the trees from the effect of any floods. in the evening there was a high wind from the southwest accompanied with thunder and rain. we now made another observation of the meridian altitude of the sun, and found that the mean latitude of the entrance of maria's river, as deduced from three observations, is ° ' " north. we saw a small bird like the blue thrush or catbird which we had not before met, and also observed that the beemartin or kingbird is common to this country although there are no bees here, and in fact we have not met with the honey-bee since leaving the osage river. tuesday . this morning captain lewis with four men set out on their expedition up the south branch. they soon reached the point where the tansy river approaches the missouri, and observing a large herd of elk before them, descended and killed several which they hung up along the river so that the party in the boats might see them as they came along. they then halted for dinner; but captain lewis who had been for some days afflicted with the dysentery, was now attacked with violent pains attended by a high fever and was unable to go on. he therefore encamped for the night under some willow boughs: having brought no medicine he determined to try an experiment with the small twigs of the chokecherry, which being stripped of their leaves and cut into pieces about two inches long were boiled in pure water, till they produced a strong black decoction of an astringent bitter taste; a pint of this he took at sunset, and repeated the dose an hour afterwards. by ten o'clock he was perfectly relieved from pain, a gentle perspiration ensued, his fever abated and in the morning he was quite recovered. one of the men caught several dozen fish of two species: the first is about nine inches long, of a white colour, round in shape; the mouth is beset both above and below with a rim of fine sharp teeth, the eye moderately large, the pupil dark, and the iris narrow, and of a yellowish brown colour: in form and size it resembles the white chub of the potomac, though its head is proportionably smaller; they readily bite at meat or grasshoppers; but the flesh though soft and of a fine white colour is not highly flavoured. the second species is precisely of the form and about the size of the fish known by the name of the hickory shad or old wife, though it differs from it in having the outer edge of both the upper and lower jaw set with a rim of teeth, and the tongue and palate also are defended by long sharp teeth bending inwards, the eye is very large, the iris wide and of a silvery colour; they do not inhabit muddy water, and the flavour is much superior to that of the former species. of the first kind we had seen a few before we reached maria's river; but had found none of the last before we caught them in the missouri above its junction with that river. the white cat continues as high as maria's river, but they are scarce in this part of the river, nor have we caught any of them since leaving the mandans which weighed more than six pounds. of other game they saw a great abundance even in their short march of nine miles. wednesday . this morning captain lewis left the bank of the river in order to avoid the steep ravines which generally run from the shore to the distance of one or two miles in the plain: having reached the opened country he went for twelve miles in a course a little to the west of southwest, when the sun becoming warm by nine o'clock, he returned to the river in quest of water and to kill something for breakfast, there being no water in the plain, and the buffaloe discovering them before they came within gunshot took to flight. they reached the banks in a handsome open low ground with cottonwood, after three miles walk. here they saw two large brown bears, and killed them both at the first fire, a circumstance which has never before occurred since we have seen that animal. having made a meal of a part and hung the remainder on a tree with a note for captain clarke, they again ascended the bluffs into the open plains. here they saw great numbers of the burrowing squirrel, also some wolves, antelopes, muledeer, and vast herds of buffaloe. they soon crossed a ridge considerably higher than the surrounding plains, and from its top had a beautiful view of the rocky mountains, which are now completely covered with snow: their general course is from southeast to the north of northwest, and they seem to consist of several ranges which successively rise above each other till the most distant mingles with the clouds. after travelling twelve miles they again met the river, where there was a handsome plain of cottonwood; and although it was not sunset, and they had only come twenty-seven miles, yet captain lewis felt weak from his late disorder, and therefore determined to go no further that night. in the course of the day they killed a quantity of game, and saw some signs of otter as well as beaver, and many tracks of the brown bear: they also caught great quantities of the white fish mentioned yesterday. with the broad-leafed cottonwood, which has formed the principal timber of the missouri, is here mixed another species differing from the first only in the narrowness of its leaf and the greater thickness of its bark. the leaf is long, oval, acutely pointed, about two and a half or three inches long and from three quarters of an inch to an inch in width; it is smooth and thick sometimes slightly grooved or channeled with the margin a little serrate, the upper disk of a common, the lower of a whitish green. this species seems to be preferred by the beaver to the broad-leaved, probably because the former affords a deeper and softer bark. thursday . they left their encampment at sunrise, and ascending the river hills went for six miles in a course generally southwest, over a country which though more waving than that of yesterday may still be considered level. at the extremity of this course they overlooked a most beautiful plain, where were infinitely more buffaloe than we had ever before seen at a single view. to the southwest arose from the plain two mountains of a singular appearance and more like ramparts of high fortifications than works of nature. they are square figures with sides rising perpendicularly to the height of two hundred and fifty feet, formed of yellow clay, and the tops seemed to be level plains. finding that the river here bore considerably to the south, and fearful of passing the falls before reaching the rocky mountains, they now changed their course to the south, and leaving those insulated hills to the right proceeded across the plain. in this direction captain lewis had gone about two miles when his ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of a fall of water, and as he advanced a spray which seemed driven by the high southwest wind arose above the plain like a column of smoke and vanished in an instant. towards this point he directed his steps, and the noise increasing as he approached soon became too tremendous to be mistaken for any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound he reached the falls about twelve o'clock, the hills as he approached were difficult of access and two hundred feet high: down these he hurried with impatience and seating himself on some rocks under the centre of the falls, enjoyed the sublime spectacle of this stupendous object which has since the creation had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unknown to civilization. [illustration: the falls and portage] the river immediately at its cascade is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff on the left, which rises to about one hundred feet and extends up the stream for a mile; on the right the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth even sheet, over a precipice of at least eighty feet. the remaining part of the river precipitates itself with a more rapid current, but being received as it falls by the irregular and somewhat projecting rocks below, forms a splendid prospect of perfectly white foam two hundred yards in length, and eighty in perpendicular elevation. this spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, sometimes flying up in columns of fifteen or twenty feet, which are then oppressed by larger masses of the white foam, on all which the sun impresses the brightest colours of the rainbow. as it rises from the fall it beats with fury against a ledge of rocks which extend across the river at one hundred and fifty yards from the precipice. from the perpendicular cliff on the north, to the distance of one hundred and twenty yards, the rocks rise only a few feet above the water, and when the river is high the stream finds a channel across them forty yards wide, and near the higher parts of the ledge which then rise about twenty feet, and terminate abruptly within eighty or ninety yards of the southern side. between them and the perpendicular cliff on the south, the whole body of water runs with great swiftness. a few small cedars grow near this ridge of rocks which serves as a barrier to defend a small plain of about three acres shaded with cottonwood, at the lower extremity of which is a grove of the same tree, where are several indian cabins of sticks; below the point of them the river is divided by a large rock, several feet above the surface of the water, and extending down the stream for twenty yards. at the distance of three hundred yards from the same ridge is a second abutment of solid perpendicular rock about sixty feet high, projecting at right angles from the small plain on the north for one hundred and thirty-four yards into the river. after leaving this, the missouri again spreads itself to its usual distance of three hundred yards, though with more than its ordinary rapidity. the hunters who had been sent out now returned loaded with buffaloe meat, and captain lewis encamped for the night under a tree near the falls. the men were again despatched to hunt for food against the arrival of the party, and captain lewis walked down the river to discover if possible some place where the canoes might be safely drawn on shore, in order to be transported beyond the falls. he returned however without discovering any such spot, the river for three miles below being one continued succession of rapids and cascades, overhung with perpendicular bluffs from one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet high; in short, it seems to have worn itself a channel through the solid rock. in the afternoon they caught in the falls some of both kinds of the white fish, and half a dozen trout from sixteen to twenty-three inches long, precisely resembling in form and the position of its fins the mountain or speckled trout of the united states, except that the specks of the former are of a deep black, while those of the latter are of a red or gold colour: they have long sharp teeth on the palate and tongue, and generally a small speck of red on each side behind the front ventral fins; the flesh is of a pale yellowish red, or when in good order of a rose-coloured red. friday . this morning one of the men was sent to captain clarke with an account of the discovery of the falls, and after employing the rest in preserving the meat which had been killed yesterday, captain lewis proceeded to examine the rapids above. from the falls he directed his course southwest up the river: after passing one continued rapid, and three small cascades, each three or four feet high, he reached at the distance of five miles a second fall. the river is about four hundred yards wide, and for the distance of three hundred throws itself over to the depth of nineteen feet, and so irregularly that he gave it the name of the crooked falls. from the southern shore it extends obliquely upwards about one hundred and fifty yards, and then forms an acute angle downwards nearly to the commencement of four small islands close to the northern side. from the perpendicular pitch to these islands, a distance of more than one hundred yards, the water glides down a sloping rock with a velocity almost equal to that of its fall. above this fall the river bends suddenly to the northward: while viewing this place captain lewis heard a loud roar above him, and crossing the point of a hill for a few hundred yards, he saw one of the most beautiful objects in nature: the whole missouri is suddenly stopped by one shelving rock, which without a single niche and with an edge as straight and regular as if formed by art, stretches itself from one side of the river to the other for at least a quarter of a mile. over this it precipitates itself in an even uninterrupted sheet to the perpendicular depth of fifty feet, whence dashing against the rocky bottom it rushes rapidly down, leaving behind it a spray of the purest foam across the river. the scene which it presented was indeed singularly beautiful, since without any of the wild irregular sublimity of the lower falls, it combined all the regular elegances which the fancy of a painter would select to form a beautiful waterfall. the eye had scarcely been regaled with this charming prospect, when at the distance of half a mile captain lewis observed another of a similar kind: to this he immediately hastened, and found a cascade stretching across the whole river for a quarter of a mile with a descent of fourteen feet, though the perpendicular pitch was only six feet. this too in any other neighborhood would have been an object of great magnificence, but after what he had just seen it became of secondary interest; his curiosity being however awakened, he determined to go on even should night overtake him to the head of the falls. he therefore pursued the southwest course of the river, which was one constant succession of rapids and small cascades, at every one of which the bluffs grew lower, or the bed of the river became more on a level with the plains. at the distance of two and a half miles he arrived at another cataract of twenty-six feet. the river is here six hundred yards wide, but the descent is not immediately perpendicular, though the river falls generally with a regular and smooth sheet; for about one third of the descent a rock protrudes to a small distance, receives the water in its passage and gives it a curve. on the south side is a beautiful plain a few feet above the level of the falls; on the north the country is more broken, and there is a hill not far from the river. just below the falls is a little island in the middle of the river well covered with timber. here on a cottonwood tree an eagle had fixed its nest, and seemed the undisputed mistress of a spot, to contest whose dominion neither man nor beast would venture across the gulfs that surround it, and which is further secured by the mist rising from the falls. this solitary bird could not escape the observation of the indians who made the eagle's nest a part of their description of the falls, which now proves to be correct in almost every particular, except that they did not do justice to their height. just above this is a cascade of about five feet, beyond which, as far as could be discerned, the velocity of the water seemed to abate. captain lewis now ascended the hill which was behind him, and saw from its top a delightful plain extending from the river to the base of the snow mountains to the south and southwest. along this wide level country the missouri pursued its winding course, filled with water to its even and grassy banks, while about four miles above it was joined by a large river flowing from the northwest through a valley three miles in width, and distinguished by the timber which adorned its shores; the missouri itself stretches to the south in one unruffled stream of water as if unconscious of the roughness it must soon encounter, and bearing on its bosom vast flocks of geese, while numerous herds of buffaloe are feeding on the plains which surround it. captain lewis then descended the hill, and directed his course towards the river falling in from the west. he soon met a herd of at least a thousand buffaloe, and being desirous of providing for supper shot one of them; the animal began to bleed, and captain lewis who had forgotten to reload his rifle, was intently watching to see him fall, when he beheld a large brown bear who was stealing on him unperceived, and was already within twenty steps. in the first moment of surprise he lifted his rifle, but remembering instantly that it was not charged, and that he had not time to reload, he felt that there was no safety but in flight. it was in the open level plain, not a bush nor a tree within three hundred yards, the bank of the river sloping and not more than three feet high, so that there was no possible mode of concealment: captain lewis therefore thought of retreating in a quick walk as fast as the bear advanced towards the nearest tree; but as soon as he turned the bear ran open mouth and at full speed upon him. captain lewis ran about eighty yards, but finding that the animal gained on him fast, it flashed on his mind that by getting into the water to such a depth that the bear would be obliged to attack him swimming, there was still some chance of his life, he therefore turned short, plunged into the river about waist deep, and facing about presented the point of his espontoon. the bear arrived at the water's edge within twenty feet of him, but as soon as he put himself in this position of defence, he seemed frightened, and wheeling about, retreated with as much precipitation as he had pursued. very glad to be released from this danger, captain lewis returned to the shore, and observed him run with great speed, sometimes looking back as if he expected to be pursued, till he reached the woods. he could not conceive the cause of the sudden alarm of the bear, but congratulated himself on his escape when he saw his own track torn to pieces by the furious animal, and learnt from the whole adventure never to suffer his rifle to be a moment unloaded. he now resumed his progress in the direction which the bear had taken towards the western river, and found it a handsome stream about two hundred yards wide, apparently deep, with a gentle current; its waters clear, and its banks, which were formed principally of dark brown and blue clay, are about the same height as those of the missouri, that is from three to five feet. what was singular was that the river does not seem to overflow its banks at any season, while it might be presumed from its vicinity to the mountains, that the torrents arising from the melting of the snows, would sometimes cause it to swell beyond its limits. the contrary fact would induce a belief that the rocky mountains yield their snows very reluctantly and equably to the sun, and are not often drenched by very heavy rains. this river is no doubt that which the indians call medicine river, which they mentioned as emptying into the missouri, just above the falls. after examining medicine river, captain lewis set out at half after six o'clock in the evening on his return towards the camp, which he estimated at the distance of twelve miles. in going through the low grounds on medicine river he met an animal which at a distance he thought was a wolf, but on coming within sixty paces, it proved to be some brownish yellow animal standing near its burrow, which, when he came nigh, crouched and seemed as if about to spring on him. captain lewis fired and the beast disappeared in its burrow. from the track and the general appearance of the animal he supposed it to be of the tiger kind. he then went on, but as if the beasts of the forests had conspired against him, three buffaloe bulls which were feeding with a large herd at the distance of half a mile, left their companions and ran at full speed towards him. he turned round, and unwilling to give up the field advanced towards them: when they came within a hundred yards, they stopped, looked at him for some time, and then retreated as they came. he now pursued his route in the dark, reflecting on the strange adventures and sights of the day which crowded on his mind so rapidly that he should have been inclined to believe it all enchantment if the thorns of the prickly pear piercing his feet did not dispel at every moment the illusion. he at last reached the party, who had been very anxious for his safety, and who had already decided on the route which each should take in the morning to look for him. being much fatigued he supped and slept well during the night. saturday, . the men were again sent out to bring in the game killed yesterday and to procure more: they also obtained a number of fine trout and several small catfish weighing about four pounds, and differing from the white catfish lower down the missouri. on awaking this morning captain lewis found a large rattlesnake coiled on the trunk of a tree under which he had been sleeping. he killed it, and found it like those we had seen before, differing from those of the atlantic states, not in its colours but in the form and arrangement of them; it had one hundred and seventy-six scuta on the abdomen, and seventeen half-formed scuta on the tail. there is a heavy dew on the grass about the camp every morning, which no doubt proceeds from the mist of the falls, as it takes place no where in the plains nor on the river except here. the messenger sent to captain clarke returned with information of his having arrived five miles below at a rapid, which he did not think it prudent to ascend and would wait till captain lewis and his party rejoined him. on tuesday th, the day when captain lewis left us, we remained at the entrance of maria's river and completed the deposits of all the articles with which we could dispense. the morning had been fair with a high wind from the southwest, which shifted in the evening to northwest, when the weather became cold and the wind high. the next morning, wednesday, , we left our encampment with a fair day and a southwest wind. the river was now so crowded with islands that within the distance of ten miles and a half we passed eleven of different dimensions before reaching a high black bluff in a bend on the left, where we saw a great number of swallows. within one mile and a half farther we passed four small islands, two on each side, and at fifteen miles from our encampment reached a spring which the men called grog spring: it is on the northern shore, and at the point where tansy river approaches within one hundred yards of the missouri. from this place we proceeded three miles to a low bluff on the north opposite to an island, and spent the night in an old indian encampment. the bluffs under which we passed were composed of a blackish clay and coal for about eighty feet, above which for thirty or forty feet is a brownish yellow earth. the river is very rapid and obstructed by bars of gravel and stone of different shapes and sizes, so that three of our canoes were in great danger in the course of the day. we had a few drops of rain about two o'clock in the afternoon. the only animals we killed were elk and deer; but we saw great numbers of rattlesnakes. thursday, . the morning was fair and there was some dew on the ground. after passing two islands we reached at the distance of a mile and a half a small rapid stream fifty yards wide, emptying itself on the south, rising in a mountain to the southeast about twelve or fifteen miles distant, and at this time covered with snow. as it is the channel for the melted snow of that mountain we called it snow river: opposite to its entrance is another island: at one mile and three quarters is a black bluff of slate on the south; nine miles beyond which, after passing ten islands, we came to on the southern shore near an old indian fortified camp, opposite the lower point of an island, having made thirteen miles. the number of islands and shoals, the rapidity of the river, and the quantity of large stones, rendered the navigation very disagreeable: along the banks we distinguished several low bluffs or cliffs of slate. there were great numbers of geese and goslings; the geese not being able to fly at this season. gooseberries are ripe and in great abundance; the yellow currant is also common, but not yet ripe. our game consisted of buffaloe and goats. friday, . again the day is fine. we made two miles to a small island in the southern bend, after passing several bad rapids. the current becomes indeed swifter as we ascend and the canoes frequently receive water as we drag them with difficulty along. at the distance of six miles we reached captain clarke's camp on the fourth, which is on the north side and opposite to a large gravelly bar. here the man sent by captain lewis joined us with the pleasing intelligence that he had discovered the falls, and was convinced that the course we were pursuing was that of the true missouri. at a mile and a half we reached the upper point of an island, three quarters of a mile beyond which we encamped on the south, after making only ten and a quarter miles. along the river was but little timber, but much hard slate in the bluffs. saturday, . the morning being warm and fair we set out at the usual hour, but proceeded with great difficulty in consequence of the increased rapidity of the current. the channel is constantly obstructed by rocks and dangerous rapids. during the whole progress the men are in the water hauling the canoes, and walking on sharp rocks and round stones which cut their feet or cause them to fall. the rattlesnakes too are so numerous that the men are constantly on their guard against being bitten by them; yet they bear the fatigues with the most undiminished cheerfulness. we hear the roar of the falls very distinctly this morning. at three and three quarter miles we came to a rock in a bend to the south, resembling a tower. at six and three quarter miles we reached a large creek on the south, which after one of our men we called shield's creek. it is rapid in its course, about thirty yards wide, and on sending a person five miles up it proved to have a fall of fifteen feet, and some timber on its low ground. above this river the bluffs of the missouri are of red earth mixed with stratas of black stone; below it we passed some white clay in the banks which mixes with water in every respect like flour. at three and three quarter miles we reached a point on the north opposite an island and a bluff; and one mile and a quarter further, after passing some red bluffs, came to on the north side, having made twelve miles. here we found a rapid so difficult that we did not think proper to attempt the passage this evening, and therefore sent to captain lewis to apprise him of our arrival. we saw a number of geese, ducks, crows, and blackbirds to-day, the two former with their young. the river rose a little this evening, but the timber is still so scarce that we could not procure enough for our use during the night. sunday, june . some rain fell last night, and this morning the weather was cloudy and the wind high from the southwest. we passed the rapid by doubly manning the periogue and canoes, and halted at the distance of a mile and a quarter to examine the rapids above, which we found to be a continued succession of cascades as far as the view extended, which was about two miles. about a mile above where we halted was a large creek falling in on the south, opposite to which is a large sulphur spring falling over the rocks on the north: captain lewis arrived at two from the falls about five miles above us, and after consulting upon the subject of the portage, we crossed the river and formed a camp on the north, having come three quarters of a mile to-day. from our own observation we had deemed the south side to be the most favourable for a portage, but two men sent out for the purpose of examining it, reported that the creek and the ravines intersected the plain so deeply that it was impossible to cross it. captain clarke therefore resolved to examine more minutely what was the best route: the four canoes were unloaded at the camp and then sent across the river, where by means of strong cords they were hauled over the first rapid, whence they may be easily drawn into the creek. finding too, that the portage would be at all events too long to enable us to carry the boats on our shoulders, six men were set to work to make wheels for carriages to transport them. since leaving maria's river the wife of chaboneau, our interpreter, has been dangerously ill, but she now found great relief from the mineral water of the sulphur spring. it is situated about two hundred yards from the missouri, into which it empties over a precipice of rock about twenty-five feet high. the water is perfectly transparent, strongly impregnated with sulphur, and we suspect iron also, as the colour of the hills and bluffs in the neighbourhood indicates the presence of that metal. in short the water to all appearance is precisely similar to that of bowyer's sulphur spring in virginia. monday . captain clarke set out with five men to explore the country; the rest were employed in hunting, making wheels and in drawing the five canoes and all the baggage up the creek, which we now called portage creek: from this creek there is a gradual ascent to the top of the high plain, while the bluffs of the creek lower down and of the missouri, both above and below its entrance, were so steep as to have rendered it almost impracticable to drag them up from the missouri. we found great difficulty and some danger in even ascending the creek thus far, in consequence of the rapids and rocks of the channel of the creek, which just above where we brought the canoes has a fall of five feet, and high and sleep bluffs beyond it: we were very fortunate in finding just below portage creek a cottonwood tree about twenty-two inches in diameter, and large enough to make the carriage wheels; it was perhaps the only one of the same size within twenty miles; and the cottonwood, which we are obliged to employ in the other parts of the work, is extremely soft and brittle. the mast of the white periogue which we mean to leave behind, supplied us with two axletrees. there are vast quantities of buffaloe feeding in the plains or watering in the river, which is also strewed with the floating carcases and limbs of these animals. they go in large herds to water about the falls, and as all the passages to the river near that place are narrow and steep, the foremost are pressed into the river by the impatience of those behind. in this way we have seen ten or a dozen disappear over the falls in a few minutes. they afford excellent food for the wolves, bears, and birds of prey; and this circumstance may account for the reluctance of the bears to yield their dominion over the neighbourhood. tuesday . the periogue was drawn up a little below our camp and secured in a thick copse of willow bushes. we now began to form a cache or place of deposit and to dry our goods and other articles which required inspection. the wagons too are completed. our hunters brought us ten deer, and we shot two out of a herd of buffaloe that came to water at the sulphur spring. there is a species of gooseberry growing abundantly among the rocks on the sides of the cliffs: it is now ripe, of a pale red colour, about the size of the common gooseberry, and like it is an ovate pericarp of soft pulp enveloping a number of small whitish coloured seeds, and consisting of a yellowish slimy mucilaginous substance, with a sweet taste; the surface of the berry is covered with a glutinous adhesive matter, and its fruit though ripe retains its withered corolla. the shrub itself seldom rises more than two feet high, is much branched, and has no thorns. the leaves resemble those of the common gooseberry except in being smaller, and the berry is supported by separate peduncles or footstalks half an inch long. there are also immense quantities of grasshoppers of a brown colour in the plains, and they no doubt contribute to the lowness of the grass, which is not generally more than three inches high, though it is soft, narrow-leafed and affords a fine pasture for the buffaloe. wednesday . the wind blew violently to-day, as it did yesterday, and as it does frequently in this open country, where there is not a tree to break or oppose its force. some men were sent for the meat killed yesterday which fortunately had not been discovered by the wolves. another party went to medicine river in quest of elk, which we hope may be induced to resort there, from there being more wood in that neighborhood than on the missouri. all the rest were occupied in packing the baggage and mending their moccasins, in order to prepare for the portage. we caught a number of the white fish, but no catfish or trout. our poor indian woman, who had recovered so far as to walk out, imprudently ate a quantity of the white apple, which with some dried fish occasioned a return of her fever. the meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb, as observed with octant by back observation, was ° ', giving as the latitude of our camp, ° ' " "'. thursday . as we were desirous of getting meat enough to last us during the portage, so that the men might not be diverted from their labour to look for food, we sent out four hunters to-day: they killed eleven buffaloe. this was indeed an easy labour, for there are vast herds coming constantly to the opposite bank of the river to water; they seem also to make much use of the mineral water of the sulphur spring, but whether from choice, or because it is more convenient than the river, we cannot determine, as they sometimes pass near the spring and go on to the river. besides this spring, brackish water or that of a dark colour impregnated with mineral salts, such as we have frequently met on the missouri, may be found in small quantities in some of the steep ravines on the north side of the river opposite to us and at the falls. captain clarke returned this evening, having examined the whole course of the river and fixed the route most practicable for the portage. the first day, th, he was occupied in measuring the heights and distances along the banks of the river, and slept near a ravine at the foot of the crooked falls, having very narrowly escaped falling into the river, where he would have perished inevitably, in descending the cliffs near the grand cataract. the next day, th, he continued the same occupation and arrived in the afternoon at the junction of medicine and missouri rivers: up the latter he ascended, and passed at the distance of a mile an island and a little timber in an eastwardly bend of the river. one mile beyond this he came to the lower point of a large island; another small island in the middle of the river, and one near the left shore at the distance of three miles, opposite to the head of which he encamped near the mouth of a creek which appeared to rise in the south mountain. these three islands are opposite to each other, and we gave them the name of the whitebear islands from observing some of those animals on them. he killed a beaver, an elk and eight buffaloe. one of the men who was sent a short distance from the camp to bring home some meat, was attacked by a white bear, and closely pursued within forty paces of the camp, and narrowly escaped being caught. captain clarke immediately went with three men in quest of the bear, which he was afraid might surprise another of the hunters who was out collecting the game. the bear was however too quick, for before captain clarke could reach the man, the bear had attacked him and compelled him to take refuge in the water. he now ran off as they approached, and it being late they deferred pursuing him till the next morning. chapter xi. description and romantic appearance of the missouri at the junction of the medicine river--the difficulty of transporting the baggage at the falls--the party employed in the construction of a boat of skins--the embarrassments they had to encounter for want of proper materials--during the work the party much troubled by white bears--violent hail-storm, and providential escape of captain clarke and his party--description of a remarkable fountain--singular explosion heard from the black mountains--the boat found to be insufficient, and the serious disappointment of the party--captain clarke undertakes to repair the damage by building canoes, and accomplishes the task. on the th, captain clarke not being able to find the bear mentioned in the last chapter, spent the day in examining the country both above and below the whitebear islands, and concluded that the place of his encampment would be the best point for the extremity of the portage. the men were therefore occupied in drying the meat to be left here. immense numbers of buffaloe are every where round, and they saw a summer duck which is now sitting. the next morning, th, he crossed the level plain, fixed stakes to mark the route of the portage, till he passed a large ravine which would oblige us to make the portage farther from the river: after this there being no other obstacle he went to the river where he had first struck it, and took its courses and distances down to the camp. from the draught and survey of captain clarke, we had now a clear and connected view of the falls, cascades, and rapids of the missouri. this river is three hundred yards wide at the point where it receives the waters of medicine river, which is one hundred and thirty-seven yards in width. the united current continues three hundred and twenty-eight poles to a small rapid on the north side, from which it gradually widens to one thousand four hundred yards, and at the distance of five hundred and forty-eight poles reaches the head of the rapids, narrowing as it approaches them. here the hills on the north which had withdrawn from the bank closely border the river, which, for the space of three hundred and twenty poles, makes its way over the rocks with a descent of thirty feet: in this course the current is contracted to five hundred and eighty yards, and after throwing itself over a small pitch of five feet, forms a beautiful cascade of twenty-six feet five inches; this does not however fall immediately perpendicular, being stopped by a part of the rock which projects at about one third of the distance. after descending this fall, and passing the cottonwood island on which the eagle has fixed its nest, the river goes on for five hundred and thirty-two poles over rapids and little falls, the estimated descent of which is thirteen feet six inches till it is joined by a large fountain boiling up underneath the rocks near the edge of the river, into which it falls with a cascade of eight feet. it is of the most perfect clearness and rather of a bluish cast; and even after falling into the missouri it preserves its colour for half a mile. from this fountain the river descends with increased rapidity for the distance of two hundred and fourteen poles, during which the estimated descent is five feet from this for a distance of one hundred and thirty-five poles, the river descends fourteen feet seven inches including a perpendicular fall of six feet seven inches. the river has now become pressed into a space of four hundred and seventy-three yards, and here forms a grand cataract by falling over a plain rock the whole distance across the river to the depth of forty-seven feet eight inches: after recovering itself the missouri then proceeds with an estimated descent of three feet, till at the distance of one hundred and two poles it again is precipitated down the crooked falls of nineteen feet perpendicular; below this at the mouth of a deep ravine is a fall of five feet, after which for the distance of nine hundred and seventy poles the descent is much more gradual, not being more than ten feet, and then succeeds a handsome level plain for the space of one hundred and seventy-eight poles with a computed descent of three feet, making a bend towards the north. thence it descends during four hundred and eight poles, about eighteen feet and a half, when it makes a perpendicular fall of two feet, which is ninety poles beyond the great cataract, in approaching which it descends thirteen feet within two hundred yards, and gathering strength from its confined channel, which is only two hundred and eighty yards wide, rushes over the fall to the depth of eighty-seven feet and three quarters of an inch. after raging among the rocks and losing itself in foam, it is compressed immediately into a bed of ninety-three yards in width: it continues for three hundred and forty poles to the entrance of a run or deep ravine where there is a fall of three feet, which, joined to the decline of the river during that course, makes the descent six feet. as it goes on the descent within the next two hundred and forty poles is only four feet: from this passing a run or deep ravine the descent for four hundred poles is thirteen feet; within two hundred and forty poles a second descent of eighteen feet; thence one hundred and sixty poles a descent of six feet; after which to the mouth of portage creek, a distance of two hundred and eighty poles, the descent is ten feet. from this survey and estimate it results that the river experiences a descent of three hundred and fifty-two feet in the course of two and three quarter miles, from the commencement of the rapids to the mouth of portage creek, exclusive of the almost impassable rapids which extend for a mile below its entrance. the latitude of our camp below the entrance of portage creek, was found to be ° ' " , as deduced from a meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb taken with octant by back observation giving ° '. friday, june . having made the necessary preparations for continuing our route, a part of the baggage was carried across the creek into the high plain, three miles in advance and placed on one of the carriages with truck wheels: the rest of the party was employed in drying meat and dressing elk skins. we killed several muledeer and an elk, and observed as usual vast quantities of buffaloe who came to drink at the river. for the first time on the missouri we have seen near the falls a species of fishing duck, the body of which is brown and white, the wings white, and the head and upper part of the neck of a brick red, with a narrow beak, which seems to be of the same kind common in the susquehanna, potomac and james' river. the little wood which this neighbourhood affords consists of the broad and narrow-leafed cottonwood, the box alder, the narrow and broad-leafed willow, the large or sweet willow, which was not common below maria's river, but which here attains the same size and has the same appearance as in the atlantic states. the undergrowth consists of roses, gooseberries, currants, small honeysuckles, and the redwood, the inner part of which the _engages_ or watermen are fond of smoking when mixed with tobacco. saturday, . we now set out to pass the portage and halted for dinner at eight miles distance near a little stream. the axletrees of our carriage, which had been made of an old mast, and the cottonwood tongues broke before we came there: but we renewed them with the timber of the sweet willow, which lasted till within half a mile of our intended camp, when the tongues gave way and we were obliged to take as much baggage as we could carry on our backs down to the river, where we formed an encampment in a small grove of timber opposite to the whitebear islands. here the banks on both sides of the river are handsome, level, and extensive; that near our camp is not more than two feet above the surface of the water. the river is about eight hundred yards wide just above these islands, ten feet deep in most places, and with a very gentle current. the plains however on this part of the river are not so fertile as those from the mouth of the muscleshell and thence downwards; there is much more stone on the sides of the hills and on the broken lands than is to be found lower down. we saw in the plains vast quantities of buffaloe, a number of small birds, and the large brown curlew, which is now sitting, and lays its eggs, which are of a pale blue with black-specks, on the ground without any nest. there is also a species of lark much resembling the bird called the oldfield lark, with a yellow breast and a black spot on the croup; though it differs from the latter in having its tail formed of feathers of an unequal length and pointed; the beak too is somewhat longer and more curved, and the note differs considerably. the prickly pear annoyed us very much to-day by sticking through our moccasins. as soon as we had kindled our fires we examined the meat which captain clarke had left here, but found that the greater part of it had been taken by the wolves. sunday, . after we had brought up the canoe and baggage captain clarke went down to the camp at portage creek, where four of the men had been left with the indian woman. captain lewis during the morning prepared the camp, and in the afternoon went down in a canoe to medicine river to look after the three men who had been sent thither to hunt on the th, and from whom nothing had as yet been heard. he went up the river about half a mile and then walked along on the right bank, hallooing as he went, till at the distance of five miles he found one of them who had fixed his camp on the opposite bank, where he had killed seven deer and dried about six hundred pounds of buffaloe meat, but had killed no elk, the animal chiefly wanted. he knew nothing of his companions except that on the day of their departure from camp he had left them at the falls and come on to medicine river, not having seen them since. as it was too late to return captain lewis passed over on a raft which he made for the purpose and spent the night at shannon's camp, and the next morning, monday, , sent j. fields up the river with orders to go four miles and return, whether he found the two absent hunters or not; then descending the southwest side of medicine river, he crossed the missouri in the canoe, and sent shannon back to his camp to join fields and bring the meat which they had killed: this they did, and arrived in the evening at the camp on whitebear islands. a part of the men from portage creek also arrived with two canoes and baggage. on going down yesterday captain clarke cut off several angles of the former route so as to shorten the portage considerably, and marked it with stakes: he arrived there in time to have two of the canoes carried up in the high plain about a mile in advance. here they all repaired their moccasins, and put on double soals to protect them from the prickly pear and from the sharp points of earth which have been formed by the trampling of the buffaloe during the late rains: this of itself is sufficient to render the portage disagreeable to one who had no burden; but as the men are loaded as heavily as their strength will permit, the crossing is really painful: some are limping with the soreness of their feet, others are scarcely able to stand for more than a few minutes from the heat and fatigue: they are all obliged to halt and rest frequently, and at almost every stopping place they fall and many of them are asleep in an instant; yet no one complains and they go on with great cheerfulness. at their camp drewyer and fields joined them, and while captain lewis was looking for them at medicine river, they returned to report the absence of shannon about whom they had been very uneasy. they had killed several buffaloe at the bend of the missouri above the falls: and dried about eight hundred pounds of meat and got one hundred pounds of tallow: they had also killed some deer, but had seen no elk. after getting the party in motion with the canoes captain clarke returned to his camp at portage creek. we were now occupied in fitting up a boat of skins, the frame of which had been prepared for the purpose at harper's ferry. it was made of iron, thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half in the beam, and twenty-six inches wide in the bottom. two men had been sent this morning for timber to complete it, but they could find scarcely any even tolerably straight sticks four and a half feet long, and as the cottonwood is too soft and brittle we were obliged to use the willow and box-alder. tuesday, . the party returned to the lower camp. two men were sent on the large island to look for timber. j. fields was sent up the missouri to hunt elk; but he returned about noon and informed us that a few miles above he saw two white bear near the river, and in attempting to fire at them came suddenly on a third, who being only a few steps off immediately attacked him; that in running to escape from the monster he leaped down a steep bank of the river, where falling on a bar of stone he cut his hand and knee and bent his gun; but fortunately for him the bank concealed him from his antagonist or he would have been most probably lost. the other two returned with a small quantity of bark and timber, which was all they could find on the island; but they had killed two elk: these were valuable, as we are desirous of procuring the skins of that animal in order to cover the boat, as they are more strong and durable than those of the buffaloe, and do not shrink so much in drying. the party that went to the lower camp had one canoe and the baggage carried into the high plain to be ready in the morning, and then all who could make use of their feet had a dance on the green to the music of a violin. we have been unsuccessful in our attempt to catch fish, nor does there seem to be any in this part of the river. we observe a number of water terrapins. there are quantities of young blackbirds in these islands just beginning to fly. among the vegetable productions we observe a species of wild rye which is now heading: it rises to the height of eighteen or twenty inches, the beard remarkably fine and soft; the culen is jointed, and in every respect except in height it resembles the wild rye. great quantities of mint too, like the peppermint, are found here. the winds are sometimes violent in these plains. the men inform us that as they were bringing one of the canoes along on truck-wheels, they hoisted the sail and the wind carried her along for some distance. wednesday . two men were sent on the opposite side of the river for bark and timber, of which they procured some, but by no means enough for our purposes. the bark of the cottonwood is too soft, and our only dependence is on the sweet willow, which has a tough strong bark; the two hunters killed seven buffaloe. a party arrived from below with two canoes and baggage, and the wind being from the southeast, they had made considerable progress with the sails. on their arrival one of the men who had been considerably heated and fatigued, swallowed a very hearty draught of water, and was immediately taken ill; captain lewis bled him with a penknife, having no other instrument at hand, and succeeded in restoring him to health the next day. captain clarke formed a second cache or deposit near the camp, and placed the swivel under the rocks near the river. the antelopes are still scattered through the plains; the females with their young, which are generally two in number, and the males by themselves. thursday . the party were employed in preparing timber for the boat, except two who were sent to hunt. about one in the afternoon a cloud arose from the southwest and brought with it violent thunder, lightning, and hail: soon after it passed the hunters came in from about four miles above us. they had killed nine elk, and three bear. as they were hunting on the river they saw a low ground covered with thick brushwood, where from the tracks along shore they thought a bear had probably taken refuge: they therefore landed, without making a noise, and climbed a tree about twenty feet above the ground. having fixed themselves securely, they raised a loud shout, and a bear instantly rushed towards them. these animals never climb, and therefore when he came to the tree and stopped to look at them, drewyer shot him in the head; he proved to be the largest we have yet seen, his nose appeared to be like that of a common ox, his fore feet measured nine inches across, and the hind feet were seven inches wide, and eleven and three quarters long, exclusive of the talons. one of these animals came within thirty yards of the camp last night, and carried off some buffaloe meat which we had placed on a pole. in the evening after the storm the water on this side of the river became of a deep crimson colour, probably caused by some stream above washing down a kind of soft red stone, which we observed in the neighbouring bluffs and gullies. at the camp below, the men who left us in the morning were busy in preparing their load for to-morrow, which were impeded by the rain, hail, and the hard wind from the northwest. friday . the party all occupied in making the boat; they obtained a sufficient quantity of willow bark to line her, and over these were placed the elk skins, and when they failed we were obliged to use the buffaloe hide. the white bear have now become exceedingly troublesome; they constantly infest our camp during the night, and though they have not attacked us, as our dog who patroles all night gives us notice of their approach, yet we are obliged to sleep with our arms by our sides for fear of accident, and we cannot send one man alone to any distance, particularly if he has to pass through brushwood. we saw two of them to-day on the large island opposite to us, but as we are all so much occupied now, we mean to reserve ourselves for some leisure moment, and then make a party to drive them from the islands. the river has risen nine inches since our arrival here. at portage creek captain clarke completed the cache, in which we deposited whatever we could spare from our baggage; some ammunition, provisions, books, the specimens of plants and minerals, and a draught of the river from its entrance to fort mandan. after closing it he broke up the encampment, and took on all the remaining baggage to the high plain, about three miles. portage creek has risen considerably in consequence of the rain, and the water had become of a deep crimson colour, and ill tasted; on overtaking the canoe he found that there was more baggage than could be carried on the two carriages, and therefore left some of the heavy articles which could not be injured, and proceeded on to willowrun where he encamped for the night. here they made a supper on two buffaloe which they killed on the way; but passed the night in the rain, with a high wind from the southwest. in the morning, saturday , finding it impossible to reach the end of the portage with their present load, in consequence of the state of the road after the rain, he sent back nearly all his party to bring on the articles which had been left yesterday. having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, he determined to go up to the whitebear islands along its banks, in order to supply the deficiency. he there left one man to guard the baggage, and went on to the falls accompanied by his servant york, chaboneau and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there he observed a very dark cloud rising in the west which threatened rain, and looked around for some shelter, but could find no place where they would be secure from being blown into the river if the wind should prove as violent as it sometimes does in the plains. at length about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine where there were some shelving rocks, under which he took refuge. they were on the upper side of the ravine near the river, perfectly safe from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate, it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel: soon after a torrent of rain and hail descended; the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and instantly collecting in the ravine came rolling down in a dreadful current, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. captain clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up with his gun and shotpouch in his left hand, with his right clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms; her husband too had seized her hand and was pulling her up the hill, but he was so terrified at the danger that but for captain clark, himself and his wife and child would have been lost. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that before captain clark had reached his gun and began to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist, and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet with a furious current, which had they waited a moment longer would have swept them into the river just above the great falls, down which they must inevitable have been precipitated. they reached the plain in safety, and found york who had separated from them just before the storm to hunt some buffaloe, and was now returning to find his master. they had been obliged to escape so rapidly that captain clarke lost his compass and umbrella. chaboneau left his gun, shotpouch, and tomahawk, and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child, before the net in which it lay at her feet was carried down the current. he now relinquished his intention of going up the river and returned to the camp at willowrun. here he found that the party sent this morning for the baggage, had all returned to camp in great confusion, leaving their loads in the plain. on account of the heat they generally go nearly naked, and with no covering on their heads. the hail was so large and driven so furiously against them by the high wind, that it knocked several of them down: one of them particularly was thrown on the ground three times, and most of them bleeding freely and complained of being much bruised. willow run had risen six feet since the rain, and as the plains were so wet that they could not proceed, they passed the night at their camp. at the whitebear camp also, we had not been insensible to the hail-storm, though less exposed. in the morning there had been a heavy shower of rain, after which it became fair. after assigning to the men their respective employments, captain lewis took one of them and went to see the large fountain near the falls. for about six miles he passed through a beautiful level plain, and then on reaching the break of the river hills, was overtaken by the gust of wind from the southwest attended by lightning, thunder, and rain: fearing a renewal of the scene on the th, they took shelter in a little gully where there were some broad stones with which they meant to protect themselves against the hail; but fortunately there was not much, and that of a small size; so that they felt no inconvenience except that of being exposed without shelter for an hour, and being drenched by the rain: after it was over they proceeded to the fountain which is perhaps the largest in america. it is situated in a pleasant level plain, about twenty-five yards from the river, into which it falls over some steep irregular rocks with a sudden ascent of about six feet in one part of its course. the water boils up from among the rocks and with such force near the centre, that the surface seems higher there than the earth on the sides of the fountain, which is a handsome turf of fine green grass. the water is extremely pure, cold and pleasant to the taste, not being impregnated with lime or any foreign substance. it is perfectly transparent and continues its bluish cast for half a mile down the missouri, notwithstanding the rapidity of the river. after examining it for some time captain lewis returned to the camp. sunday . in the morning captain clarke sent the men to bring up the baggage left in the plains yesterday. on their return the axletrees and carriages were repaired, and the baggage, conveyed on the shoulders of the party across willow run which had fallen as low as three feet. the carriages being then taken over, a load of baggage was carried to the six-mile stake, deposited there, and the carriages brought back. such is the state of the plains that this operation consumed the day. two men were sent to the falls to look for the articles lost yesterday; but they found nothing but the compass covered with mud and sand at the mouth of the ravine; the place at which captain clarke had been caught by the storm, was filled with large rocks. the men complain much of the bruises received yesterday from the hail. a more than usual number of buffaloe appeared about the camp to-day, and furnished plenty of meat: captain clarke thought that at one view he must have seen at least ten thousand. in the course of the day there was a heavy gust of wind from the southwest, after which the evening was fair. at the whitebear camp we had a heavy dew this morning, which is quite a remarkable occurrence. the party continues to be occupied with the boat, the crossbars for which are now finished, and there remain only the strips to complete the wood work: the skins necessary to cover it have already been prepared and they amount to twenty-eight elk skins and four buffaloe skins. among our game were two beaver, which we have had occasion to observe always are found wherever there is timber. we also killed a large bat or goatsucker of which there are many in this neighbourhood, resembling in every respect those of the same species in the united states. we have not seen the leather-winged bat for some time, nor are there any of the small goatsucker in this part of the missouri. we have not seen either that species of goatsucker or nighthawk called the whippoorwill, which is commonly confounded in the united states with the large goatsucker which we observe here; this last prepares no nest but lays its eggs in the open plains; they generally begin to sit on two eggs, and we believe raise only one brood in a season: at the present moment they are just hatching their young. monday, july . after a severe day's work captain clarke reached our camp in the evening, accompanied by his party and all the baggage except that left at the six-mile stake, for which they were too much fatigued to return. the route from the lower camp on portage creek to that near whitebear island, having been now measured and examined by captain clarke was as follows: from our camp opposite the last considerable rapid to the entrance of portage creek south ° east for three quarters of a mile: thence on a course south ° east for two miles, though for the canoes the best route is to the left of this course, and strikes portage one mile and three quarters from its entrance, avoiding in this way a very steep hill which lies above portage creek; from this south ° west for four miles, passing the head of a drain or ravine which falls into the missouri below the great falls, and to the willow run which has always a plentiful supply of good water and some timber: here the course turns to south ° west for four miles further; then south ° west three miles, crossing at the beginning of the course the head of a drain which falls into the missouri at the crooked falls, and reaching an elevated point of the plain from which south ° west. on approaching the river on this course there is a long and gentle descent from the high plain, after which the road turns a little to the right of the course up the river to our camp. the whole portage is seventeen and three quarter miles. at the whitebear camp we were occupied with the boat and digging a pit for the purpose of making some tar. the day has been warm, and the mosquitoes troublesome. we were fortunate enough to observe equal altitudes of the sun with sextant, which since our arrival here we have been prevented from doing, by flying clouds and storms in the evening. tuesday, july d. a shower of rain fell very early this morning. we then despatched some men for the baggage left behind yesterday, and the rest were engaged in putting the boat together. this was accomplished in about three hours, and then we began to sew on the leather over the crossbars or iron on the inner side of the boat which form the ends of the sections. by two o'clock the last of the baggage arrived, to the great delight of the party who were anxious to proceed. the mosquitoes we find very troublesome. having completed our celestial observations we went over to the large island to make an attack upon its inhabitants the bears, who have annoyed us very much of late, and who were prowling about our camp all last night. we found that the part of the island frequented by the bear forms an almost impenetrable thicket of the broad-leafed willow: into this we forced our way in parties of three; but could see only one bear, who instantly attacked drewyer. fortunately as he was rushing on the hunter shot him through the heart within twenty paces and he fell, which enabled drewyer to get out of his way: we then followed him one hundred yards and found that the wound had been mortal. not being able to discover any more of these animals we returned to camp: here in turning over some of the baggage we caught a rat somewhat larger than the common european rat, and of a lighter colour: the body and outer parts of the legs and head of a light lead colour; the inner side of the legs as well as the belly, feet and ears are white; the ears are not covered with hair, and are much larger than those of the common rat; the toes also are longer, the eyes black and prominent, the whiskers very long and full; the tail rather longer than the body, and covered with fine fur and hair of the same size with that on the back, which is very close, short, and silky in its texture. this was the first we had met, although its nests are very frequent among the cliffs of rocks and hollow trees, where we also found large quantities of the shells and seed of the prickly pear, on which we conclude they chiefly subsist. the musquitoes are uncommonly troublesome. the wind was again high from the southwest: these winds are in fact always the coldest and most violent which we experience, and the hypothesis which we have formed on that subject is, that the air coming in contact with the snowy mountains immediately becomes chilled and condensed, and being thus rendered heavier than the air below it descends into the rarified air below or into the vacuum formed by the constant action of the sun on the open unsheltered plains. the clouds rise suddenly near these mountains and distribute their contents partially over the neighbouring plains. the same cloud will discharge hail alone in one part, hail and rain in another, and rain only in a third, and all within the space of a few miles; while at the same time there is snow falling on the mountains to the southeast of us. there is at present no snow on those mountains; that which covered them on our arrival as well as that which has since fallen having disappeared. the mountains to the north and northwest of us are still entirely covered with snow, and indeed there has been no perceptible diminution of it since we first saw them, which induces a belief either that the clouds prevailing at this season do not reach their summits or that they deposit their snow only. they glisten with great beauty when the sun shines on them in a particular direction, and most probably from this glittering appearance have derived the name of the shining mountains. wednesday, . nearly the whole party were employed in different labours connected with the boat, which is now almost completed: but we have not as yet been able to obtain tar from our kiln, a circumstance that will occasion us not a little embarrassment. having been told by the indians that on leaving the falls we should soon pass the buffaloe country, we have before us the prospect of fasting occasionally; but in order to provide a supply we sent out the hunters who killed only a buffaloe and two antelopes, which added to six beaver and two otter have been all our game for two or three days. at ten in the morning we had a light shower which scarcely wet the grass. thursday, july th. the boat was now completed except what is in fact the most difficult part, the making her seams secure. we had intended to despatch a canoe with part of our men to the united states early this spring; but not having yet seen the snake indians, or knowing whether to calculate on their friendship or enmity, we have decided not to weaken our party which is already scarcely sufficient to repel any hostility. we were afraid too that such a measure might dishearten those who remain; and as we have never suggested it to them, they are all perfectly and enthusiastically attached to the enterprise, and willing to encounter any danger to ensure its success. we had a heavy dew this morning. since our arrival at the falls we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud, and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud and resembles precisely the sound of a six pound piece of ordnance at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to it, believing it to have been some superstition or perhaps a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery given by the philosophy of the watermen is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain. an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloe seemed to have withdrawn from our neighbourhood, though several of the men who went to-day to visit the falls for the first time, mention that they are still abundant at that place. we contrived however to spread not a very sumptuous but a comfortable table in honour of the day, and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock. some of them appeared sensible to the effects of even so small a quantity, and as is usual among them on all festivals, the fiddle was produced and a dance begun, which lasted till nine o'clock, when it was interrupted by a heavy shower of rain. they continued however their merriment till a late hour. friday . the boat was brought up into a high situation and fires kindled under her in order to dry her more expeditiously. despairing now of procuring any tar, we formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffaloe tallow to supply its place; should this resource fail us it will be very unfortunate, as in every other respect the boat answers our purposes completely. although not quite dry she can be carried with ease by five men; her form is as complete as could be wished; very strong, and will carry at least eight thousand pounds with her complement of hands. besides our want of tar, we have been unlucky in sewing the skins with a needle which had sharp edges instead of a point merely, although a large thong was used in order to fill the hole, yet it shrinks in drying and leaves the hole open, so that we fear the boat will leak. a large herd of buffaloe came near us and we procured three of them: besides which were killed two wolves and three antelopes. in the course of the day other herds of buffaloe came near our camp on their way down the river: these herds move with great method and regularity. although ten or twelve herds are seen scattered from each other over a space of many miles, yet if they are undisturbed by pursuit they will be uniformly travelling in the same direction. saturday . last night there were several showers of rain and hail, attended with thunder and lightning: and about day break a heavy storm came on from the southwest with one continued roar of thunder, and rain and hail. the hail which was as large as musket balls, covered the ground completely; and on collecting some of it, it lasted during the day and served to cool the water. the red and yellow currant is abundant and now ripe, although still a little acid. we have seen in this neighbourhood what we have not met before, a remarkably small fox which associates in bands and burrows in the prairie, like the small wolf, but have not yet been able to obtain any of them, as they are extremely vigilant, and betake themselves on the slightest alarm to their burrows which are very deep. sunday . the weather is warm but cloudy, so that the moisture retained by the bark after the rain leaves it slowly, though we have small fires constantly under the boat. we have no tents, and therefore are obliged to use the sails to keep off the bad weather. our buffaloe skins too, are scarcely sufficient to cover our baggage, but the men are now dressing others to replace their present leather clothing, which soon rots by being so constantly exposed to water. in the evening the hunters returned with the skins of only three buffaloe, two antelope, four deer, and three wolf skins, and reported that the buffaloe had gone further down the river; two other hunters who left us this morning could find nothing except one elk: in addition to this we caught a beaver. the musquitoes still disturb us very much, and the blowing-flies swarm in vast numbers round the boat. at four in the afternoon we had a light shower of rain attended with some thunder and lightning. monday . in order more fully to replace the notes of the river which he had lost, and which he was prevented from supplying by the storm of the twenty-ninth ult. captain clarke set out after breakfast, taking with him nearly the whole party with a view of shooting buffaloe if there should be any near the falls. after getting some distance in the plains the men were divided into squads, and he with two others struck the missouri at the entrance of medicine river, and thence proceeded down to the great cataract. he found that the immense herds of buffaloe have entirely disappeared, and he thought had gone below the falls. having made the necessary measurements, he returned through the plains and reached camp late in the evening; the whole party had killed only three buffaloe, three antelopes and a deer; they had also shot a small fox, and brought a living ground-squirrel somewhat larger than those of the united states. the day was warm and fair, but a slight rain fell in the afternoon. the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, which after a proper interval was repeated, and the next morning, tuesday , she was launched into the water, and swam perfectly well: the seats were then fixed and the oars fitted; but after we had loaded her, as well as the canoes, and were on the point of setting out a violent wind caused the waves to wet the baggage, so that we were forced to unload them. the wind continued high till evening, when to our great disappointment we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, and left the seams perfectly exposed; so that the boat now leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch is impossible, and as none of that article is to be procured, we therefore, however reluctantly, are obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labour in the construction. we now saw that the section of the boat covered with buffaloe skins on which hair had been left, answered better than the elk skins and leaked but little; while that part which was covered hair about one eighth of an inch, retained the composition perfectly, and remained sound and dry. from this we perceived that had we employed buffaloe instead of elk skins, and not singed them so closely as we have done, carefully avoiding to cut the leather in sewing, the boat would have been sufficient even with the present composition, or had we singed instead of shaving the elk skins we might have succeeded. but we discovered our error too late: the buffaloe had deserted us, the travelling season was so fast advancing that we had no time to spare for experiments, and therefore finding that she could be no longer useful she was sunk in the water, so as to soften the skins and enable us the more easily to take her to pieces. it now became necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose we shall want two canoes, but for many miles below the mouth of the muscleshell river to this place, we have not seen a single tree fit to be used in that way. the hunters however who had hitherto been sent after timber, mention that there is a low ground on the opposite side of the river, about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough for our purposes. captain clarke therefore determined to set out by land for that place with ten of the best workmen who would be occupied in building the canoes till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, should transport the baggage and join them with the other six canoes. wednesday . he accordingly passed over to the opposite side of the river with his party, and proceeded on eight miles by land, the distance by water being twenty-three and three quarter miles. here he found two cottonwood trees, but on cutting them down, one proved to be hollow, split at the top in falling, and both were much damaged at the bottom. he searched the neighbourhood but could find none which would suit better, and therefore was obliged to make use of those which he had felled, shortening them in order to avoid the cracks, and supplying the deficiency by making them as wide as possible. they were equally at a loss for wood of which they might make handles for their axes, the eyes of which not being round they were obliged to split the timber in such a manner that thirteen of the handles broke in the course of the day, though made of the best wood they could find for the purpose, which was the chokecherry. the rest of the party took the frame of the boat to pieces, deposited it in a cache or hole, with a draught of the country from fort mandan to this place, and also some other papers and small articles of less importance. after this we amused ourselves with fishing, and although we had thought on our arrival that there were none in this part of the river, we caught some of a species of white chub below the falls, but few in number, and small in size. serjeant ordway with four canoes and eight men had set sail in the morning, with part of the baggage to the place where captain clarke had fixed his camp, but the wind was so high that he only reached within three miles of that place, and encamped for the night. thursday, july . in the morning one of the canoes joined captain clarke: the other three having on board more valuable articles, which would have been injured by the water, went on more cautiously, and did not reach the camp till the evening. captain clarke then had the canoes unloaded and sent back, but the high wind prevented their floating down nearer than about eight miles above us. his party were busily engaged with the canoes, and their hunters supplied them with three fat deer and a buffaloe, in addition to two deer and an antelope killed yesterday. the few men who were with captain lewis were occupied in hunting, but with not much success, having killed only one buffaloe. they heard about sunset two discharges of the tremendous mountain artillery: they also saw several very large gray eagles, much larger than those of the united states, and most probably a distinct species, though the bald eagle of this country is not quite so large as that of the united states. the men have been much afflicted with painful whitlows, and one of them disabled from working by this complaint in his hand. friday, . in consequence of the wind the canoes did not reach the lower camp till late in the afternoon, before which time captain lewis sent all the men he could spare up the river to assist in building the boats, and the day was too far advanced to reload and send them up before morning. the mosquitoes are very troublesome, and they have a companion not less so, a large black gnat which does not sting, but attacks the eyes in swarms. the party with captain clarke are employed on the canoes: in the course of the work serjeant pryor dislocated his shoulder yesterday, but it was replaced immediately, and though painful does not threaten much injury. the hunters brought in three deer and two otter. this last animal has been numerous since the water has become sufficiently clear for them to take fish. the blue-crested fisher, or as it is sometimes called, the kingfisher, is an inhabitant of this part of the river; it is a bird rare on the missouri: indeed we had not seen more than three or four of them from its entrance to maria's river, and even those did not seem to reside on the missouri but on some of the clearer streams which empty into it, as they were seen near the mouths of those streams. saturday . the morning being fair and calm captain lewis had all the remaining baggage embarked on board the six canoes, which sailed with two men in each for the upper camp. then with a sick man and the indian woman, he left the encampment, and crossing over the river went on by land to join captain clarke. from the head of the whitebear islands he proceeded in a southwest direction, at the distance of three miles, till he struck the missouri, which he then followed till he reached the place where all the party were occupied in boat-building. on his way he passed a very large indian lodge, which was probably designed as a great council-house, but it differs in its construction from all that we have seen lower down the missouri or elsewhere. the form of it was a circle two hundred and sixteen feet in circumference at the base, and composed of sixteen large cottonwood poles about fifty feet long, and at their thicker ends, which touched the ground, about the size of a man's body: they were distributed at equal distances, except that one was omitted to the east, probably for the entrance. from the circumference of this circle the poles converged towards the centre where they were united and secured by large withes of willow brush. there was no covering over this fabric, in the centre of which were the remains of a large fire, and round it the marks of about eighty leathern lodges. he also saw a number of turtledoves, and some pigeons, of which he shot one differing in no respect from the wild pigeon of the united states. the country exhibits its usual appearances, the timber confined to the river, the country on both sides as far as the eye can reach being entirely destitute of trees or brush. in the low ground in which we are building the canoes, the timber is larger and more abundant than we have seen it on the missouri for several hundred miles. the soil too is good, for the grass and weeds reach about two feet high, being the tallest we have observed this season, though on the high plains and prairies the grass is at no season above three inches in height. among these weeds are the sandrush, and nettle in small quantities; the plains are still infested by great numbers of the small birds already mentioned, among whom is the brown curlew. the current of the river is here extremely gentle; the buffaloe have not yet quite gone, for the hunters brought in three in very good order. it requires some diligence to supply us plentifully, for as we reserve our parched meal for the rocky mountains, where we do not expect to find much game, our principal article of food is meat, and the consumption of the whole thirty-two persons belonging to the party, amounts to four deer, an elk and a deer, one buffaloe every twenty four hours. the musquitoes and gnats persecute us as violently as below, so that we can get no sleep unless defended by biers, with which we are all provided. we here found several plants hitherto unknown to us, and of which we preserved specimens. serjeant ordway proceeded with the six canoes five miles up the river, but the wind becoming so high as to wet the baggage he was obliged to unload and dry it. the wind abated at five o'clock in the evening, when he again proceeded eight miles and encamped. the next morning, sunday, july , he joined us about noon. on leaving the whitebear camp he passed at a short distance a little creek or run coming in on the left. this had been already examined and called flattery run; it contains back water only, with very extensive low grounds, which rising into large plains reach the mountains on the east; then passed a willow island on the left within one mile and a half, and reached two miles further a cliff of rocks in a bend on the same side. in the course of another mile and a half he passed two islands covered with cottonwood, box-alder, sweet-willow, and the usual undergrowth, like that of the whitebear islands. at thirteen and three quarter miles he came to the mouth of a small creek on the left; within the following nine miles he passed three timbered islands, and after making twenty-three and a quarter miles from the lower camp, arrived at the point of woodland on the north where the canoes were constructed. the day was fair and warm; the men worked very industriously, and were enabled by the evening to lanch the boats, which now want only seats and oars to be complete. one of them is twenty-five, the other thirty-three feet in length and three feet wide. captain lewis walked out between three and four miles over the rocky bluffs to a high situation, two miles from the river, a little below fort mountain creek. the country which he saw was in most parts level, but occasionally became varied by gentle rises and descents, but with no timber except along the water. from this position, the point at which the missouri enters the first chain of the rocky mountains bore south ° west about twenty-five miles, according to our estimate. the northern extremity of that chain north ° west at the distance of eighty miles. to the same extremity of the second chain north ° west one hundred and fifty miles. to the most remote point of a third and continued chain of these mountains north ° west about two hundred miles. the direction of the first chain was from south ° east to north ° west; of the second, from south ° east to north ° west; but the eye could not reach their southern extremities, which most probably may be traced to mexico. in a course south ° west, and at the distance of eight miles is a mountain, which from its appearance we shall call fort mountain. it is situated in the level plain, and forms nearly a square, each side of which is a mile in extent. these sides, which are composed of a yellow clay with no mixture of rock or stone whatever, rise perpendicularly to the height of three hundred feet, where the top becomes a level plain covered, as captain lewis now observed, with a tolerably fertile mould two feet thick, on which was a coat of grass similar to that of the plain below: it has the appearance of being perfectly inaccessible, and although the mounds near the falls somewhat resemble it, yet none of them are so large. chapter xii. the party embark on board the canoes--description of smith's river--character of the country, &c.--dearborne's river described--captain clarke precedes the party for the purpose of discovering the indians of the rocky mountains--magnificent rocky appearances on the borders of the river denominated the gates of the rocky mountains--captain clarke arrives at the three forks of the missouri without overtaking the indians--the party arrive at the three forks, of which a particular and interesting description is given. monday, july . we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which though light in number are still heavily loaded, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. at the distance of three miles we passed an island, just above which is a small creek coming in from the left, which we called fort mountain creek, the channel of which is ten yards wide but now perfectly dry. at six miles we came to an island opposite to a bend towards the north side; and reached at seven and a half miles the lower point of a woodland at the entrance of a beautiful river, which in honour of the secretary of the navy we called smith's river. this stream falls into a bend on the south side of the missouri, and is eighty yards wide. as far as we could discern its course it wound through a charming valley towards the southeast, in which many herds of buffaloe were feeding, till at the distance of twenty five miles it entered the rocky mountains, and was lost from our view. after dining near this place we proceeded on four and three quarter miles to the head of an island; four and a quarter miles beyond which is a second island on the left; three and a quarter miles further in a bend of the river towards the north, is a wood where we encamped for the night, after making nineteen and three quarter miles. we find the prickly pear, one of the greatest beauties as well as the greatest inconveniences of the plains, now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common on every part of the missouri from its entrance to this place, is here very abundant and in bloom. the lambsquarter, wild-cucumber, sandrush, and narrowdock are also common. two elk, a deer, and an otter, were our game to-day. the river has now become so much more crooked than below that we omit taking all its short meanders, but note only its general course, and lay down the small bends on our daily chart by the eye. the general width is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards. along the banks are large beds of sand raised above the plains, and as they always appear on the sides of the river opposite to the southwest exposure, seem obviously brought there from the channel of the river by the incessant winds from that quarter: we find also more timber than for a great distance below the falls. tuesday . there was a heavy dew last night. we soon passed about forty little booths, formed of willow bushes as a shelter against the sun. these seemed to have been deserted about ten days, and as we supposed by the snake indians, or shoshonees, whom we hope soon to meet, as they appeared from the tracks to have a number of horses with them. at three and three quarter miles we passed a creek or run in a bend on the left side, and four miles further another run or small rivulet on the right. after breakfasting on a buffaloe shot by one of the hunters, captain lewis resolved to go on ahead of the party to the point where the river enters the rocky mountains and make the necessary observations before our arrival. he therefore set out with drewyer and two of the sick men to whom he supposed the walk would be useful: he travelled on the north side of the river through a handsome level plain, which continued on the opposite side also, and at the distance of eight miles passed a small stream on which he observed a considerable quantity of the aspen tree. a little before twelve o'clock he halted on a bend to the north in a low ground well covered with timber, about four and a half miles below the mountains, and obtained a meridian altitude, by which he found the latitude was n. ° ' " "'. his route then lay through a high waving plain to a rapid where the missouri first leaves the rocky mountains, and here he encamped for the night. in the meantime we had proceeded after breakfast one mile to a bend in the left, opposite to which was the frame of a large lodge situated in the prairie, constructed like that already mentioned above the whitebear islands, but only sixty feet in diameter: round it were the remains of about eighty leathern lodges, all which seemed to have been built during the last autumn; within the next fifteen and a quarter miles we passed ten islands, on the last of which we encamped near the right shore, having made twenty-three miles. the next morning, wednesday , we set out early, and at four miles distance joined captain lewis at foot of the rapids, and after breakfast began the passage of them: some of the articles most liable to be injured by the water were carried round. we then double manned the canoes, and with the aid of the towing-line got them up without accident. for several miles below the rapids the current of the missouri becomes stronger as you approach, and the spurs of the mountains advance towards the river, which is deep and not more than seventy yards wide: at the rapids the river is closely hemmed in on both sides by the hills, and foams for half a mile over the rocks which obstruct its channel. the low grounds are now not more than a few yards in width, but they furnish room for an indian road which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from southeast to northwest, and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black granite, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. immediately in the gap is a large rock four hundred feet high, which on one side is washed by the missouri, while on its other sides a handsome little plain separates it from the neighbouring mountains. it may be ascended with some difficulty nearly to its summit, and affords a beautiful prospect of the plains below, in which we could observe large herds of buffaloe. after ascending the rapids for half a mile we came to a small island at the head of them, which we called pine island from a large pine tree at the lower end of it, which is the first we have seen near the river for a great distance. a mile beyond captain lewis's camp we had a meridian altitude which gave us the latitude of ° ' " "'. as the canoes were still heavily loaded all those not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep but with little current and from seventy to one hundred yards wide; the low grounds are very narrow, with but little timber and that chiefly the aspen tree. the cliffs are steep and hang over the river so much that often we could not cross them, but were obliged to pass and repass from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way. in some places the banks are formed of rocks, of dark black granite rising perpendicularly to a great height, through which the river seems in the progress of time to have worn its channel. on these mountains we see more pine than usual, but it is still in small quantities. along the bottoms, which have a covering of high grass, we observe the sunflower blooming in great abundance. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of the seed of this plant for bread or in thickening their soup. they first parch and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted: at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marrow grease to reduce it to the consistency of common dough and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to all the rest, and thought it at that time a very palatable dish. there is however little of the broad-leafed cottonwood on this side of the falls, much the greater part of what we see being of the narrow-leafed species. there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our common garden. the bush rises to the height of six or eight feet; the stem simple, branching and erect. these shrubs associate in corps either in upper or timbered lands near the water courses. the leaf is peteolate, of a pale green, and in form resembles the red currant so common in our gardens. the perianth of the fruit is one leaved, five cleft, abbriviated and tubular. the corolla is monopetallous, funnel-shaped, very long, and of a fine orange colour. there are five stamens and one pistillum of the first, the filaments are capillar, inserted in the corolla, equal and converging, the anther ovate and incumbent. the germ of the second species is round, smooth, inferior and pidicelled: the style long and thicker than the stamens, simple, cylindrical, smooth and erect. it remains with the corolla until the fruit is ripe, the stamen is simple and obtuse, and the fruit much the size and shape of our common garden currants, growing like them in clusters supported by a compound footstalk. the peduncles are longer in this species, and the berries are more scattered. the fruit is not so acid as the common currant, and has a more agreeable flavour. the other species differs in no respect from the yellow currant excepting in the colour and flavour of the berries. the serviceberry differs in some points from that of the united states. the bushes are small, sometimes not more than two feet high, and rarely exceed eight inches. they are proportionably small in their stems, growing very thickly, associated in clumps. the fruit is of the same form, but for the most part larger and of a very dark purple. they are now ripe and in great perfection. there are two species of gooseberry here, but neither of them yet ripe: nor are the chokecherry, though in great quantities. besides there are also at that place the box alder, red willow and a species of sumach. in the evening we saw some mountain rams or big-horned animals, but no other game of any sort. after leaving pine island we passed a small run on the left, which is formed by a large spring rising at the distance of half a mile under the mountain. one mile and a half above the island is another, and two miles further a third island, the river making small bends constantly to the north. from this last island to a point of rocks on the south side the low grounds become rather wider, and three quarters of a mile beyond these rocks, in a bend on the north, we encamped opposite to a very high cliff, having made during the day eleven and a half miles. thursday . this morning early before our departure we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies, and the only danger is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand; a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the water. at one mile and a quarter we passed another single cliff on the left; at the same distance beyond which is the mouth of a large river emptying itself from the north. it is a handsome, bold, and clear stream, eighty yards wide, that is nearly as broad as the missouri, with a rapid current over a bed of small smooth stones of various figures. the water is extremely transparent, the low grounds are narrow, but possess as much wood as those of the missouri; and it has every appearance of being navigable, though to what distance we cannot ascertain, as the country which it waters, is broken and mountainous. in honour of the secretary at war we called it dearborn's river. being now very anxious to meet with the shoshonees or snake indians, for the purpose of obtaining the necessary information of our route, as well as to procure horses, it was thought best for one of us to go forward with a small party and endeavour to discover them, before the daily discharge of our guns, which is necessary for our subsistence, should give them notice of our approach: if by an accident they hear us, they will most probably retreat to the mountains, mistaking us for their enemies who usually attack them on this side. accordingly captain clarke set out with three men, and followed the course of the river on the north side; but the hills were so steep at first that he was not able to go much faster than ourselves. in the evening however he cut off many miles of the circuitous course of the river, by crossing a mountain over which he found a wide indian road which in many places seems to have been cut or dug down in the earth. he passed also two branches of a stream which he called ordway's creek, where he saw a number of beaver-dams extending in close succession towards the mountains as far as he could distinguish: on the cliffs were many of the big-horned animals. after crossing this mountain he encamped near a small stream of running water, having travelled twenty miles. on leaving dearborn's river we passed at three and a half miles a small creek, and at six beyond it an island on the north side of the river, which makes within that distance many small bends. at two and a half miles further is another island: three quarters of a mile beyond this is a small creek on the north side. at a mile and a half above the creek is a much larger stream thirty yards wide, and discharging itself with a bold current on the north side: the banks are low, and the bed formed of stones altogether. to this stream we gave the name of ordway's creek, after serjeant john ordway. at two miles beyond this the valley widens: we passed several bends of the river, and encamped in the centre of one on the south, having made twenty-one miles. here we found a small grove of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, there being no longer any of the broad-leafed kind since we entered the mountains. the water of these rivulets which come down from the mountains is very cold, pure, and well tasted. along their banks as well as on the missouri the aspen is very common, but of a small kind. the river is somewhat wider than we found it yesterday; the hills more distant from the river and not so high; there are some pines on the mountains, but they are principally confined to the upper regions of them: the low grounds are still narrower and have little or no timber. the soil near the river is good, and produces a luxuriant growth of grass and weeds; among these productions the sunflower holds a very distinguished place. for several days past we have observed a species of flax in the low grounds, the leaf-stem and pericarp of which resemble those of the flax commonly cultivated in the united states: the stem rises to the height of two and a half or three feet, and spring to the number of eight or ten from the same root, with a strong thick bark apparently well calculated for use: the root seems to be perennial, and it is probable that the cutting of the stems may not at all injure it, for although the seeds are not yet ripe, there are young suckers shooting up from the root, whence we may infer that the stems which are fully grown and in the proper stage of vegetation to produce the best flax, are not essential to the preservation or support of the root, a circumstance which would render it a most valuable plant. to-day we have met with a second species of flax smaller than the first, as it seldom obtains a greater height than nine or twelve inches: the leaf and stem resemble those of the species just mentioned, except that the latter is rarely branched, and bears a single monopetalous bell-shaped blue flower, suspended with its limb downwards. we saw several herds of the big-horn, but they were in the cliffs beyond our reach. we killed an elk this morning and found part of a deer which had been left for us by captain clarke. he pursued his route, friday, , early in the morning, and soon passed the remains of several indian camps formed of willow brush, which seemed to have been deserted this spring. at the same time he observed that the pine trees had been stripped of their bark about the same season, which our indian woman say her countrymen do in order to obtain the sap and the soft parts of the wood and bark for food. about eleven o'clock he met a herd of elk and killed two of them, but such was the want of wood in the neighbourhood that he was unable to procure enough to make a fire, and he was therefore obliged to substitute the dung of the buffaloe, with which he cooked his breakfast. they then resumed their course along an old indian road. in the afternoon they reached a handsome valley watered by a large creek, both of which extend a considerable distance into the mountain: this they crossed, and during the evening travelled over a mountainous country covered with sharp fragments of flint-rock: these bruised and cut their feet very much, but were scarcely less troublesome than the prickly pear of the open plains, which have now become so abundant that it is impossible to avoid them, and the thorns are so strong that they pierce a double soal of dressed deer skin: the best resource against them is a soal of buffaloe hide in parchment. at night they reached the river much fatigued, having passed two mountains in the course of the day and having travelled thirty miles. captain clarke's first employment on lighting a fire was to extract from his feet the briars, which he found seventeen in number. in the meantime we proceeded on very well, though the water appears to increase in rapidity as we advance: the current has indeed been strong during the day and obstructed by some rapids, which are not however much broken by rocks, and are perfectly safe: the river is deep, and its general width is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards wide. for more than thirteen miles we went along the numerous bends of the river and then reached two small islands; three and three quarter miles beyond which is a small creek in a bend to the left, above a small island on the right side of the river. we were regaled about ten o'clock p.m. with a thunder storm of rain and hail which lasted for an hour, but during the day in this confined valley, through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains we are tantalized with a view of the snow. these mountains have their sides and summits partially varied with little copses of pine, cedar, and balsam fir. a mile and a half beyond this creek the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for five and three quarter miles these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near its base, but from its lighter colour above and from the fragments we suppose the upper part to be flint of a yellowish brown and cream colour. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river and menace us with destruction. the river, of one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass, but so reluctantly has it given way that during the whole distance the water is very deep even at the edges, and for the first three miles there is not a spot except one of a few yards, in which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain: the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible, since at its outlet there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies as it were of the victory. several fine springs burst out from the chasms of the rock, and contribute to increase the river, which has now a strong current, but very fortunately we are able to overcome it with our oars, since it would be impossible to use either the cord or the pole. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on, but at length about two miles above a small inland in the middle of the river we met with a spot on the left side, where we procured plenty of lightwood and pitchpine. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains. we had made twenty-two miles; and four and a quarter miles from the entrance of the gates. the mountains are higher to-day than they were yesterday. we saw some big-horns, a few antelopes and beaver, but since entering the mountains have found no buffaloe: the otter are however in great plenty: the musquitoes have become less troublesome than they were. saturday . by employing the towrope whenever the banks permitted the use of it, the river being too deep for the pole, we were enabled to overcome the current which is still strong. at the distance of half a mile we came to a high rock in a bend to the left in the gates. here the perpendicular rocks cease, the hills retire from the river, and the vallies suddenly widen to a greater extent than they have been since we entered the mountains. at this place was some scattered timber, consisting of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, the aspen, and pine. there are also vast quantities of gooseberries, serviceberries, and several species of currant, among which is one of a black colour, the flavour of which is preferable to that of the yellow, and would be deemed superior to that of any currant in the united states. we here killed an elk which was a pleasant addition to our stock of food. at a mile from the gates, a large creek comes down from the mountains and empties itself behind an island in the middle of a bend to the north. to this stream which is fifteen yards wide we gave the name of potts's creek, after john potts, one of our men. up this valley about seven miles we discovered a great smoke, as if the whole country had been set on fire; but were at a loss to decide whether it had been done accidentally by captain clarke's party, or by the indians as a signal on their observing us. we afterwards learnt that this last was the fact; for they had heard a gun fired by one of captain clarke's men, and believing that their enemies were approaching had fled into the mountains, first setting fire to the plains as a warning to their countrymen. we continued our course along several islands, and having made in the course of the day fifteen miles, encamped just above an island, at a spring on a high bank on the left side of the river. in the latter part of the evening we had passed through a low range of mountains, and the country became more open, though still unbroken and without timber, and the lowlands not very extensive: and just above our camp the river is again closed in by the mountains. we found on the banks an elk which captain clarke had left us, with a note mentioning that he should pass the mountains just above us and wait our arrival at some convenient place. we saw but could not procure some redheaded ducks and sandhill cranes along the sides of the river, and a woodpecker about the size of the lark-woodpecker, which seems to be a distinct species: it is as black as a crow with a long tail, and flies like a jaybird. the whole country is so infested by the prickly pear that we could scarcely find room to lie down at our camp. captain clarke on setting out this morning had gone through the valley about six miles to the right of the river. he soon fell into an old indian road which he pursued till he reached the missouri, at the distance of eighteen miles from his last encampment, just above the entrance of a large creek, which we afterwards called whiteearth creek. here he found his party so much cut and pierced with the sharp flint and the prickly pear that he proceeded only a small distance further, and then halted to wait for us. along his track he had taken the precaution to strew signals, such as pieces of cloth, paper and linen, to prove to the indians, if by accident they met his track, that we were white men. but he observed a smoke some distance ahead, and concluded that the whole country had now taken the alarm. sunday . on leaving our camp we passed an island at half a mile, and reached at one mile a bad rapid at the place where the river leaves the mountain: here the cliffs are high and covered with fragments of broken rocks, the current is also strong, but although more rapid the river is wider and shallower, so that we are able to use the pole occasionally, though we principally depend on the towline. on leaving this rapid which is about half a mile in extent, the country opens on each side; the hills become lower; at one mile is a large island on the left side, and four and a half beyond it a large and bold creek twenty-eight yards wide, coming in from the north, where it waters a handsome valley: we called it pryor's creek after one of the sergeants, john pryor. at a mile above this creek on the left side of the missouri we obtained a meridian altitude, which gave ° ' " "' as the latitude of the place. for the following four miles, the country, like that through which we passed during the rest of the day, is rough and mountainous as we found it yesterday; but at the distance of twelve miles, we came towards evening into a beautiful plain ten or twelve miles wide and extending as far the eye could reach. this plain or rather valley is bounded by two nearly parallel ranges of high mountains whose summits are partially covered with snow, below which the pine is scattered along the sides down to the plain in some places, though the greater part of their surface has no timber and exhibits only a barren soil with no covering except dry parched grass or black rugged rocks. on entering the valley the river assumes a totally different aspect; it spreads to more than a mile in width, and though more rapid than before, is shallow enough in almost every part for the use of the pole, while its bed is formed of smooth stones and some large rocks, as it has been indeed since we entered the mountains: it is also divided by a number of islands some of which are large near the northern shore. the soil of the valley is a rich black loam apparently very fertile, and covered with a fine green grass about eighteen inches or two feet in height; while that of the high grounds is perfectly dry and seems scorched by the sun. the timber though still scarce is in greater quantities in this valley than we have seen it since entering the mountains, and seems to prefer the borders of the small creeks to the banks of the river itself. we advanced three and a half miles in this valley and encamped on the left side, having made in all fifteen and a half miles. our only large game to-day was one deer. we saw however two pheasants of a dark brown colour, much larger than the same species of bird in the united states. in the morning too, we saw three swans which, like the geese, have not yet recovered the feathers of the wing, and were unable to fly: we killed two of them, and the third escaped by diving and passing down the current. these are the first we have seen on the river for a great distance, and as they had no young with them, we presume that they do not breed in this neighbourhood. of the geese we daily see great numbers, with their young perfectly feathered except on the wings, where both young and old are deficient; the first are very fine food, but the old ones are poor and unfit for use. several of the large brown or sandhill crane are feeding in the low grounds on the grass which forms their principal food. the young crane cannot fly at this season: they are as large as a turkey, of a bright reddish bay colour. since the river has become shallow we have caught a number of trout to-day, and a fish, white on the belly and sides, but of a bluish cast on the back, and a long pointed mouth opening somewhat like that of the shad. this morning captain clarke wishing to hunt but fearful of alarming the indians, went up the river for three miles, when finding neither any of them nor of their recent tracks returned, and then his little party separated to look for game. they killed two bucks and a doe, and a young curlew nearly feathered: in the evening they found the musquitoes as troublesome as we did: these animals attack us as soon as the labours and fatigues of the day require some rest, and annoy us till several hours after dark, when the coldness of the air obliges them to disappear; but such is their persecution that were it not for our biers we should obtain no repose. monday, . we set out at an early hour. the river being divided into so many channels by both large and small islands, that it was impossible to lay it down accurately by following in a canoe any single channel, captain lewis walked on shore, took the general courses of the river, and from the rising grounds laid down the situation of the islands and channels, which he was enabled to do with perfect accuracy, the view not being obstructed by much timber. at one mile and a quarter we passed an island somewhat larger than the rest, and four miles further reached the upper end of another, on which we breakfasted. this is a large island forming in the middle of a bend to the north a level fertile plain ten feet above the surface of the water and never overflowed. here we found great quantities of a small onion about the size of a musket ball, though some were larger; it is white, crisp, and as well flavoured as any of our garden onions; the seed is just ripening, and as the plant bears a large quantity to the square foot, and stands the rigours of the climate, it will no doubt be an acquisition to settlers. from this production we called it onion island. during the next seven and three quarter miles we passed several long circular bends, and a number of large and small islands which divide the river into many channels, and then reached the mouth of a creek on the north side. it is composed of three creeks which unite in a handsome valley about four miles before they discharge themselves into the missouri, where it is about fifteen feet wide and eight feet deep, with clear transparent water. here we halted for dinner, but as the canoes took different channels in ascending it was some time before they all joined. here we were delighted to find that the indian woman recognizes the country; she tells us that to this creek her countrymen make excursions to procure a white paint on its banks, and we therefore call it whiteearth creek. she says also that the three forks of the missouri are at no great distance, a piece of intelligence which has cheered the spirits of us all, as we hope soon to reach the head of that river. this is the warmest day except one we have experienced this summer. in the shade the mercury stood at ° above , which is the second time it has reached that height during this season. we encamped on an island after making nineteen and three quarter miles. in the course of the day we saw many geese, cranes, small birds common to the plains, and a few pheasants: we also observed a small plover or curlew of a brown colour, about the size of the yellow-legged plover or jack curlew, but of a different species. it first appeared near the mouth of smith's river, but is so shy and vigilant that we were unable to shoot it. both the broad and narrow-leafed willow continue, though the sweet willow has become very scarce. the rosebush, small honeysuckle, the pulpy-leafed thorn, southern wood, sage and box-alder, narrow-leafed cottonwood, redwood, and a species of sumach, are all abundant. so too are the red and black gooseberries, serviceberries, chokecherry, and the black, red, yellow, and purple currant, which last seems to be a favourite food of the bear. before encamping we landed and took on board captain clarke with the meat he had collected during this day's hunt, which consisted of one deer and an elk: we had ourselves shot a deer and an antelope. the musquitoes and gnats were unusually fierce this evening. tuesday, . captain clarke again proceeded with four men along the right bank. during the whole day the river divided by a number of islands, which spread it out sometimes to the distance of three miles: the current is very rapid and has many ripples; and the bed formed of gravel and smooth stones. the banks along the low grounds are of a rich loam, followed occasionally by low bluffs of yellow and red clay, with a hard red slatestone intermixed. the low grounds are wide, and have very little timber but a thick underbrush of willow, and rose and currant bushes: these are succeeded by high plains extending on each side to the base of the mountains, which lie parallel to the river about eight or twelve miles apart, and are high and rocky, with some small pine and cedar interspersed on them. at the distance of seven miles a creek twenty yards wide, after meandering through a beautiful low ground on the left for several miles parallel to the river, empties itself near a cluster of small islands: the stream we called whitehouse creek after joseph whitehouse one of the party, and the islands from their number received the name of the "ten islands." about ten o'clock we came up with drewyer, who had gone out to hunt yesterday, and not being able to find our encampment had staid out all night: he now supplied us with five deer. three and a quarter miles beyond whitehouse creek we came to the lower point of an island where the river is three hundred yards wide, and continued along it for one mile and a quarter, and then passed a second island just above it. we halted rather early for dinner in order to dry some part of the baggage which had been wet in the canoes: we then proceeded, and at five and a half miles had passed two small islands. within the next three miles we came to a large island, which from its figure we called broad island. from that place we made three and a half miles, and encamped on an island to the left, opposite to a much larger one on the right. our journey to-day was twenty-two and a quarter miles, the greater part of which was made by means of our poles and cords, the use of which the banks much favoured. during the whole time we had the small flags hoisted in the canoes to apprise the indians, if there were any in the neighbourhood, of our being white men and their friends; but we were not so fortunate as to discover any of them. along the shores we saw great quantities of the common thistle, and procured a further supply of wild onions and a species of garlic growing on the highlands, which is now green and in bloom: it has a flat leaf, and is strong, tough, and disagreeable. there was also much of the wild flax, of which we now obtained some ripe seed, as well as some bullrush and cattail flag. among the animals we met with a black snake about two feet long, with the belly as dark as any other part of the body, which was perfectly black, and which had one hundred and twenty-eight scuta on the belly and sixty-three on the tail: we also saw antelopes, crane, geese, ducks, beaver, and otter; and took up four deer which had been left on the water side by captain clarke. he had pursued all day an indian road on the right side of the river, and encamped late in the evening at the distance of twenty-five miles from our camp of last night. in the course of his walk he met besides deer a number of antelopes and a herd of elk, but all the tracks of indians, though numerous, were of an old date. wednesday, . we proceeded for four and a quarter miles along several islands to a small run, just above which the low bluffs touch the river. within three and a half miles further we came to a small island on the north, and a remarkable bluff composed of earth of a crimson colour, intermixed with stratas of slate, either black or of a red resembling brick. the following six and three quarter miles brought us to an assemblage of islands, having passed four at different distances; and within the next five miles we met the same number of islands, and encamped on the north after making nineteen and a half miles. the current of the river was strong and obstructed, as indeed it has been for some days by small rapids or ripples which descend from one to three feet in the course of one hundred and fifty yards, but they are rarely incommoded by any fixed rocks, and therefore, though the water is rapid, the passage is not attended with danger. the valley through which the river passes is like that of yesterday; the nearest hills generally concealing the most distant from us; but when we obtain a view of them they present themselves in amphitheatre, rising above each other as they recede from the river till the most remote are covered with snow. we saw many otter and beaver to-day: the latter seem to contribute very much to the number of islands and the widening of the river. they begin by damming up the small channels of about twenty yards between the islands; this obliges the river to seek another outlet, and as soon as this is effected the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is then driven to another channel which soon shares the same fate, till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of the land into islands. we killed a deer and saw great numbers of antelopes, cranes, some geese, and a few redheaded ducks. the small birds of the plains and the curlew are still abundant: we saw but could not come within gunshot of a large bear. there is much of the track of elk but none of the animals themselves, and from the appearance of bones and old excrement, we suppose that buffaloe have sometimes strayed into the valley, though we have as yet seen no recent sign of them. along the water are a number of snakes, some of a brown uniform colour, others black, and a third speckled on the abdomen, and striped with black and a brownish yellow in the back and sides. the first, which are the largest, are about four feet long; the second is of the kind mentioned yesterday, and the third resembles in size and appearance the garter-snake of the united states. on examining the teeth of all these several kinds we found them free from poison: they are fond of the water, in which they take shelter on being pursued. the mosquitoes, gnats, and prickly pear, our three persecutors, still continue with us, and joined with the labour of working the canoes have fatigued us all excessively. captain clarke continued along the indian road which led him up a creek. about ten o'clock he saw at the distance of six miles a horse feeding in the plains. he went towards him, but the animal was so wild that he could not get within several hundred paces of him: he then turned obliquely to the river where he killed a deer and dined, having passed in this valley five handsome streams, only one of which had any timber; another had some willows, and was very much dammed up by the beaver. after dinner he continued his route along the river and encamped at the distance of thirty miles. as he went along he saw many tracks of indians, but none of recent date. the next morning, thursday, , at the distance of a few miles he arrived at the three forks of the missouri. here he found that the plains had been recently burnt on the north side, and saw the track of a horse which seemed to have passed about four or five days since. after breakfast he examined the rivers, and finding that the north branch, although not larger, contained more water than the middle branch, and bore more to the westward, he determined to ascend it. he therefore left a note informing captain lewis of his intention, and then went up that stream on the north side for about twenty-five miles. here chaboneau was unable to proceed any further, and the party therefore encamped, all of them much fatigued, their feet blistered and wounded by the prickly pear. in the meantime we left our camp, and proceeded on very well, though the water is still rapid and has some occasional ripples. the country is much like that of yesterday: there are however fewer islands, for we passed only two. behind one of them is a large creek twenty-five yards wide, to which we gave the name of gass's creek, from one of our serjeants, patrick gass: it is formed by the union of five streams, which descend from the mountains and join in the plain near the river. on this island we saw a large brown bear, but he retreated to the shore and ran off before we could approach him. these animals seem more shy than they were below the mountains. the antelopes have again collected in small herds, composed of several females with their young, attended by one or two males, though some of the males are still solitary or wander in parties of two over the plains, which the antelope invariably prefers to the woodlands, and to which it always retreats if by accident it is found straggling in the hills, confiding no doubt in its wonderful fleetness. we also killed a few young geese, but as this game is small and very incompetent to the subsistence of the party, we have forbidden the men any longer to waste their ammunition on them. about four and a half miles above gass's creek, the valley in which we have been travelling ceases, the high craggy cliffs again approach the river, which now enters or rather leaves what appears to be a second great chain of the rocky mountains. about a mile after entering these hills or low mountains we passed a number of fine bold springs, which burst out near the edge of the river under the cliffs on the left, and furnished a fine freestone water: near these we met with two of the worst rapids we have seen since entering the mountains; a ridge of sharp pointed rocks stretching across the river, leaving but small and dangerous channels for the navigation. the cliffs are of a lighter colour than those we have already passed, and in the bed of the river is some limestone which is small and worn smooth, and seems to have been brought down by the current. we went about a mile further and encamped under a high bluff on the right opposite to a cliff of rocks, having made sixteen miles. all these cliffs appeared to have been undermined by the water at some period, and fallen down from the hills on their sides, the stratas of rock sometimes lying with their edges upwards, others not detached from the hills are depressed obliquely on the side next the river as if they had sunk to fill up the cavity formed by the washing of the river. in the open places among the rocky cliffs are two kinds of gooseberry, one yellow and the other red. the former species was observed for the first time near the falls, the latter differs from it in no respect except in colour and in being of a larger size; both have a sweet flavour, and are rather indifferent fruit. friday . we again found the current strong and the ripples frequent: these we were obliged to overcome by means of the cord and the pole, the oar being scarcely ever used except in crossing to take advantage of the shore. within three and three quarter miles we passed seven small islands and reached the mouth of a large creek which empties itself in the centre of a bend on the left side: it is a bold running stream fifteen yards wide, and received the name of howard creek after john p. howard one of the party. one mile beyond it is a small run which falls in on the same side just above a rocky cliff. here the mountains recede from the river, and the valley widens to the extent of several miles. the river now becomes crowded with islands of which we passed ten in the next thirteen and three quarter miles, then at the distance of eighteen miles we encamped on the left shore near a rock in the centre of a bend towards the left, and opposite to two more islands. this valley has wide low grounds covered with high grass, and in many with a fine turf of green sward. the soil of the highlands is thin and meagre, without any covering except a low sedge and a dry kind of grass which is almost as inconvenient as the prickly pear. the seeds of it are armed with a long twisted hard beard at their upper extremity, while the lower part is a sharp firm point, beset at its base with little stiff bristles, with the points in a direction contrary to the subulate point to which they answer as a barb. we see also another species of prickly pear. it is of a globular form, composed of an assemblage of little conic leaves springing from a common root to which their small points are attached as a common centre, and the base of the cone forms the apex of the leaf which is garnished with a circular range of sharp thorns like the cochineal plant, and quite as stiff and even more keen than those of the common flat-leafed species. between the hills the river had been confined within one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards, but in the valley it widens to two hundred or two hundred and fifty yards, and sometimes is spread by its numerous islands to the distance of three quarters of a mile. the banks are low, but the river never overflows them. on entering the valley we again saw the snow-clad mountains before us, but the appearance of the hills as well as of the timber near us is much as heretofore. finding chaboneau unable to proceed captain clarke left him with one of the men, and accompanied by the other went up the river about twelve miles to the top of a mountain. here he had an extensive view of the river valley upwards and saw a large creek which flowed in on the right side. he however discovered no fresh sign of the indians, and therefore determined to examine the middle branch and join us by the time we reached the forks: he descended the mountain by an indian path which wound through a deep valley, and at length reached a fine cold spring. the day had been very warm, the path unshaded by timber, and his thirst was excessive; he was therefore tempted to drink: but although he took the precaution of previously wetting his head, feet and hands, he soon found himself very unwell; he continued his route, and after resting with chaboneau at his camp, resumed his march across the north fork near a large island. the first part was knee deep, but on the other side of the island the water came to their waists and was so rapid that chaboneau was on the point of being swept away, and not being able to swim would have perished if captain clarke had not rescued him. while crossing the island they killed two brown bear and saw great quantities of beaver. he then went on to a small river which falls into the north fork some miles above its junction with the two others: here, finding himself grow more unwell, he halted for the night at the distance of four miles from his last encampment. saturday . we proceeded on but slowly, the current being still so rapid as to require the utmost exertions of us all to advance, and the men are losing their strength fast in consequence of their constant efforts. at half a mile we passed an island, and a mile and a quarter further again entered a ridge of hills which now approach the river with cliffs apparently sinking like those of yesterday. they are composed of a solid limestone of a light lead colour when exposed to the air, though when freshly broken it is of a deep blue, and of an excellent quality and very fine grain. on these cliffs were numbers of the bighorn. at two and a half miles we reached the centre of a bend towards the south passing a small island, and at one mile and a quarter beyond this reached about nine in the morning the mouth of a river seventy yards wide, which falls in from the southeast. here the country suddenly opens into extensive and beautiful meadows and plains, surrounded on every side with distant and lofty mountains. captain lewis went up this stream for about half a mile, and from the height of a limestone cliff could observe its course about seven miles, and the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. its extreme point bore s. ° e. and during the seven miles it passes through a green extensive meadow of fine grass dividing itself into several streams, the largest passing near the ridge of hills on which he stood. on the right side of the missouri a high, wide and extensive plain succeeds to this low meadow which reaches the hills. in the meadow a large spring rises about a quarter of a mile from this southeast fork, into which it discharges itself on the right side about four hundred paces from where he stood. between the southeast and middle forks a distant range of snow-topped mountains spread from east to south above the irregular broken hills nearer to this spot: the middle and southwest forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the southeast fork. the extreme point at which the former can be seen, bears s. ° e. and at the distance of fourteen miles, where it turns to the right round the point of a high plain and disappears from the view. its low grounds are several miles in width, forming a smooth and beautiful green meadow, and like the southeast fork it divides itself into several streams. between these two forks and near their junction with that from the southwest, is a position admirably well calculated for a fort. it is a limestone rock of an oblong form, rising from the plain perpendicularly to the height of twenty-five feet on three of its sides; the fourth towards the middle fork being a gradual ascent and covered with a fine green sward, as is also the top which is level and contains about two acres. an extensive plain lies between the middle and southwest forks, the last of which after watering a country like that of the other two branches, disappears about twelve miles off, at a point bearing south ° west. it is also more divided and serpentine in its course than the other two, and possesses more timber in its meadows. this timber consists almost exclusively of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, with an inter-mixture of box alder and sweet-willow, the underbrush being thick and like that of the missouri lower down. a range of high mountains partially covered with snow is seen at a considerable distance running from south to west, and nearly all around us are broken ridges of country like that below, through which those united streams appear to have forced their passage: after observing the country captain lewis descended to breakfast. we then left the mouth of the southeast fork, to which in honour of the secretary of the treasury we called gallatin's river, and at the distance of half a mile reached the confluence of the southwest and middle branch of the missouri. here we found the letter from captain clarke, and as we agreed with him that the direction of the southwest fork gave it a decided preference over the others, we ascended that branch of the river for a mile, and encamped in a level handsome plain on the left: having advanced only seven miles. here we resolved to wait the return of captain clarke, and in the meantime make the necessary celestial observations, as this seems an essential point in the geography of the western world, and also to recruit the men and air the baggage. it was accordingly all unloaded and stowed away on shore. near the three forks we saw many collections of the mud-nests of the small martin attached to the smooth faces of the limestone rock, where they were sheltered by projections of the rock above it: and in the meadows were numbers of the duck or mallard with their young, who are now nearly grown. the hunters returned towards evening with six deer, three otter and a muskrat; and had seen great numbers of antelopes, and much sign of the beaver and elk. during all last night captain clarke had a high fever and chills accompanied with great pain. he however pursued his route eight miles to the middle branch, where not finding any fresh indian track he came down it and joined us about three o'clock, very much exhausted with fatigue and the violence of his fever. believing himself bilious he took a dose of rush's pills, which we have always found sovereign in such cases, and bathing the lower extremities in warm water. we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such a one as will lead us to the columbia, and even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any fit to make canoes, so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. our consolation is, that this southwest branch can scarcely head with any other river than the columbia, and that if any nation of indians can live in the mountains we are able to endure as much as they, and have even better means of procuring subsistence. chapter xiii. the name of the missouri changed, as the river now divides itself into three forks, one of which is called after jefferson, the other madison, and the other after gallatin--their general character--the party ascend the jefferson branch--description of the river philosophy which enters into the jefferson--captain lewis and a small party go in advance in search of the shoshonees--description of the country, &c. bordering on the river--captain lewis still preceding the main party in quest of the shoshonees--a singular accident which prevented captain clarke from following captain lewis's advice, and ascending the middle fork of the river--description of philanthropy river, another stream running into the jefferson--captain lewis and a small party having been unsuccessful in their first attempt, set off a second time in quest of the shoshonees. sunday, july . captain clarke continued very unwell during the night, but was somewhat relieved this morning. on examining the two streams it became difficult to decide which was the larger or the real missouri; they are each ninety yards wide and so perfectly similar in character and appearance that they seem to have been formed in the same mould. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and gave to the southwest branch the name of jefferson in honour of the president of the united states, and the projector of the enterprise: and called the middle branch madison, after james madison secretary of state. these two, as well as gallatin river, run with great velocity and throw out large bodies of water. gallatin river is however the most rapid of the three, and though not quite as deep, yet navigable for a considerable distance. madison river though much less rapid than the gallatin, is somewhat more rapid than the jefferson; the beds of all of them are formed of smooth pebble and gravel, and the waters are perfectly transparent. the timber in the neighbourhood would be sufficient for the ordinary uses of an establishment, which, however, it would be adviseable to build of brick, as the earth appears calculated for that purpose, and along the shores are some bars of fine pure sand. the greater part of the men, having yesterday put their deer skins in water, were this day engaged in dressing them, for the purpose of making clothing. the weather was very warm, the thermometer in the afternoon was at ° above , and the musquitoes more than usually inconvenient: we were, however, relieved from them by a high wind from the southwest, which came on at four o'clock, bringing a storm of thunder and lightning, attended by refreshing showers, which continued till after dark. in the evening the hunters returned with eight deer and two elk; and the party who had been sent up the gallatin, reported that after passing the point, where it escaped from captain* lewis's view yesterday, it turned more towards the east, as far as they could discern the opening of the mountains, formed by the valley which bordered it. the low grounds were still wide but not so extensive as near its mouth, and though the stream is rapid and much divided by islands, it is still sufficiently deep for navigation with canoes. the low grounds, although not more than eight or nine feet above the water, seem never to be overflowed, except a part on the west side of the middle fork, which is stony and seems occasionally inundated, are furnished with great quantities of small fruit, such as currants and gooseberries: among the last of which is a black species, which we observe not only in the meadows but along the mountain rivulets. from the same root rise a number of stems to the height of five or six feet, some of them particularly branched and all reclining. the berry is attached by a long peduncle to the stem, from which they hang of a smooth ovate form, as large as the common garden gooseberry, and as black as jet, though the pulp is of a bright crimson colour. it is extremely acid: the form of the leaf resembles that of the common gooseberry, though larger. the stem is covered with very sharp thorns or briars: the grass too is very luxuriant and would yield fine hay in parcels of several acres. the sand-rushes will grow in many places as high as a man's breast, and as thick as stalks of wheat; it would supply the best food during the winter to cattle of any trading or military post. sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees of knife river first came in sight of them, and from which they hastily retreated three miles up the jefferson, and concealed themselves in the woods. the minnetarees, however, pursued and attacked them, killed four men, as many women, and a number of boys; and made prisoners of four other boys, and all the females, of whom sacajawea was one: she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly or the philosophy of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat and a few trinkets to wear. monday . this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are quite as large as those of the united states, and are, indeed, the only kind we have found at this place: there are numbers of the sandhill cranes feeding in the meadows; we caught a young one of the same colour as the red deer, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth could not fly; it is very fierce and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common on this side of the falls: but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. the mallard duck, which we saw for the first time on the th instant, with their young, are now abundant, though they do not breed on the missouri, below the mountains. the small birds already described are also abundant in the plains; here too, are great quantities of grasshoppers or crickets; and among other animals, a large ant with a reddish brown body and legs, and a black head and abdomen, who build little cones of gravel, ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but we cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks. the whole party have been engaged in dressing skins, and making them into moccasins and leggings. captain clarke's fever has almost left him, but he still remains very languid and has a general soreness in his limbs. the latitude of our camp, as the mean of two observations of the meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb with octant by back observation is n. ° ' " "'. tuesday . captain clarke was this morning much restored; and, therefore, having made all the observations necessary to fix the longitude, we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river now becomes very crooked, and forms bends on each side; the current too is rapid, and cut into a great number of channels, and sometimes shoals, the beds of which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are unusually numerous: on the right are high plains occasionally forming cliffs of rocks and hills; while the left was an extensive low ground and prairie intersected by a number of bayous or channels falling into the river. captain lewis, who had walked through it with chaboneau, his wife, and two invalids, joined us at dinner, a few miles above our camp. here the indian woman said was the place where she had been made prisoner. the men being too few to contend with the minnetarees, mounted their horses, and fled as soon as the attack began. the women and children dispersed, and sacajawea as she was crossing at a shoal place, was overtaken in the middle of the river by her pursuers. as we proceeded, the low grounds were covered with cottonwood and a thick underbrush, and on both sides of the river, except where the high hills prevented it, the ground was divided by bayous, which are dammed up by the beaver, which are very numerous here. we made twelve and a quarter miles, and encamped on the north side. captain lewis proceeded after dinner, through an extensive low ground of timber and meadow land intermixed; but the bayous were so obstructed by beaver dams, that in order to avoid them he directed his course towards the high plain on the right. this he gained with some difficulty, after wading up to his waist through the mud and water of a number of beaver dams. when he desired to rejoin the canoes he found the underbrush so thick, and the river so crooked, that this, joined to the difficulty of passing the beaver dams, induced him to go on and endeavour to intercept the river at some point where it might be more collected into one channel and approach nearer to the high plain. he arrived at the bank about sunset, having gone only six miles in a direct course from the canoes: but he saw no traces of the men, nor did he receive any answer to his shouts nor the firing of his gun. it was now nearly dark; a duck lighted near him and he shot it. he then went on the head of a small island where he found some driftwood, which enabled him to cook his duck for supper, and he laid down to sleep on some willow brush. the night was cool, but the driftwood gave him a good fire, and he suffered no inconvenience except from the mosquitoes. wednesday . the next morning he waited till after seven o'clock, when he became uneasy lest we should have gone beyond his camp last evening and determined to follow us. just as he had set out with this intention, he saw one of the party in advance of the canoes; although our camp was only two miles below him, in a straight line, we could not reach him sooner, in consequence of the rapidity of the water and the circuitous course of the river. we halted for breakfast, after which captain lewis continued his route. at the distance of one mile from our encampment we passed the principal entrance of a stream on the left, which rises in the snowy mountains to the southwest, between jefferson and madison rivers, and discharges itself by seven mouths, five below, and one three miles above this, which is the largest, and about thirty yards wide: we called it philosophy river. the water of it is abundant and perfectly clear, and the bed like that of the jefferson consists of pebble and gravel. there is some timber in the bottoms of the river, and vast numbers of otter and beaver, which build on its smaller mouths and the bayous of its neighbourhood. the jefferson continues as yesterday, shoaly and rapid, but as the islands though numerous are small, it is however more collected into one current than it was below, and is from ninety to one hundred and twenty yards in width. the low ground has a fertile soil of rich black loam, and contains a considerable quantity of timber, with the bullrush and cattail flag very abundant in the moist parts, while the drier situations are covered with fine grass, tansy, thistles, onions, and flax. the uplands are barren, and without timber: the soil is a light yellow clay intermixed with small smooth pebble and gravel, and the only produce is the prickly-pear, the sedge, and the bearded grass, which is as dry and inflammable as tinder. as we proceeded the low grounds became narrower, and the timber more scarce, till at the distance of ten miles the high hills approach and overhang the river on both sides, forming cliffs of a hard black granite, like almost all those below the limestone cliffs at the three forks of the missouri: they continue so for a mile and three quarters, where we came to a point of rock on the right side, at which place the hills again retire, and the valley widens to the distance of a mile and a half. within the next five miles we passed four islands, and reached the foot of a mountain in a bend of the river to the left: from this place we went a mile and a quarter to the entrance of a small run discharging itself on the left, and encamped on an island just above it, after making seventeen and three quarter miles. we observe some pine on the hills on both sides of our encampment, which are very lofty. the only game which we have seen are one bighorn, a few antelopes, deer, and one brown bear, which escaped from our pursuit. nothing was, however, killed to-day, nor have we had any fresh meat except one beaver for the last two days, so that we are now reduced to an unusual situation, for we have hitherto always had a great abundance of flesh. thursday, august . we left our encampment early, and at the distance of a mile, reached a point of rocks on the left side, where the river passes though perpendicular cliffs. two and three quarter miles further we halted for breakfast under a cedar tree in a bend to the right: here as had been previously arranged, captain lewis left us, with sergeant gass, chaboneau, and drewyer, intending to go on in advance in search of the shoshonees. he began his route along the north side of the river over a high range of mountains, as captain clarke who ascended them on the th had observed from them a large valley spreading to the north of west, and concluded that on leaving the mountain the river took that direction; but when he reached that valley, captain lewis found it to be the passage of a large creek falling just above the mountain into the jefferson, which bears to the southwest. on discovering his error, he bent his course towards that river, which he reached about two in the afternoon, very much exhausted with heat and thirst. the mountains were very bare of timber, and the route lay along the steep and narrow hollows of the mountain, exposed to the mid-day sun, without air, or shade, or water. just as he arrived there a flock of elk passed, and they killed two of them, on which they made their dinner, and left the rest on the shore for the party in the canoes. after dinner they resumed their march, and encamped on the north side of the river, after making seventeen miles; in crossing the mountains captain lewis saw a flock of the black or dark brown pheasant, of which he killed one. this bird is one third larger than the common pheasant of the atlantic states; its form is much the same. the male has not however the tufts of long black feathers on the side of the neck so conspicuous in the atlantic pheasant, and both sexes are booted nearly to the toes. the colour is a uniform dark brown with a small mixture of yellow or yellowish brown specks on some of the feathers, particularly those of the tail, though the extremities of these are perfectly black for about an inch. the eye is nearly black, and the iris has a small dash of yellowish brown; the feathers of the tail are somewhat longer than those of our pheasant, but the same in number, eighteen, and nearly equal in size, except that those of the middle are somewhat the longest; their flesh is white and agreeably flavoured. he also saw among the scattered pine near the top of the mountain, a blue bird about the size of a robin, but in action and form something like a jay; it is constantly in motion, hopping from spray to spray, and its note which is loud and frequent, is, as far as letters can represent it, char ah! char ah! char ah! after breakfast we proceeded on: at the distance of two and a quarter miles the river enters a high mountain, which forms rugged cliffs of nearly perpendicular rocks. these are of a black granite at the lower part, and the upper consists of a light coloured freestone; they continue from the point of rocks close to the river for nine miles, which we passed before breakfast, during which the current is very strong. at nine and a quarter miles we passed an island, and a rapid fall with a fall of six feet, and reached the entrance of a large creek on the left side. in passing this place the towline of one of the canoes broke just at the shoot of the rapids, swung on the rocks and had nearly upset. to the creek as well as the rapid we gave the name of frazier, after robert* frazier one of the party: here the country opens into a beautiful valley from six to eight miles in width: the river then becomes crooked and crowded with islands; its lowgrounds wide and fertile, but though covered with fine grass from nine inches to two feet high; possesses but a small proportion of timber, and that consists almost entirely of a few narrow-leafed cottonwood distributed along the verge of the river. the soil of the plain is tolerably fertile, and consists of a black or dark yellow loam. it gradually ascends on each side to the bases of two ranges of high mountains which lie parallel* to the river; the tops of them are yet in part covered with snow, and while in the valley we are nearly suffocated with heat during the day, and at night the air is so cold that two blankets are not more than sufficient covering. in passing through the hills we observed some large cedar trees, and some juniper also. from frazier's creek we went three and three quarter miles, and encamped on the left side, having come thirteen miles. directly opposite our camp is a large creek which we call field's creek, from reuben fields, one of our men. soon after we halted two of the hunters went out and returned with five deer, which, with one bighorn, we killed in coming through the mountain on which we dined; and the elk left by captain lewis. we were again well supplied with fresh meat. in the course of the day we saw a brown bear but were not able to shoot him. friday, august . captain lewis, who slept in the valley a few miles above us, resumed his journey early, and after making five miles and finding that the river still bore to the south, determined to cross it in hopes of shortening the route: for the first time therefore he waded across it, although there are probably many places above the falls where it might be attempted with equal safety. the river was about ninety yards wide, the current rapid, and about waist deep: the bottom formed of smooth pebble with a small mixture of coarse gravel. he then continued along the left bank of the river till sunset and encamped, after travelling twenty-four miles. he met no fresh tracks of indians. throughout the valley are scattered the bones and excrement of the buffaloe* of an old date, but there seems no hope of meeting the animals themselves in the mountains: he saw an abundance of deer and antelope, and many tracks of elk and bear. having killed two deer they feasted sumptuously, with a desert of currants of different colours; two species of red, others yellow, deep purple, and black: to these were added black gooseberries and deep purple serviceberries, somewhat larger than ours, from which it differs also in colour, size, and the superior excellence of its flavour. in the low grounds of the river were many beaver-dams formed of willow brush, mud, and gravel, so closely interwoven that they resist the water perfectly: some of them were five feet high and overflowed several acres of land. in the meantime we proceeded on slowly, the current being so strong as to require the utmost exertions of the men to make any advance even with the aid of the cord and pole, the wind being from the northwest. the river is full of large and small islands, and the plain cut by great numbers of bayous or channels, in which are multitudes of beaver. in the course of the day we passed some villages of barking squirrels: we saw several rattlesnakes in the plain; young ducks, both of the duckon-mallard and red-headed fishing duck species; some geese; also the black woodpecker, and a large herd of elk. the channel, current, banks, and general appearance of the river, are like that of yesterday. at fourteen and three quarter miles we reached a rapid creek or bayou about thirty yards wide, to which we gave the name of birth creek. after making seventeen miles we halted in a smooth plain in a bend towards the left. saturday, . captain lewis continued his course along the river through the valley, which continued much as it was yesterday, except that it now widens to nearly twelve miles; the plains too are more broken and have some scattered pine near the mountains, where they rise higher than hitherto. in the level parts of the plains and the river bottoms there is no timber except small cottonwood near the margin, and an undergrowth of narrow-leafed willow, small honeysuckle, rosebushes, currants, serviceberry, and gooseberry, and a little of a small species of birch; it is a finely indented oval of a small size and a deep green colour; the stem is simple, ascending and branching, and seldom rises higher than ten or twelve feet. the mountains continue high on each side of the valley, but their only covering is a small species of pitch-pine with a short leaf, growing on the lower and middle regions, while for some distance below the snowy tops there is neither timber nor herbage of any kind. about eleven o'clock drewyer killed a doe on which they breakfasted, and after resting two hours continued till night, when they reached the river near a low ground more extensive than usual. from the appearance of the timber captain lewis supposed that the river forked above him, and therefore encamped with an intention of examining it more particularly in the morning. he had now made twenty-three miles, the latter part of which were for eight miles through a high plain covered with prickly pears and bearded grass, which rendered the walking very inconvenient: but even this was better than the river bottoms we crossed in the evening, which, though apparently level, were formed into deep holes as if they had been rooted up by hogs, and the holes were so covered with thick grass that they were in danger of falling at every step. some parts of these low grounds, however, contain turf or peat of an excellent quality for many feet deep apparently, as well as the mineral salts which we have already mentioned on the missouri. they saw many deer, antelopes, ducks, geese, some beaver, and great traces of their work, and the small birds and curlews as usual. the only fish which they observed in this part of the river is the trout and a species of white fish, with a remarkably long small mouth, which one of our men recognize as the fish called in the eastern states the bottlenose. on setting out with the canoes we found the river as usual much crowded with islands, the current more rapid as well as shallower, so that in many places they were obliged to man the canoes double, and drag them over the stone and gravel of the channel. soon after we set off captain clarke who was walking on shore observed a fresh track which he knew to be that of an indian from the large toes being turned inwards, and on following it found that it led to the point of a hill from which our camp of last night could be seen. this circumstance strengthened the belief that some indian had strayed thither, and had run off alarmed at the sight of us. at two and a quarter miles, is a small creek in a bend towards the right, which runs down from the mountains at a little distance; we called it panther creek from an animal of that kind killed by reuben fields at its mouth. it is precisely the same animal common to the western parts of the united states, and measured seven and a half feet from the nose to the extremity of the tail. six and three quarter miles beyond this stream is another on the left formed by the drains which convey the melted snows from a mountain near it, under which the river passes, leaving the low grounds on the right side, and making several bends in its course. on this stream are many large beaver dams. one mile above it is a small run on the left, and after leaving which begins a very bad rapid, where the bed of the river is formed of solid rock: this we passed in the course of a mile, and encamped on the lower point of an island. our journey had been only thirteen miles, but the badness of the river made it very laborious, as the men were compelled to be in the water during the greater part of the day. we saw only deer, antelopes, and the common birds of the country. saturday . this morning captain lewis proceeded early, and after going southeast by east for four miles, reaching a bold running creek, twelve yards wide, with clear cold water, furnished apparently by four drains from the snowy mountains on the left; after passing this creek he changed his direction to southeast, and leaving the valley in which he had travelled for the last two days, entered another which bore east. at the distance of three miles on this course he passed a handsome little river, about thirty yards wide, which winds through the valley: the current is not rapid nor the water very clear, but it affords a considerable quantity of water, and appears as if it might be navigable for some miles. the banks are low, and the bed formed of stone and gravel. he now changed his route to southwest, and passing a high plain which separates the vallies, returned to the more southern or that which he had left: in passing this he found a river about forty-five yards wide, the water of which has a whitish blue tinge, with a gentle current, and a gravelly bottom. this he waded and found it waist deep. he then continued down it, till at the distance of three quarters of a mile he saw the entrance of the small river he had just passed; as he went on two miles lower down, he found the mouth of the creek he had seen in the morning. proceeding further on three miles, he arrived at the junction of this river, with another which rises from the southwest, runs through the south valley about twelve miles before it forms its junction, where it is fifty yards wide: we now found that our camp of last night was about a mile and a half above the entrance of this large river, on the right side. this is a bold, rapid, clear stream, but its bed is so much obstructed by gravelly bars, and subdivided by islands, that the navigation must be very insecure, if not impracticable. the other or middle stream, has about two thirds its quantity of water, and is more gentle, and may be safely navigated. as far as it could be observed, its course was about southwest, but the opening of the valley induced him to believe that farther above it turned more towards the west. its water is more turbid and warmer than that of the other branch, whence it may be presumed to have its sources at a greater distance in the mountains, and to pass through a more open country. under this impression he left a note recommending to captain clarke the middle fork, and then continued his course along the right side of the other, or more rapid branch. after travelling twenty-three miles he near a place where the river leaves the valley and enters the mountain. here he encamped for the night. the country he passed is like that of the rest of this valley, though there is more timber in this part on the rapid fork than there has been on the river in the same extent since we entered it; for on some parts of the valley the indians seem to have destroyed a great proportion of the little timber there was, by setting fire to the bottoms. he saw some antelopes, deer, cranes, geese and ducks of the two species common to this country, though the summer duck has ceased to appear, nor does it seem to be an inhabitant of this part of the river. we proceeded soon after sunrise: the first five miles we passed four bends on the left, and several bayous on both sides. at eight o'clock we stopped to breakfast, and found the note captain lewis had written on the d instant. during the next four miles, we passed three small bends of the river to the right, two small islands, and two bayous on the same side. here we reached a bluff on the left; our next course was six miles to our encampment. in this course we met six circular bends on the right, and several small bayous, and halted for the night in a low ground of cottonwood on the right. our days journey, though only fifteen miles in length, was very fatiguing. the river is still rapid and the water though clear is very much obstructed by shoals or ripples at every two or three hundred yards: at all these places we are obliged to drag the canoes over the stones as there is not a sufficient depth of water to float them, and in the other parts the current obliges us to have recourse to the cord. but as the brushwood on the banks will not permit us to walk on shore, we are under the necessity of wading through the river as we drag the boats. this soon makes our feet tender, and sometimes occasions severe falls over the slippery stones; and the men by being constantly wet are becoming more feeble. in the course of the day the hunters killed two deer, some geese and ducks, and the party saw antelopes, cranes, beaver and otter. monday . this morning chaboneau complained of being unable to march far to-day, and captain lewis therefore ordered him and serjeant gass to pass the rapid river and proceed through the level low ground, to a point of high timber on the middle fork, seven miles distant, and wait his return. he then went along the north side of the rapid river about four miles, where he waded it, and found it so rapid and shallow that it would be impossible to navigate it. he continued along the left side for a mile and a half, when the mountains came close on the river, and rise to a considerable height with a partial covering of snow. from this place the course of the river was to the east of north. after ascending with some difficulty a high point of the mountain, he had a pleasing view of the valley he had passed, and which continued for about twenty miles further on each side of the middle fork, which then seemed to enter the mountains, and was lost to the view. in that direction, however, the hills which terminate the valley are much lower than those along either of the other forks, particularly the rapid one, where they continue rising in ranges above each other us far as the eye could reach. the general course too of the middle fork, as well as that of the gap which it forms on entering the mountains, is considerably to the south of west; circumstances which gave a decided preference to this branch as our future route. captain lewis now descended the mountain, and crossed over to the middle fork, about five miles distant, and found it still perfectly navigable. there is a very large and plain indian road leading up it, but it has at present no tracks, except those of horses which seem to have used it last spring. the river here made a great bend to the southeast, and he therefore directed his course, as well as he could, to the spot where he had directed chaboneau and gass to repair, and struck the river about three miles above their camp. it was now dark, and he, therefore, was obliged to make his way through the thick brush of the pulpy-leafed thorn and the prickly pear, for two hours before he reached their camp. here he was fortunate enough to find the remains of some meat, which was his only food during the march of twenty-five miles to-day. he had seen no game of any sort except a few antelopes who were very shy. the soil of the plains is a meagre clay, of a light yellow colour, intermixed with a large proportion of gravel, and producing nothing but twisted or bearded grass, sedge and prickly pears. the drier parts of the low grounds are also more indifferent in point of soil than those further down the river, and although they have but little grass, are covered with southern wood, pulpy-leafed thorn, and prickly pears, while the moist parts are fertile, and supplied with fine grass and sandrushes. we passed within the first four and a quarter miles three small islands, and the same number of bad rapids. at the distance of three quarters of a mile is another rapid of difficult passage: three miles and three quarters beyond this are the forks of the river, in reaching which we had two islands and several bayous on different sides to pass. here we had come nine miles and a quarter. the river was straighter and more rapid than yesterday, the labour of the navigation proportionally increased, and we therefore proceeded very slowly, as the feet of several of the men were swollen, and all were languid with fatigue. we arrived at the forks about four o'clock, but unluckily captain lewis's note had been left on a green pole which the beaver had cut down and carried off with the note, an accident which deprived us of all information as to the character of the two branches of the river. observing therefore that the northwest fork was most in our direction, and contained as much water as the other, we ascended it; we found it extremely rapid, and its waters were scattered in such a manner, that for a quarter of a mile we were forced to cut a passage through the willowbrush that leaned over the little channels and united at the top. after going up it for a mile we encamped on an island which had been overflowed, and was still so wet that we were compelled to make beds of brush to keep ourselves out of the mud. our provision consisted of two deer which had been killed in the morning. tuesday . we proceeded up the northwest fork, which we found still very rapid, and divided by several islands, while the plains near it were intersected by bayous. after passing with much difficulty over stones and rapids, we reached a bluff on the right, at the distance of nine miles, our general course south ° west, and halted for breakfast. here we were joined by drewyer, who informed us of the state of the two rivers and of captain lewis's note, and we immediately began to descend the river in order to take the other branch. on going down one of the canoes upset, and two others filled with water, by which all the baggage was wet, and several articles irrecoverably lost. as one of them swung round in a rapid current, whitehouse was thrown out of her, and whilst down the canoe passed over him, and had the water been two inches shallower would have crushed him to pieces; but he escaped with a severe bruise of his leg. in order to repair these misfortunes we hastened to the forks, where we were joined by captain lewis, and then passed over to the left side opposite to the entrance of the rapid fork, and encamped on a large gravelly bar, near which there was plenty of wood. here we opened and exposed to dry all the articles which had suffered from the water; none of them were completely spoiled except a small keg of powder; the rest of the powder, which was distributed in the different canoes was quite safe, although it had been under the water upwards of an hour. the air is indeed so pure and dry that any wood-work immediately shrinks, unless it is kept filled with water; but we had planned our powder in small canisters of lead, each containing powder enough for the canister when melted into bullets, and smeared with cork and wax, which answered our purpose perfectly. captain lewis had risen very early, and having nothing to eat, sent out drewyer to the woodland on the left in search of a deer, and directed sergeant gass to keep along the middle branch to meet us if we were ascending it. he then set off with chaboneau towards the forks, but five miles above them, hearing us on the left, struck the river as we were descending, and came on board at the forks. in the evening we killed three deer and four elk, which furnished us once more with a plentiful supply of meat. shannon, the same man who was lost before for fifteen days, was sent out this morning to hunt, up the northwest fork; when we decided on returning, drewyer was directed to go in quest of him, but he returned with information that he had gone several miles up the river without being able to find shannon. we now had the trumpet sounded, and fired several guns, but he did not return, and we fear he is again lost. wednesday . we remained here this morning for the purpose of making some celestial observations, and also in order to refresh the men, and complete the drying of the baggage. we obtained a meridian altitude which gave the latitude of our camp at north ° ' " "'. we were now completely satisfied that the middle branch was the most navigable, and the true continuation of the jefferson. the northwest fork seems to be the drain of the melting snows of the mountains, its course cannot be so long as the other branch, and although it contains now as great a quantity of water, yet the water has obviously overflowed the old bed, and spread into channels which leave the low grounds covered with young grass, resembling that of the adjoining lands, which are not inundated; whence we readily infer that the supply is more precarious than that of the other branch, the waters of which though more gentle are more constant. this northwest fork we called wisdom river. as soon as the baggage was dried, it was reloaded on board the boats, but we now found it so much diminished, that we would we able to proceed with one canoe less. we therefore hauled up the superfluous one into a thicket of brush where we secured her against being swept away by the high tide. at one o'clock all set out, except captain lewis who remained till the evening in order to complete the observation of equal altitudes: we passed several bends of the river both to the right and left, as well as a number of bayous on both sides, and made seven miles by water, though the distance by land is only three. we then encamped on a creek which rises in a high mountain to the northeast, and after passing through an open plain for several miles, discharges itself on the left, where it is a bold running stream twelve yards wide. we called it turf creek, from the number of bogs and the quantity of turf on its waters. in the course of the afternoon there fell a shower of rain attended with thunder and lightning, which lasted about forty minutes, and the weather remained so cloudy all night that we were unable to take any lunar observations. uneasy about shannon, we sent r. fields in search of him this morning, but we have as yet no intelligence of either of them. our only game to-day was one deer. thursday . there was a heavy dew this morning. having left one of the canoes, there are now more men to spare for the chace; and four were sent out at an early hour, after which we proceeded. we made five miles by water along two islands and several bayous, but as the river formed seven different bends towards the left, the distance by land was only two miles south of our encampment. at the end of that course we reached the upper principal entrance of a stream which we called philanthropy river. this river empties itself into the jefferson on the southeast side, by two channels a short distance from each other: from its size and its southeastern course, we presume that it rises in the rocky mountains near the sources of the madison. it is thirty yards wide at its entrance, has a very gentle current, and is navigable for some distance. one mile above this river we passed an island, a second at the distance of six miles further, during which the river makes a considerable bend to the east. reuben fields returned about noon with information that he had gone up wisdom river till its entrance into the mountains, but could find nothing of shannon. we made seven miles beyond the last island, and after passing some small bayous, encamped under a few high trees on the left, at the distance of fourteen miles above philanthropy river by water, though only six by land. the river has in fact become so very crooked that although by means of the pole which we now use constantly we make a considerable distance, yet being obliged to follow its windings, at the end of the day, we find ourselves very little advanced on our general course. it forms itself into small circular bends, which are so numerous that within the last fourteen miles we passed thirty-five of them, all inclining towards the right; it is however much more gentle and deep than below wisdom river, and its general width is from thirty-five to forty-five yards. the general appearance of the surrounding country is that of a valley five or six miles wide, enclosed between two high mountains. the bottom is rich, with some small timber on the islands and along the river, which consists rather of underbrush, and a few cottonwood, birch, and willow-trees. the high grounds have some scattered pine, which just relieve the general nakedness of the hills and the plain, where there is nothing except grass. along the bottoms we saw to-day a considerable quantity of the buffaloe clover, the sunflower, flax, green sward, thistle and several species of rye grass, some of which rise to the height of three or four feet. there is also a grass with a soft smooth leaf which rises about three feet high, and bears its seed very much like the timothy, but it does not grow luxuriantly nor would it apparently answer so well in our meadows as that plant. we preserved some of its seed, which are now ripe, in order to make the experiment. our game consisted of deer and antelope, and we saw a number of geese and ducks just beginning to fly, and some cranes. among the inferior animals we have an abundance of the large biting or hare fly, of which there are two species, one black, the other smaller and brown, except the head which is green. the green or blowing flies unite with them in swarms to attack us, and seem to have relieved the eye-gnats who have now disappeared. the musquitoes too are in large quantities, but not so troublesome as they were below. through the valley are scattered bogs, and some very good turf, the earth of which the mud is composed is of a white or bluish white colour, and seems to be argilaceous. on all the three rivers, but particularly on the philanthropy, are immense quantities of beaver, otter and muskrat. at our camp there was an abundance of rosebushes and briars, but so little timber that we were obliged to use willow brush for fuel. the night was again cloudy which prevented the lunar observations. on our right is the point of a high plain, which our indian woman recognizes as the place called the beaver's-head from a supposed resemblance to that object. this she says is not far from the summer retreat of her countrymen, which is on a river beyond the mountains, and running to the west. she is therefore certain that we shall meet them either on this river, or on that immediately west of its source, which judging from its present size, cannot be far distant. persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees or some other nation who could assist us in transporting our baggage, the greater part of which we shall be compelled to leave without the aid of horses. friday . the morning was fair and fine. we set off early, and proceeded on very well, though there were more rapids in the river than yesterday. at eight o'clock we halted for breakfast, part of which consisted of two fine geese killed before we stopped. here we were joined by shannon for whose safety we had been so uneasy. the day on which he left us on his way up wisdom river, after hunting for some time and not seeing the party arrive, he returned to the place where he had left us. not finding us there he supposed we had passed him, and he therefore marched up the river during all the next day, when he was convinced that we had not gone on, as the river was no longer navigable. he now followed the course of the river down to the forks, and then took the branch which we are pursuing. during the three days of his absence, he had been much wearied with his march, but had lived plentifully, and brought the skins of three deer. as far as he had ascended wisdom river it kept its course obliquely down towards the jefferson. immediately after breakfast, captain lewis took drewyer, shields and m'neal, and slinging their knapsacks they set out with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long they might be separated from the party. he directed his course across the low ground to the plain on the right, leaving the beaver's-head about two miles to the left. after walking eight miles to the river, which they waded, they went on to a commanding point from which he saw the place at which it enters the mountain, but as the distance would not permit his reaching it this evening, he descended towards the river, and after travelling eight miles further, encamped for the evening some miles below the mountain. they passed before reaching their camp a handsome little stream formed by some large springs which rise in the wide bottom on the left side of the river. in their way they killed two antelopes, and took with them enough of the meat for their supper and breakfast the next morning. in the meantime we proceeded, and in the course of eleven miles from our last encampment passed two small islands, sixteen short round bends in the river, and halted in a bend towards the right where we dined. the river increases in rapidity as we advance, and is so crooked that the eleven miles, which have cost us so much labour, only bring us four miles in a direct line. the weather became overcast towards evening, and we experienced a slight shower attended with thunder and lightning. the three hunters who were sent out killed only two antelopes; game of every kind being scarce. saturday, . captain lewis continued his route at an early hour through the wide bottom along the left bank of the river. at about five miles he passed a large creek, and then fell into an indian road leading towards the point where the river entered the mountain. this he followed till he reached a high perpendicular cliff of rocks where the river makes its passage through the hills, and which he called the rattlesnake cliff, from the number of that animal which he saw there: here he kindled a fire and waited the return of drewyer, who had been sent out on the way to kill a deer: he came back about noon with the skin of three deer and the flesh of one of the best of them. after a hasty dinner they returned to the indian road which they had left for a short distance to see the cliff. it led them sometimes over the hills, sometimes in the narrow bottoms of the river, till at the distance of fifteen miles from the rattlesnake cliffs they reached a handsome open and level valley, where the river divided into two nearly equal branches. the mountains over which they passed were not very high, but are rugged and continue close to the river side. the river, which before it enters the mountain was rapid, rocky, very crooked, much divided by islands, and shallow, now becomes more direct in its course as it is hemmed in by the hills, and has not so many bends nor islands, but becomes more rapid and rocky, and continues as shallow. on examining the two branches of the river it was evident that neither of them was navigable further. the road forked with the river; and captain lewis therefore sent a man up each of them for a short distance, in order that by comparing their respective information he might be able to take that which seemed to have been most used this spring. from their account he resolved to choose that which led along the southwest branch of the river which was rather the smaller of the two: he accordingly wrote a note to captain clarke informing him of the route, and recommending his staying with the party at the forks till he should return: this he fixed on a dry willow pole at the forks of the river, and then proceeded up the southwest branch; but after going a mile and a half the road became scarcely distinguishable, and the tracks of the horses which he had followed along the jefferson were no longer seen. captain lewis therefore returned to examine the other road himself, and found that the horses had in fact passed along the western or right fork which had the additional recommendation of being larger than the other. this road he concluded to take, and therefore sent back drewyer to the forks with a second letter to captain clarke apprising him of the change, and then proceeded on. the valley of the west fork through which he now passed, bears a little to the north of west, and is confined within the space of about a mile in width, by rough mountains and steep cliffs of rock. at the distance of four and a half miles it opens into a beautiful and extensive plain about ten miles long and five or six in width: this is surrounded on all sides by higher rolling or waving country, intersected by several little rivulets from the mountains, each bordered by its wide meadows. the whole prospect is bounded by these mountains, which nearly surround it, so as to form a beautiful cove about sixteen or eighteen miles in diameter. on entering this cove the river bends to the northwest, and bathes the foot of the hills to the right. at this place they halted for the night on the right side of the river, and having lighted a fire of dry willow brush, the only fuel which the country affords, supped on a deer. they had travelled to-day thirty miles by estimate: that is ten to the rattlesnake cliff, fifteen to the forks of jefferson river, and five to their encampment. in this cove some parts of the low grounds are tolerably fertile, but much the greater proportion is covered with prickly pear, sedge, twisted grass, the pulpy-leafed thorn, southern-wood, and wild sage, and like the uplands have a very inferior soil. these last have little more than the prickly pear and the twisted or bearded grass, nor are there in the whole cove more than three or four cottonwood trees, and those are small. at the apparent extremity of the bottom above, and about ten miles to the westward, are two perpendicular cliffs rising to a considerable height on each side of the river, and at this distance seem like a gate. in the meantime we proceeded at sunrise, and found the river not so rapid as yesterday, though more narrow and still very crooked, and so shallow that we were obliged to drag the canoes over many ripples in the course of the day. at six and a half miles we had passed eight bends on the north, and two small bayous on the left, and came to what the indians call the beaver's-head, a steep rocky cliff about one hundred and fifty feet high, near the right side of the river. opposite to this at three hundred yards from the water is a low cliff about fifty feet in height, which forms the extremity of a spur of the mountain about four miles distant on the left. at four o'clock we were overtaken by a heavy shower of rain, attended with thunder, lightning and hail. the party were defended from the hail by covering themselves with willow bushes, but they got completely wet, and in this situation, as soon as the rain ceased, continued till we encamped. this we did at a low bluff on the left, after passing in the course of six and a half miles, four islands and eighteen bends on the right, and a low bluff and several bayous on the same side. we had now come thirteen miles, yet were only four on our route towards the mountains. the game seems to be declining, for our hunters procured only a single deer, though we found another for us that had been killed three days before by one of the hunters during an excursion, and left for us on the river. chapter xiv. captain lewis proceeds before the main body in search of the shoshonees--his ill success on the first interview--the party with captain lewis at length discover the source of the missouri--captain clarke with the main body still employed in ascending the missouri or jefferson river--captain lewis's second interview with the shoshonees attended with success--the interesting ceremonies of his first introduction to the natives, detailed at large--their hospitality--their mode of hunting the antelope--the difficulties encountered by captain clarke and the main body in ascending the river--the suspicions entertained of captain lewis by the shoshonees, and his mode of allaying them--the ravenous appetites of the savages illustrated by a singular adventure--the indians still jealous, and the great pains taken by captain lewis to preserve their confidence--captain clarke arrives with the main body exhausted by the difficulties which they underwent. sunday, august . captain lewis again proceeded on early, but had the mortification to find that the track which he followed yesterday soon disappeared. he determined therefore to go on to the narrow gate or pass of the river which he had seen from the camp, in hopes of being able to recover the indian path. for this purpose he waded across the river, which was now about twelve yards wide, and barred in several places by the dams of the beaver, and then went straight forward to the pass, sending one man along the river to his left, and another on the right, with orders to search for the road, and if they found it to let him know by raising a hat on the muzzle of their guns. in this order they went along for about five miles, when captain lewis perceived with the greatest delight a man on horseback at the distance of two miles coming down the plain towards them. on examining him with the glass, captain lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any indians we had hitherto met: he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows; mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle, and a small string attached to the under jaw answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much of our success depended on the friendly offices of that nation, captain lewis was full of anxiety to approach without alarming him, and endeavour to convince him that he was a white man. he therefore, proceeded on towards the indian at his usual pace, when they were within a mile of each other the indian suddenly stopt, captain lewis immediately followed his example, took his blanket from his knapsack, and holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground as if in the act of spreading it. this signal which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin, as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show a distinguished kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians on the missouri and the rocky mountains. as usual, captain lewis repeated this signal three times: still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields who were now advancing on each side. captain lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy, and they too distant to hear his voice. he, therefore, took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose, and leaving his gun advanced unarmed towards the indian. he remained in the same position till captain lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly; captain lewis then called out to him, in as loud a voice as he could, repeating the word, tabba bone! which in the shoshonee language means white man; but looking over his shoulder the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, without recollecting the impropriety of doing so at such a moment, till captain lewis made a signal to them to halt; this drewyer obeyed, but shields did not observe it, and still went forward: seeing drewyer halt the indian turned his horse about as if to wait for captain lewis who now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the word tabba bone, and holding up the trinkets in his hand, at the same time stripping up the sleeve of his shirt to show the colour of his skin. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willow bushes: with him vanished all the hopes which the sight of him had inspired of a friendly introduction to his countrymen. though sadly disappointed by the imprudence of his two men, captain lewis determined to make the incident of some use, and therefore calling the men to him they all set off after the track of the horse, which they hoped might lead them to the camp of the indian who had fled, or if he had given the alarm to any small party, their track might conduct them to the body of the nation. they now fixed a small flag of the united states on a pole, which was carried by one of the men as a signal of their friendly intentions, should the indians observe them as they were advancing. the route lay across an island formed by a nearly equal division of the creek in the bottom: after reaching the open grounds on the right side of the creek, the track turned towards some high hills about three miles distant. presuming that the indian camp might be among these hills, and that by advancing hastily he might be seen and alarm them, captain lewis sought an elevated situation near the creek, had a fire made of willow brush, and took breakfast. at the same time he prepared a small assortment of beads, trinkets, awls, some paint and a looking glass, and placed them on a pole near the fire, in order that if the indians returned they might discover that the party were white men and friends. whilst making these preparations a very heavy shower of rain and hail came on, and wet them to the skin: in about twenty minutes it was over, and captain lewis then renewed his pursuit, but as the rain had made the grass which the horse had trodden down rise again, his track could with difficulty be distinguished. as they went along they passed several places where the indians seemed to have been digging roots to-day, and saw the fresh track of eight or ten horses, but they had been wandering about in so confused a manner that he could not discern any particular path, and at last, after pursuing it about four miles along the valley to the left under the foot of the hills, he lost the track of the fugitive indian. near the head of the valley they had passed a large bog covered with moss and tall grass, among which were several springs of pure cold water: they now turned a little to the left along the foot of the high hills, and reached a small creek where they encamped for the night, having made about twenty miles, though not more than ten in a direct line from their camp of last evening. the morning being rainy and wet we did not set out with the canoes till after an early breakfast. during the first three miles we passed three small islands, six bayous on different sides of the river, and the same number of bends towards the right. here we reached the lower point of a large island which we called three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri. it is three miles and a half in length, and as we coasted along it we passed several small bends of the river towards the left, and two bayous on the same side. after leaving the upper point of three-thousand-mile island, we followed the main channel on the left side, which led us by three small islands and several small bayous, and fifteen bends towards the right. then at the distance of seven miles and a half we encamped on the upper end of a large island near the right. the river was shallow and rapid, so that we were obliged to be in the water during a great part of the day, dragging the canoes over the shoals and ripples. its course too was so crooked, that notwithstanding we had made fourteen miles by water, we were only five miles from our encampment of last night. the country consists of a low ground on the river about five miles wide, and succeeded on both sides by plains of the same extent which reach to the base of the mountains. these low grounds are very much intersected by bayous, and in those on the left side is a large proportion of bog covered with tall grass, which would yield a fine turf. there are very few trees, and those small narrow-leafed cottonwood: the principal growth being the narrow-leafed willow, and currant bushes, among which were some bunches of privy near the river. we saw a number of geese, ducks, beaver, otter, deer and antelopes, of all which one beaver was killed with a pole from the boat, three otters with a tomahawk, and the hunters brought in three deer and an antelope. monday, . this morning as soon as it was light captain lewis sent drewyer to reconnoitre if possible the route of the indians: in about an hour and a half he returned, after following the tracks of the horse which we had lost yesterday to the mountains, where they ascended and were no longer visible. captain lewis now decided on making the circuit along the foot of the mountains which formed the cove, expecting by that means to find a road across them, and accordingly sent drewyer on one side, and shields on the other. in this way they crossed four small rivulets near each other, on which were some bowers or conical lodges of willow brush, which seemed to have been made recently. from the manner in which the ground in the neighbourhood was torn up the indians appeared to have been gathering roots; but captain lewis could not discover what particular plant they were searching for, nor could he find any fresh track, till at the distance of four miles from his camp he met a large plain indian road which came into the cove from the northeast, and wound along the foot of the mountains to the southwest, approaching obliquely the main stream he had left yesterday. down this road he now went towards the southwest: at the distance of five miles it crossed a large run or creek, which is a principal branch of the main stream into which it falls, just above the high cliffs or gates observed yesterday, and which they now saw below them: here they halted and breakfasted on the last of the deer, keeping a small piece of pork in reserve against accident: they then continued through the low bottom along the main stream near the foot of the mountains on their right. for the first five miles the valley continues towards the southwest from two to three miles in width; then the main stream, which had received two small branches from the left in the valley, turns abruptly to the west through a narrow bottom between the mountains. the road was still plain, and as it led them directly on towards the mountain the stream gradually became smaller, till after going two miles it had so greatly diminished in width that one of the men in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the river, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. as they went along their hopes of soon seeing the waters of the columbia arose almost to painful anxiety, when after four miles from the last abrupt turn of the river, they reached a small gap formed by the high mountains which recede on each side, leaving room for the indian road. from the foot of one of the lowest of these mountains, which rises with a gentle ascent of about half a mile, issues the remotest water of the missouri. they had now reached the hidden sources of that river, which had never yet been seen by civilized man; and as they quenched their thirst at the chaste and icy fountain--as they sat down by the brink of that little rivulet, which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, they felt themselves rewarded for all their labours and all their difficulties. they left reluctantly this interesting spot, and pursuing the indian road through the interval of the hills, arrived at the top of a ridge, from which they saw high mountains partially covered with snow still to the west of them. the ridge on which they stood formed the dividing line between the waters of the atlantic and pacific oceans. they followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and at the distance of three quarters of a mile reached a handsome bold creek of cold clear water running to the westward. they stopped to taste for the first time the waters of the columbia; and after a few minutes followed the road across steep hills and low hollows, till they reached a spring on the side of a mountain: here they found a sufficient quantity of dry willow brush for fuel, and therefore halted for the night; and having killed nothing in the course of the day supped on their last piece of pork, and trusted to fortune for some other food to mix with a little flour and parched meal, which was all that now remained of their provisions. before reaching the fountain of the missouri they saw several large hawks nearly black, and some of the heath cocks: these last have a long pointed tail, and are of a uniform dark brown colour, much larger than the common dunghill fowl, and similar in habits and the mode of flying to the grouse or prairie hen. drewyer also wounded at the distance of one hundred and thirty yards an animal which we had not yet seen, but which after falling recovered itself and escaped. it seemed to be of the fox kind, rather larger than the small wolf of the plains, and with a skin in which black, reddish brown, and yellow, were curiously intermixed. on the creek of the columbia they found a species of currant which does not grow as high as that of the missouri, though it is more branching, and its leaf, the under disk of which is covered with a hairy pubescence, is twice as large. the fruit is of the ordinary size and shape of the currant, and supported in the usual manner, but is of a deep purple colour, acid, and of a very inferior flavour. we proceeded on in the boats, but as the river was very shallow and rapid, the navigation is extremely difficult, and the men who are almost constantly in the water are getting feeble and sore, and so much wore down by fatigue that they are very anxious to commence travelling by land. we went along the main channel which is on the right side, and after passing nine bends in that direction, three islands and a number of bayous, reached at the distance of five and a half miles the upper point of a large island. at noon there was a storm of thunder which continued about half an hour; after which we proceeded, but as it was necessary to drag the canoes over the shoals and rapids, made but little progress. on leaving the island we passed a number of short bends, several bayous, and one run of water on the right side, and having gone by four small and two large islands, encamped on a smooth plain to the left near a few cottonwood trees: our journey by water was just twelve miles, and four in a direct line. the hunters supplied us with three deer and a fawn. tuesday . very early in the morning captain lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open broken country; on the left was a deep valley at the foot of a high range of mountains running from southeast to northwest, with their sides better clad with timber than the hills to which we have been for some time accustomed, and their tops covered in part with snow. at five miles distance, after following the long descent of another valley, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and on rising the hill beyond it had a view of a handsome little valley on the left, about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that some stream of water most probably passed. on the creek they had just left were some bushes of the white maple, the sumach of the small species with the winged rib, and a species of honeysuckle, resembling in its general appearance and the shape of its leaf the small honeysuckle of the missouri, except that it is rather larger, and bears a globular berry, about the size of a garden pea, of a white colour, and formed of a soft white mucilaginous substance, in which are several small brown seeds irregularly scattered without any cell, and enveloped in a smooth thin pellicle. they proceeded along a waving plain parallel to this valley for about four miles, when they discovered two women, a man and some dogs on an eminence at the distance of a mile before them. the strangers first viewed them apparently with much attention for a few minutes, and then two of them sat down as if to await captain lewis's arrival. he went on till he reached within about half a mile, then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and unfurling the flag advanced alone towards the indians. the females soon retreated behind the hill, but the man remained till captain lewis came within a hundred yards from him, when he too went off, though captain lewis called out tabba bone! loud enough to be heard distinctly. he hastened to the top of the hill, but they had all disappeared. the dogs however were less shy, and came close to him; he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then let them loose to convince the fugitives of his friendly disposition, but they would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. he now made a signal to the men, who joined him, and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been already travelling. it was dusty and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot passengers and horsemen. they had not gone along it more than a mile when on a sudden they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of each other; one of them a young woman immediately took to flight, the other two, an elderly woman and a little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and holding down their heads seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. the same habit of holding down the head and inviting the enemy to strike, when all chance of escape is gone, is preserved in egypt to this day. captain lewis instantly put down his rifle, and advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the word tabba bone! at the sane time stripping up his shirt sleeve to prove that he was a white man, for his hands and face had become by constant exposure quite as dark as their own. she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm, and drewyer and shields now coming up, captain lewis gave them some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion who had escaped to some distance, and by alarming the indians might cause them to attack him without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned almost out of breath: captain lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermillion, a ceremony which among the shoshonees is emblematic of peace. after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors; they readily obeyed, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors mounted on excellent horses riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced captain lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief who with two men were riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to captain lewis and embraced him with great cordiality, putting their left arm over his right shoulder and clasping his back, applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating ah hi e! ah hi e! "i am much pleased, i am much rejoiced." the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, of which the motive was much more agreeable than the manner, captain lewis lighted a pipe and offered it to the indians who had now seated themselves in a circle around the party. but before they would receive this mark of friendship they pulled off their moccasins, a custom as we afterwards learnt, which indicates the sacred sincerity of their professions when they smoke with a stranger, and which imprecates on themselves the misery of going barefoot forever if they are faithless to their words, a penalty by no means light to those who rove over the thorny plains of their country. it is not unworthy to remark the analogy which some of the customs of those wild children of the wilderness bear to those recorded in holy writ. moses is admonished to pull off his shoes, for the place on which he stood was holy ground. why this was enjoined as an act of peculiar reverence; whether it was from the circumstance that in the arid region in which the patriarch then resided, it was deemed a test of the sincerity of devotion to walk upon the burning sands barefooted, in some measure analogous to the pains inflicted by the prickly pear, does not appear. after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed amongst them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermillion. captain lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the meantime as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasins, and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. captain lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was among white men the emblem of peace, and now that he had received it was to be in future the bond of union between them. the chief then moved on, our party followed him, and the rest of the warriors in a squadron, brought up the rear. after marching a mile they were halted by the chief, who made a second harangue, on which six or eight young men rode forward to their camp, and no further regularity was observed in the order of march. at the distance of four miles from where they had first met, they reached the indian camp, which was in a handsome level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into an old leathern lodge which the young men who had been sent from the party had fitted up for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge so as to form a vacant circle of two feet diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco, the warriors all pulled off their moccasins, and our party was requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire within the magic circle, and then retreating from it began a speech several minutes long, at the end of which he pointed the stem towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east and concluding with the north. after this ceremony he presented the stem in the same way to captain lewis, who supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe, but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times, after which he pointed the stem first to the heavens, then to the centre of the little circle, took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to captain lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and after they had taken a few whiffs was given to the warriors. this pipe was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished; about two and an half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. a small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem, and is of an irregularly round figure, not fitting the tube perfectly close, in order that the smoke may pass with facility. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees, mandans and ricaras of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the rocky mountain indians, and some of the bands of their own nation who live further south. the ceremony of smoking being concluded, captain lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit, and as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this circumstance, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of serviceberry and chokecherries which had been dried in the sun. on these captain lewis made a hearty meal, and then walked down towards the river: he found it a rapid clear stream forty yards wide and three feet deep; the banks were low and abrupt, like those of the upper part of the missouri, and the bed formed of loose stones and gravel. its course, as far as he could observe it, was a little to the north of west, and was bounded on each side by a range of high mountains, of which those on the east are the lowest and most distant from the river. the chief informed him that this stream discharged itself at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size, coming from the southwest; but added, on further inquiry, that there was scarcely more timber below the junction of those rivers than in this neighbourhood, and that the river was rocky, rapid, and so closely confined between high mountains, that it was impossible to pass down it, either by land or water to the great lake, where as he had understood the white men lived. this information was far from being satisfactory; for there was no timber here that would answer the purpose of building canoes, indeed not more than just sufficient for fuel, and even that consisted of the narrow-leafed cotton wood, the red and the narrow-leafed willow, the chokecherry, serviceberry and a few currant bushes such as are common on the missouri. the prospect of going on by land is more pleasant; for there are great numbers of horses feeding in every direction round the camp, which will enable us to transport our stores if necessary over the mountains. captain lewis returned from the river to his lodge, and on his way an indian invited him into his bower and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope and a piece of fresh salmon roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. on reaching this lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief, after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. it now proved, as our party had feared, that the men whom they had first met this morning had returned to the camp and spread the alarm that their enemies, the minnetarees of fort de prairie, whom they call pahkees, were advancing on them. the warriors instantly armed themselves and were coming down in expectation of an attack, when they were agreeably surprised by meeting our party. the greater part of them were armed with bows and arrows, and shields, but a few had small fusils, such as are furnished by the northwest company traders, and which they had obtained from the indians on the yellowstone, with whom they are now at peace. they had reason to dread the approach of the pahkees, who had attacked them in the course of this spring and totally defeated them. on this occasion twenty of their warriors were either killed or made prisoners, and they lost their whole camp except the leathern lodge which they had fitted up for us, and were now obliged to live in huts of a conical figure made with willow brush. the music and dancing, which was in no respect different from those of the missouri indians, continued nearly all night; but captain lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers. whilst all these things were occurring to captain lewis we were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. for the first two and a half miles we went along the island opposite to which we encamped last evening, and soon reached a second island behind which comes in a small creek on the left side of the river. it rises in the mountains to the east and forms a handsome valley for some miles from its mouth, where it is a bold running stream about seven yards wide: we called it m'neal's creek, after hugh m'neal one of our party. just above this stream and at the distance of four miles from our camp is a point of limestone rock on the right, about seventy feet high, forming a cliff over the river. from the top of it the beaver's-head bore north ° east twelve miles distant, the course of wisdom river, that is the direction of its valley through the mountains is north ° west, while the gap through which the jefferson enters the mountains is ten miles above us on a course south ° west. from this limestone rock we proceeded along several islands, on both sides, and after making twelve miles arrived at a cliff of high rocks on the right, opposite to which we encamped in a smooth level prairie, near a few cottonwood trees; but were obliged to use the dry willow brush for fuel. the river is still very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes were to be dragged, that the men were in the water three fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otter, some beaver, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes, but they killed nothing except a single deer. they, however, caught some very fine trout, as they have done for several days past. the weather had been cloudy and cool during the forepart of the day, and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. wednesday . in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, captain lewis determined to remain here and obtain all the information he could collect with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses from the natives, to hunt for a few hours. about the same time the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or blacktailed deer in this neighbourhood, and as the common red-deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows, which are but feeble weapons against any animals which the huntsmen cannot previously run down with their horses. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which when pursued retreats to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is its extraordinary fleetness and wind that a single horse has no possible chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp; in a short time they descried a herd of ten antelopes: they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly inclosed, and usually selecting some commanding eminence as a stand. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd, and with wonderful dexterity the huntsman preserved his seat, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the steep ravines, and along the borders of the precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which on gaining the other extremity of the circle were driven back and pursued by the fresh hunters. they turned and flew, rather than ran in another direction; but there too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately pursued backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped, and the party after running for two hours returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. captain lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a very palatable repast. having now secured the good will of cameahwait, captain lewis informed him of his wish that he would speak to the warriors and endeavour to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where by this time another chief with a large party of white men were waiting his return: that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandize; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandize. he readily consented to do so, and after collecting the tribe together he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told captain lewis that they would be ready to accompany him in the morning. as the early part of the day was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday: we did not set out till seven o'clock. at the distance of a mile we passed a bold stream on the right, which comes from a snowy mountain to the north, and at its entrance is four yards wide, and three feet in depth: we called it track creek: at six miles further we reached another stream which heads in some springs at the foot of the mountains on the left. alter passing a number of bayous and small islands on each side, we encamped about half a mile by land below the rattlesnake cliffs. the river was cold, shallow, and as it approached the mountains formed one continued rapid, over which we were obliged to drag the boats with great labour and difficulty. by using constant exertions we succeeded in making fourteen miles, but this distance did not carry us more than six and a half in a straight line: several of the men have received wounds and lamed themselves in hauling the boats over the stones. the hunters supplied them with five deer and an antelope. thursday . captain lewis rose early, and having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries felt the inconveniences of extreme hunger. on inquiry he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding: and after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted at this new dish; he took a little of the flour in his hand tasted and examined it very narrowly, asking if it was made of roots; captain lewis explained the process of preparing it, and he said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. this being finished, captain lewis now endeavoured to hasten the departure of the indians who still hesitated, and seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them: on inquiring the reason, cameahwait told him that some foolish person had suggested that he was in league with their enemies the pahkees, and had come only to draw them into ambuscade, but that he himself did not believe it: captain lewis felt uneasy at this insinuation: he knew the suspicious temper of the indians, accustomed from their infancy to regard every stranger as an enemy, and saw that if this suggestion were not instantly checked, it might hazard the total failure of the enterprise. assuming therefore a serious air, he told the chief that he was sorry to find they placed so little confidence in him, but that he pardoned their suspicions because they were ignorant of the character of white men, among whom it was disgraceful to lie or entrap even an enemy by falsehood; that if they continued to think thus meanly of us they might be assured no white men would ever come to supply them with arms and merchandize; that there was at this moment a party of white men waiting to trade with them at the forks of the river; and that if the greater part of the tribe entertained any suspicion, he hoped there were still among them some who were men, who would go and see with their own eyes the truth of what he said, and who, even if there was any danger, were not afraid to die. to doubt the courage of an indian is to touch the tenderest string of his mind, and the surest way to rouse him to any dangerous achievement. cameahwait instantly replied, that he was not afraid to die, and mounting his horse, for the third time harangued the warriors: he told them that he was resolved to go if he went alone, or if he were sure of perishing; that he hoped there were among those who heard him some who were not afraid to die, and who would prove it by mounting their horses and following him. this harangue produced an effect on six or eight only of the warriors, who now joined their chief. with these captain lewis smoked a pipe, and then fearful of some change in their capricious temper set out immediately. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors; their departure seemed to spread a gloom over the village; those who would not venture to go were sullen and melancholy, and the woman were crying and imploring the great spirit to protect their warriors as if they were going to certain destruction: yet such is the wavering inconstancy of these savages, that captain lewis's party had not gone far when they were joined by ten or twelve more warriors, and before reaching the creek which they had passed on the morning of the th, all the men of the nation and a number of women had overtaken them, and had changed from the surly ill temper in which they were two hours ago, to the greatest cheerfulness and gayety. when they arrived at the spring on the side of the mountain where the party had encamped on the th, the chief insisted on halting to let the horses graze; to which captain lewis assented and smoked with them. they are excessively fond of the pipe, in which however they are not able to indulge much as they do not cultivate tobacco themselves, and their rugged country affords them but few articles to exchange for it. here they remained for about an hour, and on setting out, by engaging to pay four of the party, captain lewis obtained permission for himself and each of his men to ride behind an indian; but he soon found riding without stirrup more tiresome than walking, and therefore dismounted, making the indian carry his pack. about sunset they reached the upper part of the level valley in the cove through which he had passed, and which they now called shoshonee cove. the grass being burnt on the north side of the river they crossed over to the south, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills noticed as they traversed the cove before. the river was here about six yards wide, and frequently dammed up by the beaver. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt, but he returned in the evening unsuccessful, and their only supper therefore was the remaining pound of flour stirred in a little boiling water and then divided between the four white men and two of the indians. in order not to exhaust the strength of the men, captain clarke did not leave his camp till after breakfast. although, he was scarcely half a mile below the rattlesnake cliffs he was obliged to make a circuit of two miles by water before he reached them. the river now passed between low and rugged mountains and cliffs formed of a mixture of limestone and a hard black rock, with no covering except a few scattered pines. at the distance of four miles is a bold little stream which throws itself from the mountains down a steep precipice of rocks on the left. one mile farther is a second point of rocks, and an island, about a mile beyond which is a creek on the right, ten yards wide and three feet three inches in depth, with a strong current: we called it willard's creek after one of our men, alexander willard. three miles beyond this creek, after passing a high cliff on the right opposite to a steep hill, we reached a small meadow on the left bank of the river. during its passage through these hills to willard's creek the river had been less torturous than usual, so that in the first six miles to willard's creek we had advanced four miles on our route. we continued on for two miles, till we reached in the evening a small bottom covered with clover and a few cottonwood trees: here we passed the night near the remains of some old indian lodges of brush. the river is as it has been for some days shallow and rapid; and our men, who are for hours together in the river, suffer not only from fatigue, but from the extreme coldness of the water, the temperature of which is as low as that of the freshest springs in our country. in walking along the side of the river, captain clarke was very near being bitten twice by rattlesnakes, and the indian woman narrowly escaped the same misfortune. we caught a number of fine trout; but the only game procured to-day was a buck, which had a peculiarly bitter taste, proceeding probably from its favourite food, the willow. friday, . as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, captain lewis sent two of his hunters ahead this morning to procure some provision: at the same time he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest by their noise they might alarm the game; but this measure immediately revived their suspicions: it now began to be believed that these men were sent forward in order to apprise the enemy of their coming, and as captain lewis was fearful of exciting any further uneasiness, he made no objection on seeing a small party of indians go on each side of the valley under pretence of hunting, but in reality to watch the movements of our two men: even this precaution however did not quiet the alarms of the indians, a considerable part of whom returned home, leaving only twenty-eight men and three women. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, captain lewis again mounted with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out; but just as they passed through the narrows they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain: the chief stopped and seemed uneasy, the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions, and captain lewis himself was much disconcerted, lest by some unfortunate accident some of their enemies might have perhaps straggled that way. the young indian had scarcely breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them, and captain lewis astonished at this movement was borne along for nearly a mile before he learnt with great satisfaction that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. relieved from his anxiety he now found the jolting very uncomfortable; for the indian behind him being afraid of not getting his share of the feast had lashed the horse at every step since they set off; he therefore reined him in and ordered the indian to stop beating him. the fellow had no idea of losing time in disputing the point, and jumping off the horse ran for a mile at full speed. captain lewis slackened his pace, and followed at a sufficient distance to observe them. when they reached the place where drewyer had thrown out the intestines, they all dismounted in confusion and ran tumbling over each other like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could and instantly began to eat it; some had the liver, some the kidneys, in short no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them: one of them who had seized about nine feet of the entrails was chewing at one end, while with his hand he was diligently clearing his way by discharging the contents at the other. it was indeed impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the filth of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation: yet though suffering with hunger they did not attempt, as they might have done, to take by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. captain lewis now had the deer skinned, and after reserving a quarter of it gave the rest of the animal to the chief to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured nearly the whole of it without cooking. they now went forward towards the creek where there was some brushwood to make a fire, and found drewyer who had killed a second deer: the same struggle for the entrails was renewed here, and on giving nearly the whole deer to the indians, they devoured it even to the soft part of the hoofs. a fire being made captain lewis had his breakfast, during which drewyer brought in a third deer: this too, after reserving one quarter, was given to the indians, who now seemed completely satisfied and in good humour. at this place they remained about two hours to let the horses graze, and then continued their journey, and towards evening reached the lower part of the cove having on the way shot an antelope, the greater part of which was given to the indians. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told by captain lewis they would see the white men, the chief insisted on halting: they therefore all dismounted, and cameahwait with great ceremony and as if for ornament, put tippets or skins round the necks of our party, similar to those worn by themselves. as this was obviously intended to disguise the white men, captain lewis in order to inspire them with more confidence put his cocked hat and feather on the head of the chief, and as his own over-shirt was in the indian form, and his skin browned by the sun, he could not have been distinguished from an indian: the men followed his example, and the change seemed to be very agreeable* to the indians. in order to guard however against any disappointment captain lewis again explained the possibility of our not having reached the forks in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, so that if they should not find us at that spot they might be assured of our not being far below. they again all mounted their horses and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry their flag, so that we might recognise them as they approached us; but to the mortification and disappointment of both parties on coming within two miles of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, captain lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him that if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes he might defend himself with it; that for his own part he was not afraid to die, and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still wavered in their resolutions. as they went on towards the point, captain lewis perceiving how critical his situation had become, resolved to attempt a stratagem which his present difficulty seemed completely to justify. recollecting the notes he had left at the point for us, he sent drewyer for them with an indian who witnessed his taking them from the pole. when they were brought, captain lewis told cameahwait that on leaving his brother chief at the place where the river issues from the mountains, it was agreed that the boats should not be brought higher than the next forks we should meet; but that if the rapid water prevented the boats from coming on as fast as they expected, his brother chief was to send a note to the first forks above him to let him know where the boats were; that this note had been left this morning at the forks, and mentioned that the canoes were just below the mountains, and coming slowly up in consequence of the current. captain lewis added, that he would stay at the forks for his brother chief, but would send a man down the river, and that if cameahwait doubted what he said, one of their young men would go with him whilst he and the other two remained at the forks. this story satisfied the chief and the greater part of the indians, but a few did not conceal their suspicion, observing that we told different stories, and complaining that the chief exposed them to danger by a mistaken confidence. captain lewis now wrote by the light of some willow brush a note to captain clarke, which he gave to drewyer, with an order to use all possible expedition in ascending the river, and engaged an indian to accompany him by a promise of a knife and some beads. at bedtime the chief and five others slept round the fire of captain lewis, and the rest hid themselves in different parts of the willow brush to avoid the enemy, who they feared would attack them in the night. captain lewis endeavoured to assume a cheerfulness he did not feel to prevent the despondency of the savages: after conversing gayly with them he retired to his musquitoe bier, by the side of which the chief now placed himself: he lay down, yet slept but little, being in fact scarcely less uneasy than his indian companions. he was apprehensive that finding the ascent of the river impracticable, captain clarke might have stopped below the rattlesnake bluff, and the messenger would not meet him. the consequence of disappointing the indians at this moment would most probably be, that they would retire and secrete themselves in the mountains, so as to prevent our having an opportunity of recovering their confidence: they would also spread a panic through all the neighbouring indians, and cut us off from the supply of horses so useful and almost so essential to our success: he was at the same time consoled by remembering that his hopes of assistance rested on better foundations than their generosity--their avarice, and their curiosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but what was still move seductive, he had told them that one of their country-women who had been taken with the minnetarees accompanied the party below; and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity, and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favourable barter for their horses. in the meantime we had set out after breakfast, and although we proceeded with more ease than we did yesterday, the river was still so rapid and shallow as to oblige us to drag the large canoes during the greater part of the day. for the first seven miles the river formed a bend to the right so as to make our advance only three miles in a straight line; the stream is crooked, narrow, small, and shallow, with highlands occasionally on the banks, and strewed with islands, four of which are opposite to each other. near this place we left the valley, to which we gave the name of serviceberry valley, from the abundance of that fruit now ripe which is found in it. in the course of the four following miles we passed several more islands and bayous on each side of the river, and reached a high cliff on the right. two and a half miles beyond this the cliffs approach on both sides and form a very considerable rapid near the entrance of a bold running stream on the left. the water was now excessively cold, and the rapids had been frequent and troublesome. on ascending an eminence captain clarke saw the forks of the river and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before captain lewis's arrival, but fortunately had not seen the note which enabled him to induce the indians to stay with him. from the top of this eminence he could discover only three trees through the whole country, nor was there along the sides of the cliffs they had passed in the course of the day, any timber except a few small pines: the low grounds were supplied with willow, currant bushes, and serviceberries. after advancing half a mile further we came to the lower point of an island near the middle of the river, and about the centre of the valley: here we halted for the night, only four miles by land, though ten by water, below the point where captain lewis lay. although we had made only fourteen miles, the labours of the men had fatigued and exhausted them very much: we therefore collected some small willow brush for a fire, and lay down to sleep. chapter xv. affecting interview between the wife of chaboneau and the chief of the shoshonees--council held with that nation, and favourable result--the extreme navigable point of the missouri mentioned--general character of the river and of the country through which it passes--captain clarke in exploring the source of the columbia falls in company with another party of shoshonees--the geographical information acquired from one of that party--their manner of catching fish--the party reach lewis river--the difficulties which captain clarke had to encounter in his route--friendship and hospitality of the shoshonees--the party with captain lewis employed in making saddles, and preparing for the journey. saturday, august . captain lewis rose very early and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. shields was sent out at the same time to hunt, while m'neal prepared a breakfast out of the remainder of the meat. drewyer had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river, returned with a report that he had seen the white men, who were only a short distance below, and were coming on. the indians were all transported with joy, and the chief in the warmth of his satisfaction renewed his embrace to captain lewis, who was quite as much delighted as the indians themselves; the report proved most agreeably true. on setting out at seven o'clock, captain clarke with chaboneau and his wife walked on shore, but they had not gone more than a mile before captain clarke saw sacajawea, who was with her husband one hundred yards ahead, began to dance, and show every mark of the most extravagant joy, turning round him and pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback, sucking her fingers at the same time to indicate that they were of her native tribe. as they advanced captain clarke discovered among them drewyer dressed like an indian, from whom he learnt the situation of the party. while the boats were performing the circuit, he went towards the forks with the indians, who as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. we soon drew near to the camp, and just as we approached it a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, and recognising each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching, not only in the ardent manner in which their feelings were expressed, but from the real interest of their situation. they had been companions in childhood, in the war with the minnetarees they had both been taken prisoners in the same battle, they had shared and softened the rigours of their captivity, till one of them had escaped from the minnetarees, with scarce a hope of ever seeing her friend relieved from the hands of her enemies. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, captain clarke went on, and was received by captain lewis and the chief, who after the first embraces and salutations were over, conducted him to a sort of circular tent or shade of willows. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief immediately tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls, an ornament highly valued by these people, who procured them in the course of trade from the seacoast. the moccasins of the whole party were then taken off, and after much ceremony the smoking began. after this the conference was to be opened, and glad of an opportunity of being able to converse more intelligibly, sacajawea was sent for; she came into the tent, sat down, and was beginning to interpret, when in the person of cameahwait she recognised her brother: she instantly jumped up, and ran and embraced him, throwing over him her blanket and weeping profusely; the chief was himself moved, though not in the same degree. after some conversation between them she resumed her seat, and attempted to interpret for us, but her new situation seemed to overpower her, and she was frequently interrupted by her tears. after the council was finished, the unfortunate woman learnt that all her family were dead except two brothers, one of whom was absent, and a son of her eldest sister, a small boy, who was immediately adopted by her. the canoes arriving soon after, we formed a camp in a meadow on the left side, a little below the forks; took out our baggage, and by means of our sails and willow poles formed a canopy for our indian visitors. about four o'clock the chiefs and warriors were collected, and after the customary ceremony of taking off the moccasins and smoking a pipe, we explained to them in a long harangue the purposes of our visit, making themselves one conspicuous object of the good wishes of our government, on whose strength as well as its friendly disposition we expatiated. we told them of their dependance on the will of our government for all future supplies of whatever was necessary either for their comfort or defence; that as we were sent to discover the best route by which merchandize could be conveyed to them, and no trade would be begun before our return, it was mutually advantageous that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route, but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for every other service they should render us. in the meantime our first wish was, that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favourable impression: the chief in reply thanked us for our expressions of friendship towards himself and his nation, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he lamented that it would be so long before they should be supplied with firearms, but that till then they could subsist as they had heretofore done. he concluded by saying that there were not horses here sufficient to transport our goods, but that he would return to the village to-morrow, and bring all his own horses, and encourage his people to come over with theirs. the conference being ended to our satisfaction, we now inquired of cameahwait what chiefs were among the party, and he pointed out two of them. we then distributed our presents: to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped with a pipe and tomahawk: to this was added an uniform coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a carrot of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received a small medal struck during the presidency of general washington, a shirt, handkerchief, leggings, a knife, and some tobacco. medals of the same sort were also presented to two young warriors, who though not chiefs were promising youths and very much respected in the tribe. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasins, awls, knives, beads and looking-glasses. we also gave them all a plentiful meal of indian corn, of which the hull is taken off by being boiled in lye; and as this was the first they had ever tasted, they were very much pleased with it. they had indeed abundant sources of surprise in all they saw: the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the airgun: this operation was instantly considered as a _great medicine_, by which they as well as the other indians mean something emanating directly from the great spirit, or produced by his invisible and incomprehensible agency. the display of all these riches had been intermixed with inquiries into the geographical situation of their country; for we had learnt by experience, that to keep the savages in good temper their attention should not be wearied with too much business; but that the serious affairs should be enlivened by a mixture of what is new and entertaining. our hunters brought in very seasonably four deer and an antelope, the last of which we gave to the indians, who in a very short time devoured it. after the council was over, we consulted as to our future operations. the game does not promise to last here for a number of days, and this circumstance combined with many others to induce our going on as soon as possible. our indian information as to the state of the columbia is of a very alarming kind, and our first object is of course to ascertain the practicability of descending it, of which the indians discourage our expectations. it was therefore agreed that captain clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them, in order to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia, and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, begin to build canoes. as soon as he had decided as to the propriety of proceeding down the columbia or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men with information of it to captain lewis, who by that time would have brought up the whole party, and the rest of the baggage as far as the shoshonee village. preparations were accordingly made this evening for such an arrangement. the sun is excessively hot in the day time, but the nights very cold, and rendered still more unpleasant from the want of any fuel except willow brush. the appearances too of game, for many days' subsistence, are not very favourable. sunday . in order to relieve the men of captain clarke's party from the heavy weight of their arms provisions and tools, we exposed a few articles to barter for horses, and soon obtained three very good ones, in exchange for which we gave a uniform coat, a pair of leggings, a few handkerchiefs, three knifes and some other small articles, the whole of which did not in the united states cost more than twenty dollars: a fourth was purchased by the men for an old checkered shirt, a pair of old leggings and a knife. the indians seemed to be quite as well pleased as ourselves at the bargains they had made. we now found that the two inferior chiefs were somewhat displeased at not having received a present equal to that given to the great chief, who appeared in a dress so much finer than their own. to allay their discontent, we bestowed on them two old coats, and promised them that if they were active in assisting us across the mountains they should have an additional present. this treatment completely reconciled them, and the whole indian party, except two men and two women, set out in perfect good humour to return home with captain clarke. after going fifteen miles through a wide level valley with no wood but willows and shrubs, he encamped in the shoshonee cove near a narrow pass where the highlands approach within two hundred yards of each other, and the river is only ten yards wide. the indians went on further, except the three chiefs and two young men, who assisted in eating two deer brought in by the hunters. after their departure every thing was prepared for the transportation of the baggage, which was now exposed to the air and dried. our game was one deer and a beaver, and we saw an abundance of trout in the river for which we fixed a net in the evening. we have now reached the extreme navigable point of the missouri, which our observation places in latitude ° ' " north. it is difficult to comprise in any general description the characteristics of a river so extensive, and fed by so many streams which have their sources in a great variety of soils and climates. but the missouri is still sufficiently powerful to give to all its waters something of a common character, which is of course decided by the nature of the country through which it passes. the bed of the river is chiefly composed of a blue mud from which the water itself derives a deep tinge. from its junction here to the place near which it leaves the mountains, its course is embarrassed by rapids and rocks which the hills on each side have thrown into its channel. from that place, its current, with the exception of the falls, is not difficult of navigation, nor is there much variation in its appearance till the mouth of the platte. that powerful river throws out vast quantities of coarse sand which contribute to give a new face to the missouri, which is now much more impeded by islands. the sand, as it is drifted down, adheres in time to some of the projecting points from the shore, and forms a barrier to the mud, which at length fills to the same height with the sandbar itself; as soon as it has acquired a consistency, the willow grows there the first year, and by its roots assists the solidity of the whole: as the mud and sand accumulate the cottonwood tree next appears; till the gradual excretion of soils raises the surface of the point above the highest freshets. thus stopped in its course the water seeks a passage elsewhere, and as the soil on each side is light and yielding, what was only a peninsula, becomes gradually an island, and the river indemnifies itself for the usurpation by encroaching on the adjacent shore. in this way the missouri like the mississippi is constantly cutting off the projections of the shore, and leaving its ancient channel, which is then marked by the mud it has deposited and a few stagnant ponds. the general appearance of the country as it presents itself on ascending may be thus described: from its mouth to the two charletons, a ridge of highlands borders the river at a small distance, leaving between them fine rich meadows. from the mouth of the two charletons the hills recede from the river, giving greater extent to the low grounds, but they again approach the river for a short distance near grand river, and again at snake creek. from that point they retire, nor do they come again to the neighbourhood of the river till above the sauk prairie, where they are comparatively low and small. thence they diverge and reappear at the charaton searty, after which they are scarcely if at all discernible, till they advance to the missouri nearly opposite to the kanzas. the same ridge of hills extends on the south side, in almost one unbroken chain, from the mouth of the missouri to the kanzas, though decreasing in height beyond the osage. as they are nearer the river than the hills on the opposite sides, the intermediate low grounds are of course narrower, but the general character of the soil is common to both sides. in the meadows and along the shore, the tree most common is the cottonwood, which with the willow forms almost the exclusive growth of the missouri. the hills or rather high grounds, for they do not rise higher than from one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet, are composed of a good rich black soil, which is perfectly susceptible of cultivation, though it becomes richer on the hills beyond the platte, and are in general thinly covered with timber. beyond these hills the country extends into high open plains, which are on both sides sufficiently fertile, but the south has the advantage of better streams of water, and may therefore be considered as preferable for settlements. the lands, however, become much better and the timber more abundant between the osage and the kanzas. from the kanzas to the nadawa the hills continue at nearly an equal distance, varying from four to eight miles from each other, except that from the little platte to nearly opposite the ancient kanzas village, the hills are more remote, and the meadows of course wider on the north side of the river. from the nadawa the northern hills disappear, except at occasional intervals, where they are seen at a distance, till they return about twenty-seven miles above the platte near the ancient village of the ayoways. on the south the hills continue close to the river from the ancient village of the kanzas up to council bluff, fifty miles beyond the platte; forming high prairie lands. on both sides the lands are good, and perhaps this distance from the osage to the platte may be recommended as among the best districts on the missouri for the purposes of settlers. from the ayoway village the northern hills again retire from the river, to which they do not return till three hundred and twenty miles above, at floyd's river. the hills on the south also leave the river at council bluffs, and reappear at the mahar village, two hundred miles up the missouri. the country thus abandoned by the hills is more open and the timber in smaller quantities than below the platte, so that although the plain is rich and covered with high grass, the want of wood renders it less calculated for cultivation than below that river. the northern hills after remaining near the missouri for a few miles at floyd's river, recede from it at the sioux river, the course of which they follow; and though they again visit the missouri at whitestone river, where they are low, yet they do not return to it till beyond james river. the highlands on the south, after continuing near the river at the mahar villages, again disappear, and do not approach it till the cobalt bluffs, about forty-four miles from the villages, and then from those bluffs to the yellowstone river, a distance of about one thousand miles, they follow the banks of the river with scarcely any deviation. from the james river, the lower grounds are confined within a narrow space by the hills on both sides, which now continue near each other up to the mountains. the space between them however varies from one to three miles as high as the muscleshell river, from which the hills approach so high as to leave scarcely any low grounds on the river, and near the falls reach the waters edge. beyond the falls the hills are scattered and low to the first range of mountains. the soil during the whole length of the missouri below the platte is generally speaking very fine, and although the timber is scarce, there is still sufficient for the purposes of settlers; but beyond that river, although the soil is still rich, yet the almost total absence of timber, and particularly the want of good water, of which there is but a small quantity in the creeks, and even that brackish, oppose powerful obstacles to its settlement. the difficulty becomes still greater between the muscleshell river and the falls, where besides the greater scarcity of timber, the country itself is less fertile. the elevation of these highlands varies as they pass through this extensive tract of country. from wood river they are about one hundred and fifty feet above the water, and continue at that height till they rise near the osage, from which place to the ancient fortification they again diminish in size. thence they continue higher till the mandan village, after which they are rather lower till the neighbourhood of muscleshell river, where they are met by the northern hills, which have advanced at a more uniform height, varying from one hundred and fifty to two hundred or three hundred feet. from this place to the mountains the height of both is nearly the same, from three hundred to five hundred feet, and the low grounds so narrow that the traveller seems passing through a range of high country. from maria's river to the falls, the hills descend to the height of about two or three hundred feet. monday . the morning was cold, and the grass perfectly whitened by the frost. we were engaged in preparing packs and saddles to load the horses as soon as they should arrive. a beaver was caught in a trap, but we were disappointed in trying to catch trout in our net; we therefore made a seine of willow brush, and by hauling it procured a number of fine trout, and a species of mullet which we had not seen before: it is about sixteen inches long, the scales small; the nose long, obtusely pointed, and exceeding the under jaw; the mouth opens with folds at the sides; it has no teeth, and the tongue and palate is smooth. the colour of its back and sides is a bluish brown, while the belly is white: it has the faggot bones, whence we concluded it to be of the mullet species. it is by no means so well flavoured a fish as the trout, which are the same as those we first saw at the falls, larger than the speckled trout of the mountains in the atlantic states, and equally well flavoured. in the evening the hunters returned with two deer. captain clarke, in the meantime, proceeded through a wide level valley, in which the chief pointed out a spot where many of his tribe were killed in battle a year ago. the indians accompanied him during the day, and as they had nothing to eat, he was obliged to feed them from his own stores, the hunters not being able to kill any thing. just as he was entering the mountains, he met an indian with two mules and a spanish saddle, who was so polite as to offer one of them to him to ride over the hills. being on foot, captain clarke accepted his offer and gave him a waistcoat as a reward for his civility. he encamped for the night on a small stream, and the next morning, tuesday, august , he set out at six o'clock. in passing through a continuation of the hilly broken country, he met several parties of indians. on coming near the camp, which had been removed since we left them two miles higher up the river, cameahwait requested that the party should halt. this was complied with: a number of indians came out from the camp, and with great ceremony several pipes were smoked. this being over captain clarke was conducted to a large leathern lodge prepared for his party in the middle of the encampment, the indians having only shelters of willow bushes. a few dried berries, and one salmon, the only food the whole village could contribute, were then presented to him; after which he proceeded to repeat in council, what had been already told them, the purposes of his visit; urged them to take their horses over and assist in transporting our baggage, and expressed a wish to obtain a guide to examine the river. this was explained and enforced to the whole village by cameahwait, and an old man was pointed out who was said to know more of their geography to the north than any other person, and whom captain clarke engaged to accompany him. after explaining his views he distributed a few presents, the council was ended, and nearly half the village set out to hunt the antelope, but returned without success. captain clarke in the meantime made particular inquiries as to the situation of the country, and the possibility of soon reaching a navigable water. the chief began by drawing on the ground a delineation of the rivers, from which it appeared that his information was very limited. the river on which the camp is he divided into two branches just above us, which, as he indicated by the opening of the mountains, were in view: he next made it discharge itself into a larger river ten miles below, coming from the southwest: the joint stream continued one day's march to the northwest, and then inclined to the westward for two day's march farther. at that place he placed several heaps of sand on each side, which, as he explained them, represented, vast mountains of rock always covered with snow, in passing through which the river was so completely hemmed in by the high rocks, that there was no possibility of travelling along the shore; that the bed of the river was obstructed by sharp-pointed rocks, and such its rapidity, that as far as the eye could reach it presented a perfect column of foam. the mountains he said were equally inaccessible, as neither man nor horse could cross them; that such being the state of the country neither he nor any of his nation had ever attempted to go beyond the mountains. cameahwait said also that he had been informed by the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on this river west of the mountains, that it ran a great way towards the setting sun, and at length lost itself in a great lake of water which was ill-tasted, and where the white men lived. an indian belonging to a band of shoshonees who live to the southwest, and who happened to be at camp, was then brought in, and inquiries made of him as to the situation of the country in that direction: this he described in terms scarcely less terrible than those in which cameahwait had represented the west. he said that his relations lived at the distance of twenty days' march from this place, on a course a little to the west of south and not far from the whites, with whom they traded for horses, mules, cloth, metal, beads, and the shells here worn as ornaments, and which are those of a species of pearl oyster. in order to reach his country we should be obliged during the first seven days to climb over steep rocky mountains where there was no game, and we should find nothing but roots for subsistence. even for these however we should be obliged to contend with a fierce warlike people, whom he called the broken-moccasin, or moccasin with holes, who lived like bears in holes, and fed on roots and the flesh of such horses as they could steal or plunder from those who passed through the mountains. so rough indeed was the passage, that the feet of the horses would be wounded in such a manner that many of them would be unable to proceed. the next part of the route was for ten days through a dry parched desert of sand, inhabited by no animal which would supply us with subsistence, and as the sun had now scorched up the grass and dried up the small pools of water which are sometimes scattered through this desert in the spring, both ourselves and our horses would perish for want of food and water. about the middle of this plain a large river passes from southeast to northwest, which, though navigable, afforded neither timber nor salmon. three or four days' march beyond this plain his relations lived, in a country tolerably fertile and partially covered with timber, on another large river running in the same direction as the former; that this last discharges itself into a third large river, on which resided many numerous nations, with whom his own were at war, but whether this last emptied itself into the great or stinking lake, as they called the ocean, he did not know: that from his country to the stinking lake was a great distance, and that the route to it, taken by such of his relations as had visited it, was up the river on which they lived, and over to that on which the white people lived, and which they knew discharged itself into the ocean. this route he advised us to take, but added, that we had better defer the journey till spring, when he would himself conduct us. this account persuaded us that the streams of which he spoke were southern branches of the columbia, heading with the rio des apostolos, and rio colorado, and that the route which he mentioned was to the gulf of california: captain clarke therefore told him that this road was too much towards the south for our purpose, and then requested to know if there was no route on the left of the river where we now are, by which we might intercept it below the mountains; but he knew of none except that through the barren plains, which he said joined the mountains on that side, and through which it was impossible to pass at this season, even if we were fortunate enough to escape the broken-moccasin indians. captain clarke recompensed the indian by a present of a knife, with which he seemed much gratified, and now inquired of cameahwait by what route the pierced-nose indians, who he said lived west of the mountains, crossed over to the missouri: this he said was towards the north, but that the road was a very bad one; that during the passage he had been told they suffered excessively from hunger, being obliged to subsist for many days on berries alone, there being no game in that part of the mountains, which were broken and rocky, and so thickly covered with timber that they could scarcely pass. surrounded by difficulties as all the other routes are, this seems to be the most practicable of all the passages by land, since, if the indians can pass the mountains with their women and children, no difficulties which they could encounter could be formidable to us; and if the indians below the mountains are so numerous as they are represented to be, they must have some means of subsistence equally within our power. they tell us indeed that the nations to the westward subsist principally on fish and roots, and that their only game were a few elk, deer, and antelope, there being no buffaloe west of the mountain. the first inquiry however was to ascertain the truth of their information relative to the difficulty of descending the river: for this purpose captain clarke set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by the guide and all his men, except one whom he left with orders to purchase a horse and join him as soon as possible. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and eight miles from the camp halted for the night at a small stream. the road which he followed was a beaten path through a wide rich meadow, in which were several old lodges. on the route he met a number of men, women, and children, as well as horses, and one of the men who appeared to possess some consideration turned back with him, and observing a woman with three salmon obtained them from her, and presented them to the party. captain clarke shot a mountain cock or cock of the plains, a dark brown bird larger than the dunghill fowl, with a long and pointed tail, and a fleshy protuberance about the base of the upper chop, something like that of the turkey, though without the snout. in the morning, wednesday , he resumed his march early, and at the distance of five miles reached an indian lodge of brush, inhabited by seven families of shoshonees. they behaved with great civility, gave the whole party as much boiled salmon as they could eat, and added as a present several dried salmon and a considerable quantity of chokecherries. after smoking with them all he visited the fish weir, which was about two hundred yards distant; the river was here divided by three small islands, which occasioned the water to pass along four channels. of these three were narrow, and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near each other to prevent the passage of the fish. about the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. the main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other that they could not move, and were taken out by untying the small end of the willow basket. the weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side near the angle. this is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. to these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and wythes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. this is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. these two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, is provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir. after examining these curious objects, he returned to the lodges, and soon passed the river to the left, where an indian brought him a tomahawk which he said he had found in the grass, near the lodge where captain lewis had staid on his first visit to the village. this was a tomahawk which had been missed at the time, and supposed to be stolen; it was however the only article which had been lost in our intercourse with the nation, and as even that was returned the inference is highly honourable to the integrity of the shoshonees. on leaving the lodges captain clarke crossed to the left side of the river, and despatched five men to the forks of it, in search of the man left behind yesterday, who procured a horse and passed by another road as they learnt, to the forks. at the distance of fourteen miles they killed a very large salmon, two and a half feet long, in a creek six miles below the forks: and after travelling about twenty miles through the valley, following the course of the river, which runs nearly northwest, halted in a small meadow on the right side, under a cliff of rocks. here they were joined by the five men who had gone in quest of crusatte. they had been to the forks of the river, where the natives resort in great numbers for the purpose of gigging fish, of which they made our men a present of five fresh salmon. in addition to this food, one deer was killed to-day. the western branch of this river is much larger than the eastern, and after we passed the junction we found the river about one hundred yards in width, rapid and shoaly, but containing only a small quantity of timber. as captain lewis was the first white man who visited its waters, captain clarke gave it the name of lewis's river. the low grounds through which he had passed to-day were rich and wide, but at his camp this evening the hills begin to assume a formidable aspect. the cliff under which he lay is of a reddish brown colour, the rocks which have fallen from it are a dark brown flintstone. near the place are gullies of white sandstone, and quantities of a fine sand, of a snowy whiteness: the mountains on each side are high and rugged, with some pine trees scattered over them. thursday . he soon began to perceive that the indian accounts had not exaggerated: at the distance of a mile he passed a small creek, and the points of four mountains, which were rocky, and so high that it seemed almost impossible to cross them with horses. the road lay over the sharp fragments of rocks which had fallen from the mountains, and were strewed in heaps for miles together, yet the horses altogether unshod, travelled across them as fast as the men, and without detaining them a moment. they passed two bold-running streams, and reached the entrance of a small river, where a few indian families resided. they had not been previously acquainted with the arrival of the whites, the guide was behind, and the wood so thick that we came upon them unobserved, till at a very short distance. as soon as they saw us, the women and children fled in great consternation; the men offered us every thing they had, the fish on the scaffolds, the dried berries and the collars of elk's tushes worn by the children. we took only a small quantity of the food, and gave them in return some small articles which conduced very much to pacify them. the guide now coming up, explained to them who we were, and the object of our visit, which seemed to relieve the fears, but still a number of the women and children did not recover from their fright, but cryed during our stay, which lasted about an hour. the guide, whom we found a very intelligent friendly old man, informed us that up this river there was a road which led over the mountains to the missouri. on resuming his route, he went along the steep side of a mountain about three miles, and then reached the river near a small island, at the lower part of which he encamped; he here attempted to gig some fish, but could only obtain one small salmon. the river is here shoal and rapid, with many rocks scattered in various directions through its bed. on the sides of the mountains are some scattered pines, and of those on the left the tops are covered with them; there are however but few in the low grounds through which they passed, indeed they have seen only a single tree fit to make a canoe, and even that was small. the country has an abundant growth of berries, and we met several women and children gathering them who bestowed them upon us with great liberality. among the woods captain clarke observed a species of woodpecker, the beak and tail of which were white, the wings black, and every other part of the body of a dark brown; its size was that of the robin, and it fed on the seeds of the pine. friday . captain clarke set off very early, but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles he reached the river, but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the river, that there was no mode of passing, except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the river was very rapid, and so deep that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the water for about a mile under this steep cliff, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the right shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock perfectly inaccessible to horses. here too, the little track which he had been pursuing terminated. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and examine the river still further, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. having killed nothing except a single goose to-day, and the whole of our provision being consumed last evening, it was by no means advisable to remain any length of time where they were. he now directed the men to fish and hunt at this place till his return, and then with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the side of lofty precipices which bordered the river, when at about twelve miles distance he reached a small meadow, the first he had seen on the river since he left his party. a little below this meadow, a large creek twelve yards wide, and of some depth, discharges itself from the north. here were some recent signs of an indian encampment, and the tracks of a number of horses, who must have come along a plain indian path, which he now saw following the course of the creek. this stream his guide said led towards a large river running to the north, and was frequented by another nation for the purpose of catching fish. he remained here two hours, and having taken some small fish, made a dinner on them with the addition of a few berries. from the place where he had left the party, to the mouth of this creek, it presents one continued rapid, in which are five shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for a considerable distance over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses for the relief of the men. even the empty canoes must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in that way without great risk both to the canoes as well as to the men. at one of these shoals, indeed the rocks rise so perpendicularly from the water as to leave no hope of a passage or even a portage without great labour in removing rocks, and in some instances cutting away the earth. to surmount these difficulties would exhaust the strength of the party, and what is equally discouraging would waste our time and consume our provisions, of neither of which have we much to spare. the season is now far advanced, and the indians tell us we shall shortly have snow: the salmon too have so far declined that the natives themselves are hastening from the country, and not an animal of any kind larger than a pheasant or a squirrel, and of even these a few only will then be seen in this part of the mountains: after which we shall be obliged to rely on our own stock of provisions, which will not support us more than ten days. these circumstances combine to render a passage by water impracticable in our present situation. to descend the course of the river on horseback is the other alternative, and scarcely a more inviting one. the river is so deep that there are only a few places where it can be forded, and the rocks approach so near the water as to render it impossible to make a route along the waters' edge. in crossing the mountains themselves we should have to encounter, besides their steepness, one barren surface of broken masses of rock, down which in certain seasons the torrents sweep vast quantities of stone into the river. these rocks are of a whitish brown, and towards the base of a gray colour, and so hard, that on striking them with steel, they yield a fire like flint. this sombre appearance is in some places scarcely relieved by a single tree, though near the river and on the creeks there is more timber, among which are some tall pine: several of these might be made into canoes, and by lashing two of them together, one of tolerable size might be formed. after dinner he continued his route, and at the distance of half a mile passed another creek about five yards wide. here his guide informed him that by ascending the creek for some distance he would have a better road, and cut off a considerable bend of the river towards the south. he therefore pursued a well-beaten indian track up this creek for about six miles, when leaving the creek to the right he passed over a ridge, and after walking a mile again met the river, where it flows through a meadow of about eighty acres in extent. this they passed and then ascended a high and steep point of a mountain, from which the guide now pointed out where the river broke through the mountains about twenty miles distant. near the base of the mountains a small river falls in from the south: this view was terminated by one of the loftiest mountains captain clarke had ever seen, which was perfectly covered with snow. towards this formidable barrier the river went directly on, and there it was, as the guide observed, that the difficulties and dangers of which he and cameahwait had spoken commenced. after reaching the mountain, he said, the river continues its course towards the north for many miles, between high perpendicular rocks, which were scattered through its bed: it then penetrated the mountain through a narrow gap, on each side of which arose perpendicularly a rock as high as the top of the mountain before them; that the river then made a bend which concealed its future course from view, and as it was alike impossible to descend the river or clamber over that vast mountain, eternally covered with snow, neither he nor any of his nation had ever been lower than at a place where they could see the gap made by the river on entering the mountain. to that place he said he would conduct captain clarke if he desired it by the next evening. but he was in need of no further evidence to convince him of the utter impracticability of the route before him. he had already witnessed the difficulties of part of the road, yet after all these dangers his guide, whose intelligence and fidelity he could not doubt, now assured him that the difficulties were only commencing, and what he saw before him too clearly convinced him of the indian's veracity. he therefore determined to abandon this route, and returned to the upper part of the last creek we had passed, and reaching it an hour after dark encamped for the night: on this creek he had seen in the morning an indian road coming in from the north. disappointed in finding a route by water, captain clarke now questioned his guide more particularly as to the direction of this road which he seemed to understand perfectly. he drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as well as that we passed yesterday on berry creek as both leading towards two forks of the same great river, where resided a nation called tushepaws, who having no salmon on their river, came by these roads to the fish weirs on lewis's river. he had himself been among these tushepaws, and having once accompanied them on a fishing party to another river he had there seen indians who had come across the rocky mountains. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, and a second and more particular map from his guide, captain clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river to the north, without coming so low down as this on a route impracticable for horses. he was desirous of hastening his return, and therefore set out early, saturday , and after descending the creek to the river, stopped to breakfast on berries in the meadow above the second creek. he then went on, but unfortunately fell from a rock and injured his leg very much; he however walked on as rapidly as he could, and at four in the afternoon rejoined his men. during his absence they had killed one of the mountain cocks, a few pheasants, and some small fish, on which with haws and serviceberries they had subsisted. captain clarke immediately sent forward a man on horseback with a note to captain lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries, and late in the afternoon set out with the rest of the party and encamped at the distance of two miles. the men were much disheartened at the bad prospect of escaping from the mountains, and having nothing to eat but a few berries which have made several of them sick, they all passed a disagreeable night, which was rendered more uncomfortable by a heavy dew. sunday . the want of provisions urged captain clarke to return as soon as possible; he therefore set out early, and halted an hour in passing the indian camp near the fish weirs. these people treated them with great kindness, and though poor and dirty they willingly give what little they possess; they gave the whole party boiled salmon and dried berries, which were not however in sufficient quantities to appease their hunger. they soon resumed their old road, but as the abstinence or strange diet had given one of the men a very severe illness, they were detained very much on his account, and it was not till late in the day they reached the cliff under which they had encamped on the twenty-first. they immediately began to fish and hunt, in order to procure a meal. we caught several small fish, and by means of our guide, obtained two salmon from a small party of women and children, who, with one man, were going below to gather berries. this supplied us with about half a meal, but after dark we were regaled with a beaver which one of the hunters brought in. the other game seen in the course of the day were one deer, and a party of elk among the pines on the sides of the mountains. monday . the morning was fine, and three men were despatched ahead to hunt, while the rest were detained until nine o'clock, in order to retake some horses which had strayed away during the night. they then proceeded along the route by the forks of the river, till they reached the lower indian camp where they first were when we met them. the whole camp immediately flocked around him with great appearance of cordiality, but all the spare food of the village did not amount to more than two salmon, which they gave to captain clarke, who distributed them among his men. the hunters had not been able to kill any thing, nor had captain clarke or the greater part of the men any food during the twenty-four hours, till towards evening one of them shot a salmon in the river, and a few small fish were caught, which furnished them with a scanty meal. the only animals they had seen were a few pigeons, some very wild hares, a great number of the large black grasshopper, and a quantify of ground lizards. tuesday . the men, who were engaged last night in mending their moccasins, all except one, went out hunting, but no game was to be procured. one of the men however killed a small salmon, and the indians made a present of another, on which the whole party made a very slight breakfast. these indians, to whom this life is familiar, seem contented, although they depend for subsistence on the scanty productions of the fishery. but our men who are used to hardships, but have been accustomed to have the first wants of nature regularly supplied, feel very sensibly their wretched situation; their strength is wasting away; they begin to express their apprehensions of being without food in a country perfectly destitute of any means of supporting life, except a few fish. in the course of the day an indian brought into the camp five salmon, two of which captain clarke bought, and made a supper for the party. wednesday . there was a frost again this morning. the indians gave the party two salmon out of several which they caught in their traps, and having purchased two more, the party was enabled to subsist on them during the day. a camp of about forty indians from the west fork passed us to-day, on their route to the eastward. our prospect of provisions is getting worse every day: the hunters who had ranged through the country in every direction where game might be reasonably expected, have seen nothing. the fishery is scarcely more productive, for an indian who was out all day with his gig killed only one salmon. besides the four fish procured from the indians, captain clarke obtained some fishroe in exchange for three small fish-hooks, the use of which he taught them, and which they very readily comprehended. all the men who are not engaged in hunting, are occupied in making pack-saddles for the horses which captain lewis informed us he had bought. august . two hunters were despatched early in the morning, but they returned without killing any thing, and the only game we procured was a beaver, who was caught last night in a trap which he carried off two miles before he was found. the fur of this animal is as good as any we have ever seen, nor does it in fact appear to be ever out of season on the upper branches of the missouri. this beaver, with several dozen of fine trout, gave us a plentiful subsistence for the day. the party were occupied chiefly in making pack-saddles, in the manufacture of which we supply the place of nails and boards, by substituting for the first thongs of raw hide, which answer very well; and for boards we use the handles of our oars, and the plank of some boxes, the contents of which we empty into sacks of raw hides made for the purpose. the indians who visit us behave with the greatest decorum, and the women are busily engaged in making and mending the moccasins of the party. as we had still some superfluous baggage which would be too heavy to carry across the mountains, it became necessary to make a cache or deposit. for this purpose we selected a spot on the bank of the river, three quarters of a mile below the camp, and three men were set to dig it, with a sentinel in the neighbourhood, who was ordered if the natives were to straggle that way, to fire a signal for the workmen to desist and separate. towards evening the cache was completed without being perceived by the indians, and the packages prepared for deposit. chapter xvi. contest between drewyer and a shoshonee--the fidelity and honour of that tribe--the party set out on their journey--the conduct of cameahwait reproved, and himself reconciled--the easy parturition of the shoshonee women--history of this nation--their terror of the pawkees--their government and family economy in their treatment of their women--their complaints of spanish treachery--description of their weapons of warfare--their curious mode of making a shield--the caparison of their horses--the dress of the men and of the women particularly described--their mode of acquiring new names. wednesday, august . the weather was very cold; the water which stood in the vessels exposed to the air being covered with ice a quarter of an inch thick: the ink freezes in the pen, and the low grounds are perfectly whitened with frost: after this the day proved excessively warm. the party were engaged in their usual occupations, and completed twenty saddles with the necessary harness, all prepared to set off as soon as the indians should arrive. our two hunters who were despatched early in the morning have not returned, so that we were obliged to encroach on our pork and corn, which we consider as the last resource when our casual supplies of game fail. after dark we carried our baggage to the cache, and deposited what we thought too cumbrous to carry with us: a small assortment of medicines, and all the specimens of plants, seeds, and minerals, collected since leaving the falls of the missouri. late at night drewyer, one of the hunters, returned with a fawn and a considerable quantity of indian plunder, which he had taken by way of reprisal. while hunting this morning in the shoshonee cove, he came suddenly upon an indian camp, at which were an old man, a young one, three women, and a boy: they showed no surprise at the sight of him and he therefore rode up to them, and after turning his horse loose to graze sat down and began to converse with them by signs. they had just finished a repast on some roots, and in about twenty minutes one of the women spoke to the rest of the party, who immediately went out, collected their horses and began to saddle them. having rested himself, drewyer thought that he would continue his hunt, and rising went to catch his horse who was at a short distance, forgetting at the moment to take up his rifle. he had scarcely gone more than fifty paces when the indians mounted their horses, the young man snatched up the rifle, and leaving all their baggage, whipt their horses, and set off at full speed towards the passes of the mountains: drewyer instantly jumped on his horse and pursued them. after running about ten miles the horses of the women nearly gave out, and the women finding drewyer gain on them raised dreadful cries, which induced the young man to slacken his pace, and being mounted on a very fleet horse rode round them at a short distance. drewyer now came up with the women, and by signs persuaded them that he did not mean to hurt them: they then stopped, and as the young man came towards them drewyer asked him for his rifle, but the only part of the answer which he understood was pahkee, the name by which they call their enemies, the minnetarees of fort de prairie. while they were thus engaged in talking, drewyer watched his opportunity, and seeing the indian off his guard, galloped up to him and seized his rifle: the indian struggled for some time, but finding drewyer getting too strong for him, had the presence of mind to open the pan and let the priming fall out; he then let go his hold, and giving his horse the whip escaped at full speed, leaving the women to the mercy of the conqueror. drewyer then returned to where he had first seen them, where he found that their baggage had been left behind, and brought it to camp with him. thursday, . this morning early two men were sent to complete the covering of the cache, which could not be so perfectly done during the night as to elude the search of the indians. on examining the spoils which drewyer had obtained, they were found to consist of several dressed and undressed skins; two bags wove with the bark of the silk grass, each containing a bushel of dried serviceberries, and about the same quantity of roots; an instrument made of bone for manufacturing the flints into heads for arrows; and a number of flints themselves: these were much of the same colour and nearly as transparent as common black glass, and when cut detached itself into flakes, leaving a very sharp edge. the roots were of three kinds, and folded separate from each in hides of buffaloe made into parchment. the first is a fusiform root six inches long, and about the size of a man's finger at the largest end, with radicles larger than is usual in roots of the fusiform sort: the rind is white and thin, the body is also white, mealy, and easily reducible, by pounding, to a substance resembling flour, like which it thickens by boiling, and is of an agreeable flavour: it is eaten frequently in its raw state either green or dried. the second species was much mutilated, but appeared to be fibrous; it is of a cylindrical form about the size of a small quill, hard and brittle. a part of the rind which had not been detached in the preparation was hard and black, but the rest of the root was perfectly white; this the indiana informed us was always boiled before eating; and on making the experiment we found that it became perfectly soft, but had a bitter taste, which was nauseous to our taste, but which the indians seemed to relish; for on giving the roots to them they were very heartily swallowed. the third species was a small nut about the size of a nutmeg, of an irregularly rounded form, something like the smallest of the jerusalem artichokes, which, on boiling, we found them to resemble also in flavour, and is certainly the best root we have seen in use among the indians. on inquiring of the indians from what plant these roots were procured, they informed us that none of them grew near this place. the men were chiefly employed in dressing the skins belonging to the party who accompanied captain clarke. about eleven o'clock chaboneau and his wife returned with cameahwait, accompanied by about fifty men with their women and children. after they had encamped near us and turned loose their horses, we called a council of all the chiefs and warriors and addressed them in a speech; additional presents were then distributed, particularly to the two second chiefs, who had agreeably to their promises exerted themselves in our favour. the council was then adjourned, and all the indians were treated with an abundant meal of boiled indian corn and beans. the poor wretches, who had no animal food and scarcely any thing but a few fish, had been almost starved, and received this new luxury with great thankfulness. out of compliment to the chief we gave him a few dried squashes which we had brought from the mandans, and he declared it was the best food he had ever tasted except sugar, a small lump of which he had received from his sister: he now declared how happy they should all be to live in a country which produced so many good things, and we told him that it would not be long before the white men would put it in their power to live below the mountains, where they might themselves cultivate all these kinds of food instead of wandering in the mountains. he appeared to be much pleased with this information, and the whole party being now in excellent temper after their repast, we began our purchase of horses. we soon obtained five very good ones on very reasonable terms; that is, by giving for each merchandise which cost us originally about six dollars. we have again to admire the perfect decency and propriety of their conduct; for although so numerous, they do not attempt to crowd round our camp or take any thing which they see lying about, and whenever they borrow knives or kettles or any other article from the men, they return them with great fidelity. towards evening we formed a drag of bushes, and in about two hours caught five hundred and twenty-eight very good fish most of them large trout. among them we observed for the first time ten or twelve trout of a white or silvery colour, except on the back and head where they are of a bluish cast: in appearance and shape they resemble exactly the speckled trout, except that they are not quite so large, though the scales are much larger, and the flavour equally good. the greater part of the fish was distributed among the indians. friday . our visitors seem to depend wholly on us for food, and as the state of our provisions obliges us to be careful of our remaining stock of corn and flour, this was an additional reason for urging our departure; but cameahwait requested us to wait till the arrival of another party of his nation who were expected to-day. knowing that it would be in vain to oppose his wish, we consented, and two hunters were sent out with orders to go further up the southeast fork than they had hitherto been. at the same time the chief was informed of the low state of our provisions, and advised to send out his young men to hunt. this he recommended them to do, and most of them set out: we then sunk our canoes by means of stones to the bottom of the river, a situation which better than any other secured them against the effects of the high waters, and the frequent fires of the plains; the indians having promised not to disturb them during our absence, a promise we believe the more readily, as they are almost too lazy to take the trouble of raising them for fire-wood. we were desirous of purchasing some more horses, but they declined selling any until we reached their camp in the mountains. soon after starting the indian hunters discovered a mule buck, and twelve of their horsemen pursued it, for four miles. we saw the chase, which was very entertaining, and at length they rode it down and killed it. this mule buck was the largest deer of any kind we have seen, being nearly as large as a doe elk. besides this they brought in another deer and three goats; but instead of a general distribution of the meat, and such as we have hitherto seen among all tribes of indians, we observed that some families had a large share, while others received none. on inquiring of cameahwait the reason of this custom, he said that meat among them was scarce; that each hunter reserved what he killed for the use of himself and his own family, none of the rest having any claim on what he chose to keep. our hunters returned soon after with two mule deer and three common deer, three of which we distributed among the families who had received none of the game of their own hunters. about three o'clock the expected party consisting of fifty men, women and children arrived. we now learnt that most of the indians were on their way down the valley towards the buffaloe country, and some anxiety to accompany them appeared to prevail among those who had promised to assist us in crossing the mountains. we ourselves were not without some apprehension that they might leave us, but as they continued to say that they would return with us nothing was said upon the subject. we were, however, resolved to move early in the morning; and therefore despatched two men to hunt in the cove and leave the game on the route we should pass to-morrow. saturday . as the indians who arrived yesterday had a number of spare horses, we thought it probable they might be willing to dispose of them, and desired the chief to speak to them for that purpose. they declined giving any positive answer, but requested to see the goods which we proposed to exchange. we then produced some battle-axes which we had made at fort mandan, and a quantity of knives; with both of which they appeared very much pleased; and we were soon able to purchase three horses by giving for each an axe, a knife, a hankerchief and a little paint. to this we were obliged to add a second knife, a shirt, a handkerchief and a pair of leggings; and such is the estimation in which those animals are held, that even at this price, which was double that for a horse, the fellow who sold him took upon himself great merit in having given away a mule to us. they now said that they had no more horses for sale, and as we had now nine of our own, two hired horses, and a mule, we began loading them as heavily as was prudent, and placing the rest on the shoulders of the indian women, left our camp at twelve o'clock. we were all on foot, except sacajawea, for whom her husband had purchased a horse with some articles which we gave him for that purpose; an indian however had the politeness to offer captain lewis one of his horses to ride, which he accepted in order better to direct the march of the party. we crossed the river below the forks, directing our course towards the cove by the route already passed, and had just reached the lower part of the cove when an indian rode up to captain lewis to inform him that one of his men was very sick, and unable to come on. the party was immediately halted at a run which falls into the creek on the left, and captain lewis rode back two miles, and found wiser severely afflicted with the colic: by giving him some of the essence of peppermint and laudanum, he recovered sufficiently to ride the horse of captain lewis, who then rejoined the party on foot. when he arrived he found that the indians who had been impatiently expecting his return, at last unloaded their horses and turned them loose, and had now made their camp for the night. it would have been fruitless to remonstrate, and not prudent to excite any irritation, and therefore, although the sun was still high, and we had made only six miles, we thought it best to remain with them: after we had encamped there fell a slight shower of rain. one of the men caught several fine trout; but drewyer had been sent out to hunt without having killed any thing. we therefore gave a little corn to those of the indians who were actually engaged in carrying our baggage, and who had absolutely nothing to eat. we also advised cameahwait, as we could not supply all his people with provisions, to recommend to all who were not assisting us, to go on before us to their camp. this he did: but in the morning, sunday , a few only followed his advice, the rest accompanying us at some distance on each side. we set out at sunrise and after going seventeen miles halted for dinner within two miles of the narrow pass in the mountains. the indians who were on the sides of our party had started some antelopes, but were obliged after a pursuit of several hours to abandon the chase: our hunters had in the meantime brought in three deer, the greater part of which was distributed among the indians. whilst at dinner we learnt by means of sacajawea, that the young men who left us this morning, carried a request from the chief, that the village would break up its encampment and meet this party to-morrow, when they would all go down the missouri into the buffaloe country. alarmed at this new caprice of the indians which, if not counteracted, threatened to leave ourselves and our baggage on the mountains, or even if we reached the waters of the columbia, prevent our obtaining horses to go on further, captain lewis immediately called the three chiefs together. after smoking a pipe he asked them if they were men of their words, and if we can rely on their promises. they readily answered in the affirmative. he then asked, if they had not agreed to assist us in carrying our baggage over the mountains. to this they also answered yes; and why then, said he, have you requested your people to meet us to-morrow, where it will be impossible for us to trade for horses, as you promised we should. if, he continued, you had not promised to help us in transporting our goods over the mountains, we should not have attempted it, but have returned down the river, after which no white men would ever have come into your country. if you wish the whites to be your friends, and to bring you arms and protect you from your enemies, you should never promise what you do not mean to perform: when i first met you, you doubted what i said, yet you afterwards saw that i told you the truth. how therefore can you doubt what i now tell you; you see that i have divided amongst you the meat which my hunters kill, and i promise to give all who assist us a share of whatever we have to eat. if therefore you intend to keep your promise, send one of the young men immediately to order the people to remain at the village till we arrive. the two inferior chiefs then said, that they had wished to keep their words and to assist us; that they had not sent for the people, but on the contrary had disapproved of the measure which was done wholly by the first chief. cameahwait remained silent for some time: at last he said that he knew he had done wrong, but that seeing his people all in want of provisions, he had wished to hasten their departure for the country where their wants might be supplied. he however now declared, that having passed his word he would never violate it, and counter orders were immediately sent to the village by a young man, to whom we gave a handkerchief in order to ensure despatch and fidelity. this difficulty being now adjusted, our march was resumed with an unusual degree of alacrity on the part of the indians. we passed a spot, where six years ago the shoshonees* suffered a very severe defeat from the minnetarees; and late in the evening we reached the upper part of the cove where the creek enters the mountains. the part of the cove on the northeast side of the creek has lately been burnt, most probably as a signal on some occasion. here we were joined by our hunters with a single deer, which captain lewis gave, as a proof of his sincerity, to the women and children, and remained supperless himself. as we came along we observed several large hares, some ducks, and many of the cock of the plains: in the low grounds of the cove were also considerable quantities of wild onions. monday . the morning was excessively cold, and the ice in our vessels was nearly a quarter of an inch in thickness: we set out at sunrise, and soon reached the fountain of the missouri, where we halted for a few minutes, and then crossing the dividing ridge reached the fine spring where captain lewis had slept on the th in his first excursion to the shoshonee camp. the grass on the hill sides is perfectly dry and parched by the sun, but near the spring was a fine green grass: we therefore halted for dinner and turned our horses to graze. to each of the indians who were engaged in carrying our baggage was distributed a pint of corn, which they parched, then pounded, and made a sort of soup. one of the women who had been leading two of our pack horses halted at a rivulet about a mile behind, and sent on the two horses by a female friend: on inquiring of cameahwait the cause of her detention, he answered with great appearance of unconcern, that she had just stopped to lie in, but would soon overtake us. in fact we were astonished to see her in about an hour's time come on with her new born infant and pass us on her way to the camp, apparently in perfect health. this wonderful facility with which the indian women bring forth their children, seems rather some benevolent gift of nature, in exempting them from pains which their savage state would render doubly grievous, than any result of habit. if as has been imagined, a pure dry air or a cold and elevated country are obstacles to easy delivery, every difficulty incident to that operation might be expected in this part of the continent; nor can another reason, the habit of carrying heavy burthens during pregnancy, be at all applicable to the shoshonee women, who rarely carry any burdens, since their nation possesses an abundance of horses. we have indeed been several times informed by those conversant with indian manners, and who asserted their knowledge of the fact, that indian women pregnant by white men experience more difficulty in child-birth than when the father is an indian. if this account be true, it may contribute to strengthen the belief, that the easy delivery of the indian women is wholly constitutional. the tops of the high irregular mountains to the westward are still entirely covered with snow; and the coolness which the air acquires in passing them, is a very agreeable relief from the heat, which has dried up the herbage on the sides of the hills. while we stopped, the women were busily employed in collecting the root of a plant with which they feed their children, who like their mothers are nearly half starved and in a wretched condition. it is a species of fennel which grows in the moist grounds; the radix is of the knob kind, of a long ovate form, terminating in a single radicle, the whole being three or four inches long, and the thickest part about the size of a man's little finger: when fresh, it is white, firm, and crisp; and when dried and pounded makes a fine white meal. its flavour is not unlike that of aniseed, though less pungent. from one to four of these knobbed roots are attached to a single stem which rises to the height of three or four feet, and is jointed, smooth, cylindric, and has several small peduncles, one at each joint above the sheathing leaf. its colour is a deep green, as is also that of the leaf, which is sheathing, sessile, and _polipartite_, the divisions being long and narrow. the flowers, which are now in bloom, are small and numerous, with white and umbellifferous petals: there are no root leaves. as soon as the seeds have matured, the roots of the present year as well as the stem decline, and are renewed in the succeeding spring from the little knot which unites the roots. the sunflower is also abundant here, and the seeds, which are now ripe, are gathered in considerable quantities, and after being pounded and rubbed between smooth stones, form a kind of meal, which is a favourite dish among the indians. after dinner we continued our route and were soon met by a party of young men on horseback, who turned with us and went to the village. as soon as we were within sight of it, cameahwait requested that we would discharge our guns; the men were therefore drawn up in a single rank, and gave a running fire of two rounds, to the great satisfaction of the indians. we then proceeded to the encampment where we arrived about six o'clock, and were conducted to the leathern lodge in the centre of thirty-two others made of brush. the baggage was arranged near this tent, which captain lewis occupied, and surrounded by those of the men so as to secure it from pillage. this camp was in a beautiful smooth meadow near the river, and about three miles above their camp when we first visited the indians. we here found colter, who had been sent by captain clarke with a note apprising us that there were no hopes of a passage by water, and that the most practicable route seemed to be that mentioned by his guide, towards the north. whatever road we meant to take, it was now necessary to provide ourselves with horses; we therefore informed cameahwait of our intention of going to the great river beyond the mountains, and that we would wish to purchase twenty more horses: he said the minnetarees had stolen a great number of their horses this spring, but he still hoped they could spare us that number. in order not to loose the present favourable moment, and to keep the indians as cheerful as possible, the violins were brought out and our men danced to the great diversion of the indians. this mirth was the more welcome because our situation was not precisely that which would most dispose us for gayety, for we have only a little parched corn to eat, and our means of subsistence or of success, depend on the wavering temper of the natives, who may change their minds to-morrow. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians, a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees with whom we now are, amount to about one hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection they formerly lived in the plains, but they have been driven into the mountains by the pawkees, or the roving indians of the sascatchawain, and are now obliged to visit occasionally, and by stealth, the country of their ancestors. their lives are indeed migratory. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia, where they consider themselves perfectly secure from the pawkees who have never yet found their way to that retreat. during this time they subsist chiefly on salmon, and as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed slowly and cautiously, till they are joined near the three forks by other bands, either of their own nation or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloe in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. but such is their terror of the pawkees, that as long as they can obtain the scantiest subsistence, they do not leave the interior of the mountains; and as soon as they collect a large stock of dried meat, they again retreat, and thus alternately obtaining their food at the hazard of their lives, and hiding themselves to consume it. in this loose and wandering existence they suffer the extremes of want; for two thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. nor can any thing be imagined more wretched than their condition at the present time, when the salmon is fast retiring, when roots are becoming scarce, and they have not yet acquired strength to hazard an encounter with their enemies. so insensible are they however to these calamities, that the shoshonees are not only cheerful but even gay; and their character, which is more interesting than that of any indians we have seen, has in it much of the dignity of misfortune. in their intercourse with strangers they are frank and communicative, in their dealings perfectly fair, nor have we had during our stay with them, any reason to suspect that the display of all our new and valuable wealth, has tempted them into a single act of dishonesty. while they have generally shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing from us. with their liveliness of temper, they are fond of gaudy dresses, and of all sorts of amusements, particularly to games of hazard; and like most indians fond of boasting of their own warlike exploits, whether real or fictitious. in their conduct towards ourselves, they were kind and obliging, and though on one occasion they seemed willing to neglect us, yet we scarcely knew how to blame the treatment by which we suffered, when we recollected how few civilized chiefs would have hazarded the comforts or the subsistence of their people for the sake of a few strangers. this manliness of character may cause or it may be formed by the nature of their government, which is perfectly free from any restraint. each individual is his own master, and the only control to which his conduct is subjected, is the advice of a chief supported by his influence over the opinions of the rest of the tribe. the chief himself is in fact no more than the most confidential person among the warriors, a rank neither distinguished by any external honor, nor invested by any ceremony, but gradually acquired from the good wishes of his companions and by superior merit. such an officer has therefore strictly no power; he may recommend or advise or influence, but his commands have no effect on those who incline to disobey, and who may at any time withdraw from their voluntary allegiance. his shadowy authority which cannot survive the confidence which supports it, often decays with the personal vigour of the chief, or is transferred to some more fortunate or favourite hero. in their domestic economy, the man is equally sovereign. the man is the sole proprietor of his wives and daughters, and can barter them away, or dispose of them in any manner he may think proper. the children are seldom corrected; the boys, particularly, soon become their own masters; they are never whipped, for they say that it breaks their spirit, and that after being flogged they never recover their independence of mind, even when they grow to manhood. a plurality of wives is very common; but these are not generally sisters, as among the minnetarees and mandans, but are purchased of different fathers. the infant daughters are often betrothed by the father to men who are grown, either for themselves or for their sons, for whom they are desirous of providing wives. the compensation to the father is usually made in horses or mules; and the girl remains with her parents till the age of puberty, which is thirteen or fourteen, when she is surrendered to her husband. at the same time the father often makes a present to the husband equal to what he had formerly received as the price of his daughter, though this return is optional with her parent. sacajawea had been contracted in this way before she was taken prisoner, and when we brought her back, her betrothed was still living. although he was double the age of sacajawea, and had two other wives, he claimed her, but on finding that she had a child by her new husband, chaboneau, he relinquished his pretensions and said he did not want her. the chastity of the women does not appear to be held in much estimation. the husband will for a trifling present lend his wife for a night to a stranger, and the loan may be protracted by increasing the value of the present. yet strange as it may seem, notwithstanding this facility, any connexion of this kind not authorized by the husband, is considered highly offensive and quite as disgraceful to his character as the same licentiousness in civilized societies. the shoshonees are not so importunate in volunteering the services of their wives as we found the sioux were; and indeed we observed among them some women who appeared to be held in more respect than those of any nation we had seen. but the mass of the females are condemned, as among all savage nations, to the lowest and most laborious drudgery. when the tribe is stationary, they collect the roots, and cook; they build the huts, dress the skins and make clothing; collect the wood, and assist in taking care of the horses on the route; they load the horses and have the charge of all the baggage. the only business of the man is to fight; he therefore takes on himself the care of his horse, the companion of his warfare; but he will descend to no other labour than to hunt and to fish. he would consider himself degraded by being compelled to walk any distance; and were he so poor as to possess only two horses, he would ride the best of them, and leave the other for his wives and children and their baggage; and if he has too many wives or too much baggage for the horse, the wives have no alternative but to follow him on foot; they are not however often reduced to those extremities, for their stock of horses is very ample. notwithstanding their losses this spring they still have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. there are no horses here which can be considered as wild; we have seen two only on this side of the muscleshell river which were without owners, and even those although shy, showed every mark of having been once in the possession of man. the original stock was procured from the spaniards, but they now raise their own. the horses are generally very fine, of a good size, vigorous and patient of fatigue as well as hunger. each warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut both day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards, with whose brands several of them are marked, or stolen from them by the frontier indians. they are the finest animals of that kind we have ever seen, and at this distance from the spanish colonies are very highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses, and a good mule cannot be obtained for less than three and sometimes four horses. we also saw a bridle bit, stirrups and several other articles which, like the mules, came from the spanish colonies. the shoshonees say that they can reach those settlements in ten days' march by the route of the yellowstone river; but we readily perceive that the spaniards are by no means favourites. they complain that the spaniards refuse to let them have fire arms under pretence that these dangerous weapons will only induce them to kill each other. in the meantime, say the shoshonees, we are left to the mercy of the minnetarees, who having arms, plunder them of their horses, and put them to death without mercy. "but this should not be," said cameahwait fiercely, "if we had guns, instead of hiding ourselves in the mountains and living like the bears on roots and berries, we would then go down and live in the buffaloe country in spite of our enemies, whom we never fear when we meet on equal terms." as war is the chief occupation, bravery is the first virtue among the shoshonees. none can hope to be distinguished without having given proofs of it, nor can there be any preferment, or influence among the nation, without some warlike achievement. those important events which give reputation to a warrior, and which entitle him to a new name, are killing a white bear, stealing individually the horses of the enemy, leading out a party who happen to be successful either in plundering horses or destroying the enemy, and lastly scalping a warrior. these acts seem of nearly equal dignity, but the last, that of taking an enemy's scalp, is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. to kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy. although thus oppressed by the minnetarees, the shoshonees are still a very military people. their cold and rugged country inures them to fatigue; their long abstinence makes them support the dangers of mountain warfare, and worn down as we saw them, by want of sustenance, have a look of fierce and adventurous courage. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback; he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved exclusively for war, but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance and a weapon called by the chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon. the bow is made of cedar or pine covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. it is about two and a half feet long, and does not differ in shape from those used by the sioux, mandans and minnetarees. sometimes, however, the bow is made of a single piece of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood with sinews and glue, and occasionally ornamented by a strand wrought of porcupine quills and sinews, which is wrapped round the horn near its two ends. the bows made of the horns of the bighorn, are still more prized, and are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinews and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments. the arrows resemble those of the other indians except in being more slender than any we have seen. they are contained, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin, though that of the otter seems to be preferred. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is worn on the back by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffaloe hide about two feet four or five inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, and a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned or deformed with paintings of strange figures. the buffaloe hide is perfectly proof against any arrow, but in the minds of the shoshonees, its power to protect them is chiefly derived from the virtues which are communicated to it by the old men and jugglers. to make a shield is indeed one of their most important ceremonies: it begins by a feast to which all the warriors, old men and jugglers are invited. after the repast a hole is dug in the ground about eighteen inches in depth and of the same diameter as the intended shield: into this hole red hot stones are thrown and water poured over them, till they emit a very strong* hot steam. the buffaloe skin, which must be the entire hide of a male two years old, and never suffered to dry since it was taken from the animal, is now laid across the hole, with the fleshy side to the ground, and stretched in every direction by as many as can take hold of it. as the skin becomes heated, the hair separates and is taken off by the hand; till at last the skin is contracted into the compass designed for the shield. it is then taken off and placed on a hide prepared into parchment, and then pounded during the rest of the festival by the bare heels of those who are invited to it. this operation sometimes continues for several days, after which it is delivered to the proprietor, and declared by the old men and jugglers to be a security against arrows; and provided the feast has been satisfactory, against even the bullets of their enemies. such is the delusion, that many of the indians implicitly believe that this ceremony has given to the shield supernatural powers, and that they have no longer to fear any weapons of their enemies. the paggamoggon is an instrument, consisting of a handle twenty-two inches long, made of wood, covered with dressed leather about the size of a whip-handle: at one end is a thong of two inches in length, which is tied to a round stone weighing two pounds and held in a cover of leather: at the other end is a loop of the same material, which is passed round the wrist so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. besides these, they have a kind of armour something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and a saddle: the first is either a rope of six or seven strands of buffaloe hair platted or twisted together, about the size of a man's finger and of great strength; or merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing; though the first kind is much preferred. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot and then brought down to the under jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth: it is then drawn up on the right side and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. at other times the knot is formed at a little distance from one of the ends, so as to let that end serve as a bridle, while the other trails on the ground. with these cords dangling along side of them the horse is put to his full speed without fear of falling, and when he is turned to graze the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle in formed like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat thin boards which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, ending sometimes in a flat point extending outwards, and always making the saddle deep and narrow. under this a piece of buffaloe skin, with the hair on, is placed so as to prevent the rubbing of the boards, and when they mount they throw a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for old men and women. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way they ride with great expertness, and they have a particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. if he will not immediately submit when they wish to take him, they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at a distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. this cord is so useful in this way that it is never dispensed with, even when they use the spanish bridle, which they prefer, and always procure when they have it in their power. the horse becomes almost an object of attachment: a favourite is frequently painted and his ears cut into various shapes: the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds, and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed they bend forward and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horses neck. the only articles of metal which the shoshonees possess are a few bad knives, some brass kettles, some bracelets or armbands of iron and brass, a few buttons worn as ornaments in their hair, one or two spears about a foot in length, and some heads for arrows made of iron and brass. all these they had obtained in trading with the crow or rocky mountain indians, who live on the yellowstone. the few bridle-bits and stirrups they procured from the spanish colonies. the instrument which supplies the place of a knife among them, is a piece of flint with no regular form, and the sharp part of it not more than one or two inches long: the edge of this is renewed, and the flint itself is formed into heads for arrows, by means of the point of a deer or elk horn, an instrument which they use with great art and ingenuity. there are no axes or hatchets; all the wood being cut with flint or elk-horn, the latter of which is always used as a wedge in splitting wood. their utensils consist, besides the brass kettles, of pots in the form of a jar, made either of earth, or of a stone found in the hills between madison and jefferson rivers, which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire. the horns of the buffaloe and the bighorn supply them with spoons. the fire is always kindled by means of a blunt arrow, and a piece of well-seasoned wood of a soft spongy kind, such as the willow or cottonwood. the shoshonees are of a diminutive stature, with thick flat feet and ankles, crooked legs, and are, generally speaking, worse formed than any nation of indians we have seen. their complexion resembles that of the sioux, and is darker than that of the minnetarees, mandans, or shawnees. the hair in both sexes is suffered to fall loosely over the face and down the shoulders: some men, however, divide it by means of thongs of dressed leather or otter skin into two equal queues, which hang over the ears and are drawn in front of the body; but at the present moment, when the nation is afflicted by the loss of so many relations killed in war, most of them have the hair cut quite short in the neck, and cameahwait has the hair cut short all over his head, this being the customary mourning for a deceased kindred. the dress of the men consists of a robe, a tippet, a shirt, long leggings and moccasins. the robe is formed most commonly of the skins of antelope, bighorn, or deer, though when it can be procured, the buffaloe hide is preferred. sometimes too they are made of beaver, moonax, and small wolves, and frequently during the summer of elk skin. these are dressed with the hair on, and reach about as low as the middle of the leg. they are worn loosely over the shoulders, the sides being at pleasure either left open or drawn together by the hand, and in cold weather kept close by a girdle round the waist. this robe answers the purpose of a cloak during the day, and at night is their only covering. the tippet is the most elegant article of indian dress we have ever seen. the neck or collar of it is a strip about four or five inches wide, cut from the back of the otter skin, the nose and eyes forming one extremity, and the tail another. this being dressed with the fur on, they attach to one edge of it, from one hundred to two hundred and fifty little rolls of ermine skin, beginning at the ear, and proceeding towards the tail. these ermine skins are the same kind of narrow strips from the back of that animal, which are sewed round a small cord of twisted silkgrass thick enough to make the skin taper towards the tail which hangs from the end, and are generally about the size of a large quill. these are tied at the head into little bundles, of two, three or more according to the caprice of the wearer, and then suspended from the collar, and a broad fringe of ermine skin is fixed so as to cover the parts where they unite, which might have a coarse appearance. little tassels of fringe of the same materials are also fastened to the extremities of the tail, so as to show its black colour to greater advantage. the centre of the collar is further ornamented with the shells of the pearl oyster. thus adorned, the collar is worn close round the neck, and the little rolls fall down over the shoulders nearly to the waist, so as to form a sort of short cloak, which has a very handsome appearance. these tippets are very highly esteemed, and are given or disposed of on important occasions only. the ermine is the fur known to the northwest traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine; and by encouraging the indians to take them, might no doubt be rendered a valuable branch of trade. these animals must be very abundant, for the tippets are in great numbers, and the construction of each requires at least one hundred skins. the shirt is a covering of dressed skin without the hair, and formed of the hide of the antelope, deer, bighorn, or elk, though the last is more rarely used than any other for this purpose. it fits the body loosely, and reaches half way down the thigh. the aperture at the top is wide enough to admit the head, and has no collar, but is either left square, or most frequently terminates in the tail of the animal, which is left entire, so as to fold outwards, though sometimes the edges are cut into a fringe, and ornamented with quills of the porcupine. the seams of the shirt are on the sides, and are richly fringed and adorned with porcupine quills, till within five or six inches of the sleeve, where it is left open, as is also the under side of the sleeve from the shoulder to the elbow, where it fits closely round the arm as low as the wrist, and has no fringe like the sides, and the under part of the sleeve above the elbow. it is kept up by wide shoulder straps, on which the manufacturer displays his taste by the variety of figures wrought with porcupine quills of different colours, and sometimes by beads when they can be obtained. the lower end of the shirt retains the natural shape of the fore legs and neck of the skin, with the addition of a slight fringe; the hair too is left on the tail and near the hoofs, part of which last is retained and split into a fringe. the leggings are generally made of antelope skins, dressed without the hair, and with the legs, tail and neck hanging to them. each legging is formed of a skin nearly entire, and reaches from the ancle to the upper part of the thigh, and the legs of the skin are tucked before and behind under a girdle round the waist. it fits closely to the leg, the tail being worn upwards, and the neck highly ornamented with fringe and porcupine quills, drags on the ground behind the heels. as the legs of the animal are tied round the girdle, the wide part of the skin is drawn so high as to conceal the parts usually kept from view, in which respect their dress is much more decent than that of any nation of indians on the missouri. the seams of the leggings down the sides, are also fringed and ornamented, and occasionally decorated with tufts of hair taken from enemies whom they have slain. in making all these dresses, their only thread is the sinew taken from the backs and loins of deer, elk, buffaloe, or any other animal. the moccasin is of the deer, elk, or buffaloe skin, dressed without the hair, though in winter they use the buffaloe skin with the hairy side inward, as do most of the indians who inhabit the buffaloe country. like the mandan moccasin, it is made with a single seam on the outer edge, and sewed up behind, a hole being left at the instep to admit the foot. it is variously ornamented with figures wrought with porcupine quills, and sometimes the young men most fond of dress, cover it with the skin of a polecat, and trail at their heels the tail of the animal. the dress of the women consists of the same articles as that of their husbands. the robe though smaller is worn in the same way: the moccasins are precisely similar. the shirt or chemise reaches half way down the leg, is in the same form, except that there is no shoulder-strap, the seam coming quite up to the shoulder; though for women who give suck both sides are open, almost down to the waist. it is also ornamented in the same way with the addition of little patches of red cloth, edged round with beads at the skirts. the chief ornament is over the breast, where there are curious figures made with the usual luxury of porcupine quills. like the men they have a girdle round the waist, and when either sex wishes to disengage the arm, it is drawn up through the hole near the shoulder, and the lower part of the sleeve thrown behind the body. children alone wear beads round their necks; grown persons of both sexes prefer them suspended in little bunches from the ear, and sometimes intermixed with triangular pieces of the shell of the pearl oyster. sometimes the men tie them in the same way to the hair of the forepart of the head, and increase the beauty of it by adding the wings and tails of birds, and particularly the feathers of the great eagle or calumet bird, of which they are extremely fond. the collars are formed either of sea shells procured from their relations to the southwest, or of the sweet-scented grass which grows in the neighbourhood, and which they twist or plait together, to the thickness of a man's finger, and then cover with porcupine quills of various colours. the first of these is worn indiscriminately by both sexes, the second principally confined to the men, while a string of elk's tusks is a collar almost peculiar to the women and children. another collar worn by the men is a string of round bones like the joints of a fish's back, but the collar most preferred, because most honourable, is one of the claws of the brown bear. to kill one of these animals is as distinguished an achievement as to have put to death an enemy, and in fact with their weapons is a more dangerous trial of courage. these claws are suspended on a thong of dressed leather, and being ornamented with beads, are worn round the neck by the warriors with great pride. the men also frequently wear the skin of a fox, or a strip of otter skin round the head in the form of a bandeau. in short, the dress of the shoshonees is as convenient and decent as that of any indians we have seen. they have many more children than might have been expected, considering their precarious means of support and their wandering life. this inconvenience is however balanced by the wonderful facility with which their females undergo the operations of child-birth. in the most advanced state of pregnancy they continue their usual occupations, which are scarcely interrupted longer than the mere time of bringing the child into the world. the old men are few in number and do not appear to be treated with much tenderness or respect. the tobacco used by the shoshonees is not cultivated among them, but obtained from the indians of the rocky mountains, and from some of the bands of their own nation who live south of them; it is the same plant which is in use among the minnetarees, mandans, and ricaras. their chief intercourse with other nations seems to consist in their association with other snake indians, and with the flatheads when they go eastward to hunt buffaloe, and in the occasional visits made by the flatheads to the waters of the columbia for the purpose of fishing. their intercourse with the spaniards is much more rare, and it furnishes them with a few articles, such as mules, and some bridles, and other ornaments for horses, which, as well as some of their kitchen utensils, are also furnished by the bands of snake indians from the yellowstone. the pearl ornaments which they esteem so highly come from other bands, whom they represent as their friends and relations, living to the southwest beyond the barren plains on the other side of the mountains: these relations they say inhabit a good country, abounding with elk, deer, bear, and antelope, where horses and mules are much more abundant than they are here, or to use their own expression, as numerous as the grass of the plains. the names of the indians varies in the course of their life: originally given in childhood, from the mere necessity of distinguishing objects, or from some accidental resemblance to external objects, the young warrior is impatient to change it by some achievement of his own. any important event, the stealing of horses, the scalping an enemy, or killing a brown bear, entitles him at once to a new name which he then selects for himself, and it is confirmed by the nation. sometimes the two names subsist together: thus, the chief cameahwait, which means, "one who never walks," has the war name of tooettecone, or "black gun," which he acquired when he first signalized himself. as each new action gives a warrior a right to change his name, many of them have had several in the course of their lives. to give to a friend his own name is an act of high courtesy, and a pledge like that of pulling off the moccasin of sincerity and hospitality. the chief in this way gave his name to captain clarke when he first arrived, and he was afterwards known among the shoshonees by the name of cameahwait. the diseases incident to this state of life may be supposed to be few, and chiefly the result of accidents. we were particularly anxious to ascertain whether they had any knowledge of the venereal disorder. after inquiring by means of the interpreter and his wife, we learnt that they sometimes suffered from it, and that they most usually die with it; nor could we discover what was their remedy. it is possible that this disease may have reached them in their circuitous communications with the whites through the intermediate indians; but the situation of the shoshonees is so insulated, that it is not probable that it could have reached them in that way, and the existence of such a disorder among the rocky mountains seems rather a proof of its being aboriginal. chapter xvii. the party, after procuring horses from the shoshonees, proceed on their journey through the mountains--the difficulties and dangers of the route--a council held with another band of the shoshonees, of whom some account is given--they are reduced to the necessity of killing their horses for food--captain clarke with a small party precedes the main body in quest of food, and is hospitably received by the pierced-nose indians--arrival of the main body amongst this tribe, with whom a council is held--they resolve to perform the remainder of their journey in canoes--sickness of the party--they descend the kooskooskee to its junction with lewis river, after passing several dangerous rapids--short description of the manners and dress of the pierced-nose indians. august . we were now occupied in determining our route and procuring horses from the indians. the old guide who had been sent on by captain clarke, now confirmed, by means of our interpreter, what he had already asserted, of a road up berry creek which would lead to indian establishments on another branch of the columbia: his reports however were contradicted by all the shoshonees. this representation we ascribed to a wish on their part to keep us with them during the winter, as well for the protection we might afford against their enemies, as for the purpose of consuming our merchandise amongst them; and as the old man promised to conduct us himself, that route seemed to be the most eligible. we were able to procure some horses, though not enough for all our purposes. this traffic, and our inquiries and councils with the indians, consumed the remainder of the day. august . the purchase of horses was resumed, and our stock raised to twenty-two. having now crossed more than once the country which separates the head waters of the missouri from those of the columbia, we can designate the easiest and most expeditious route for a portage; it is as follows: from the forks of the river north ° west, five miles to the point of a hill on the right: then south ° west, ten miles to a spot where the creek is ten miles wide, and the highlands approach within two hundred yards; southwest five miles to a narrow part of the bottom; then turning south ° west, two miles to a creek on the right: thence south ° west, three miles to a rocky point opposite to a thicket of pines on the left; from that place west, three miles to the gap where is the fountain of the missouri: on leaving this fountain south ° west, six miles across the dividing ridge, to a run from the right passing several small streams north ° west, four miles over hilly ground to the east fork of lewis's river, which is here forty yards wide. thursday . captain clarke joined us this morning, and we continued our bargains for horses. the late misfortunes of the shoshonees make the price higher than common, so that one horse cost a pistol, one hundred balls, some powder and a knife; another was changed for a musket, and in this way we obtained twenty-nine. the horses themselves are young and vigorous, but they are very poor, and most of them have sore backs in consequence of the roughness of the shoshonee saddle. we are therefore afraid of loading them too heavily and are anxious to obtain one at least for each man to carry the baggage, or the man himself, or in the last resource to serve as food; but with all our exertions we could not provide all our men with horses. we have, however, been fortunate in obtaining for the last three days a sufficient supply of flesh, our hunters having killed two or three deer every day. friday . the weather was fine, and having now made all our purchases, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. the greater part of the band who had delayed their journey on our account, were also ready to depart. we then took our leave of the shoshonees, who set out on their visit to the missouri at the same time that we accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, along the same road which captain clarke had previously pursued. after riding twelve miles we encamped on the south bank of the river, and as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning we did not feel the want of provisions. saturday . at sunrise we resumed our journey, and halted for three hours on salmon creek to let the horses graze. we then proceeded to the stream called berry creek eighteen miles from the camp of last night: as we passed along, the vallies and prairies were on fire in several places, in order to collect the bands of the shoshonees and the flatheads, for their journey to the missouri. the weather was warm and sultry, but the only inconvenience which we apprehend is a dearth of food, of which we had to-day an abundance, having procured a deer, a goose, one duck and a prairie fowl. on reaching tower creek we left the former track of captain clarke, and began to explore the new route, which is our last hope of getting out of the mountains. for four miles the road, which is tolerably plain, led us along berry creek to some old indian lodges where we encamped for the night; the next day, sunday, september , , we followed the same road which here left the creek and turned to the northwest across the hills. during all day we were riding over these hills, from which are many drains and small streams running into the river to the left, and at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek called fish creek emptying into the columbia which is about six miles from us. it had rained in the course of the day, and commenced raining again towards evening. we therefore determined not to leave the low grounds to night, and after going up fish creek four miles formed our encampment. the country over which we passed is well watered, but poor and rugged or stony, except the bottoms of fish creek, and even these are narrow. two men were sent to purchase fish of the indians at the mouth of the creek, and with the dried fish which they obtained, and a deer and a few salmon killed by the party, we were still well supplied. two bear also were wounded but we could procure neither of them. monday . this morning all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek: at one mile and a half we passed a branch of the river coming in through a low ground covered with pine on the left, and two and a half miles further is a second branch from the right; after continuing our route along the hills covered with pine, and a low ground of the same growth, we arrived at the distance of three and a half miles at the forks of the creek. the road which we were following now turned up the east side of these forks, and as our guide informed us led to the missouri. we were therefore left without any track; but as no time was to be lost we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty; the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labour; the road itself was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life they suffered severely, several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times we at last made five miles, with great fatigue and labour, and encamped on the left side of the creek in a small stony low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected, and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. the party had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion, and though as we came along fish creek we saw many beaver dams we saw none of the animals themselves. in the morning, tuesday , the horses were very stiff and weary. we sent back two men for the load of the horse which had been crippled yesterday, and which we had been forced to leave two miles behind. on their return, we set out at eight o'clock, and proceeded up the creek, making a passage through the brush and timber along its borders. the country is generally supplied with pine, and in the low grounds is a great abundance of fir trees, and under bushes. the mountains are high and rugged, and those to the east of us, covered with snow. with all our precautions the horses were very much injured in passing over the ridges and steep points of the hills, and to add to the difficulty, at the distance of eleven miles, the high mountains closed the creek, so that we were obliged to leave the creek to the right, and cross the mountain abruptly. the ascent was here so steep that several of the horses slipped and hurt themselves, but at last we succeeded in crossing the mountain, and encamped on a small branch of fish creek. we had now made fourteen miles in a direction nearly north from the river; but this distance, though short, was very fatiguing, and rendered still more disagreeable by the rain which began at three o'clock. at dusk it commenced snowing, and continued till the ground was covered to the depth of two inches, when it changed into a sleet. we here met with a serious misfortune the last of our thermometers being broken by accident. after making a scanty supper on a little corn and a few pheasants killed in the course of the day, we laid down to sleep, and next morning, wednesday , found every thing frozen, and the ground covered with snow. we were obliged to wait some time in order to thaw the covers of the baggage, after which we began our journey at eight o'clock. we crossed a high mountain which joins the dividing ridge between the waters of the creek we had been ascending, and those running to the north and west. we had not gone more than six miles over the snow, when we reached the head of a stream from the right, which directed its course more to the westward. we descended the steep sides of the hills along its border, and at the distance of three miles found a small branch coming in from the eastward. we saw several of the argalia, but they were too shy to be killed, and we therefore made a dinner from a deer shot by one of the hunters. then we pursued the course of the stream for three miles, till it emptied itself into a river from the east. in the wide valley at their junction, we discovered a large encampment of indians: when we had reached them and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our soldiers, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any further, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. the next morning, thursday , we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was however conveyed to them through so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn from the principal chief, a present consisting of the skins of a braro, an otter, and two antelopes, and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, purchasing eleven, for which we gave a few articles of merchandise. this encampment consists of thirty-three tents, in which were about four hundred souls, among whom eighty were men. they are called ootlashoots, and represent themselves as one band of a nation called tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the heads of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. in person these indians are stout, and their complexion lighter than that common among indians. the hair of the men is worn in queues of otter skin, falling in front over the shoulders. a shirt of dressed skin covers the body to the knee, and on this is worn occasionally a robe. to these were added leggings and moccasins. the women suffer their hair to fall in disorder over the face and shoulders, and their chief article of covering is a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist. in other respects, as also in the few ornaments which they possess, their appearance is similar to that of the shoshonees; there is however a difference between the language of these people which is still farther increased by the very extraordinary pronunciation of the ootlashoots. their words have all a remarkably guttural sound, and there is nothing which seems to represent the tone of their speaking more exactly than the clucking of a fowl, or the noise of a parrot. this peculiarity renders their voices scarcely audible, except at a short distance, and when many of them are talking, forms a strange confusion of sounds. the common conversation we overheard, consisted of low guttural sounds occasionally broken by a loud word or two, after which it would relapse and scarcely be distinguished. they seem kind and friendly and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this party had with them at least five hundred. friday . we continued this morning with the ootlashoots, from whom we purchased two more horses, and procured a vocabulary of their language. the ootlashoots set off about two o'clock to join the different bands who were collecting at the three forks of the missouri. we ourselves proceeded at the same time, and taking a direction n. w. crossed within the distance of one mile and a half, a small river from the right, and a creek coming in from the north. this river is the main stream, and when it reaches the end of the valley, where the mountains close in upon it, is joined by the river on which we encamped last evening, as well as by the creek just mentioned. to the river thus formed we gave the name of captain clarke, he being the first white man who had ever visited its waters. at the end of five miles on this course we had crossed the valley, and reached the top of a mountain covered with pine; this we descended along the steep sides and ravines for a mile and a half, when we came to a spot on the river, where the ootlashoots had encamped a few days before. we then followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, stony, and the low grounds on its borders narrow. within the distance of three and a half miles, we crossed it several times, and after passing a run on each side, encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles during the afternoon. the horses were turned out to graze, but those we had lately bought were secured and watched, lest they should escape, or be stolen by their former owners. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn, and as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. saturday, . the greater part of the day the weather was dark and rainy: we continued through the narrow low grounds along the river, till at the distance of six miles we came to a large creek from the left, after which the bottoms widen. four miles lower is another creek on the same side, and the valley now extends from one to three miles, the mountains on the left being high and bald, with snow on the summits, while the country to the right is open and hilly. four miles beyond this is a creek running from the snow-top'd mountains, and several runs on both sides of the river. two miles from this last is another creek on the left. the afternoon was now far advanced, but not being able to find a fit place to encamp we continued six miles further till after dark, when we halted for the night. the river here is still shallow and stony, but is increased to the width of fifty yards. the valley through which we passed is of a poor soil, and its fertility injured by the quantity of stone scattered over it. we met two horses which had strayed from the indians and were now quite wild. no fish was to be seen in the river, but we obtained a very agreeable supply of two deer, two cranes, and two pheasants. sunday, . we set out early: the snow-top'd hills on the left approach the river near our camp, but we soon reached a valley four or five miles wide, through which we followed the course of the river in a direction due north. we passed three creeks on the right, and several runs emptying themselves into the opposite side of the river. at the distance of eleven miles the river turned more towards the west: we pursued it for twelve miles, and encamped near a large creek coming in from the right, which, from its being divided into four different channels, we called scattering creek. the valley continues to be a poor stony land, with scarcely any timber, except some pine trees along the waters and partially scattered on the hills to the right, which, as well as those on the left, have snow on them. the plant which forces itself most on our attention is a species of prickly pear very common on this part of the river: it grows in clusters, in an oval form about the size of a pigeon's egg, and its thorns are so strong and bearded, that when it penetrates our feet it brings away the pear itself. we saw two mares and a colt, which, like the horses seen yesterday, seemed to have lost themselves and become wild. our game to-day consisted of two deer, an elk, and a prairie fowl. monday, . we resumed our journey through the valley, and leaving the road on our right crossed the scattering creek, and halted at the distance of twelve miles on a small run from the east, where we breakfasted on the remains of yesterday's hunt: we here took a meridian altitude, which gave the latitude of ° ' " "': we then continued, and at the distance of four miles passed over to the left bank of the river, where we found a large road through the valley. at this place is a handsome stream of very clear water, a hundred yards wide with low banks, and a bed formed entirely of gravel: it has every appearance of being navigable, but as it contains no salmon, we presume there must be some fall below which obstructs their passage. our guide could not inform us where this river discharged its waters; he said that as far as he knew its course it ran along the mountains to the north, and that not far from our present position it was joined by another stream nearly as large as itself, which rises in the mountains to the east near the missouri, and flows through an extensive valley or open prairie. through this prairie is the great indian road to the waters of the missouri; and so direct is the route, that in four days' journey from this place we might reach the missouri about thirty miles above what we called the gates of the rocky mountains, or the spot where the valley of that river widens into an extensive plain on entering the chain of mountains. at ten miles from our camp is a small creek falling in from the eastward, five miles below which we halted at a large stream which empties itself on the west side of the river. it is a fine bold creek of clear water about twenty yards wide, and we called it _traveller's-rest_ creek; for as our guide told us that we should here leave the river, we determined to remain for the purpose of making celestial observations and collecting some food, as the country through which we are to pass has no game for a great distance. the valley of the river through which we have been passing is generally a prairie from five to six miles in width, and with a cold gravelly white soil. the timber which it possesses is almost exclusively pine, chiefly of the long-leafed kind, with some spruce, and a species of fir resembling the scotch fir: near the water courses are also seen a few narrow-leafed cottonwood trees, and the only underbrush is the redwood, honeysuckle, and rosebushes. our game was four deer, three geese, four ducks, and three prairie fowls; one of the hunters brought in a red-headed woodpecker of the large kind common in the united states, but the first of the kind we have seen since leaving the illinois. tuesday, . the morning being fair all the hunters were sent out, and the rest of the party employed in repairing their clothes: two of them were sent to the junction of the river from the east, along which the indians go to the missouri: it is about seven miles below traveller's-rest creek; the country at the forks is seven or eight miles wide, level and open, but with little timber; its course is to the north, and we incline to believe that this is the river which the minnetarees had described to us as running from south to north along the west side of the rocky mountains, not far from the sources of medicine river: there is moreover reason to suppose, that after going as far northward as the head-waters of that river it turns to the westward and joins the tacootchetessee. towards evening one of the hunters returned with three indians, whom he had met in his excursion up traveller's-rest creek: as soon as they saw him they prepared to attack him with arrows, but he quieted them by laying down his gun and advancing towards them, and soon persuaded them to come to the camp. our shoshonee guide could not speak the language of these people, but by the universal language of signs and gesticulations, which is perfectly intelligible among the indians, he found that these were three tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of two men, supposed to be shoshonees, who had stolen twenty-three of their horses: we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents; such as a fishhook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of riband which we tied in the hair of each of them. they were however in such haste, lest their horses should be carried off, that two of them set off after sunset in quest of the robbers: the third however was persuaded to remain with us and conduct us to his relations: these he said were numerous, and resided on the columbia in the plain below the mountains. from that place he added, the river was navigable to the ocean; that some of his relations had been there last fall and seen an old white man who resided there by himself, and who gave them some handkerchiefs like those we have. the distance from this place is five sleeps or days' journey. when our hunters had all joined us we found our provisions consisted of four deer, a beaver, and three grouse. the observation of to-day gave ° ' " as the latitude of travellers-rest creek. wednesday . two of our horses having strayed away we were detained all the morning before they were caught. in the meantime our tushepaw indian became impatient of the delay, and set out to return home alone. as usual we had dispatched four of our best hunters ahead, and as we hoped with their aid and our present stock of provisions to subsist on the route, we proceeded at three o'clock up the right side of the creek, and encamped under some old indian huts at the distance of seven miles. the road was plain and good; the valley is however narrower than that which we left and bordered by high and rugged hills to the right, while the mountains on the left were covered with snow. the day was fair and warm, the wind from the northwest. thursday . there was a white frost this morning. we proceeded at seven o'clock and soon passed a stream falling in on the right, near which was an old indian camp with a bath or sweating-house covered with earth. at two miles distance we ascended a high, and thence continued through a hilly and thickly timbered country for nine miles, when we came to the forks of the creek, where the road branches up each fork. we followed the western route, and finding that the creek made a considerable bend at the distance of four miles, crossed a high mountain in order to avoid the circuit. the road had been very bad during the first part of the day, but the passage of the mountain, which was eight miles across, was very painful to the horses, as we were obliged to go over steep stony sides of hills and along the hollows and ravines, rendered more disagreeable* by the fallen timber, chiefly pine, spruce pine and fir. we at length reached the creek, having made twenty-three miles of a route so difficult that some of the party did not join us before ten o'clock. we found the account of the scantiness of game but too true, as we were not able to procure any thing during the whole of yesterday, and to-day we killed only a single pheasant. along the road we observed many of the pine trees pealed off, which is done by the indians to procure the inner bark for food in the spring. friday . two of the horses strayed away during the night, and one of them being captain lewis's, he remained with four men to search for them while we proceeded up the creek: at the distance of two miles we came to several springs issuing from large rocks of a coarse hard grit, and nearly boiling hot. those seem to be much frequented as there are several paths made by elk, deer and other animals, and near one of the springs a hole or indian bath, and roads leading in different directions. these embarrassed our guide, who mistaking the road took us three miles out of the proper course over an exceedingly bad route. we then fell into the right road, and proceeded on very well, when having made five miles we stopped to refresh the horses. captain lewis here joined us, but not having been able to find his horse two men were sent back to continue the search. we then proceeded along the same kind of country which we passed yesterday, and after crossing a mountain and leaving the sources of the travellers-rest creek on the left, reached after five miles riding a small creek which also came in from the left hand, passing through open glades, some of which were half a mile wide. the road which had been as usual rugged and stony, became firm, plain and level after quitting the head of travellers-rest. we followed the course of this new creek for two miles and encamped at a spot where the mountains close on each side. other mountains covered with snow are in view to the southeast and southwest. we were somewhat more fortunate to-day in killing a deer and several pheasants which were of the common species, except that the tail was black. saturday . the day was very cloudy with rain and hail in the vallies, while on the top of the mountains some snow fell. we proceeded early, and continuing along the right side of glade creek crossed a high mountain, and at the distance of six miles reached the place where it is joined by another branch of equal size from the right. near the forks the tushepaws have had an encampment which is but recently abandoned, for the grass is entirely destroyed by horses, and two fish weirs across the creek are still remaining; no fish were however to be seen. we here passed over to the left side of the creek and began the ascent of a very high and steep mountain nine miles across. on reaching the other side we found a large branch from the left, which seems to rise in the snowy mountains to the south and southeast. we continued along the creek two miles further, when night coming on we encamped opposite a small island at the mouth of a branch on the right side of the river. the mountains which we crossed to-day were much more difficult than those of yesterday; the last was particularly fatiguing, being steep and stony, broken by fallen timber, and thickly overgrown by pine, spruce, fir, haematack and tamarac. although we had made only seventeen miles we were all very weary. the whole stock of animal food was now exhausted, and we therefore killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. from this incident we called the last creek we had passed from the south colt-killed creek. the river itself is eighty yards wide, with a swift current, and a stony channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. sunday . at an early hour we proceeded along the right side of the kooskooskee over steep rocky points of land, till at the distance of four miles we reached an old indian fishing place: the road here turned to the right of the water, and began to ascend a mountain: but the fire and wind had prostrated or dried almost all the timber on the south side, and the ascents were so steep that we were forced to wind in every direction round the high knobs which constantly impeded our progress. several of the horses lost their foot-hold and slipped: one of them which was loaded with a desk and small trunk, rolled over and over for forty yards, till his fall was stopped by a tree. the desk was broken; but the poor animal escaped without much injury. after clambering in this way for four miles, we came to a high snowy part of the mountain where was a spring of water, at which we halted two hours to refresh our horses. on leaving the spring the road continued as bad as it was below, and the timber more abundant. at four miles we reached the top of the mountain, and foreseeing no chance of meeting with water, we encamped on the northern side of the mountain, near an old bank of snow, three feet deep. some of this we melted, and supped on the remains of the colt killed yesterday. our only game to-day was two pheasants, and the horses on which we calculated as a last resource begin to fail us, for two of them were so poor, and worn out with fatigue, that we were obliged to leave them behind. all around us are high rugged mountains, among which is a lofty range from southeast to northwest, whose tops are without timber, and in some places covered with snow. the night was cloudy and very cold, and three hours before daybreak, monday , it began to snow, and continued all day, so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. this covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. in many places we had nothing to guide us except the branches of the trees which, being low, have been rubbed by the burdens of the indian horses. the road was, like that of yesterday, along steep hill sides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed that the snow falls from them as we pass, and keeps us continually wet to the skin, and so cold, that we are anxious lest our feet should be frozen, as we have only thin moccasins to defend them. at noon we halted to let the horses feed on some long grass on the south side of the mountains, and endeavoured by making fires to keep ourselves warm. as soon as the horses were refreshed, captain clarke went ahead with one man, and at the distance of six miles reached a stream from the right, and prepared fires by the time of our arrival at dusk. we here encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had now made thirteen miles. we were all very wet, cold, and hungry: but although before setting out this morning, we had seen four deer, yet we could not procure any of them, and were obliged to kill a second colt for our supper. tuesday . our horses became so much scattered during the night, that we were detained till one o'clock before they were all collected. we then continued our route over high rough knobs, and several drains and springs, and along a ridge of country separating the waters of two small rivers. the road was still difficult, and several of the horses fell and injured themselves very much, so that we were unable to advance more than ten miles to a small stream, on which we encamped. we had killed a few pheasants, but these being insufficient for our subsistence, we killed another of the colts. this want of provisions, and the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospects before us, began to dispirit the men. it was therefore agreed that captain clarke should go on ahead with six hunters, and endeavour to kill something for the support of the party. he therefore set out, wednesday , early in the morning in hopes of finding a level country from which he might send back some game. his route lay s. ° w., along the same high dividing ridge, and the road was still very bad; but he moved on rapidly, and at the distance of twenty miles was rejoiced on discovering far off an extensive plain towards the west and southwest, bounded by a high mountain. he halted an hour to let the horses eat a little grass on the hill sides, and then went on twelve and a half miles till he reached a bold creek, running to the left, on which he encamped. to this stream he gave the very appropriate name of hungry creek; for having procured no game, they had nothing to eat. in the meantime we were detained till after eight o'clock by the loss of one of our horses which had strayed away and could not be found. we then proceeded, but having soon finished the remainder of the colt killed yesterday, felt the want of provisions, which was more sensible from our meeting with no water, till towards nightfall we found some in a ravine among the hills. by pushing on our horses almost to their utmost strength, we made eighteen miles. we then melted some snow, and supped on a little portable soup, a few canisters of which, with about twenty weight of bears oil, are our only remaining means of subsistence. our guns are scarcely of any service, for there is no living creature in these mountains, except a few small pheasants, a small species of gray squirrel, and a blue bird of the vulture kind about the size of a turtle dove or jay, and even these are difficult to shoot. thursday . captain clarke proceeded up the creek, along which the road was more steep and stony than any he had yet passed, at six miles distance he reached a small plain, in which he fortunately found a horse, on which he breakfasted, and hung the rest on a tree for the party in the rear. two miles beyond this he left the creek, and crossed three high mountains, rendered almost impassable from the steepness of the ascent and the quantity of fallen timber. after clambering over these ridges and mountains, and passing the heads of some branches of hungry creek, he came to a large creek running westward. this he followed for four miles, then turned to the right down the mountain, till he came to a small creek to the left. here he halted, having made twenty-two miles on his course, south eighty degrees west, though the winding route over the mountains almost doubled the distance. on descending the last mountain, the heat became much more sensible after the extreme cold he had experienced for several days past. besides the breakfast in the morning, two pheasants were their only food during the day, and the only kinds of birds they saw were the blue jay, a small white-headed hawk, a larger hawk, crows, and ravens. we followed soon after sunrise. at six miles the ridge terminated and we had before us the cheering prospect of the large plain to the southwest. on leaving the ridge we again ascended and went down several mountains, and six miles further came to hungry creek where it was fifteen yards wide, and received the waters of a branch from the north. we went up it on a course nearly due west, and at three miles crossed a second branch flowing from the same quarter. the country is thickly covered with pine timber, of which we have enumerated eight distinct species. three miles beyond this last branch of hungry creek we encamped, after a fatiguing route of eighteen miles. the road along the creek is a narrow rocky path near the borders of very high precipices, from which a fall seems almost inevitable destruction. one of our horses slipped and rolling over with his load down the hill side, which was nearly perpendicular and strewed with large irregular rocks, nearly a hundred yards, and did not stop till he fell into the creek: we all expected he was killed, but to our astonishment, on taking off his load, he rose, and seemed but little injured, and in twenty minutes proceeded with his load. having no other provision we took some portable soup, our only refreshment during the day. this abstinence, joined with fatigue, has a visible effect on our health. the men are growing weak and losing their flesh very fast: several are afflicted with the dysentery, and eruptions of the skin are very common. friday . captain clarke went on through a country as rugged as usual, till on passing a low mountain he came at the distance of four miles to the forks of a large creek. down this he kept on a course south ° west for two miles, then turning to the right, continued over a dividing ridge where were the heads of several little streams, and at twelve miles distance descended the last of the rocky mountains and reached the level country. a beautiful open plain partially supplied with pine now presented itself. he continued for five miles when he discovered three indian boys, who, on observing the party, ran off and hid themselves in the grass. captain clarke immediately alighted, and giving his horse and gun to one of the men went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions and sent them forward to the village about a mile off with presents of small pieces of riband. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution, but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure these wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed captain clarke by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago with all the warriors to attack some of their enemies towards the southwest; that he would not return before fifteen or eighteen days, and that in the meantime there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffaloe meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last is one which is round and much like an onion in appearance and sweet to the taste: it is called quamash, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco. after the long abstinence this was a sumptuous treat; we returned the kindness of the people by a few small presents, and then went on in company with one of the chiefs to a second village in the same plain, at the distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness and passed the night. the hunters were sent out, but though they saw some tracks of deer were not able to procure any thing. we were detained till ten o'clock before we could collect our scattered horses; we then proceeded for two miles, when to our great joy we found the horse which captain clarke had killed, and a note apprising us of his intention of going to the plains towards the southwest, and collect provisions by the time we reached him. at one o'clock we halted on a small stream, and made a hearty meal of horse flesh. on examination it now appeared that one of the horses was missing, and the man in whose charge he had been, was directed to return and search for him. he came back in about two hours without having been able to find the horse; but as the load was too valuable to be lost, two of the best woodsmen were directed to continue the search while we proceeded. our general course was south ° west through a thick forest of large pine, which has fallen in many places, and very much obstructs the road. after making about fifteen miles we encamped on a ridge where we could find but little grass and no water. we succeeded, however, in procuring a little from a distance, and supped on the remainder of the horse. on descending the heights of the mountains the soil becomes gradually more fertile, and the land through which we passed this evening, is of an excellent quality. it has a dark gray soil, though very broken, and with large masses of gray free-stone above the ground in many places. among the vegetable productions we distinguished the alder, honeysuckle, and huckleberry, common in the united states, and a species of honeysuckle, known only westward of the rocky mountains, which rises to the height of about four feet, and bears a white berry. there is also a plant resembling the chokecherry, which grows in thick clumps eight or ten feet high, and bears a black berry with a single stone of a sweetish taste. the arbor vitæ too, is very common, and grows to a great size, being from two to six feet in diameter. saturday . the free use of food, to which he had not been accustomed, made captain clarke very sick both yesterday evening and during the whole of to-day. he therefore sent out all the hunters and remained himself at the village, as well on account of his sickness as for the purpose of avoiding suspicion and collecting information from the indians as to the route. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents, and the inhabitants call themselves chopunnish or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river, and explained, that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river: his chart made the kooskooskee fork a little below his camp, a second fork below, still further on a large branch flowed in on each side, below which the river passed the mountains: here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom were procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. a chief of another band made a visit this morning, and smoked with captain clarke. the hunters returned without having been able to kill any thing; captain clarke purchased as much dried salmon, roots, and berries as he could, with the few articles he chanced to have in his pockets, and having sent them by one of the men and a hired indian back to captain lewis, he went on towards the camp of the twisted-hair. it was four o'clock before he set out, and the night soon came on; but having met an indian coming from the river, they engaged him by a present of a neckcloth, to guide them to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountain is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass: there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered: the plain is so much lower than the surrounding hills, or so much sheltered by them, that the weather is quite warm, while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river hills they proceeded down for three miles till they reached the water side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night: here we found a small camp of five squaws and three children, the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river: the guide called to him and he soon came over. captain clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. we could not set out till eleven o'clock, because being obliged in the evening to loosen our horses to enable them to find subsistence, it is always difficult to collect them in the morning. at that hour we continued along the ridge on which we had slept, and at a mile and a half reached a large creek running to our left, just above its junction with one of its branches. we proceeded down the low grounds of this creek, which are level, wide, and heavily timbered, but turned to the right at the distance of two and a half miles, and began to pass the broken and hilly country; but the thick timber had fallen in so many places that we could scarcely make our way. after going five miles we passed the creek on which captain clarke had encamped during the night of the th, and continued five miles further over the same kind of road, till we came to the forks of a large creek. we crossed the northern branch of this stream, and proceeded down it on the west side for a mile: here we found a small plain where there was tolerable grass for the horses, and therefore remained during the night, having made fifteen miles on a course s. ° w. the arbor vitæ increases in size and quantity as we advance: some of the trees we passed to-day being capable of forming periogues at least forty-five feet in length. we were so fortunate also as to kill a few pheasants and a prairie wolf, which, with the remainder of the horse, supplied us with one meal, the last of our provisions, our food for the morrow being wholly dependent on the chance of our guns. sunday, . captain clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere in his conduct. the river at this place is about one hundred and sixty yards wide, but interrupted by shoals, and the low grounds on its borders are narrow. the hunters brought in three deer; after which captain clarke left his party, and accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he arrived about sunset: they then walked up together to the second village, where we had just arrived. we had intended to set out early, but one of the men having neglected to hobble his horse he strayed away, and we were obliged to wait till nearly twelve o'clock. we then proceeded on a western course for two and a half miles, when we met the hunters sent by captain clarke from the village, seven and a half miles distant, with provisions. this supply was most seasonable, as we had tasted nothing since last night, and the fish, and roots, and berries, in addition to a crow which we killed on the route, completely satisfied our hunger. after this refreshment we proceeded in much better spirits, and at a few miles were overtaken by the two men who had been sent back after a horse on the th. they were perfectly exhausted with the fatigue of walking and the want of food; but as we had two spare horses they were mounted and brought on to the village. they had set out about three o'clock in the afternoon of the th with one horse between them: after crossing the mountain they came to the place where we had eaten the horse. here they encamped, and having no food made a fire and roasted the head of the horse, which even our appetites had spared, and supped on the ears, skin, lips, &c. of the animal. the next morning, st, they found the track of the horse, and pursuing it recovered the saddle-bags, and at length about eleven o'clock, the horse himself. being now both mounted, they set out to return and slept at a small stream: during the day they had nothing at all except two pheasants, which were so torn to pieces by the shot, that the head and legs were the only parts fit for food. in this situation they found the next morning, d, that during the night their horses had run away from them or been stolen by the indians. they searched for them until nine o'clock, when seeing that they could not recover them and fearful of starving if they remained where they were, they set out on foot to join us, carrying the saddle-bags alternately. they walked as fast as they could during the day, till they reached us in a deplorable state of weakness and inanition. as we approached the village, most of the women, though apprised of our being expected, fled with their children into the neighbouring woods. the men, however, received us without any apprehension, and gave us a plentiful supply of provisions. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the persons of the whites and the strange things they brought with them: but as our guide was perfectly a stranger to their language we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country, the courses of the rivers, and the indian villages, of all which we received information from several of the indians, and as their accounts varied but little from each other, we were induced to place confidence in them. among others, the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place; two days towards the south is another and larger fork on which the shoshonee or snake indians fish: five days' journey further is a large river from the northwest into which clarke's river empties itself: from the mouth of that river to the falls is five days' journey further: on all the forks as well as on the main river great numbers of indians reside, and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. monday . the chiefs and warriors were all assembled this morning, and we explained to them where we came from, the objects of our visiting them, and our pacific intentions towards all the indians. this being conveyed by signs, might not have been perfectly comprehended, but appeared to give perfect satisfaction. we now gave a medal to two of the chiefs, a shirt in addition to the medal already received by the twisted-hair, and delivered a flag and a handkerchief for the grand chief on his return. to these were added a knife, a handkerchief and a small piece of tobacco for each chief. the inhabitants did not give us any provisions gratuitously. we therefore purchased a quantity of fish, berries (chiefly red haws) and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. the twisted-hair introduced us into his own tent, which consisted however of nothing more than pine bushes and bark, and gave us some dried salmon boiled. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition as far as the river. the men exchanged a few old canisters for dressed elk skins, of which they made shirts: great crowds of the natives are round us all night, but we have not yet missed any thing except a knife and a few other articles stolen yesterday from a shot pouch. at dark we had a hard wind from the southwest accompanied with rain which lasted half an hour, but in the morning, tuesday , the weather was fair. we sent back colter in search of the horses lost in the mountains, and having collected the rest set out at ten o'clock along the same route already passed by captain clarke towards the river. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco root, of which large quantities are heaped up in piles over the plain. we now felt severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations: captain lewis and two of the men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he could scarcely sit on his horse, while others were obliged to be put on horseback, and some from extreme weakness and pain, were forced to lie down along side of the road for some time. at sunset we reached the island where the hunters had been left on the d. they had been unsuccessful, having killed only two deer since that time, and two of them are very sick. a little below this island is a larger one on which we encamped, and administered rush's pills to the sick. wednesday . the weather was very hot, and oppressive to the party, most of whom are now complaining of sickness. our situation indeed, rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength, and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. captain clarke therefore set out with the twisted-hair and two young men, in quest of timber for canoes. as he went down the river he crossed at the distance of a mile a creek from the right, which from the rocks that obstructed its passage, he called rockdam river. the hills along the river are high and steep: the low grounds are narrow, and the navigation of the river embarrassed by two rapids. at the distance of three miles further he reached two nearly equal forks of the river, one of which flowed in from the north. here he rested for an hour, and cooked a few salmon which one of the indians caught with a gig. here too, he was joined by two canoes of indians from below: they were long, steady, and loaded with the furniture and provisions of two families. he now crossed the south fork, and returned to the camp on the south side, through a narrow pine bottom the greater part of the way, in which was found much fine timber for canoes. one of the indian boats with two men, set out at the same time, and such was their dexterity in managing the pole, that they reached camp within fifteen minutes after him, although they had to drag the canoe over three rapids. he found captain lewis, and several of the men still very sick; and distributed to such as were in need of it, salts and tartar emetic. thursday . having resolved to go down to some spot calculated for building canoes, we set out early this morning and proceeded five miles, and encamped on low ground on the south, opposite the forks of the river. but so weak were the men that several were taken sick in coming down; the weather being oppressively hot. two chiefs and their families followed us, and encamped with a great number of horses near us: and soon after our arrival we were joined by two indians, who came down the north fork on a raft. we purchased some fresh salmon, and having distributed axes, and portioned off the labour of the party, began, friday , at an early hour, the preparations for making five canoes. but few of the men, however, were able to work, and of these several were soon taken ill, as the day proved very hot. the hunters too, returned without any game, and seriously indisposed, so that nearly the whole party was now ill. we procured some fresh salmon; and colter, who now returned with one of the horses, brought half a deer, which was very nourishing to the invalids: several indians from a camp below, came up to see us. saturday . the men continue ill, though some of those first attacked are recovering. their general complaint is a heaviness at the stomach, and a lax, which is rendered more painful by the heat of the weather, and the diet of fish and roots, to which they are confined, as no game is to be procured. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. sunday . the morning was cool, the wind from the southwest; but in the afternoon the heat returned. the men continue ill; but all those who are able to work are occupied at the canoes. the spirits of the party were much recruited by three deer brought in by the hunters; and the next day, monday th, the sick began to recruit their strength, the morning being fair and pleasant. the indians pass in great numbers up and down the river, and we observe large quantities of small duck going down this morning. tuesday, october , . the morning was cool, the wind easterly, but the latter part of the day was warm. we were visited by several indians from the tribes below, and others from the main south fork. to two of the most distinguished men, we made presents of a ring and broach, and to five others a piece of riband, a little tobacco, and the fifth part of a neckcloth. we now dried our clothes and other articles, and selected some articles such as the indians admire, in order to purchase some provisions, as we have nothing left except a little dried fish, which operates as a complete purgative. wednesday . the day is very warm. two men were sent to the village with a quantity of these articles to purchase food. we are now reduced to roots, which produce violent pains in the stomach. our work continued as usual, and many of the party are convalescent. the hunters returned in the afternoon with nothing but a small prairie-wolf, so that our provisions being exhausted, we killed one of the horses to eat, and provide soup for the sick. thursday . the fine cool morning and easterly wind had an agreeable effect upon the party, most of whom are now able to work. the indians from below left us, and we were visited by others from different quarters. friday . again we had a cool east wind from the mountains. the men were now much better, and captain lewis himself so far recovered as to walk about a little. three indians arrived to-day from the great river to the south. the two men also returned from the village with roots and fish, and as the flesh of the horse killed yesterday was exhausted, we were confined to that diet, although unwholesome as well as unpleasant. the afternoon was warm. saturday . the wind easterly, and the weather cool. the canoes being nearly finished it became necessary to dispose of our horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and being branded and marked were delivered to three indians, the two brothers and the son of a chief, who promises to accompany us down the river. to each of those men we gave a knife and some small articles, and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. the hunters with all their diligence are unable to kill any thing, the hills being high and rugged, and the woods too dry to hunt deer, which is the only game in the country. we therefore continue to eat dried fish and roots, which are purchased from the squaws, by means of small presents, but chiefly white beads, of which they are extravagantly fond. some of these roots seem to possess very active properties, for after supping on them this evening, we were swelled to such a degree as to be scarcely able to breathe for several hours. towards night we lanched two canoes which proved to be very good. sunday . this morning is again cool, and the wind easterly. the general course of the winds seems to resemble that which we observed on the east side of the mountain. while on the head waters of the missouri, we had every morning a cool wind from the west. at this place a cool breeze springs up during the latter part of the night, or near daybreak, and continues till seven or eight o'clock, when it subsides, and the latter part of the day is warm. captain lewis is not so well as he was, and captain clarke was also taken ill. we had all our saddles buried in a cache near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder, and a bag of balls. the time which could be spared from our labours on the canoes, was devoted to some astronomical observations. the latitude of our camp as deduced from the mean of two observations is ° ' " "' north. monday . this morning all the canoes were put in the water and loaded, the oars fixed, and every preparation made for setting out but when we were all ready, the two chiefs who had promised to accompany us, were not to be found, and at the same time we missed a pipe tomahawk. we therefore proceeded without them. below the forks this river is called the kooskooskee, and is a clear rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. for some miles the hills are steep, the low grounds narrow, but then succeeds an open country with a few trees scattered along the river. at the distance of nine miles is a small creek on the left. we passed in the course of the day ten rapids, in descending which, one of the canoes struck a rock, and sprung a leak: we however continued for nineteen miles, and encamped on the left side of the river, opposite to the mouth of a small run. here the canoe was unloaded and repaired, and two lead canisters of powder deposited; several camps of indians were on the sides of the river, but we had little intercourse with any of them. tuesday . we set out at nine o'clock. at eight and a half miles we passed an island: four and a half miles lower a second island, opposite a small creek on the left side of the river. five miles lower is another island on the left: a mile and a half below which is a fourth. at a short distance from this is a large creek from the right, to which we gave the name of colter's creek, from colter one of the men. we had left this creek about a mile and a half, and were passing the last of fifteen rapids which we had been fortunate enough to escape, when one of the canoes struck, and a hole being made in her side, she immediately filled and sunk. the men, several of whom could not swim, clung to the boat till one of our canoes could be unloaded, and with the assistance of an indian boat, they were all brought to shore. all the goods were so much wet, that we were obliged to halt for the night, and spread them out to dry. while all this was exhibited, it was necessary to place two sentinels over the merchandise, for we found that the indians, though kind and disposed to give us every aid during our distress, could not resist the temptation of pilfering some of the small articles. we passed during our route of twenty miles to-day, several encampments of indians on the islands, and near the rapids, which places are chosen as most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found our two chiefs, who after promising to descend the river with us, had left us; they however willingly came on board after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. wednesday, . the morning was as usual, cool; but as the weather both yesterday and to-day was cloudy, our merchandise dried but slowly. the boat, though much injured, was repaired by ten o'clock so as to be perfectly fit for service; but we were obliged to remain during the day till the articles were sufficiently dry to be reloaded: the interval we employed in purchasing fish for the voyage and conversing with the indians. in the afternoon we were surprised at hearing that our old shoshonee guide and his son had left us, and been seen running up the river several miles above. as he had never given any notice of his intention, nor had even received his pay for guiding us, we could not imagine the cause of his desertion, nor did he ever return to explain his conduct. we requested the chief to send a horseman after him to request that he would return and receive what we owed him. from this however he dissuaded us, and said very frankly, that his nation, the chopunnish, would take from the old man any presents that he might have on passing their camp. the indians came about our camp at night, and were very gay and good-humoured with the men. among other exhibitions was that of a squaw who appeared to be crazy: she sang in a wild incoherent manner, and would offer to the spectators all the little articles she possessed, scarifying herself in a horrid manner if any one refused her present: she seemed to be an object of pity among the indians, who suffered her to do as she pleased without interruption. thursday, . a fine morning. we loaded the canoes and set off at seven o'clock. at the distance of two and a half miles we had passed three islands, the last of which is opposite to a small stream on the right. within the following three and a half miles is another island and a creek on the left, with wide low grounds, containing willow and cottonwood trees, on which were three tents of indians. two miles lower is the head of a large island, and six and a half miles further we halted at an encampment of eight lodges on the left, in order to view a rapid before us: we had already passed eight, and some of them difficult; but this was worse than any of them, being a very hazardous ripple strewed with rocks: we here purchased roots and dined with the indians. among them was a man from the falls, who says that he saw white people at that place and is very desirous of going down with us; an offer which however we declined. just above this camp we had passed a tent, near which was an indian bathing himself in a small pond or hole of water, warmed by throwing in hot stones. after finishing our meal we descended the rapid with no injury, except to one of our boats which ran against a rock, but in the course of an hour was brought off with only a small split in her side. this ripple, from its appearance and difficulty, we named the rugged rapid. we went on over five other rapids of a less dangerous kind, and at the distance of five miles reached a large fork of the river from the south; and after coming twenty miles, halted below the junction on the right side of the river: our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked in all directions to see us. in the evening the indian from the falls, whom we had seen at the rugged rapid, joined us with his son in a small canoe, and insisted on accompanying us to the falls. being again reduced to fish and roots we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing* a few dogs, and after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs which they employ for domestic purposes, but never eat; and our using the flesh of that animal soon brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. the country at the junction of the two rivers is an open plain on all sides, broken towards the left by a distant ridge of highland, thinly covered with timber: this is the only body of timber which the country possesses; for at the forks there is not a tree to be seen, and during almost the whole descent of sixty miles down the kooskooskee from its forks there are very few. this southern branch is in fact the main stream of lewis's river on which we encamped when among the shoshonees. the indians inform us that it is navigable for sixty miles; that not far from its mouth it receives a branch from the south; and a second and larger branch, two days' march up, and nearly parallel to the first chopunnish villages, we met near the mountains. this branch is called pawnashte, and is the residence of a chief, who, according to their expression, has more horses than he can count. the river has many rapids, near which are situated many fishing camps; there being ten establishments of this before reaching the first southern branch; one on that stream, five between that and the pawnashte; one on that river, and two above it; besides many other indians who reside high up on the more distant waters of this river. all these indians belong to the chopunnish nation, and live in tents of an oblong form, covered with flat roofs. at its mouth lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish blue colour. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, one hundred and fifty yards in width, and after the union the river enlarges to the space of three hundred yards: at the point of the union is an indian cabin, and in lewis's river a small island. the chopunnish or pierced-nose nation, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men: the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffaloe or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair, which falls in front in two queues; feathers, paints of different kinds, principally white, green, and light blue, all of which they find in their own country: these are the chief ornaments they use. in the winter they wear a short shirt of dressed skins, long painted leggings and moccasins, and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of argalia or ibex skin, reaching down to the ankles without a girdle: to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure. the chopunnish have very few amusements, for their life is painful and laborious; and all their exertions are necessary to earn even their precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in the winter they hunt the deer on snow shoes over the plains, and towards spring cross the mountains to the missouri for the purpose of trafficking for buffaloe robes. the inconveniences of that comfortless life are increased by frequent encounters with their enemies from the west, who drive them over the mountains with the loss of their horses, and sometimes the lives of many of the nation. though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the tushepaws: their treatment to us differed much from the kind and disinterested services of the shoshonees: they are indeed selfish and avaricious; they part very reluctantly with every article of food or clothing; and while they expect a recompense for every service however small, do not concern themselves about reciprocating any presents we may give them. they are generally healthy--the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of a scrophulous kind, and for these, as well as for the amusement of those who are in good health, hot and cold bathing is very commonly used. the soil of these prairies is of a light yellow clay intermixed with small smooth grass: it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and a prickly pear, of which we now found three species: the first is of the broad-leafed kind, common to the missouri. the second has the leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri, particularly after it enters the rocky mountains. the third is pecular to this country, and is much more inconvenient than the other two: it consists of small thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other as in the broad-leafed pear of the missouri: these leaves are armed with a greater number of thorns, which are stronger, and appear to be barbed; and as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccasin it adheres and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied by a reenforecement of thorns. end of volume . [frontispiece: stealing from the fort by night.] pathfinders of the west being the thrilling story of the adventures of the men who discovered the great northwest radisson, la vÉrendrye, lewis and clark by a. c. laut author of "lords of the north," "heralds of empire," "story of the trapper" illustrations by remington, goodwin, marchand and others new york grosset & dunlap publishers copyright, , by the macmillan company. set up and electrotyped. published november, . reprinted february, . wildwood place, wassaic, n.y. august , . dear mr. sulte: a few years ago, when i was a resident of the far west and tried to trace the paths of early explorers, i found that all authorities--first, second, and third rate--alike referred to one source of information for their facts. the name in the tell-tale footnote was invariably your own. while i assume _all_ responsibility for upsetting the apple cart of established opinions by this book, will you permit me to dedicate it to you as a slight token of esteem to the greatest living french-canadian historian, from whom we have all borrowed and to whom few of us have rendered the tribute due? faithfully, agnes c. laut. mr. benjamin sulte, president royal society, ottawa, canada. the great northwest i love thee, o thou great, wild, rugged land of fenceless field and snowy mountain height, uprearing crests all starry-diademed above the silver clouds! a sea of light swims o'er thy prairies, shimmering to the sight a rolling world of glossy yellow wheat that runs before the wind in billows bright as waves beneath the beat of unseen feet, and ripples far as eye can see--as far and fleet! here's chances for every man! the hands that work become the hands that rule! thy harvests yield only to him who toils; and hands that shirk must empty go! and here the hands that wield the sceptre work! o glorious golden field! o bounteous, plenteous land of poet's dream! o'er thy broad plain the cloudless sun ne'er wheeled but some dull heart was brightened by its gleam to seize on hope and realize life's highest dream! thy roaring tempests sweep from out the north-- ten thousand cohorts on the wind's wild mane-- no hand can check thy frost-steeds bursting forth to gambol madly on the storm-swept plain! thy hissing snow-drifts wreathe their serpent train, with stormy laughter shrieks the joy of might-- or lifts, or falls, or wails upon the wane-- thy tempests sweep their stormy trail of white across the deepening drifts--and man must die, or fight! yes, man must sink or fight, be strong or die! that is thy law, o great, free, strenuous west! the weak thou wilt make strong till he defy thy bufferings; but spacious prairie breast will never nourish weakling as its guest! he must grow strong or die! thou givest all an equal chance--to work, to do their best-- free land, free hand--thy son must work or fall grow strong or die! that message shrieks the storm-wind's call! and so i love thee, great, free, rugged land of cloudless summer days, with west-wind croon, and prairie flowers all dewy-diademed, and twilights long, with blood-red, low-hung moon and mountain peaks that glisten white each noon through purple haze that veils the western sky-- and well i know the meadow-lark's far rune as up and down he lilts and circles high and sings sheer joy--be strong, be free; be strong or die! foreword the question will at once occur why no mention is made of marquette and jolliet and la salle in a work on the pathfinders of the west. the simple answer is--they were _not_ pathfinders. contrary to the notions imbibed at school, and repeated in all histories of the west, marquette, jolliet, and la salle did not discover the vast region beyond the great lakes. twelve years before these explorers had thought of visiting the land which the french hunter designated as the _pays d'en haut_, the west had already been discovered by the most intrepid _voyageurs_ that france produced,--men whose wide-ranging explorations exceeded the achievements of cartier and champlain and la salle put together. it naturally rouses resentment to find that names revered for more than two centuries as the first explorers of the great northwest must give place to a name almost unknown. it seems impossible that at this late date history should have to be rewritten. such is the fact _if we would have our history true_. not marquette, jolliet, and la salle discovered the west, but two poor adventurers, who sacrificed all earthly possessions to the enthusiasm for discovery, and incurred such bitter hostility from the governments of france and england that their names have been hounded to infamy. these were sieur pierre esprit radisson and sieur médard chouart groseillers, fur traders of three rivers, quebec. [ ] the explanation of the long oblivion obscuring the fame of these two men is very simple. radisson and groseillers defied, first new france, then old france, and lastly england. while on friendly terms with the church, they did not make their explorations subservient to the propagation of the faith. in consequence, they were ignored by both church and state. the _jesuit relations_ repeatedly refer to two young frenchmen who went beyond lake michigan to a "forked river" (the mississippi), among the sioux and other indian tribes that used coal for fire because wood did not grow large enough on the prairie. contemporaneous documents mention the exploits of the young frenchmen. the state papers of the marine department, paris, contain numerous references to radisson and groseillers. but, then, the _jesuit relations_ were not accessible to scholars, let alone the general public, until the middle of the last century, when a limited edition was reprinted of the cramoisy copies published at the time the priests sent their letters home to france. the contemporaneous writings of marie de l'incarnation, the abbé belmont, and dollier de casson were not known outside the circle of french savants until still later; and it is only within recent years that the archives of paris have been searched for historical data. meantime, the historians of france and england, animated by the hostility of their respective governments, either slurred over the discoveries of radisson and groseillers entirely, or blackened their memories without the slightest regard to truth. it would, in fact, take a large volume to contradict and disprove half the lies written of these two men. instead of consulting contemporaneous documents,--which would have entailed both cost and labor,--modern writers have, unfortunately, been satisfied to serve up a rehash of the detractions written by the old historians. in came a discovery that punished such slovenly methods by practically wiping out the work of the pseudo-historians. there was found in the british museum, the bodleian library, and hudson's bay house, london, unmistakably authentic record of radisson's voyages, written by himself. the prince society of boston printed two hundred and fifty copies of the collected journals. the canadian archives published the journals of the two last voyages. francis parkman was too conscientious to ignore the importance of the find; but his history of the west was already written. he made what reparation he could to radisson's memory by appending a footnote to subsequent editions of two of his books, stating that radisson and groseillers' travels took them to the "forked river" before . some ten other lines are all that mr. parkman relates of radisson; and the data for these brief references have evidently been drawn from radisson's enemies, for the explorer is called "a renegade." it is necessary to state this, because some writers, whose zeal for criticism was much greater than their qualifications, wanted to know why any one should attempt to write radisson's life when parkman had already done so. radisson's life reads more like a second robinson crusoe than sober history. for that reason i have put the corroborative evidence in footnotes, rather than cumber the movement of the main theme. i am sorry to have loaded the opening parts with so many notes; but radisson's voyages change the relative positions of the other explorers so radically that proofs must be given. the footnotes are for the student and may be omitted by the general reader. the study of radisson arose from, using his later exploits on hudson bay as the subject of the novel, _heralds of empire_. on the publication of that book, several letters came from the western states asking how far i thought radisson had gone beyond lake superior before he went to hudson bay. having in mind--i am sorry to say--mainly the early records of radisson's enemies, i at first answered that i thought it very difficult to identify the discoverer's itinerary beyond the great lakes. so many letters continued to come on the subject that i began to investigate contemporaneous documents. the path followed by the explorer west of the great lakes--as given by radisson himself--is here written. full corroboration of all that radisson relates is to be found--as already stated--in chronicles written at the period of his life and in the state papers. copies of these i have in my possession. samples of the papers bearing on radisson's times, copied from the marine archives, will be found in the appendix. one must either accept the explorer's word as conclusive,--even when he relates his own trickery,--or in rejecting his journal also reject as fictions the _jesuit relations_, the _marine archives_, _dollier de casson_, _marie de l'incarnation_, and the _abbé belmont_, which record the same events as radisson. in no case has reliance been placed on second-hand chronicles. oldmixon and charlevoix must both have written from hearsay; therefore, though quoted in the footnotes, they are not given as conclusive proof. the only means of identifying radisson's routes are ( ) by his descriptions of the countries, ( ) his notes of the indian tribes; so that personal knowledge of the territory is absolutely essential in following radisson's narrative. all the regions traversed by radisson--the ottawa, the st. lawrence, the great lakes, labrador, and the great northwest--i have visited, some of them many times, except the shores of hudson bay, and of that region i have some hundreds of photographs. material for the accounts of the other pathfinders of the west has been drawn directly from the different explorers' journals. for historical matter i wish to express my indebtedness to dr. n. e. dionne of the parliamentary library, quebec, whose splendid sketch of radisson and groseillers, read before the royal society of canada, does much to redeem the memory of the discoverers from ignominy; to dr. george bryce of winnipeg, whose investigation of hudson's bay archives adds a new chapter to radisson's life; to mr. benjamin sulte of ottawa, whose destructive criticism of inaccuracies in old and modern records has done so much to stop people writing history out of their heads and to put research on an honest basis; and to m. edouard richard for scholarly advice relating to the marine archives, which he has exploited so thoroughly. for transcripts and archives now out of print, thanks are due mr. l. p. sylvain of the parliamentary library, ottawa, the officials of the archives department, ottawa, mr. f. c. wurtele of quebec, professor andrew baird of winnipeg, mr. alfred matthews of the prince society, boston, the hon. jacob v. brower and mr. warren upham of st. paul. mr. lawrence j. burpee of ottawa was so good as to give me a reading of his exhaustive notes on la vérendrye and of data found on the radisson family. to mrs. fred paget of ottawa, the daughter of a hudson's bay company officer, and to mr. and mrs. c. c. farr of the northern ottawa, i am indebted for interesting facts on life in the fur posts. miss talbot of winnipeg obtained from retired officers of the hudson's bay company a most complete set of photographs relating to the fur trade. to her and to those officers who loaned old heirlooms to be photographed, i beg to express my cordial appreciation. and the thanks of all who write on the north are permanently due mr. c. c. chipman, chief commissioner of the hudson's bay company, for unfailing courtesy in extending information. wildwood place, wassaic, n.y. [ ] i of course refer to the west as beyond the great lakes; for nicotet, in , and two nameless frenchmen--servants of jean de lauzon--in , had been beyond the sault. just as this volume was going to the printer, i received a copy of the very valuable minnesota _memoir_, vol. vi, compiled by the hon. j. v. brower of st. paul, to whom my thanks are due for this excellent contribution to western annals. it may be said that the authors of this volume have done more than any other writers to vindicate radisson and groseillers as explorers of the west. the very differences of opinion over the regions visited establish the fact that radisson _did_ explore parts of minnesota. i have purposely avoided trying to say _what_ parts of minnesota he exploited, because, it seems to me, the controversy is futile. radisson's memory has been the subject of controversy from the time of his life. the controversy--first between the governments of france and england, subsequently between the french and english historians--has eclipsed the real achievements of radisson. to me it seems non-essential as to whether radisson camped on an island in the mississippi, or only visited the region of that island. the fact remains that he discovered the great northwest, meaning by that the region west of the mississippi. the same dispute has obscured his explorations of hudson bay, french writers maintaining that he went overland to the north and put his feet in the waters of the bay, the english writers insisting that he only crossed over the watershed toward hudson bay. again, the fact remains that he did what others had failed to do--discovered an overland route to the bay. i am sorry that radisson is accused in this _memoir_ of intentionally falsifying his relations in two respects, ( ) in adding a fanciful year to the - voyage; ( ) in saying that he had voyaged down the mississippi to mexico. ( ) internal evidence plainly shows that radisson's first four voyages were written twenty years afterward, when he was in london, and not while on the voyage across the atlantic with cartwright, the boston commissioner. it is the most natural thing in the world that radisson, who had so often been to the wilds, should have mixed his dates. every slip as to dates is so easily checked by contemporaneous records--which, themselves, need to be checked--that it seems too bad to accuse radisson of wilfully lying in the matter. when radisson lied it was to avoid bloodshed, and not to exalt himself. if he had had glorification of self in mind, he would not have set down his own faults so unblushingly; for instance, where he deceives m. colbert of paris. ( ) radisson does not try to give the impression that he went to mexico. the sense of the context is that he met an indian tribe--illinois, mandans, omahas, or some other--who lived next to another tribe who told _of_ the spaniards. i feel almost sure that the scholarly mr. benjamin sulte is right in his letter to me when he suggests that radisson's manuscript has been mixed by transposition of pages or paragraphs, rather than that radisson himself was confused in his account. at the same time every one of the contributors to the minnesota _memoir_ deserves the thanks of all who love _true_ history. addendum since the above foreword was written, the contents of this volume have appeared serially in four new york magazines. the context of the book was slightly abridged in these articles, so that a very vital distinction--namely, the difference between what is given as in dispute, and what is given as incontrovertible fact--was lost; but what was my amusement to receive letters from all parts of the west all but challenging me to a duel. one wants to know "how a reputable author dare" suggest that radisson's voyages be taken as authentic. there is no "dare" about it. it is a fact. for any "reputable" historian to suggest--as two recently have--that radisson's voyages are a fabrication, is to stamp that historian as a pretender who has not investigated a single record contemporaneous with radisson's life. one cannot consult documents contemporaneous with his life and not learn instantly that he was a very live fact of the most troublesome kind the governments of france and england ever had to accept. that is why it impresses me as a presumption that is almost comical for any modern writer to condescend to say that he "accepts" or "rejects" this or that part of radisson's record. if he "rejects" radisson, he also rejects the _marine archives of paris_, and the _jesuit relations_, which are the recognized sources of our early history. another correspondent furiously denounces radisson as a liar because he mixes his dates of the trip. it would be just as reasonable to call la salle a liar because there are discrepancies in the dates of his exploits, as to call radisson a liar for the slips in his dates. when the mistakes can be checked from internal evidence, one is hardly justified in charging falsification. a third correspondent is troubled by the reference to the mascoutin indians being _beyond_ the mississippi. state documents establish this fact. i am not responsible for it; and radisson could not circle west-northwest from the mascoutins to the great encampments of the sioux without going far west of the mississippi. even if the jesuits make a slip in referring to the sioux's use of some kind of coal for fire because there was no wood on the prairie, and really mean turf or buffalo refuse,--which i have seen the sioux use for fire,--the fact is that only the tribes far west of the mississippi habitually used such substitutes for wood. my wisconsin correspondents i have offended by saying that radisson went beyond the wisconsin; my minnesota friends, by saying that he went beyond minnesota; and my manitoba co-workers of past days, by suggesting that he ever went beyond manitoba. the fact remains that when we try to identify radisson's voyages, we must take his own account of his journeyings; and that account establishes him as the discoverer of the northwest. for those who know, i surely do not need to state that there is no picture of radisson extant, and that some of the studies of his life are just as genuine (?) as alleged old prints of his likeness. contents part one pierre esprit radisson adventures of the first white man to explore the west, the northwest, and the north chapter i radisson's first voyage the boy radisson is captured by the iroquois and carried to the mohawk valley--in league with another captive, he slays their guards and escapes--he is overtaken in sight of home--tortured and adopted in the tribe, he visits orange, where the dutch offer to ransom him--his escape chapter ii radisson's second voyage radisson returns to quebec, where he joins the jesuits to go to the iroquois mission--he witnesses the massacre of the hurons among the thousand islands--besieged by the iroquois, they pass the winter as prisoners of war--conspiracy to massacre the french foiled by radisson chapter iii radisson's third voyage the discovery of the great northwest--radisson and his brother-in-law, groseillers, visit what are now wisconsin, minnesota, dakota, and the canadian northwest--radisson's prophecy on first beholding the west--twelve years before marquette and jolliet, radisson sees the mississippi--the terrible remains of dollard's fight seen on the way down the ottawa--why radisson's explorations have been ignored chapter iv radisson's fourth voyage the success of the explorers arouses envy--it becomes known that they have heard of the famous sea of the north--when they ask permission to resume their explorations, the french governor refuses except on condition of receiving half the profits--in defiance, the explorers steal off at midnight--they return with a fortune and are driven from new france chapter v radisson renounces allegiance to two crowns rival traders thwart the plans of the discoverers--entangled in lawsuits, the two french explorers go to england--the organization of the hudson's bay fur company--radisson the storm-centre of international intrigue--boston merchants in the struggle to capture the fur trade chapter vi radisson gives up a career in the navy for the fur trade though opposed by the monopolists of quebec, he secures ships for a voyage to hudson bay--here he encounters a pirate ship from boston and an english ship of the hudson's bay company--how he plays his cards to win against both rivals chapter vii the last voyage of radisson to hudson bay france refuses to restore the confiscated furs and radisson tries to redeem his fortune--reëngaged by england, he captures back fort nelson, but comes to want in his old age--his character part two the search for the western sea, being an account of the discovery of the rocky mountains, the missouri uplands, and the valley of the saskatchewan chapter viii the search for the western sea m. de la vérendrye continues the exploration of the great northwest by establishing a chain of fur posts across the continent--privations of the explorers and the massacre of twenty followers--his sons visit the mandans and discover the rockies--the valley of the saskatchewan is next explored, but jealousy thwarts the explorer, and he dies in poverty part three search for the northwest passage leads samuel hearne to the arctic circle and athabasca region chapter ix samuel hearne the adventures of hearne in his search for the coppermine river and northwest passage--hilarious life of wassail led by governor norton--the massacre of the eskimo by hearne's indians north of the arctic circle--discovery of the athabasca country--hearne becomes resident governor of the hudson's bay company, but is captured by the french--death of norton and suicide of matonabbee part four first across the rockies--how mackenzie crossed the northern rockies and lewis and clark were first to cross from missouri to columbia chapter x first across the rockies how mackenzie found the great river named after him and then pushed across the mountains to the pacific, forever settling the question of a northwest passage chapter xi lewis and clark the first white men to ascend the missouri to its sources and descend the columbia to the pacific--exciting adventures on the cañons of the missouri, the discovery of the great falls and the yellowstone--lewis' escape from hostiles appendix index illustrations stealing from the fort by night . . . . . . frontispiece map of the great fur country three rivers in map of the iroquois country in the days of radisson albany from an old print the battery, new york, in radisson's time fort amsterdam, from an ancient engraving executed in holland one of the earliest maps of the great lakes paddling past hostiles jogues, the jesuit missionary, who was tortured by the mohawks château de ramezay, montreal a cree brave, with the wampum string an old-time buffalo hunt on the plains among the sioux father marquette, from an old painting discovered in montreal voyageurs running the rapids of the ottawa river montreal in château st. louis, quebec, a parley on the plains martello tower of refuge in time of indian wars--three rivers skin for skin, coat of arms and motto, hudson's bay company hudson's bay company coins, made of lead melted from tea-chests at york factory hudson bay dog trains laden with furs arriving at lower fort garry, red river indians and hunters spurring to the fight fights at the foothills of the rockies, between crows and snakes each man landed with pack on his back and trotted away over portages a cree indian of the minnesota borderlands a group of cree indians the soldiers marched out from mount royal for the western sea traders' boats running the rapids of the athabasca river the ragged sky-line of the mountains hungry hall, a monarch of the plains fur traders towed down the saskatchewan in the summer of tepees dotted the valley an eskimo belle samuel hearne eskimo using double-bladed paddle eskimo family, taken by light of midnight sun fort garry, winnipeg, a century ago plan of fort prince of wales, from robson's drawing, - fort prince of wales beaver coin of the hudson's bay company alexander mackenzie eskimo trading his pipe, carved from walrus tusk, for the value of three beaver skins quill and beadwork on buckskin fort william, headquarters northwest company, lake superior running a rapid on mackenzie river slave lake indians good hope, mackenzie river, hudson's bay company fort the mouth of the mackenzie by the light of the midnight sun captain meriwether lewis captain william clark tracking up stream typical mountain trapper the discovery of the great falls fighting a grizzly packer carrying goods across portage spying on enemy's fort indian camp at foothills of rockies on guard indians of the up-country or pays d'en haut part i pierre esprit radisson adventures of the first white man to explore the west, the northwest, and the north [illustration: map of the great fur company.] pathfinders of the west chapter i - radisson's first voyage the boy radisson is captured by the iroquois and carried to the mohawk valley--in league with another captive, he slays their guards and escapes--he is overtaken in sight of home--tortured and adopted in the tribe, he visits orange, where the dutch offer to ransom him--his escape early one morning in the spring of three young men left the little stockaded fort of three rivers, on the north bank of the st. lawrence, for a day's hunting in the marshes of lake st. peter. on one side were the forested hills, purple with the mists of rising vapor and still streaked with white patches of snow where the dense woods shut out the sunlight. on the other lay the silver expanse of the st. lawrence, more like a lake than a river, with mile on mile southwestward of rush-grown marshes, where plover and curlew and duck and wild geese flocked to their favorite feeding-grounds three hundred years ago just as they do to-day. northeastward, the three mouths of the st. maurice poured their spring flood into the st. lawrence. the hunters were very young. only hunters rash with the courage of untried youth would have left the shelter of the fort walls when all the world knew that the iroquois had been lying in ambush round the little settlement of three rivers day and night for the preceding year. not a week passed but some settler working on the outskirts of three rivers was set upon and left dead in his fields by marauding iroquois. the tortures suffered by jogues, the great jesuit missionary who had been captured by the iroquois a few years before, were still fresh in the memory of every man, woman, and child in new france. it was from three rivers that piescaret, the famous algonquin chief who could outrun a deer, had set out against the iroquois, turning his snowshoes back to front, so that the track seemed to lead north when he was really going south, and then, having thrown his pursuers off the trail, coming back on his own footsteps, slipping up stealthily on the iroquois that were following the false scent, and tomahawking the laggards.[ ] it was from three rivers that the mohawks had captured the algonquin girl who escaped by slipping off the thongs that bound her. stepping over the prostrate forms of her sleeping guards, such a fury of revenge possessed her that she seized an axe and brained the nearest sleeper, then eluded her pursuers by first hiding in a hollow tree and afterward diving under the debris of a beaver dam. [illustration: three rivers in .] these things were known to every inhabitant of three rivers. farmers had flocked into the little fort and could venture back to their fields only when armed with a musket.[ ] yet the three young hunters rashly left the shelter of the fort walls and took the very dangerous path that led between the forests and the water. one of the young men was barely in his seventeenth year.[ ] this was pierre esprit radisson, from st. malo, the town of the famous cartier. young radisson had only come to new france the year before, and therefore could not realize the dangers of indian warfare. like boys the world over, the three went along, boasting how they would fight if the indians came. one skirted the forest, on the watch for iroquois, the others kept to the water, on the lookout for game. about a mile from three rivers they encountered a herdsman who warned them to keep out from the foot of the hills. things that looked like a multitude of heads had risen out of the earth back there, he said, pointing to the forests. that set the young hunters loading their pistols and priming muskets. it must also have chilled their zest; for, shooting some ducks, one of the young men presently declared that he had had enough--he was going back. with that daring which was to prove both the lodestar and the curse of his life, young radisson laughed to scorn the sudden change of mind. thereupon the first hunter was joined by the second, and the two went off in high dudgeon. with a laugh, pierre radisson marched along alone, foreshadowing his after life,--a type of every pathfinder facing the dangers of the unknown with dauntless scorn, an immortal type of the world-hero. shooting at every pace and hilarious over his luck, radisson had wandered some nine miles from the fort, when he came to a stream too deep to ford and realized that he already had more game than he could possibly carry. hiding in hollow trees what he could not bring back, he began trudging toward three rivers with a string of geese, ducks, and odd teal over his shoulders, wading swollen brooks and scrambling over windfalls, he retraced his way without pause till he caught sight of the town chapel glimmering in the sunlight against the darkening horizon above the river. he was almost back where his comrades had left him; so he sat down to rest. the cowherd had driven his cattle back to three rivers.[ ] the river came lapping through the rushes. there was a clacking of wild-fowl flocking down to their marsh nests; perhaps a crane flopped through the reeds; but radisson, who had laughed the nervous fears of the others to scorn, suddenly gave a start at the lonely sounds of twilight. then he noticed that his pistols were water-soaked. emptying the charges, he at once reloaded, and with characteristic daring crept softly back to reconnoitre the woods. dodging from tree to tree, he peered up and down the river. great flocks of ducks were swimming on the water. that reassured him, for the bird is more alert to alarm than man. the fort was almost within call. radisson determined to have a shot at such easy quarry; but as he crept through the grass toward the game, he almost stumbled over what rooted him to the spot with horror. just as they had fallen, naked and scalped, with bullet and hatchet wounds all over their bodies, lay his comrades of the morning, dead among the rushes. radisson was too far out to get back to the woods. stooping, he tried to grope to the hiding of the rushes. as he bent, half a hundred heads rose from the grasses, peering which way he might go. they were behind, before, on all sides--his only hope was a dash for the cane-grown river, where he might hide by diving and wading, till darkness gave a chance for a rush to the fort. slipping bullet and shot in his musket as he ran, and ramming down the paper, hoping against hope that he had not been seen, he dashed through the brushwood. a score of guns crashed from the forest.[ ] before he realized the penalty that the iroquois might exact for such an act, he had fired back; but they were upon him. he was thrown down and disarmed. when he came giddily to his senses, he found himself being dragged back to the woods, where the iroquois flaunted the fresh scalps of his dead friends. half drawn, half driven, he was taken to the shore. here, a flotilla of canoes lay concealed where he had been hunting wild-fowl but a few hours before. fires were kindled, and the crotched sticks driven in the ground to boil the kettle for the evening meal. the young frenchman was searched, stripped, and tied round the waist with a rope, the indians yelling and howling like so many wolves all the while till a pause was given their jubilation by the alarm of a scout that the french and algonquins were coming. in a trice, the fire was out and covered. a score of young braves set off to reconnoitre. fifty remained at the boats; but if radisson hoped for a rescue, he was doomed to disappointment. the warriors returned. seventy iroquois gathered round a second fire for the night. the one predominating passion of the savage nature is bravery. lying in ambush, they had heard this french youth laugh at his comrades' fears. in defiance of danger, they had seen him go hunting alone. after he had heard an alarm, he had daringly come out to shoot at the ducks. and, then, boy as he was, when attacked he had instantly fired back at numerous enough enemies to have intimidated a score of grown men. there is not the slightest doubt it was radisson's bravery that now saved him from the fate of his companions. his clothes were returned. while the evening meal was boiling, young warriors dressed and combed the frenchman's hair after the manner of braves. they daubed his cheeks with war-paint; and when they saw that their rancid meats turned him faint, they boiled meat in clean water and gave him meal browned on burning sand.[ ] he did not struggle to escape, so he was now untied. that night he slept between two warriors under a common blanket, through which he counted the stars. for fifty years his home was to be under the stars. it is typically radisson when he could add: "i slept a sound sleep; for they wakened me upon the breaking of the day." in the morning they embarked in thirty-seven canoes, two indians in each boat, with radisson tied to the cross-bar of one, the scalps lying at his feet. spreading out on the river, they beat their paddles on the gunwales of the canoes, shot off guns, and uttered the shrill war-cry--"ah-oh! ah-oh! ah-oh!" [ ] lest this were not sufficient defiance to the penned-up fort on the river bank, the chief stood up in his canoe, signalled silence, and gave three shouts. at once the whole company answered till the hills rang; and out swung the fleet of canoes with more shouting and singing and firing of guns, each paddle-stroke sounding the death knell to the young frenchman's hopes. by sunset they were among the islands at the mouth of the richelieu, where muskrats scuttled through the rushes and wild-fowl clouded the air. the south shore of lake st. peter was heavily forested; the north, shallow. the lake was flooded with spring thaw, and the mohawks could scarcely find camping-ground among the islands. the young prisoner was deathly sick from the rank food that he had eaten and heart-sick from the widening distance between himself and three rivers. still, they treated him kindly, saying, "chagon! chagon!--be merry! cheer up!" the fourth day up the richelieu, he was embarked without being fastened to the cross-bar, and he was given a paddle. fresh to the work, radisson made a labor of his oar. the iroquois took the paddle and taught him how to give the light, deft, feather strokes of the indian canoeman. on the river they met another band of warriors, and the prisoner was compelled to show himself a trophy of victory and to sing songs for his captors. that evening the united bands kindled an enormous campfire and with the scalps of the dead flaunting from spear heads danced the scalp dance, reënacting in pantomime all the episodes of the massacre to the monotonous chant-chant, of a recitative relating the foray. at the next camping-ground, radisson's hair was shaved in front and decorated on top with the war-crest of a brave. having translated the white man into a savage, they brought him one of the tin looking-glasses used by indians to signal in the sun. "i, viewing myself all in a pickle," relates radisson, "smeared with red and black, covered with such a top, . . . could not but fall in love with myself, if i had not had better instructions to shun the sin of pride." radisson saw that apparent compliance with the mohawks might win him a chance to escape; so he was the first to arise in the morning, wakening the others and urging them that it was time to break camp. the stolid indians were not to be moved by an audacious white boy. watching the young prisoner, the keepers lay still, feigning sleep. radisson rose. they made no protest. he wandered casually down to the water side. one can guess that the half-closed eyelids of his guards opened a trifle: was the mouse trying to get away from the cat? to the indians' amusement, instead of trying to escape, radisson picked up a spear and practised tossing it, till a mohawk became so interested that he jumped up and taught the young frenchman the proper throws. that day the indians gave him the present of a hunting-knife. north of lake champlain, the river became so turbulent that they were forced to land and make a _portage_. instead of lagging, as captives frequently did from very fear as they approached nearer and nearer what was almost certain to mean death-torture in the iroquois villages--radisson hurried over the rocks, helping the older warriors to carry their packs. at night he was the first to cut wood for the camp fire. about a week from the time they had left lake st. peter, they entered lake champlain. on the shores of the former had been enacted the most hideous of all indian customs--the scalp dance. on the shores of the latter was performed one of the most redeeming rites of indian warfare. round a small pool of water a coppice of branches was interlaced. into the water were thrown hot stones till the enclosure was steaming. here each warrior took a sweat-bath of purification to prepare for reunion with his family. invoking the spirits as they bathed, the warriors emerged washed--as they thought--of all blood-guilt.[ ] [illustration: map of the iroquois country in the days of radisson.] in the night shots sounded through the heavy silence of the forest, and the mohawks embarked in alarm, compelling their white prisoner to lie flat in the bottom of the canoe. in the morning when he awakened, he found the entire band hidden among the rushes of the lake. they spent several days on lake champlain, then glided past wooded mountains down a calm river to lake george, where canoes were abandoned and the warriors struck westward through dense forests to the country of the iroquois. two days from the lake slave women met the returning braves, and in radisson's words, "loaded themselves like mules with baggage." on this woodland march radisson won golden opinions for himself by two acts: struck by an insolent young brave, he thrashed the culprit soundly; seeing an old man staggering under too heavy a load, the white youth took the burden on his own shoulders. the return of the warriors to their villages was always celebrated as a triumph. the tribe marched out to meet them, singing, firing guns, shouting a welcome, dancing as the israelites danced of old when victors returned from battle. men, women, and children lined up on each side armed with clubs and whips to scourge the captives. well for radisson that he had won the warriors' favor; for when the time came for him to run the gantlet of iroquois _diableries_, instead of being slowly led, with trussed arms and shackled feet, he was stripped free and signalled to run so fast that his tormentors could not hit him. shrieks of laughter from the women, shouts of applause from the men, always greeted the racer who reached the end of the line unscathed. a captive huron woman, who had been adopted by the tribe, caught the white boy as he dashed free of a single blow clear through the lines of tormentors. leading him to her cabin, she fed and clothed him. presently a band of braves marched up, demanded the surrender of radisson, and took him to the council lodge of the iroquois for judgment. old men sat solemnly round a central fire, smoking their calumets in silence. radisson was ordered to sit down. a coal of fire was put in the bowl of the great council pipe and passed reverently round the assemblage. then the old huron woman entered, gesticulating and pleading for the youth's life. the men smoked on silently with deep, guttural "ho-ho's," meaning "yes, yes, we are pleased." the woman was granted permission to adopt radisson as a son. radisson had won his end. diplomacy and courage had saved his life. it now remained to await an opportunity for escape. radisson bent all his energies to become a great hunter. he was given firearms, and daily hunted with the family of his adoption. it so happened that the family had lost a son in the wars, whose name had signified the same as radisson's--that is, "a stone"; so the pierre of three rivers became the orimha of the mohawks. the iroquois husband of the woman who had befriended him gave such a feast to the mohawk braves as befitted the prestige of a warrior who had slain nineteen enemies with his own hand. three hundred young mohawks sat down to a collation of moose nose and beaver tails and bears' paws, served by slaves. to this banquet radisson was led, decked out in colored blankets with garnished leggings and such a wealth of wampum strings hanging from wrists, neck, hair, and waist that he could scarcely walk. wampum means more to the indian than money to the white man. it represents not only wealth but social standing, and its value may be compared to the white man's estimate of pink pearls. diamond-cutters seldom spend more than two weeks in polishing a good stone. an indian would spend thirty days in perfecting a single bit of shell into fine wampum. radisson's friends had ornamented him for the feast in order to win the respect of the mohawks for the french boy. striking his hatchet through a kettle of sagamite to signify thus would he break peace to all radisson's foes, the old iroquois warrior made a speech to the assembled guests. the guests clapped their hands and shouted, "chagon, orimha!--be merry, pierre!" the frenchman had been formally adopted as a mohawk. the forests were now painted in all the glories of autumn. all the creatures of the woodlands shook off the drowsy laziness of summer and came down from the uplands seeking haunts for winter retreat. moose and deer were on the move. beaver came splashing down-stream to plaster up their wattled homes before frost. bear and lynx and marten, all were restless as the autumn winds instinct with coming storm. this is the season when the indian sets out to hunt and fight. furnished with clothing, food, and firearms, radisson left the mohawk valley with three hunters. by the middle of august, the rind of the birch is in perfect condition for peeling. the first thing the hunters did was to slit off the bark of a thick-girthed birch and with cedar linings make themselves a skiff. then they prepared to lay up a store of meat for the winter's war-raids. before ice forms a skim across the still pools, nibbled chips betray where a beaver colony is at work; so the hunters began setting beaver traps. one night as they were returning to their wigwam, there came through the leafy darkness the weird sound of a man singing. it was a solitary algonquin captive, who called out that he had been on the track of a bear since daybreak. he probably belonged to some well-known iroquois, for he was welcomed to the camp-fire. the sight of a face from three rivers roused the algonquin's memories of his northern home. in the noise of the crackling fire, he succeeded in telling radisson, without being overheard by the iroquois, that he had been a captive for two years and longed to escape. "do you love the french?" the algonquin asked radisson. "do you love the algonquin?" returned radisson, knowing they were watched. "as i do my own nation." then leaning across to radisson, "brother--white man!--let us escape! the three rivers--it is not far off! will you live like a huron in bondage, or have your liberty with the french?" then, lowering his voice, "let us kill all three this night when they are asleep!" from such a way of escape, the french youth held back. the algonquin continued to urge him. by this time, radisson must have heard from returning iroquois warriors that they had slain the governor of three rivers, duplessis-kerbodot, and eleven other frenchmen, among whom was the husband of radisson's eldest sister, marguerite.[ ] while radisson was still hesitating, the suspicious iroquois demanded what so much whispering was about; but the alert algonquin promptly quieted their fears by trumping up some hunting story. wearied from their day's hunt, the three mohawks slept heavily round the camp-fire. they had not the least suspicion of danger, for they had stacked their arms carelessly against the trees of the forest. terrified lest the algonquin should attempt to carry out his threat, radisson pretended to be asleep. rising noiselessly, the algonquin sat down by the fire. the mohawks slept on. the algonquin gave radisson a push. the french boy looked up to see the algonquin studying the postures of the sleeping forms. the dying fire glimmered like a blotch of blood under the trees. stepping stealthy as a cat over the sleeping men, the indian took possession of their firearms. drawn by a kind of horror, radisson had risen. the algonquin thrust one of the tomahawks into the french lad's hands and pointed without a word at the three sleeping mohawks. then the indian began the black work. the mohawk nearest the fire never knew that he had been struck, and died without a sound. radisson tried to imitate the relentless algonquin, but, unnerved with horror, he bungled the blow and lost hold of the hatchet just as it struck the mohawk's head. the iroquois sprang up with a shout that awakened the third man, but the algonquin was ready. radisson's blow proved fatal. the victim reeled back dead, and the third man was already despatched by the algonquin. radisson was free. it was a black deed that freed him, but not half so black as the deeds perpetrated in civilized wars for less cause; and for that deed radisson was to pay swift retribution. taking the scalps as trophies to attest his word, the algonquin threw the bodies into the river. he seized all the belongings of the dead men but one gun and then launched out with radisson on the river. the french youth was conscience-stricken. "i was sorry to have been in such an encounter," he writes, "but it was too late to repent." under cover of the night mist and shore foliage, they slipped away with the current. at first dawn streak, while the mist still hid them, they landed, carried their canoe to a sequestered spot in the dense forest, and lay hidden under the upturned skiff all that day, tormented by swarms of mosquitoes and flies, but not daring to move from concealment. at nightfall, they again launched down-stream, keeping always in the shadows of the shore till mist and darkness shrouded them, then sheering off for mid-current, where they paddled for dear life. where camp-fires glimmered on the banks, they glided past with motionless paddles. across lake champlain, across the richelieu, over long _portages_ where every shadow took the shape of an ambushed iroquois, for fourteen nights they travelled, when at last with many windings and false alarms they swept out on the wide surface of lake st. peter in the st. lawrence. within a day's journey of three rivers, they were really in greater danger than they had been in the forests of lake champlain. iroquois had infested that part of the st. lawrence for more than a year. the forest of the south shore, the rush-grown marshes, the wooded islands, all afforded impenetrable hiding. it was four in the morning when they reached lake st. peter. concealing their canoe, they withdrew to the woods, cooked their breakfast, covered the fire, and lay down to sleep. in a couple of hours the algonquin impatiently wakened radisson and urged him to cross the lake to the north shore on the three rivers side. radisson warned the indian that the iroquois were ever lurking about three rivers. the indian would not wait till sunset. "let us go," he said. "we are past fear. let us shake off the yoke of these whelps that have killed so many french and black robes (priests). . . . if you come not now that we are so near, i leave you, and will tell the governor you were afraid to come." radisson's judgment was overruled by the impatient indian. they pushed their skiff out from the rushes. the water lay calm as a sea of silver. they paddled directly across to get into hiding on the north shore. halfway across radisson, who was at the bow, called out that he saw shadows on the water ahead. the indian stood up and declared that the shadow was the reflection of a flying bird. barely had they gone a boat length when the shadows multiplied. they were the reflections of iroquois ambushed among the rushes. heading the canoe back for the south shore, they raced for their lives. the iroquois pursued in their own boats. about a mile from the shore, the strength of the fugitives fagged. knowing that the iroquois were gaining fast, radisson threw out the loathsome scalps that the algonquin had persisted in carrying. by that strange fatality which seems to follow crime, instead of sinking, the hairy scalps floated on the surface of the water back to the pursuing iroquois. shouts of rage broke from the warriors. radisson's skiff was so near the south shore that he could see the pebbled bottom of the lake; but the water was too deep to wade and too clear for a dive, and there was no driftwood to afford hiding. then a crash of musketry from the iroquois knocked the bottom out of the canoe. the algonquin fell dead with two bullet wounds in his head and the canoe gradually filled, settled, and sank, with the young frenchman clinging to the cross-bar mute as stone. just as it disappeared under water, radisson was seized, and the dead algonquin was thrown into the mohawk boats. radisson alone remained to pay the penalty of a double crime; and he might well have prayed for the boat to sink. the victors shouted their triumph. hurrying ashore, they kindled a great fire. they tore the heart from the dead algonquin, transfixed the head on a pike, and cast the mutilated body into the flames for those cannibal rites in which savages thought they gained courage by eating the flesh of their enemies. radisson was rifled of clothes and arms, trussed at the elbows, roped round the waist, and driven with blows back to the canoes. there were other captives among the mohawks. as the canoes emerged from the islands, radisson counted one hundred and fifty iroquois warriors, with two french captives, one white woman, and seventeen hurons. flaunting from the canoe prows were the scalps of eleven algonquins. the victors fired off their muskets and shouted defiance until the valley rang. as the seventy-five canoes turned up the richelieu river for the country of the iroquois, hope died in the captive hurons and there mingled with the chant of the mohawks' war-songs, the low monotonous dirge of the prisoners:-- "if i die, i die valiant! i go without fear to that land where brave men have gone long before me-- if i die, i die valiant." twelve miles up the richelieu, the iroquois landed to camp. the prisoners were pegged out on the sand, elbows trussed to knees, each captive tied to a post. in this fashion they lay every night of encampment, tortured by sand-flies that they were powerless to drive off. at the entrance to the mohawk village, a yoke was fastened to the captives' necks by placing pairs of saplings one on each side down the line of prisoners. by the rope round the waist of the foremost prisoner, they were led slowly between the lines of tormentors. the captives were ordered to sing. if one refused or showed fear, a mohawk struck off a finger with a hatchet, or tore the prisoners' nails out, or thrust red-hot irons into the muscles of the bound arms.[ ] as radisson appeared, he was recognized with shouts of rage by the friends of the murdered mohawks. men, women, and children armed with rods and skull-crackers--leather bags loaded with stones--rushed on the slowly moving file of prisoners. "they began to cry from both sides," says radisson; "we marching one after another, environed with people to witness that hideous sight, which seriously may be called the image of hell in this world." the prisoners moved mournfully on. the hurons chanted their death dirge. the mohawk women uttered screams of mockery. suddenly there broke from the throng of onlookers the iroquois family that had adopted radisson. pushing through the crew of torturers, the mother caught radisson by the hair, calling him by the name of her dead son, "orimha! orimha!" she cut the thongs that bound him to the poles, and wresting him free shoved him to her husband, who led radisson to their own lodge. "thou fool," cried the old chief, "thou wast my son! thou makest thyself an enemy! thou lovest us not, though we saved thy life! wouldst kill me, too?" then, with a rough push to a mat on the ground, "chagon--now, be merry! it's a merry business you've got into! give him something to eat!" trembling with fear, young radisson put as bold a face on as he could and made a show of eating what the squaw placed before him. he was still relating his adventures when there came a roar of anger from the mohawks outside, who had discovered his absence from the line. a moment later the rabble broke into the lodge. jostling the friendly chief aside, the mohawk warriors carried radisson back to the orgies of the torture. the prisoners had been taken out of the stocks and placed on several scaffoldings. one poor frenchman fell to the ground bruised and unable to rise. the iroquois tore the scalp from his head and threw him into the fire. that was radisson's first glimpse of what was in store for him. then he, too, stood on the scaffolding among the other prisoners, who never ceased singing their death song. in the midst of these horrors--_diableries_, the jesuits called them--as if the very elements had been moved with pity, there burst over the darkened forest a terrific hurricane of hail and rain. this put out the fires and drove all the tormentors away but a few impish children, who stayed to pluck nails from the hands and feet of the captives and shoot arrows with barbed points at the naked bodies. every iniquity that cruelty could invent, these children practised on the captives. red-hot spears were brought from the lodge fires and thrust into the prisoners. the mutilated finger ends were ground between stones. thongs were twisted round wrists and ankles, by sticks put through a loop, till flesh was cut to the bone. as the rain ceased falling, a woman, who was probably the wife of one of the murdered mohawks, brought her little boy to cut one of radisson's fingers with a flint stone. the child was too young and ran away from the gruesome task. gathering darkness fell over the horrible spectacle. the exhausted captives, some in a delirium from pain, others unconscious, were led to separate lodges, or dragged over the ground, and left tied for the night. the next morning all were returned to the scaffolds, but the first day had glutted the iroquois appetite for tortures. the friendly family was permitted to approach radisson. the mother brought him food and told him that the council lodge had decided not to kill him for that day--they wanted the young white warrior for their own ranks; but even as the cheering hope was uttered, came a brave with a pipe of live coals, in which he thrust and held radisson's thumb. no sooner had the tormentor left than the woman bound up the burn and oiled radisson's wounds. he suffered no abuse that day till night, when the soles of both feet were burned. the majority of the captives were flung into a great bonfire. on the third day of torture he almost lost his life. first came a child to gnaw at his fingers. then a man appeared armed for the ghastly work of mutilation. both these the iroquois father of radisson sent away. once, when none of the friendly family happened to be near, radisson was seized and bound for burning, but by chance the lighted faggot scorched his executioner. a friendly hand slashed the thongs that bound him, and he was drawn back to the scaffold. past caring whether he lived or died, and in too great agony from the burns of his feet to realize where he was going, radisson was conducted to the great council. sixty old men sat on a circle of mats, smoking, round the central fire. before them stood seven other captives. radisson only was still bound. a gust of wind from the opening lodge door cleared the smoke for an instant and there entered radisson's indian father, clad in the regalia of a mighty chief. tomahawk and calumet and medicine-bag were in his hands. he took his place in the circle of councillors. judgment was to be given on the remaining prisoners. after passing the council pipe from hand to hand in solemn silence, the sachems prepared to give their views. one arose, and offering the smoke of incense to the four winds of heaven to invoke witness to the justice of the trial, gave his opinion on the matter of life or death. each of the chiefs in succession spoke. without any warning whatever, one chief rose and summarily tomahawked three of the captives. that had been the sentence. the rest were driven, like sheep for the shambles, to life-long slavery. radisson was left last. his case was important. he had sanctioned the murder of three mohawks. not for a moment since he was recaptured had they dared to untie the hands of so dangerous a prisoner. amid deathly silence, the iroquois father stood up. flinging down medicine-bag, fur robe, wampum belts, and tomahawk, he pointed to the nineteen scars upon his side, each of which signified an enemy slain by his own hand. then the old mohawk broke into one of those impassioned rhapsodies of eloquence which delighted the savage nature, calling back to each of the warriors recollection of victories for the iroquois. his eyes took fire from memory of heroic battle. the councillors shook off their imperturbable gravity and shouted "ho, ho!" each man of them had a memory of his part in those past glories. and as they applauded, there glided into the wigwam the mother, singing some battle-song of valor, dancing and gesticulating round and round the lodge in dizzy, serpentine circlings, that illustrated in pantomime those battles of long ago. gliding ghostily from the camp-fire to the outer dark, she suddenly stopped, stood erect, advanced a step, and with all her might threw one belt of priceless wampum at the councillors' feet, one necklace over the prisoner's head. before the applause could cease or the councillors' ardor cool, the adopted brother sprang up, hatchet in hand, and sang of other victories. then, with a delicacy of etiquette which white pleaders do not always observe, father and son withdrew from the council lodge to let the jury deliberate. the old sachems were disturbed. they had been moved more than their wont. twenty withdrew to confer. dusk gathered deeper and deeper over the forests of the mohawk valley. tawny faces came peering at the doors, waiting for the decision. outsiders tore the skins from the walls of the lodge that they, too, might witness the memorable trial of the boy prisoner. sachem after sachem rose and spoke. tobacco was sacrificed to the fire-god. would the relatives of the dead mohawks consider the wampum belts full compensation? could the iroquois suffer a youth to live who had joined the murderers of the mohawks? could the mohawks afford to offend the great iroquois chief who was the french youth's friend? as they deliberated, the other councillors returned, accompanied by all the members of radisson's friendly family. again the father sang and spoke. this time when he finished, instead of sitting down, he caught the necklace of wampum from radisson's neck, threw it at the feet of the oldest sachem, cut the captive's bonds, and, amid shouts of applause, set the white youth free. one of the incomprehensible things to civilization is how a white man _can_ degenerate to savagery. young radisson's life is an illustration. in the first transports of his freedom, with the mohawk women dancing and singing around him, the men shouting, he leaped up, oblivious of pain; but when the flush of ecstasy had passed, he sank to the mat of the iroquois lodge, and he was unable to use his burned feet for more than a month. during this time the iroquois dressed his wounds, brought him the choice portions of the hunt, gave him clean clothing purchased at orange (albany), and attended to his wants as if he had been a prince. no doubt the bright eyes of the swarthy young french boy moved to pity the hearts of the mohawk mothers, and his courage had won him favor among the warriors. he was treated like a king. the women waited upon him like slaves, and the men gave him presents of firearms and ammunition--the indian's most precious possessions. between flattered vanity and indolence, other white men, similarly treated, have lost their self-respect. beckworth, of the missouri, became to all intents and purposes a savage; and bird, of the blackfeet, degenerated lower than the indians. other frenchmen captured from the st. lawrence, and white women taken from the new england colonies, became so enamored of savage life that they refused to leave the indian lodges when peace had liberated them. not so radisson. though only seventeen, flattered vanity never caused him to forget the gratitude he owed the mohawk family. though he relates his life with a frankness that leaves nothing untold, he never at any time returned treachery for kindness. the very chivalry of the french nature endangered him all the more. would he forget his manhood, his birthright of a superior race, his inheritance of nobility from a family that stood foremost among the _noblesse_ of new france? [illustration: albany, from an old print.] the spring of came with unloosening of the rivers and stirring of the forest sap and fret of the warrior blood. radisson's iroquois father held great feasts in which he heaved up the hatchet to break the kettle of sagamite against all enemies. would radisson go on the war-path with the braves, or stay at home with the women and so lose the respect of the tribe? in the hope of coming again within reach of three rivers, he offered to join the iroquois in their wars. the mohawks were delighted with his spirit, but they feared to lose their young warrior. accepting his offer, they refused to let him accompany them to quebec, but assigned him to a band of young braves, who were to raid the border-lands between the huron country of the upper lakes and the st. lawrence. this was not what radisson wanted, but he could not draw back. there followed months of wild wanderings round the regions of niagara. the band of young braves passed dangerous places with great precipices and a waterfall, where the river was a mile wide and unfrozen. radisson was constrained to witness many acts against the eries, which must have one of two effects on white blood,--either turn the white man into a complete savage, or disgust him utterly with savage life. leaving the mohawk village amid a blare of guns and shouts, the young braves on their maiden venture passed successively through the lodges of oneidas, onondagas, senecas, and cayugas, where they were feasted almost to death by the iroquois confederacy.[ ] then they marched to the vast wilderness of snow-padded forests and heaped windfall between lake ontario and lake erie. snow still lay in great drifts under the shadow of hemlock and spruce; and the braves skimmed forward winged with the noiseless speed of snow-shoes. when the snow became too soft from thaw for snow-shoes, they paused to build themselves a skiff. it was too early to peel the bark off the birch, so they made themselves a dugout of the walnut tree. the wind changed from north to south, clearing the lakes of ice and filling the air with the earthy smells of up-bursting growth. "there was such a thawing," writes radisson, "ye little brookes flowed like rivers, which made us embark to wander over that sweet sea." lounging in their skiff all day, carried from shore to shore with the waves, and sleeping round camp-fires on the sand each night, the young braves luxuriated in all the delights of sunny idleness and spring life. but this was not war. it was play, and play of the sort that weans the white man from civilization to savagery. one day a scout, who had climbed to the top of a tree, espied two strange squaws. they were of a hostile tribe. the mohawk bloodthirst was up as a wolf's at the sight of lambs. in vain radisson tried to save the women by warning the iroquois that if there were women, there must be men, too, who would exact vengeance for the squaws' death. the young braves only laid their plans the more carefully for his warning and massacred the entire encampment. prisoners were taken, but when food became scarce they were brutally knocked on the head. these tribes had never heard guns before, and at the sound of shots fled as from diabolical enemies. it was an easy matter for the young braves in the course of a few weeks to take a score of scalps and a dozen prisoners. at one place more than two hundred beaver were trapped. at the end of the raid, the booty was equally divided. radisson asked that the woman prisoner be given to him; and he saved her from torture and death on the return to the mohawks by presenting her as a slave to his indian mother. all his other share of booty he gave to the friendly family. the raid was over. he had failed of his main object in joining it. he had not escaped. but he had made one important gain. his valor had reëstablished the confidence of the indians so that when they went on a free-booting expedition against the whites of the dutch settlements at orange (albany), radisson was taken with them. orange, or albany, consisted at that time of some fifty thatched log-houses surrounded by a settlement of perhaps a hundred and fifty farmers. this raid was bloodless. the warriors looted the farmers' cabins, emptied their cupboards, and drank their beer cellars dry to the last drop. once more radisson kept his head. while the braves entered fort orange roaring drunk, radisson was alert and sober. a drunk indian falls an easy prey in the bartering of pelts. the iroquois wanted guns. the dutch wanted pelts. the whites treated the savages like kings; and the mohawks marched from house to house feasting of the best. radisson was dressed in garnished buckskin and had been painted like a mohawk. suspecting some design to escape, his iroquois friends never left him. the young frenchman now saw white men for the first time in almost two years; but the speech that he heard was in a strange tongue. as radisson went into the fort, he noticed a soldier among the dutch. at the same instant the soldier recognized him as a frenchman, and oblivious of the mohawks' presence blurted out his discovery in iroquois dialect, vowing that for all the paint and grease, this youth was a white man below. the fellow's blundering might have cost radisson's life; but the youth had not been a captive among crafty mohawks for nothing. radisson feigned surprise at the accusation. that quieted the mohawk suspicions and they were presently deep in the beer pots of the dutch. again the soldier spoke, this time in french. it was the first time that radisson had heard his native tongue for months. he answered in french. at that the soldier emitted shouts of delight, for he, too, was french, and these strangers in an alien land threw their arms about each other like a pair of long-lost brothers with exclamations of joy too great for words. [illustration: the battery, new york, in radisson's time.] from that moment radisson became the lion of fort orange. the women dragged him to their houses and forced more dainties on him than he could eat. he was conducted from house to house in triumph, to the amazed delight of the indians. the dutch offered to ransom him at any price; but that would have exposed the dutch settlement to the resentment of the mohawks and placed radisson under heavy obligation to people who were the enemies of new france. besides, his honor was pledged to return to his indian parents; and it was a long way home to have to sail to europe and back again to quebec. perhaps, too, there was deep in his heart what he did not realize--a rooted love for the wilds that was to follow him all through life. by the devious course of captivity, he had tasted of a new freedom and could not give it up. he declined the offer of the dutch. in two days he was back among the mohawks ten times more a hero than he had ever been. mother and sisters were his slaves. but between love of the wilds and love of barbarism is a wide difference. he had not been back for two weeks when that glimpse of crude civilization at orange recalled torturing memories of the french home in three rivers. the filthy food, the smoky lodges, the cruelties of the mohawks, filled him with loathing. the nature of the white man, which had been hidden under the grease and paint of the savage--and in danger of total eclipse--now came upper-most. with radisson, to think was to act. he determined to escape if it cost him his life. taking only a hatchet as if he were going to cut wood, radisson left the indian lodge early one morning in the fall of . once out of sight from the village, he broke into a run, following the trail through the dense forests of the mohawk valley toward fort orange. on and on he ran, all that day, without pause to rest or eat, without backward glance, with eye ever piercing through the long leafy vistas of the forest on the watch for the fresh-chipped bark of the trees that guided his course, or the narrow indurated path over the spongy mould worn by running warriors. and when night filled the forest with the hoot of owl, and the far, weird cries of wild creatures on the rove, there sped through the aisled columns of star light and shadow, the ghostly figure of the french boy slim, and lithe as a willow, with muscles tense as ironwood, and step silent as the mountain-cat. all that night he ran without a single stop. chill daybreak found him still staggering on, over rocks slippery with the night frost, over windfall tree on tree in a barricade, through brawling mountain brooks where his moccasins broke the skim of ice at the edge, past rivers where he half waded, half swam. he was now faint from want of food; but fear spurred him on. the morning air was so cold that he found it better to run than rest. by four of the afternoon he came to a clearing in the forest, where was the cabin of a settler. a man was chopping wood. radisson ascertained that there were no iroquois in the cabin, and, hiding in it, persuaded the settler to carry a message to fort orange, two miles farther on. while he waited indians passed the cabin, singing and shouting. the settler's wife concealed him behind sacks of wheat and put out all lights. within an hour came a rescue party from orange, who conducted him safely to the fort. for three days radisson hid in orange, while the mohawks wandered through the fort, calling him by name. gifts of money from the jesuit, poncet, and from a dutch merchant, enabled radisson to take ship from orange to new york, and from new york to europe. [illustration: fort amsterdam, from an ancient engraving executed in holland. this view of fort amsterdam on the manhattan is copied from an ancient engraving executed in holland. the fort was erected in but finished upon the above model by governor van twiller in .] père poncet had been captured by the mohawks the preceding summer, but had escaped to orange.[ ] embarking on a small sloop, radisson sailed down the hudson to new york, which then consisted of some five hundred houses, with stores, barracks, a stone church, and a dilapidated fort. central park was a forest; goats and cows pastured on what is now wall street; and to east and west was a howling wilderness of marsh and woods. after a stay of three weeks, radisson embarked for amsterdam, which he reached in january, . [ ] benjamin sulte in _chronique trifluvienne_. [ ] it was in august of this same year, , that the governor of three rivers was slain by the iroquois. parkman gives this date, , garneau, , l'abbé tanguay, ; dollier de casson, , belmont, . sulte gives the name of the governor duplessis-kerbodot, not bochart, as given in parkman. [ ] dr. bryce has unearthed the fact that in a petition to the house of commons, , radisson sets down his age as sixty-two. this gives the year of his birth as . on the other hand, sulte has record of a pierre radisson registered at quebec in , aged fifty-one, which would make him slightly older, if it is the same radisson. mr. sulte's explanation is as follows: sébastien hayet of st. malo married madeline hénault. their daughter marguerite married chouart, known as groseillers. madeline hénault then married pierre esprit radisson of paris, whose children were pierre, our hero, and two daughters. [ ] a despatch from m. talon in shows there were families in three rivers. state papers from the minister to m. frontenac in show there were only french in all the colony. averaging five a family, there must have been people at three rivers. fear of the iroquois must have driven the country people inside the fort, so that the population enrolled was larger than the real population of three rivers. sulte gives the normal population of three rivers in as married couples, bachelors, boys, girls--in all not . [ ] at first flush, this seems a slip in _radisson's relation_. where did the mohawks get their guns? _new york colonial documents_ show that between and the dutch at fort orange had supplied the mohawks alone with four hundred guns. [ ] one of many instances of radisson's accuracy in detail. all tribes have a trick of browning food on hot stones or sand that has been taken from fire. the assiniboines gained their name from this practice: they were the users of "boiling stones." [ ] i have asked both natives and old fur-traders what combination of sounds in english most closely resembles the indian war-cry, and they have all given the words that i have quoted. one daughter of a chief factor, who went through a six weeks' siege by hostiles in her father's fort, gave a still more graphic description. she said: "you can imagine the snarls of a pack of furiously vicious dogs saying 'ah-oh' with a whoop, you have it; and you will not forget it!" [ ] this practice was a binding law on many tribes. catlin relates it of the mandans, and hearne of the chipewyans. the latter considered it a crime to kiss wives and children after a massacre without the bath of purification. could one know where and when that universal custom of washing blood-guilt arose, one mystery of existence would be unlocked. [ ] i have throughout followed mr. sulte's correction of the name of this governor. the mistake followed by parkman, tanguay, and others--it seems--was first made in , and has been faithfully copied since. elsewhere will be found mr. sulte's complete elucidation of the hopeless dark in which all writers have involved radisson's family. [ ] if there were not corroborative testimony, one might suspect the excited french lad of gross exaggeration in his account of iroquois tortures; but the jesuits more than confirm the worst that radisson relates. bad as these torments were, they were equalled by the deeds of white troops from civilized cities in the nineteenth century. a band of montana scouts came on the body of a comrade horribly mutilated by the indians. they caught the culprits a few days afterwards. though the government report has no account of what happened, traders say the bodies of the guilty indians were found skinned and scalped by the white troops. [ ] radisson puts the senecas before the cayugas, which is different from the order given by the jesuits. [ ] the fact that radisson confessed his sins to this priest seems pretty well to prove that pierre was a catholic and not a protestant, as has been so often stated. chapter ii - radisson's second voyage radisson returns to quebec, where he joins the jesuits to go to the iroquois mission--he witnesses the massacre of the hurons among the thousand islands--besieged by the iroquois, they pass the winter as prisoners of war--conspiracy to massacre the french foiled by radisson. from amsterdam radisson took ship to rochelle. here he found himself a stranger in his native land. all his kin of whom there is any record--pierre radisson, his father, madeline hénault, his mother, marguerite and françoise, his elder and younger sisters, his uncle and aunt, with their daughter, elizabeth--were now living at three rivers in new france.[ ] embarking with the fishing fleet that yearly left france for the grand banks, radisson came early in the spring of to isle percée at the mouth of the st. lawrence. he was still a week's journey from three rivers, but chance befriended him. algonquin canoes were on the way up the river to war on the iroquois. joining the indian canoes, he slipped past the hilly shores of the st. lawrence and in five days was between the main bank on the north side and the muddy shallows of the isle of orleans. sheering out where the montmorency roars over a precipice in a shining cataract, the canoes glided across st. charles river among the forests of masts heaving to the tide below the beetling heights of cape diamond, quebec. [illustration: one of the earliest maps of the great lakes.] it was may, , when he had first seen the turrets and spires of quebec glittering on the hillside in the sun; it was may, , that the iroquois had carried him off from three rivers; and it was may, , when he came again to his own. he was welcomed back as from the dead. changes had taken place in the interval of his captivity. a truce had been arranged between the iroquois and the french. now that the huron missions had been wiped out by iroquois wars, the jesuits regarded the truce as a divine provision for a mission among the iroquois. the year that radisson escaped from the mohawks, jesuit priests had gone among them. a still greater change that was to affect his life more vitally had taken place in the radisson family. the year that radisson had been captured, the outraged people of three rivers had seized a mohawk chief and burned him to death. in revenge, the mohawks murdered the governor of three rivers and a company of frenchmen. among the slain was the husband of radisson's sister, marguerite. when radisson returned, he found that his widowed sister had married médard chouart groseillers, a famous fur trader of new france, who had passed his youth as a lay helper to the jesuit missions of lake huron.[ ] radisson was now doubly bound to the jesuits by gratitude and family ties. never did pagan heart hear an evangel more gladly than the mohawks heard the jesuits. the priests were welcomed with acclaim, led to the council lodge, and presented with belts of wampum. not a suspicion of foul play seems to have entered the jesuits' mind. when the iroquois proposed to incorporate into the confederacy the remnants of the hurons, the jesuits discerned nothing in the plan but the most excellent means to convert pagan iroquois by christian hurons. having gained an inch, the iroquois demanded the proverbial ell. they asked that a french settlement be made in the iroquois country. the indians wanted a supply of firearms to war against all enemies; and with a french settlement miles away from help, the iroquois could wage what war they pleased against the algonquins without fear of reprisals from quebec--the settlement of white men among hostiles would be hostage of generous treatment from new france. of these designs, neither priests nor governor had the slightest suspicion. the jesuits were thinking only of the iroquois' soul; the french, of peace with the iroquois at any cost. in major dupuis and fifty frenchmen had established a french colony among the iroquois.[ ] the hardships of these pioneers form no part of radisson's life, and are, therefore, not set down here. peace not bought by a victory is an unstable foundation for indian treaty. the mohawks were jealous that their confederates, the onondagas, had obtained the french settlement. in , eighty iroquois came to quebec to escort one hundred huron refugees back to onondaga for adoption into the confederacy. these hurons were christians, and the two jesuits, paul ragueneau and françois du péron, were appointed to accompany them to their new abode. twenty young frenchmen joined the party to seek their fortunes at the new settlement; but a man was needed who could speak iroquois. glad to repay his debt to the jesuits, young radisson volunteered to go as a _donné_, that is, a lay helper vowed to gratuitous services. it was midsummer before all preparations had been made. on july , the party of two hundred, made up of twenty frenchmen, eighty iroquois, and a hundred hurons, filed out of the gates of montreal, and winding round the foot of the mountain followed a trail through the forest that took them past the lachine rapids. the onondaga _voyageurs_ carried the long birch canoes inverted on their shoulders, two indians at each end; and the other iroquois trotted over the rocks with the frenchmen's baggage on their backs. the day was hot, the _portage_ long and slippery with dank moisture. the huron children fagged and fell behind. at nightfall, thirty of the haughty iroquois lost patience, and throwing down their bundles made off for quebec with the avowed purpose of raiding the algonquins. on the way, they paused to scalp three frenchmen at montreal, cynically explaining that if the french persisted in taking algonquins into their arms, the white men need not be surprised if the blow aimed at an algonquin sometimes struck a frenchman. that act opened the eyes of the french to the real meaning of the peace made with the iroquois; but the little colony was beyond recall. to insure the safety of the french among the onondagas, the french governor at quebec seized a dozen iroquois and kept them as hostages of good conduct. meanwhile, all was confusion on lake st. louis, where the last band of colonists had encamped. the iroquois had cast the frenchmen's baggage on the rocks and refused to carry it farther. leaving the whites all embarrassed, the onondagas hurriedly embarked the hurons and paddled quickly out of sight. the act was too suddenly unanimous not to have been premeditated. why had the iroquois carried the hurons away from the frenchmen? father ragueneau at once suspected some sinister purpose. taking only a single sack of flour for food, he called for volunteers among the twenty frenchmen to embark in a leaky, old canoe and follow the treacherous onondagas. young radisson was one of the first to offer himself. six others followed his example; and the seven frenchmen led by the priest struck across the lake, leaving the others to gather up the scattered baggage. the onondagas were too deep to reveal their plots with seven armed frenchmen in pursuit. the indians permitted the french boats to come up with the main band. all camped together in the most friendly fashion that night; but the next morning one iroquois offered passage in his canoe to one frenchman, another iroquois to another of the whites, and by the third day, when they came to lake st. francis, the old canoe had been abandoned. the french were scattered promiscuously among the iroquois, with no two whites in one boat. the hurons were quicker to read the signs of treachery than the french. there were rumors of one hundred mohawks lying in ambush at the thousand islands to massacre the coming hurons. on the morning of august four huron warriors and two women seized a canoe, and to the great astonishment of the encampment launched out before they could be stopped. heading the canoe back for montreal, they broke out in a war chant of defiance to the iroquois. the onondagas made no sign, but they evidently took council to delay no longer. again, when they embarked, they allowed no two whites in one canoe. the boats spread out. nothing was said to indicate anything unusual. the lake lay like a silver mirror in the august sun. the water was so clear that the indians frequently paused to spear fish lying below on the stones. at places the canoes skirted close to the wood-fringed shore, and braves landed to shoot wild-fowl. radisson and ragueneau seemed simultaneously to have noticed the same thing. without any signal, at about four in the afternoon, the onondagas steered their canoes for a wooded island in the middle of the st. lawrence. with radisson were three iroquois and a huron. as the canoe grated shore, the bowman loaded his musket and sprang into the thicket. naturally, the huron turned to gaze after the disappearing hunter. instantly, the onondaga standing directly behind buried his hatchet in the huron's head. the victim fell quivering across radisson's feet and was hacked to pieces by the other iroquois. not far along the shore from radisson, the priest was landing. he noticed an iroquois chief approach a christian huron girl. if the huron had not been a convert, she might have saved her life by becoming one of the chief's many slaves; but she had repulsed the onondaga pagan. as ragueneau looked, the girl fell dead with her skull split by the chief's war-axe. the hurons on the lake now knew what awaited them; and a cry of terror arose from the children. then a silence of numb horror settled over the incoming canoes. the women were driven ashore like lambs before wolves; but the valiant hurons would not die without striking one blow at their inveterate and treacherous enemies. they threw themselves together back to back, prepared to fight. for a moment this show of resistance drove off the iroquois. then the onondaga chieftain rushed forward, protesting that the two murders had been a personal quarrel. striking back his own warriors with a great show of sincerity, he bade the hurons run for refuge to the top of the hill. no sooner had the hurons broken rank, than there rushed from the woods scores of iroquois, daubed in war-paint and shouting their war-cry. this was the hunt to which the young braves had dashed from the canoes to be in readiness behind the thicket. before the scattered hurons could get together for defence, the onondagas had closed around the hilltop in a cordon. the priest ran here, there, everywhere,--comforting the dying, stopping mutilation, defending the women. all the hurons were massacred but one man, and the bodies were thrown into the river. with blankets drawn over their heads that they might not see, the women huddled together, dumb with terror. when the onondagas turned toward the women, the frenchmen stood with muskets levelled. the onondagas halted, conferred, and drew off. [illustration: paddling past hostiles.] the fight lasted for four hours. darkness and the valor of the little french band saved the women for the time. the iroquois kindled a fire and gathered to celebrate their victory. then the old priest took his life in his hands. borrowing three belts of wampum, he left the huddling group of huron women and frenchmen and marched boldly into the circle of hostiles. the lives of all the french and hurons hung by a thread. ragueneau had been the spiritual guide of the murdered tribe for twenty years; and he was now sobbing like a child. the iroquois regarded his grief with sardonic scorn; but they misjudged the manhood below the old priest's tears. ragueneau asked leave to speak. they grunted permission. springing up, he broke into impassioned, fearless reproaches of the iroquois for their treachery. casting one belt of wampum at the onondaga chief's feet, the priest demanded pledges that the massacre cease. a second belt was given to register the onondaga's vow to conduct the women and children safely to the iroquois country. the third belt was for the safety of the french at onondaga. the iroquois were astonished. they had looked for womanish pleadings. they had heard stern demands coupled with fearless threats of punishment. when ragueneau sat down, the onondaga chief bestirred himself to counteract the priest's powerful impression. lounging to his feet, the onondaga impudently declared that the governor of quebec had instigated the massacre. ragueneau leaped up with a denial that took the lie from the scoundrel's teeth. the chief sat down abashed. the council grunted "ho, ho!" accepting the wampum and promising all that the jesuit had asked. among the thousand islands, the french who had remained behind to gather up the baggage again joined the onondagas. they brought with them from the isle of massacres a poor huron woman, whom they had found lying insensible on a rock. during the massacre she had hidden in a hollow tree, where she remained for three days. in this region, radisson almost lost his life by hoisting a blanket sail to his canoe. the wind drifted the boat so far out that radisson had to throw all ballast overboard to keep from being swamped. as they turned from the st. lawrence and lake ontario up the oswego river for onondaga, they met other warriors of the iroquois nation. in spite of pledges to the priest, the meeting was celebrated by torturing the huron women to entertain the newcomers. not the sufferings of the early christians in rome exceeded the martyrdom of the christian hurons among the onondagas. as her mother mounted the scaffold of tortures, a little girl who had been educated by the ursulines of quebec broke out with loud weeping. the huron mother turned calmly to the child:-- "weep not my death, my little daughter! we shall this day be in heaven," said she; "god will pity us to all eternity. the iroquois cannot rob us of that." as the flames crept about her, her voice was heard chanting in the crooning monotone of indian death dirge: "jesu--have pity on us! jesu--have pity on us!" the next moment the child was thrown into the flames, repeating the same words. the iroquois recognized radisson. he sent presents to his mohawk parents, who afterwards played an important part in saving the french of onondaga. having passed the falls, they came to the french fort situated on the crest of a hill above a lake. two high towers loopholed for musketry occupied the centre of the courtyard. double walls, trenched between, ran round a space large enough to enable the french to keep their cattle inside the fort. the _voyageurs_ were welcomed to onondaga by major dupuis, fifty frenchmen, and several jesuits. the pilgrims had scarcely settled at onondaga before signs of the dangers that were gathering became too plain for the blind zeal of the jesuits to ignore. cayugas, onondagas, and senecas, togged out in war-gear, swarmed outside the palisades. there was no more dissembling of hunger for the jesuits' evangel. the warriors spoke no more soft words, but spent their time feasting, chanting war-songs, heaving up the war-hatchet against the kettle of sagamite--which meant the rupture of peace. then came four hundred mohawks, who not only shouted their war-songs, but built their wigwams before the fort gates and established themselves for the winter like a besieging army. that the intent of the entire confederacy was hostile to onondaga could not be mistaken; but what was holding the indians back? why did they delay the massacre? then huron slaves brought word to the besieged fort of the twelve iroquois hostages held at quebec. the fort understood what stayed the iroquois blow. the confederacy dared not attack the isolated fort lest quebec should take terrible vengeance on the hostages. [illustration: jogues, the jesuit missionary, who was tortured by the mohawks. from a painting in château de ramezay, montreal.] the french decided to send messengers to quebec for instructions before closing navigation cut them off for the winter. thirteen men and one jesuit left the fort the first week of september. mohawk spies knew of the departure and lay in ambush at each side of the narrow river to intercept the party; but the messengers eluded the trap by striking through the forests back from the river directly to the st. lawrence. then the little fort closed its gates and awaited an answer from quebec. winter settled over the land, blocking the rivers with ice and the forest trails with drifts of snow; but no messengers came back from quebec. the mohawks had missed the outgoing scouts: but they caught the return coureurs and destroyed the letters. not a soul could leave the fort but spies dogged his steps. the jesuits continued going from lodge to lodge, and in this way onondaga gained vague knowledge of the plots outside the fort. the french could venture out only at the risk of their lives, and spent the winter as closely confined as prisoners of war. of the ten drilled soldiers, nine threatened to desert. one night an unseen hand plunged through the dark, seized the sentry, and dragged him from the gate. the sentry drew his sword and shouted, "to arms!" a band of frenchmen sallied from the gates with swords and muskets. in the tussle the sentry was rescued, and gifts were sent out in the morning to pacify the wounded mohawks. fortunately the besieged had plenty of food inside the stockades; but the iroquois knew there could be no escape till the ice broke up in spring, and were quite willing to exchange ample supplies of corn for tobacco and firearms. the huron slaves who carried the corn to the fort acted as spies among the mohawks for the french. in the month of february the vague rumors of conspiracy crystallized into terrible reality. a dying mohawk confessed to a jesuit that the iroquois[ ] council had determined to massacre half the company of french and to hold the other half till their own mohawk hostages were released from quebec. among the hostiles encamped before the gates was radisson's indian father. this mohawk was still an influential member of the great council. he, too, reported that the warriors were bent on destroying onondaga.[ ] what was to be done? no answer had come from quebec, and no aid could come till the spring. the rivers were still blocked with ice; and there were not sufficient boats in the fort to carry fifty men down to quebec. "what could we do?" writes radisson. "we were in their hands. it was as hard to get away from them as for a ship in full sea without a pilot." they at once began constructing two large flat-bottomed boats of light enough draft to run the rapids in the flood-tide of spring. carpenters worked hidden in an attic; but when the timbers were mortised together, the boats had to be brought downstairs, where one of the huron slaves caught a glimpse of them. boats of such a size he had never before seen. each was capable of carrying fifteen passengers with full complement of baggage. spring rains were falling in floods. the convert huron had heard the jesuits tell of noah's ark in the deluge. returning to the mohawks, he spread a terrifying report of an impending flood and of strange arks of refuge built by the white men. emissaries were appointed to visit the french fort; but the garrison had been forewarned. radisson knew of the coming spies from his indian father; and the jesuits had learned of the council from their converts. before the spies arrived, the french had built a floor over their flatboats, and to cover the fresh floor had heaped up a dozen canoes. the spies left the fort satisfied that neither a deluge nor an escape was impending. birch canoes would be crushed like egg-shells if they were run through the ice jams of spring floods. certain that their victims were trapped, the iroquois were in no haste to assault a double-walled fort, where musketry could mow them down as they rushed the hilltop. the indian is bravest under cover; so the mohawks spread themselves in ambush on each side of the narrow river and placed guards at the falls where any boats must be _portaged_. of what good were the boats? to allay suspicion of escape, the jesuits continued to visit the wigwams.[ ] the french were in despair. they consulted radisson, who could go among the mohawks as with a charmed life, and who knew the customs of the confederacy so well. radisson proposed a way to outwit the savages. with this plan the priests had nothing to do. to the harum-scarum radisson belong the sole credit and discredit of the escapade. on his device hung the lives of fifty innocent men. these men must either escape or be massacred. of bloodshed, radisson had already seen too much; and the youth of twenty-one now no more proposed to stickle over the means of victory than generals who wear the victoria cross stop to stickle over means to-day. radisson knew that the indians had implicit faith in dreams; so radisson had a dream.[ ] he realized as critics of indian customs fail to understand that the fearful privations of savage life teach the crime of waste. the indian will eat the last morsel of food set before him if he dies for it. he believes that the gods punish waste of food by famine. the belief is a religious principle and the feasts--_festins à tout manger_--are a religious act; so radisson dreamed--whether sleeping or waking--that the white men were to give a great festival to the iroquois. this dream he related to his indian father. the indian like his white brother can clothe a vice under religious mantle. the iroquois were gluttonous on a religious principle. radisson's dream was greeted with joy. _coureurs_ ran through the forest, bidding the mohawks to the feast. leaving ambush of forest and waterfall, the warriors hastened to the walls of onondaga. to whet their appetite, they were kept waiting outside for two whole days. the french took turns in entertaining the waiting guests. boisterous games, songs, dances, and music kept the iroquois awake and hilarious to the evening of the second day. inside the fort bedlam reigned. boats were dragged from floors to a sally-port at the rear of the courtyard. here firearms, ammunition, food, and baggage were placed in readiness. guns which could not be taken were burned or broken. ammunition was scattered in the snow. all the stock but one solitary pig, a few chickens, and the dogs was sacrificed for the feast, and in the barracks a score of men were laboring over enormous kettles of meat. had an indian spy climbed to the top of a tree and looked over the palisades, all would have been discovered; but the french entertainers outside kept their guests busy. [illustration: château de ramezay, montreal, for years the residence of the governor, and later the storehouse of the fur companies.] on the evening of the second day a great fire was kindled in the outer enclosure, between the two walls. the trumpets blew a deafening blast. the mohawks answered with a shout. the french clapped their hands. the outer gates were thrown wide open, and in trooped several hundred mohawk warriors, seating themselves in a circle round the fire. another blare of trumpets, and twelve enormous kettles of mincemeat were carried round the circle of guests. a mohawk chief rose solemnly and gave his deities of earth, air, and fire profuse thanks for having brought such generous people as the french among the iroquois. other chiefs arose and declaimed to their hearers that earth did not contain such hosts as the french. before they had finished speaking there came a second and a third and a fourth relay of kettles round the circle of feasters. not one iroquois dared to refuse the food heaped before him. by the time the kettles of salted fowl and venison and bear had passed round the circle, each indian was glancing furtively sideways to see if his neighbor could still eat. he who was compelled to forsake the feast first was to become the butt of the company. all the while the french kept up a din of drums and trumpets and flageolets, dancing and singing and shouting to drive off sleep. the eyes of the gorging indians began to roll. never had they attempted to demolish such a banquet. some shook their heads and drew back. others fell over in the dead sleep that results from long fasting and overfeeding and fresh air. radisson was everywhere, urging the iroquois to "cheer up! cheer up! if sleep overcomes you, you must awake! beat the drum! blow the trumpet! cheer up! cheer up!" but the end of the repulsive scene was at hand. by midnight the indians had--in the language of the white man--"gone under the mahogany." they lay sprawled on the ground in sodden sleep. perhaps, too, something had been dropped in the fleshpots to make their sleep the sounder. radisson does not say no, neither does the priest, and they two were the only whites present who have written of the episode.[ ] but the french would hardly have been human if they had not assured their own safety by drugging the feasters. it was a common thing for the fur traders of a later period to prevent massacre and quell riot by administering a quietus to indians with a few drops of laudanum. the french now retired to the inner court. the main gate was bolted and chained. through the loophole of this gate ran a rope attached to a bell that was used to summon the sentry. to this rope the mischievous radisson tied the only remaining pig, so that when the indians would pull the rope for admission, the noise of the disturbed pig would give the impression of a sentry's tramp-tramp on parade. stuffed effigies of soldiers were then stuck about the barracks. if a spy climbed up to look over the palisades, he would see frenchmen still in the fort. while radisson was busy with these precautions to delay pursuit, the soldiers and priests, led by major dupuis, had broken open the sally-port, forced the boats through sideways, and launched out on the river. speaking in whispers, they stowed the baggage in the flat-boats, then brought out skiffs--dugouts to withstand the ice jam--for the rest of the company. the night was raw and cold. a skim of ice had formed on the margins of the river. through the pitchy darkness fell a sleet of rain and snow that washed out the footsteps of the fugitives. the current of mid-river ran a noisy mill-race of ice and log drift; and the _voyageurs_ could not see one boat length ahead. to men living in savagery come temptations that can neither be measured nor judged by civilization. to the french at onondaga came such a temptation now. their priests were busy launching the boats. the departing soldiers seemed simultaneously to have become conscious of a very black suggestion. cooped up against the outer wall in the dead sleep of torpid gluttony lay the leading warriors of the iroquois nation. were these not the assassins of countless frenchmen, the murderers of women, the torturers of children? had providence not placed the treacherous iroquois in the hands of fifty frenchmen? if these warriors were slain, it would be an easy matter to march to the villages of the confederacy, kill the old men, and take prisoners the women. new france would be forever free of her most deadly enemy. like the indians, the white men were trying to justify a wrong under pretence of good. by chance, word of the conspiracy was carried to the jesuits. with all the authority of the church, the priests forbade the crime. "their answer was," relates radisson, "that they were sent to instruct in the faith of jesus christ and not to destroy, and that the cross must be their sword." locking the sally-port, the company--as the jesuit father records--"shook the dust of onondaga from their feet," launched out on the swift-flowing, dark river and escaped "as the children of israel escaped by night from the land of egypt." they had not gone far through the darkness before the roar of waters told them of a cataract ahead. they were four hours carrying baggage and boats over this _portage_. sleet beat upon their backs. the rocks were slippery with glazed ice; and through the rotten, half-thawed snow, the men sank to mid-waist. navigation became worse on lake ontario; for the wind tossed the lake like a sea, and ice had whirled against the st. lawrence in a jam. on the st. lawrence, they had to wait for the current to carry the ice out. at places they cut a passage through the honeycombed ice with their hatchets, and again they were compelled to _portage_ over the ice. the water was so high that the rapids were safely ridden by all the boats but one, which was shipwrecked, and three of the men were drowned. they had left onondaga on the th of march, . on the evening of april d they came to montreal, where they learned that new france had all winter suffered intolerable insolence from the iroquois, lest punishment of the hostiles should endanger the french at onondaga. the fleeing colonists waited twelve days at montreal for the ice to clear, and were again held back by a jam at three rivers; but on april they moored safely under the heights of quebec. _coureurs_ from onondaga brought word that the mohawks had been deceived by the pig and the ringing bell and the effigies for more than a week. crowing came from the chicken yard, dogs bayed in their kennels, and when a mohawk pulled the bell at the gate, he could hear the sentry's measured march. at the end of seven days not a white man had come from the fort. at first the mohawks had thought the "black robes" were at prayers; but now suspicions of trickery flashed on the iroquois. warriors climbed the palisades and found the fort empty. two hundred mohawks set out in pursuit; but the bad weather held them back. and that was the way radisson saved onondaga.[ ] [ ] the uncle, pierre esprit radisson, is the one with whom careless writers have confused the young hero, owing to identity of name. madeline hénault has been described as the explorer's first wife, notwithstanding genealogical impossibilities which make the explorer's daughter thirty-six years old before he was seventeen. even the infallible tanguay trips on radisson's genealogy. i have before me the complete record of the family taken from the parish registers of three rivers and quebec, by the indefatigable mr. sulte, whose explanation of the case is this: that radisson's mother, madeline hénault, first married sébastien hayet, of st. malo, to whom was born marguerite about ; that her second husband was pierre esprit radisson of paris, to whom were born our hero and the sisters françoise and elizabeth. [ ] i have throughout referred to médard chouart, sieur des groseillers, as simply "groseillers," because that is the name referring to him most commonly used in the _state papers_ and old histories. he was from charly-saint-cyr, near meaux, and is supposed to have been born about . his first wife was helen martin, daughter of abraham martin, who gave his name to the plains of abraham. [ ] this is the story of onondaga which parkman has told. unfortunately, when parkman's account was written, _radisson's journals_ were unknown and mr. parkman had to rely entirely on the _letters of marie de l'incarnation_ and the _jesuit relations_. after the discovery of _radisson's journals_, parkman added a footnote to his account of onondaga, _quoting_ radisson in confirmation. if radisson may be quoted to corroborate parkman, radisson may surely be accepted as authentic. at the same time, i have compared this journal with father ragueneau's of the same party, and the two tally in every detail. [ ] see _jesuit relations_, - . [ ] _letters of marie de l'incarnation_. [ ] see ragueneau's account. [ ] see _marie de l'incarnation_ and dr. dionne's modern monograph. [ ] this account is drawn mainly from _radisson's journal_, partly from father ragueneau, and in one detail from a letter of _marie de l'incarnation_. garneau says the feasters were drugged, but i cannot find his authority for this, though from my knowledge of fur traders' escapes, i fancy it would hardly have been human nature not to add a sleeping potion to the kettles. [ ] the _festins à tout manger_ must not be too sweepingly condemned by the self-righteous white man as long as drinking bouts are a part of civilized customs; and at least one civilized nation has the gross proverb, "better burst than waste." chapter iii - radisson's third voyage the discovery of the great northwest--radisson and his brother-in-law, groseillers, visit what are now wisconsin, minnesota, dakota, and the canadian northwest--radisson's prophecy on first beholding the west--twelve years before marquette and jolliet, radisson sees the mississippi--the terrible remains of dollard's fight seen on the way down the ottawa--why radisson's explorations have been ignored while radisson was among the iroquois, the little world of new france had not been asleep. before radisson was born, jean nicolet of three rivers had passed westward through the straits of mackinaw and coasted down lake michigan as far as green bay.[ ] some years later the great jesuit martyr, jogues, had preached to the indians of sault ste. marie; but beyond the sault was an unknown world that beckoned the young adventurers of new france as with the hands of a siren. of the great beyond--known to-day as the great northwest--nothing had been learned but this: from it came the priceless stores of beaver pelts yearly brought down the ottawa to three rivers by the algonquins, and in it dwelt strange, wild races whose territory extended northwest and north to unknown nameless seas. the great beyond held the two things most coveted by ambitious young men of new france,--quick wealth by means of the fur trade and the immortal fame of being a first explorer. nicolet had gone only as far as green bay and fox river; jogues not far beyond the sault. what secrets lay in the great unknown? year after year young frenchmen, fired with the zeal of the explorer, joined wandering tribes of algonquins going up the ottawa, in the hope of being taken beyond the sault. in august, , there came from green bay two young frenchmen with fifty canoes of algonquins, who told of far-distant waters called lake "ouinipeg," and tribes of wandering hunters called "christinos" (crees), who spent their winters in a land bare of trees (the prairie), and their summers on the north sea (hudson's bay). they also told of other tribes, who were great warriors, living to the south,--these were the sioux. but the two frenchmen had not gone beyond the great lakes.[ ] these algonquins were received at château st. louis, quebec, with pompous firing of cannon and other demonstrations of welcome. so eager were the french to take possession of the new land that thirty young men equipped themselves to go back with the indians; and the jesuits sent out two priests, leonard gareau and gabriel dreuillettes, with a lay helper, louis boësme. the sixty canoes left quebec with more firing of guns for a god-speed; but at lake st. peter the mohawks ambushed the flotilla. the enterprise of exploring the great beyond was abandoned by all the french but two. gareau, who was mortally wounded on the ottawa, probably by a frenchman or renegade hunter, died at montreal; and dreuillettes did not go farther than lake nipissing. here, dreuillettes learned much of the unknown from an old nipissing chief. he heard of six overland routes to the bay of the north, whence came such store of peltry.[ ] he, too, like the two frenchmen from green bay, heard of wandering tribes who had no settled lodge like the hurons and iroquois, but lived by the chase,--crees and sioux and assiniboines of the prairie, at constant war round a lake called "ouinipegouek." [illustration: a cree brave, with the wampum string.] by one of those curious coincidences of destiny which mark the lives of nations and men, the young frenchman who had gone with the jesuit, dreuillettes, to lake nipissing when the other frenchmen turned back, was médard chouart groseillers, the fur trader married to radisson's widowed sister, marguerite.[ ] when radisson came back from onondaga, he found his brother-in-law, groseillers, at three rivers, with ambitious designs of exploration in the unknown land of which he had heard at green bay and on lake nipissing. jacques cartier had discovered only one great river, had laid the foundations of only one small province; champlain had only made the circuit of the st. lawrence, the ottawa, and the great lakes; but here was a country--if the indians spoke the truth--greater than all the empires of europe together, a country bounded only by three great seas, the sea of the north, the sea of the south, and the sea of japan, a country so vast as to stagger the utmost conception of little new france. it was unnecessary for groseillers to say more. the ambition of young radisson took fire. long ago, when a captive among the mohawks, he had cherished boyish dreams that it was to be his "destiny to discover many wild nations"; and here was that destiny opening the door for him, pointing the way, beckoning to the toils and dangers and glories of the discoverer's life. radisson had been tortured among the mohawks and besieged among the onondagas. groseillers had been among the huron missions that were destroyed and among the algonquin canoes that were attacked. both explorers knew what perils awaited them; but what youthful blood ever chilled at prospect of danger when a single _coup_ might win both wealth and fame? radisson had not been home one month; but he had no sooner heard the plan than he "longed to see himself in a boat." a hundred and fifty algonquins had come down the ottawa from the great beyond shortly after radisson returned from onondaga. six of these algonquins had brought their furs to three rivers. some emissaries had gone to quebec to meet the governor; but the majority of the indians remained at montreal to avoid the ambuscade of the mohawks on lake st. peter. radisson and groseillers were not the only frenchmen conspiring to wrest fame and fortune from the upper country. when the indians came back from quebec, they were accompanied by thirty young french adventurers, gay as boys out of school or gold hunters before the first check to their plans. there were also two jesuits sent out to win the new domain for the cross.[ ] as ignorant as children of the hardships ahead, the other treasure-seekers kept up nonchalant boasting that roused the irony of such seasoned men as radisson and groseillers. "what fairer bastion than a good tongue," radisson demands cynically, "especially when one sees his own chimney smoke? . . . it is different when food is wanting, work necessary day and night, sleep taken on the bare ground or to mid-waist in water, with an empty stomach, weariness in the bones, and bad weather overhead." giving the slip to their noisy companions, radisson and groseillers stole out from three rivers late one night in june, accompanied by algonquin guides. travelling only at night to avoid iroquois spies, they came to montreal in three days. here were gathered one hundred and forty indians from the upper country, the thirty french, and the two priests. no gun was fired at montreal, lest the mohawks should get wind of the departure; and the flotilla of sixty canoes spread over lake st. louis for the far venture of the _pays d'en haut_. three days of work had silenced the boasting of the gay adventurers; and the _voyageurs_, white and red, were now paddling in swift silence. safety engendered carelessness. as the fleet seemed to be safe from iroquois ambush, the canoes began to scatter. some loitered behind. hunters went ashore to shoot. the hills began to ring with shot and call. at the first _portage_ many of the canoes were nine and ten miles apart. enemies could have set on the algonquins in some narrow defile and slaughtered the entire company like sheep in a pen. radisson and groseillers warned the indians of the risk they were running. many of these algonquins had never before possessed firearms. with the muskets obtained in trade at three rivers, they thought themselves invincible and laughed all warning to scorn. radisson and groseillers were told that they were a pair of timid squaws; and the canoes spread apart till not twenty were within call. as they skirted the wooded shores, a man suddenly dashed from the forest with an upraised war-hatchet in one hand and a blanket streaming from his shoulders. he shouted for them to come to him. the algonquins were panic-stricken. was the man pursued by mohawks, or laying a trap to lure them within shooting range? seeing them hesitate, the indian threw down blanket and hatchet to signify that he was defenceless, and rushed into the water to his armpits. "i would save you," he shouted in iroquois. the algonquins did not understand. they only knew that he spoke the tongue of the hated enemy and was unarmed. in a trice, the algonquins in the nearest canoe had thrown out a well-aimed lasso, roped the man round the waist, and drawn him a captive into the canoe. "brothers," protested the captive, who seems to have been either a huron slave or an iroquois magician, "your enemies are spread up and down! sleep not! they have heard your noise! they wait for you! they are sure of their prey! believe me--keep together! spend not your powder in vain to frighten your enemies by noise! see that the stones of your arrows be not bent! bend your bows! keep your hatchets sharp! build a fort! make haste!" but the algonquins, intoxicated with the new power of firearms, would hear no warning. they did not understand his words and refused to heed radisson's interpretation. beating paddles on their canoes and firing off guns, they shouted derisively that the man was "a dog and a hen." all the same, they did not land to encamp that night, but slept in midstream, with their boats tied to the rushes or on the lee side of floating trees. the french lost heart. if this were the beginning, what of the end? daylight had scarcely broken when the paddles of the eager _voyageurs_ were cutting the thick gray mist that rose from the river to get away from observation while the fog still hid the fleet. from afar came the dull, heavy rumble of a waterfall.[ ] there was a rush of the twelve foremost canoes to reach the landing and cross the _portage_ before the thinning mist lifted entirely. twelve boats had got ashore when the fog was cleft by a tremendous crashing of guns, and iroquois ambushed in the bordering forest let go a salute of musketry. everything was instantly in confusion. abandoning their baggage to the enemy, the algonquins and french rushed for the woods to erect a barricade. this would protect the landing of the other canoes. the iroquois immediately threw up a defence of fallen logs likewise, and each canoe that came ashore was greeted with a cross fire between the two barricades. four canoes were destroyed and thirteen of the indians from the upper country killed. as day wore on, the iroquois' shots ceased, and the algonquins celebrated the truce by killing and devouring all the prisoners they had taken, among whom was the magician who had given them warning. radisson and groseillers wondered if the iroquois were reserving their powder for a night raid. the algonquins did not wait to know. as soon as darkness fell, there was a wild scramble for the shore. a long, low trumpet call, such as hunters use, signalled the algonquins to rally and rush for the boats. the french embarked as best they could. the indians swam and paddled for the opposite shore of the river. here, in the dark, hurried council was taken. the most of the baggage had been lost. the indians refused to help either the jesuits or the french, and it was impossible for the white _voyageurs_ to keep up the pace in the dash across an unknown _portage_ through the dark. the french adventurers turned back for montreal. of the white men, radisson and groseillers alone went on. frightened into their senses by the encounter, the algonquins now travelled only at night till they were far beyond range of the iroquois. all day the fugitive band lay hidden in the woods. they could not hunt, lest mohawk spies might hear the gunshots. provisions dwindled. in a short time the food consisted of _tripe de roche_--a greenish moss boiled into a soup--and the few fish that might be caught during hurried nightly launch or morning landing. sometimes they hid in a berry patch, when the fruit was gathered and boiled, but camp-fires were stamped out and covered. turning westward, they crossed the barren region of iron-capped rocks and dwarf growth between the upper ottawa and the great lakes. now they were farther from the iroquois, and staved off famine by shooting an occasional bear in the berry patches. for a thousand miles they had travelled against stream, carrying their boats across sixty _portages_. now they glided with the current westward to lake nipissing. on the lake, the upper indians always _cached_ provisions. fish, otter, and beaver were plentiful; but again they refrained from using firearms, for iroquois footprints had been found on the sand. from lake nipissing they passed to lake huron, where the fleet divided. radisson and groseillers went with the indians, who crossed lake huron for green bay on lake michigan. the birch canoes could not venture across the lake in storms; so the boats rounded southward, keeping along the shore of georgian bay. cedar forests clustered down the sandy reaches of the lake. rivers dark as cathedral aisles rolled their brown tides through the woods to the blue waters of lake huron. at one point groseillers recognized the site of the ruined jesuit missions. the indians waited the chance of a fair day, and paddled over to the straits at the entrance to lake michigan. at manitoulin island were huron refugees, among whom were, doubtless, the waiting families of the indians with radisson. all struck south for green bay. so far radisson and groseillers had travelled over beaten ground. now they were at the gateway of the great beyond, where no white man had yet gone. the first thing done on taking up winter quarters on green bay was to appease the friends of those warriors slain by the mohawks. a distribution of gifts had barely dried up the tears of mourning when news came of iroquois on the war-path. radisson did not wait for fear to unman the algonquin warriors. before making winter camp, he offered to lead a band of volunteers against the marauders. for two days he followed vague tracks through the autumn-tinted forests. here were markings of the dead leaves turned freshly up; there a moccasin print on the sand; and now the ashes of a hidden camp-fire lying in almost imperceptible powder on fallen logs told where the mohawks had bivouacked. on the third day radisson caught the ambushed band unprepared, and fell upon the iroquois so furiously that not one escaped. after that the indians of the upper country could not do too much for the white men. radisson and groseillers were conducted from camp to camp in triumph. feasts were held. ambassadors went ahead with gifts from the frenchmen; and companies of women marched to meet the explorers, chanting songs of welcome. "but our mind was not to stay here," relates radisson, "but to know the remotest people; and, because we had been willing to die in their defence, these indians consented to conduct us." before the opening of spring, , radisson and groseillers had been guided across what is now wisconsin to "a mighty river, great, rushing, profound, and comparable to the st. lawrence." [ ] on the shores of the river they found a vast nation--"the people of the fire," prairie tribes, a branch of the sioux, who received them well.[ ] this river was undoubtedly the upper mississippi, now for the first time seen by white men. radisson and groseillers had discovered the great northwest.[ ] they were standing on the threshold of the great beyond. they saw before them not the sea of china, as speculators had dreamed, not kingdoms for conquest, which the princes of europe coveted; not a short road to asia, of which savants had spun a cobweb of theories. they saw what every westerner sees to-day,--illimitable reaches of prairie and ravine, forested hills sloping to mighty rivers, and open meadow-lands watered by streams looped like a ribbon. they saw a land waiting for its people, wealth waiting for possessors, an empire waiting for the nation builders. [illustration: an old-time buffalo hunt on the plains among the sioux.] what were radisson's thoughts? did he realize the importance of his discovery? could he have the vaguest premonition that he had opened a door of escape from stifled older lands to a higher type of manhood and freedom than the most sanguine dreamer had ever hoped?[ ] after an act has come to fruition, it is easy to read into the actor's mind fuller purpose than he could have intended. columbus could not have realized to what the discovery of america would lead. did radisson realize what the discovery of the great northwest meant? here is what he says, in that curious medley of idioms which so often results when a speaker knows many languages but is master of none:-- "the country was so pleasant, so beautiful, and so fruitful, that it grieved me to see that the world could not discover such inticing countries to live in. this, i say, because the europeans fight for a rock in the sea against one another, or for a steril land . . . where the people by changement of air engender sickness and die. . . . contrariwise, these kingdoms are so delicious and under so temperate a climate, plentiful of all things, and the earth brings forth its fruit twice a year, that the people live long and lusty and wise in their way. what a conquest would this be, at little or no cost? what pleasure should people have . . . instead of misery and poverty! why should not men reap of the love of god here? surely, more is to be gained converting souls here than in differences of creed, when wrongs are committed under pretence of religion! . . . it is true, i confess, . . . that access here is difficult . . . but nothing is to be gained without labor and pains." [ ] [illustration: father marquette, from an old painting discovered in montreal by mr. mcnab. the date on the picture is .] here radisson foreshadows all the best gains that the west has accomplished for the human race. what are they? mainly room,--room to live and room for opportunity; equal chances for all classes, high and low; plenty for all classes, high and low; the conquests not of war but of peace. the question arises,--when radisson discovered the great northwest ten years before marquette and jolliet, twenty years before la salle, a hundred years before de la vérendrye, why has his name been slurred over and left in oblivion?[ ] the reasons are plain. radisson was a christian, but he was not a slave to any creed. such liberality did not commend itself to the annalists of an age that was still rioting in a very carnival of religious persecution. radisson always invoked the blessing of heaven on his enterprises and rendered thanks for his victories; but he was indifferent as to whether he was acting as lay helper with the jesuits, or allied to the huguenots of london and boston. his discoveries were too important to be ignored by the missionaries. they related his discoveries, but refrained from mentioning his name, though twice referring to groseillers. what hurt radisson's fame even more than his indifference to creeds was his indifference to nationality. like columbus, he had little care what flag floated at the prow, provided only that the prow pushed on and on and on,--into the unknown. he sold his services alternately to france and england till he had offended both governments; and, in addition to withstanding a conspiracy of silence on the part of the church, his fame encountered the ill-will of state historians. he is mentioned as "the adventurer," "the hang-dog," "the renegade." only in , when the manuscript of his travels was rescued from oblivion, did it become evident that history must be rewritten. here was a man whose discoveries were second only to those of columbus, and whose explorations were more far-ranging and important than those of champlain and la salle and de la vérendrye put together. the spring of found the explorers still among the prairie tribes of the mississippi. from these people radisson learned of four other races occupying vast, undiscovered countries. he heard of the sioux, a warlike nation to the west, who had no fixed abode but lived by the chase and were at constant war with another nomadic tribe to the north--the crees. the crees spent the summer time round the shores of salt water, and in winter came inland to hunt. between these two was a third,--the assiniboines,--who used earthen pots for cooking, heated their food by throwing hot stones in water, and dressed themselves in buckskin. these three tribes were wandering hunters; but the people of the fire told radisson of yet another nation, who lived in villages like the iroquois, on "a great river that divided itself in two," and was called "the forked river," because "it had two branches, the one toward the west, the other toward the south, . . . toward mexico." these people were the mandans or omahas, or iowas, or other people of the missouri.[ ] a whole world of discoveries lay before them. in what direction should they go? "we desired not to go to the north till we had made a discovery in the south," explains radisson. the people of the fire refused to accompany the explorers farther; so the two "put themselves in hazard," as radisson relates, and set out alone. they must have struck across the height of land between the mississippi and the missouri; for radisson records that they met several nations having villages, "all amazed to see us and very civil. the farther we sojourned, the delightfuller the land became. i can say that in all my lifetime i have never seen a finer country, for all that i have been in italy. the people have very long hair. they reap twice a year. they war against the sioux and the cree. . . . it was very hot there. . . . being among the people they told us . . . of men that built great cabins and have beards and have knives like the french." the indians showed radisson a string of beads only used by europeans. these people must have been the spaniards of the south. the tribes on the missouri were large men of well-formed figures. there were no deformities among the people. radisson saw corn and pumpkins in their gardens. "their arrows were not of stone, but of fish bones. . . . their dishes were made of wood. . . . they had great calumets of red and green stone . . . and great store of tobacco. . . . they had a kind of drink that made them mad for a whole day." [ ] "we had not yet seen the sioux," relates radisson. "we went toward the south and came back by the north." the _jesuit relations_ are more explicit. written the year that radisson returned to quebec, they state: "continuing their wanderings, our two young frenchmen visited the sioux, where they found five thousand warriors. they then left this nation for another warlike people, who with bows and arrows had rendered themselves redoubtable." these were the crees, with whom, say the jesuits, wood is so rare and small that nature has taught them to make fire of a kind of coal and to cover their cabins with skins of the chase. the explorers seem to have spent the summer hunting antelope, buffalo, moose, and wild turkey. the sioux received them cordially, supplied them with food, and gave them an escort to the next encampments. they had set out southwest to the mascoutins, mandans, and perhaps, also, the omahas. they were now circling back northeastward toward the sault between lake michigan and lake superior. how far westward had they gone? only two facts gave any clew. radisson reports that mountains lay far inland; and the jesuits record that the explorers were among tribes that used coal. this must have been a country far west of the mandans and mascoutins and within sight of at least the bad lands, or that stretch of rough country between the prairie and outlying foothills of the rockies.[ ] the course of the first exploration seems to have circled over the territory now known as wisconsin, perhaps eastern iowa and nebraska, south dakota, montana, and back over north dakota and minnesota to the north shore of lake superior. "the lake toward the north is full of rocks, yet great ships can ride in it without danger," writes radisson. at the sault they found the crees and sautaux in bitter war. they also heard of a french establishment, and going to visit it found that the jesuits had established a mission. radisson had explored the southwest. he now decided to essay the northwest. when the sautaux were at war with the crees, he met the crees and heard of the great salt sea in the north. surely this was the sea of the north--hudson bay--of which the nipissing chief had told groseillers long ago. then the crees had great store of beaver pelts; and trade must not be forgotten. no sooner had peace been arranged between sautaux and crees, than cree hunters flocked out of the northern forests to winter on lake superior. a rumor of iroquois on the war-path compelled radisson and groseillers to move their camp back from lake superior higher up the chain of lakes and rivers between what is now minnesota and canada, toward the country of the sioux. in the fall of groseillers' health began to fail from the hardships; so he remained in camp for the winter, attending to the trade, while radisson carried on the explorations alone. this was one of the coldest winters known in canada.[ ] the snow fell so heavily in the thick pine woods of minnesota that radisson says the forest became as sombre as a cellar. the colder the weather the better the fur, and, presenting gifts to insure safe conduct, radisson set out with a band of one hundred and fifty cree hunters for the northwest. they travelled on snow-shoes, hunting moose on the way and sleeping at night round a camp-fire under the stars. league after league, with no sound through the deathly white forest but the soft crunch-crunch of the snowshoes, they travelled two hundred miles toward what is now manitoba. when they had set out, the snow was like a cushion. now it began to melt in the spring sun, and clogged the snow-shoes till it was almost impossible to travel. in the morning the surface was glazed ice, and they could march without snow-shoes. spring thaw called a halt to their exploration. the crees encamped for three weeks to build boats. as soon as the ice cleared, the band launched back down-stream for the appointed rendezvous on green bay. all that radisson learned on this trip was that the bay of the north lay much farther from lake superior than the old nipissing chief had told dreuillettes and groseillers.[ ] groseillers had all in readiness to depart for quebec; and five hundred indians from the upper country had come together to go down the ottawa and st. lawrence with the explorers. as they were about to embark, _coureurs_ came in from the woods with news that more than a thousand iroquois were on the war-path, boasting that they would exterminate the french.[ ] somewhere along the ottawa a small band of hurons had been massacred. the indians with groseillers and radisson were terrified. a council of the elders was called. "brothers, why are ye so foolish as to put yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you?" demanded an old chief, addressing the two white men. "the iroquois will destroy you and carry you away captive. will you have your brethren, that love you, slain? who will baptize our children?" (radisson and groseillers had baptized more than two hundred children.[ ]) "stay till next year! then you may freely go! our mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of the lord!" fear is like fire. it must be taken in the beginning, or it spreads. the explorers retired, decided on a course of action, and requested the indians to meet them in council a second time. eight hundred warriors assembled, seating themselves in a circle. radisson and groseillers took their station in the centre.[ ] "who am i?" demanded groseillers, hotly. "am i a foe or a friend? if a foe, why did you suffer me to live? if a friend, listen what i say! you know that we risked our lives for you! if we have no courage, why did you not tell us? if you have more wit than we, why did you not use it to defend yourselves against the iroquois? how can you defend your wives and children unless you get arms from the french!" "fools," cried radisson, striking a beaver skin across an indian's shoulder, "will you fight the iroquois with beaver pelts? do you not know the french way? we fight with guns, not robes. the iroquois will coop you up here till you have used all your powder, and then despatch you with ease! shall your children be slaves because you are cowards? do what you will! for my part i choose to die like a man rather than live like a beggar. take back your beaver robes. we can live without you--" and the white men strode out from the council. consternation reigned among the indians. there was an uproar of argument. for six days the fate of the white men hung fire. finally the chiefs sent word that the five hundred young warriors would go to quebec with the white men. radisson did not give their ardor time to cool. they embarked at once. the fleet of canoes crossed the head of the lakes and came to the upper ottawa without adventure. scouts went ahead to all the _portages_, and great care was taken to avoid an ambush when passing overland. below the chaudière falls the scouts reported that four iroquois boats had crossed the river. again radisson did not give time for fear. he sent the lightest boats in pursuit; and while keeping the enemy thus engaged with half his own company on guard at the ends of the long _portage_, he hurriedly got cargoes and canoes across the landing. the iroquois had fled. by that radisson knew they were weak. somewhere along the long sault rapids, the scouts saw sixteen iroquois canoes. the indians would have thrown down their goods and fled, but radisson instantly got his forces in hand and held them with a grip of steel. distributing loaded muskets to the bravest warriors, he pursued the iroquois with a picked company of hurons, algonquins, sautaux, and sioux. beating their paddles, radisson's company shouted the war-cry till the hills rang; but all the warriors were careful not to waste an ounce of powder till within hitting range. the iroquois were not used to this sort of defence. they fled. the long sault was always the most dangerous part of the ottawa. radisson kept scouts to rear and fore, but the iroquois had deserted their boats and were hanging on the flanks of the company to attempt an ambush. it was apparent that a fort had been erected at the foot of the rapids. leaving half the band in their boats, radisson marched overland with two hundred warriors. iroquois shots spattered from each side; but the huron muskets kept the assailants at a distance, and those of radisson's warriors who had not guns were armed with bows and arrows, and wore a shield of buffalo skin dried hard as metal. the iroquois rushed for the barricade at the foot of the sault. five of them were picked off as they ran. for a moment the iroquois were out of cover, and their weakness was betrayed. they had only one hundred and fifty men, while radisson had five hundred; but the odds would not long be in his favor. ammunition was running out, and the enemy must be dislodged without wasting a shot. radisson called back encouragement to his followers. they answered with a shout. tying the beaver pelts in great bundles, the indians rolled the fur in front nearer and nearer the iroquois boats, keeping under shelter from the shots of the fort. the iroquois must either lose their boats and be cut off from escape, or retire from the fort. it was not necessary for radisson's warriors to fire a shot. abandoning even their baggage and glad to get off with their lives, the iroquois dashed to save their boats. [illustration: voyageurs running the rapids of the ottawa river.] a terrible spectacle awaited radisson inside the enclosure of the palisades.[ ] the scalps of dead indians flaunted from the pickets. not a tree but was spattered with bullet marks as with bird shot. here and there burnt holes gaped in the stockades like wounds. outside along the river bank lay the charred bones of captives who had been burned. the scarred fort told its own tale. here refugees had been penned up by the iroquois till thirst and starvation did their work. in the clay a hole had been dug for water by the parched victims, and the ooze through the mud eagerly scooped up. only when he reached montreal did radisson learn the story of the dismantled fort. the rumor carried to the explorers on lake michigan of a thousand iroquois going on the war-path to exterminate the french had been only too true. half the warriors were to assault quebec, half to come down on montreal from the ottawa. one thing only could save the french--to keep the bands apart. those on the ottawa had been hunting all winter and must necessarily be short of powder. to intercept them, a gallant band of seventeen french, four algonquins, and sixty hurons led by dollard took their stand at the long sault. the french and their indian allies were boiling their kettles when two hundred iroquois broke from the woods. there was no time to build a fort. leaving their food, dollard and his men threw themselves into the rude palisades which indians had erected the previous year. the iroquois kept up a constant fire and sent for reinforcements of six hundred warriors, who were on the richelieu. in defiance the indians fighting for the french sallied out, scalped the fallen iroquois, and hoisted the sanguinary trophies on long poles above the pickets. the enraged iroquois redoubled their fury. the fort was too small to admit all the hurons; and when the iroquois came up from the richelieu with huron renegades among their warriors, the hurons deserted their french allies and went over in a body to the enemy. for two days the french had fought against two hundred iroquois. for five more days they fought against eight hundred. "the worst of it was," relates radisson, "the french had no water, as we plainly saw; for they had made a hole in the ground out of which they could get but little because the fort was on a hill. it was pitiable. there was not a tree but what was shot with bullets. the iroquois had rushed to make a breach (in the wall). . . . the french set fire to a barrel of powder to drive the iroquois back . . . but it fell inside the fort. . . . upon this, the iroquois entered . . . so that not one of the french escaped. . . . it was terrible . . . for we came there eight days after the defeat." [ ] without a doubt it was dollard's splendid fight that put fear in the hearts of the iroquois who fled before radisson. the passage to montreal was clear. the boats ran the rapids without unloading; but groseillers almost lost his life. his canoe caught on a rock in midstream, but righting herself shot down safely to the landing with no greater loss than a damaged keel. the next day, after two years' absence, radisson and groseillers arrived at montreal. a brief stop was made at three rivers for rest till twenty citizens had fitted out two shallops with cannon to escort the discoverers in fitting pomp to quebec. as the fleet of canoes glided round cape diamond, battery and bastion thundered a welcome. welcome they were, and thrice welcome; for so ceaseless had been the iroquois wars that the three french ships lying at anchor would have returned to france without a single beaver skin if the explorers had not come. citizens shouted from the terraced heights of château st. louis, and bells rang out the joy of all new france over the discoverers' return. for a week radisson and groseillers were fêted. viscomte d'argenson, the new governor, presented them with gifts and sent two brigantines to carry them home to three rivers. there they rested for the remainder of the year, groseillers at his seigniory with his wife, marguerite; radisson, under the parental roof.[ ] [ ] mr. benjamin sulte establishes this date as . [ ] see _jesuit relations_, - - . i have purposely refrained from entering into the heated controversy as to the identity of these two men. it is apart from the subject, as there is no proof these men went beyond the green bay region. [ ] these routes were; ( ) by the saguenay, ( ) by three rivers and the st. maurice, ( ) by lake nipissing, ( ) by lake huron, through the land of the sautaux, ( ) by lake superior overland, ( ) by the ottawa. see _jesuit relations_ for detailed accounts of these routes. dreuillettes went farther west to the crees a few years later, but that does not concern this narrative. [ ] the dispute as to whether eastern minnesota was discovered on the - - trip, and whether groseillers discovered it, is a point for savants, but will, i think, remain an unsettled dispute. [ ] the _relations_ do not give the names of these two jesuits, probably owing to the fact that the enterprise failed. they simply state that two priests set out, but were compelled to remain behind owing to the caprice of the savages. [ ] whether they were now on the ottawa or the st. lawrence, it is impossible to tell. dr. dionne thinks that the band went overland from lake ontario to lake huron. i know both waters--lake ontario and the ottawa--from many trips, and i think radisson's description here tallies with his other descriptions of the ottawa. it is certain that they must have been on the ottawa before they came to the lake of the castors or nipissing. the noise of the waterfall seems to point to the chaudière falls of the ottawa. if so, the landing place would be the tongue of land running out from hull, opposite the city of ottawa, and the _portage_ would be the aylmer road beyond the rapids above the falls. mr. benjamin sulte, the scholarly historian, thinks they went by way of the ottawa, not lake ontario, as the st. lawrence route was not used till . [ ] _jesuit relations_, . [ ] _jesuit relations_, , and _radisson's journal_. these "people of the fire," or mascoutins, were in three regions, ( ) wisconsin, ( ) nebraska, ( ) on the missouri. see appendix e. [ ] benjamin sulte unequivocally states that the river was the mississippi. of writers contemporaneous with radisson, the jesuits, marie de l'incarnation, and charlevoix corroborate radisson's account. in the face of this, what are we to think of modern writers with a reputation to lose, who brush radisson's exploits aside as a possible fabrication? the only conclusion is that they have not read his _journal_. [ ] i refer to radisson alone, because for half the time in groseillers was ill at the lake, and we cannot be sure that he accompanied radisson in all the journeys south and west, though radisson generously always includes him as "we." besides, groseillers seems to have attended to the trading, radisson to the exploring. [ ] if any one cares to render radisson's peculiar jumble of french, english, italian, and indian idioms into more intelligent form, they may try their hand at it. his meaning is quite clear; but the words are a medley. the passage is to be found on pp. - , of the _prince society reprint_. see also _jesuit relations_, . [ ] it will be noted that what i claim for radisson is the honor of discovering the great northwest, and refrain from trying to identify his movements with the modern place names of certain states. i have done this intentionally--though it would have been easy to advance opinions about green bay, fox river, and the wisconsin, and so become involved in the childish quarrel that has split the western historical societies and obscured the main issue of radisson's feat. needless to say, the world does not care whether radisson went by way of the menominee, or snow-shoed across country. the question is: did he reach the mississippi valley before marquette and jolliet and la salle? that question this chapter answers. [ ] i have refrained from quoting radisson's names for the different indian tribes because it would only be "caviare to the general." if radisson's manuscript be consulted it will be seen that the crucial point is the whereabouts of the mascoutins--or people of the fire. reference to the last part of appendix e will show that these people extended far beyond the wisconsin to the missouri. it is ignorance of this fact that has created such bitter and childish controversy about the exact direction taken by radisson west-north-west of the mascoutins. the exact words of the document in the marine department are; "in the lower missipy there are several other nations very numerous with whom we have no commerce who are trading yet with nobody. above missoury river which is in the mississippi below the river illinois, to the south, there are the mascoutins, nadoessioux (sioux) with whom we trade and who are numerous." benjamin sulte was one of the first to discover that the mascoutins had been in nebraska, though he does not attempt to trace this part of radisson's journey definitely. [ ] the entire account of the people on "the forked river" is so exact an account of the mandans that it might be a page from catlin's descriptions two centuries later. the long hair, the two crops a year, the tobacco, the soap-stone calumets, the stationary villages, the knowledge of the spaniards, the warm climate--all point to a region far south of the northern states, to which so many historians have stupidly and with almost wilful ignorance insisted on limiting radisson's travels. parkman has been thoroughly honest in the matter. his _la salle_ had been written before the discovery of the _radisson journals_; but in subsequent editions he acknowledges in a footnote that radisson had been to "the forked river." other writers (with the exception of five) have been content to quote from radisson's enemies instead of going directly to his journals. even garneau slurs over radisson's explorations; but garneau, too, wrote before the discovery of the radisson papers. abbé tanguay, who is almost infallible on french-canadian matters, slips up on radisson, because his writings preceded the publication of the _radisson relations_. the five writers who have attempted to redeem radisson's memory from ignominy are: dr. n. e. dionne, of the parliamentary library, quebec; mr. justice prudhomme, of st. boniface, manitoba; dr. george bryce, of winnepeg, mr. benjamin sulte, of ottawa; and judge j. v. brower, of st. paul. it ever a monument be erected to radisson--as one certainly ought in every province and state west of the great lakes--the names of these four champions should be engraved upon it. [ ] this claim will, i know, stagger preconceived ideas. in the light of only radisson's narrative, the third voyage has usually been identified with wisconsin and minnesota; but in the light of the _jesuit relations_, written the year that radisson returned, to what tribes could the descriptions apply? even parkman's footnote acknowledged that radisson was among the people of the missouri. grant that, and the question arises, what people on the missouri answer the description? the indians of the far west use not only coal for fire, but raw galena to make bullets for their guns. in fact, it was that practice of the tribes of idaho that led prospectors to find the blue bell mine of kootenay. granting that the jesuit account--which was of course, from hearsay--mistook the use of turf, dry grass, or buffalo refuse for a kind of coal, the fact remains that only the very far western tribes had this custom. [ ] _letters of marie de l'incarnation_. [ ] _jesuit relations_, . [ ] see marie de l'incarnation, dollier de casson, and abbé belmont. [ ] _jesuit relations_, . [ ] it may be well to state as nearly as possible exactly _what_ tribes radisson had met in this trip. those rejoined on the way up at manitoulin island were refugee hurons and ottawas. from the hurons, ottawas, and algonquins of green bay, radisson went west with pottowatomies, from them to the escotecke or sioux of the fire, namely a branch of the mascoutins. from these wisconsin mascoutins, he learns of the nadoneceroron, or sioux proper, and of the christinos or crees. going west with the mascoutins, he comes to "sedentary" tribes. are these the mandans? he compares this country to italy. from them he hears of white men, that he thinks may be spaniards. this tribe is at bitter war with sioux and crees. at green bay he hears of the sautaux in war with crees. his description of buffalo hunts among the sioux tallies exactly with the pembina hunts of a later day. oldmixon says that it was from crees and assiniboines visiting at green bay that radisson learned of a way overland to the great game country of hudson bay. [ ] there is a mistake in radisson's account here, which is easily checked by contemporaneous accounts of marie de l'incarnation and dollier de casson. radisson describes dollard's fight during his fourth trip in , when it is quite plain that he means . the fight has been so thoroughly described by mr. parkman, who drew his material from the two authorities mentioned, and the _jesuit relations_ that i do not give it in detail. i give a brief account of radisson's description of the tragedy. [ ] it will be noticed that radisson's account of the battle at the long sault--which i have given in his own words as far as possible--differs in details from the only other accounts written by contemporaries; namely, marie de l'incarnation, dollier de casson, the abbé belmont, and the jesuits. all these must have written from hearsay, for they were at quebec and montreal. radisson was on the spot a week after the tragedy; so that his account may be supposed to be as accurate as any. [ ] mr. benjamin sulte states that the explorers wintered on green bay, - , then visited the tribes between milwaukee and the river wisconsin in the spring of . here they learn of the sioux and the crees. they push southwest first, where they see the mississippi between april and july, . thence they come back to the sault. then they winter, - , among the sioux. i have not attempted to give the dates of the itinerary; because it would be a matter of speculation open to contradiction; but if we accept radisson's account at all--and that account is corroborated by writers contemporaneous with him--we must then accept _his_ account of _where_ he went, and not the casual guesses of modern writers who have given his journal one hurried reading, and then sat down, without consulting documents contemporaneous with radisson, to inform the world of _where_ he went. because this is such a very sore point with two or three western historical societies, i beg to state the reasons why i have set down radisson's itinerary as much farther west than has been generally believed, though how far west he went does not efface the main and essential fact _that radisson was the true discoverer of the great northwest_. for that, let us give him a belated credit and not obscure the feat by disputes. ( ) the term "forked river" referred to the missouri and mississippi, not the wisconsin and mississippi. ( ) no other rivers in that region are to be compared to the ottawa and st. lawrence but the missouri and mississippi. ( ) the mascoutins, or people of the fire, among whom radisson found himself when he descended the wisconsin from green bay, conducted him westward only as far as the tribes allied to them, the mascoutins of the missouri or nebraska. hence, radisson going west-north-west to the sioux--as he says he did--must have skirted much farther west than wisconsin and minnesota. ( ) his descriptions of the indians who knew tribes in trade with the spaniards must refer to the indians south of the big bend of the missouri. ( ) his description of the climate refers to the same region. ( ) the _jesuit relations_ confirm beyond all doubt that he was among the main body of the great sioux confederacy. ( ) both his and the jesuit reference is to the treeless prairie, which does not apply to the wooded lake regions of eastern minnesota or northern wisconsin. to me, it is simply astounding--and that is putting it mildly--that any one pretending to have read _radisson's journal_ can accuse him of "claiming" to have "descended to the salt sea" (gulf of mexico). radisson makes no such claim; and to accuse him of such is like building a straw enemy for the sake of knocking him down, or stirring up muddy waters to make them look deep. the exact words of radisson's narrative are: "we went into ye great river that divides itself in , where the hurrons with some ottauake . . . had retired. . . . this nation have warrs against those of the forked river . . . so called because it has branches the one towards the west, the other towards the south, wch. we believe runns towards mexico, by the tokens they gave us . . . they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they have warrs against a nation . . . that have great beards and such knives as we have" . . . etc., etc., etc. . . . "which made us believe they were europeans." this statement is _no_ claim that radisson went to mexico, but only that he met tribes who knew tribes trading with spaniards of mexico. and yet, on the careless reading of this statement, one historian brands radisson as a liar for "having claimed he went to mexico." the thing would be comical in its impudence if it were not that many such misrepresentations of what radisson wrote have dimmed the glory of his real achievements. chapter iv - radisson's fourth voyage the success of the explorers arouses envy--it becomes known that they have heard of the famous sea of the north--when they ask permission to resume their explorations, the french governor refuses except on condition of receiving half the profits--in defiance, the explorers steal off at midnight--they return with a fortune and are driven from new france radisson was not yet twenty-six years of age, and his explorations of the great northwest had won him both fame and fortune. as spain sought gold in the new word, so france sought precious furs. furs were the only possible means of wealth to the french colony, and for ten years the fur trade had languished owing to the iroquois wars. for a year after the migration of the hurons to onondaga, not a single beaver skin was brought to montreal. then began the annual visits of the indians from the upper country to the forts of the st. lawrence. sweeping down the northern rivers like wild-fowl, in far-spread, desultory flocks, came the indians of the _pays d'en haut_. down the ottawa to montreal, down the st. maurice to three rivers, down the saguenay and round to quebec, came the treasure-craft,--light fleets of birch canoes laden to the water-line with beaver skins. whence came the wealth that revived the languishing trade of new france? from a vague, far eldorado somewhere round a sea in the north. hudson had discovered this sea half a century before radisson's day; jean bourdon, a frenchman, had coasted up labrador in seeking the bay of the north; and on their last trip the explorers had learned from the crees who came through the dense forests of the hinterland that there lay round this bay of the north a vast country with untold wealth of furs. the discovery of a route overland to the north sea was to become the lodestar of radisson's life.[ ] [illustration: montreal in : , the st. lawrence; , the dock; - , arsenal; , the church; - , the convent and hospital; - , sally-ports, river side; , cannon and wall; - - , houses on island.] "we considered whether to reveal what we had learned," explains radisson, "for we had _not_ been in the bay of the north, knowing only what the crees told us. we wished to discover it ourselves and have assurance before revealing anything." but the secret leaked out. either groseillers told his wife, or the jesuits got wind of the news from the indians; for it was announced from quebec that two priests, young la vallière, the son of the governor at three rivers, six other frenchmen, and some indians would set out for the bay of the north up the saguenay. radisson was invited to join the company as a guide. needless to say that a man who had already discovered the great northwest and knew the secret of the road to the north, refused to play a second part among amateur explorers. radisson promptly declined. nevertheless, in may, , the jesuits, gabriel dreuillettes and claude dablon, accompanied by couture, la vallière, and three others, set out with indian guides for the discovery of hudson's bay by land. on june they began to ascend the saguenay, pressing through vast solitudes below the sombre precipices of the river. the rapids were frequent, the heat was terrific, and the _portages_ arduous. owing to the obstinacy of the guides, the french were stopped north of lake st. john. here the priests established a mission, and messengers were sent to quebec for instructions. meanwhile, radisson and groseillers saw that no time must be lost. if they would be first in the north, as they had been first in the west, they must set out at once. two indian guides from the upper country chanced to be in montreal. groseillers secured them by bringing both to three rivers. then the explorers formally applied to the french governor, d'avaugour, for permission to go on the voyage of discovery. new france regulated the fur trade by license. imprisonment, the galleys for life, even death on a second offence, were the punishments of those who traded without a license. the governor's answer revealed the real animus behind his enthusiasm for discovery. he would give the explorers a license if they would share half the profits of the trip with him and take along two of his servants as auditors of the returns. one can imagine the indignation of the dauntless explorers at this answer. their cargo of furs the preceding year had saved new france from bankruptcy. offering to venture their lives a second time for the extension of the french domain, they were told they might do so if they would share half the profits with an avaricious governor. their answer was characteristic. discoverers were greater than governors; still, if the indians of the upper country invited his excellency, radisson and groseillers would be glad to have the honor of his company; as for his servants--men who went on voyages of discovery had to act as both masters and servants. d'avaugour was furious. he issued orders forbidding the explorers to leave three rivers without his express permission. radisson and groseillers knew the penalties of ignoring this order. they asked the jesuits to intercede for them. though gareau had been slain trying to ascend the ottawa and father ménard had by this time preached in the forests of lake michigan, the jesuits had made no great discoveries in the northwest. all they got for their intercessions was a snub.[ ] while messages were still passing between the governor and the explorers, there swept down the st. lawrence to three rivers seven canoes of indians from the upper country, asking for radisson and groseillers. the explorers were honorable to a degree. they notified the governor of quebec that they intended to embark with the indians. d'avaugour stubbornly ordered the indians to await the return of his party from the saguenay. the indians made off to hide in the rushes of lake st. peter. the sympathy of three rivers was with the explorers. late one night in august radisson and groseillers--who was captain of the soldiers and carried the keys of the fort--slipped out from the gates, with a third frenchman called larivière. as they stepped into their canoe, the sentry demanded, "who goes?" "groseillers," came the answer through the dark. "god give you a good voyage, sir," called the sentry, faithful to his captain rather than the governor. the skiff pushed out on the lapping tide. a bend in the river--and the lights of the fort glimmering in long lines across the water had vanished behind. the prow of radisson's boat was once more heading upstream for the unknown. paddling with all swiftness through the dark, the three frenchmen had come to the rushes of lake st. peter before daybreak. no indians could be found. men of softer mettle might have turned back. not so radisson. "we were well-armed and had a good boat," he relates, "so we resolved to paddle day and night to overtake the indians." at the west end of the lake they came up with the north-bound canoes. for three days and nights they pushed on without rest. naturally, radisson did not pause to report progress at montreal. game was so plentiful in the surrounding forests that iroquois hunters were always abroad in the regions of the st. lawrence and ottawa.[ ] once they heard guns. turning a bend in the river, they discovered five iroquois boats, just in time to avoid them. that night the frenchman, larivière, dreamed that he had been captured by the mohawks, and he shouted out in such terror that the alarmed indians rushed to embark. the next day they again came on the trail of iroquois. the frightened indians from the upper country shouldered their canoes and dashed through the woods. larivière could not keep up and was afraid to go back from the river lest he should lose his bearings. fighting his way over windfall and rock, he sank exhausted and fell asleep. far ahead of the iroquois boats the upper country indians came together again. the frenchman was nowhere to be found. it was dark. the indians would not wait to search. radisson and groseillers dared not turn back to face the irate governor. larivière was abandoned. two weeks afterwards some french hunters found him lying on the rocks almost dead from starvation. he was sent back to three rivers, where d'avaugour had him imprisoned. this outrage the inhabitants of three rivers resented. they forced the jail and rescued larivière. three days after the loss of larivière radisson and groseillers caught up with seven more canoes of indians from the upper country. the union of the two bands was just in time, for the next day they were set upon at a _portage_ by the iroquois. ordering the indians to encase themselves in bucklers of matting and buffalo hide, radisson led the assault on the iroquois barricade. trees were cut down, and the upper indians rushed the rude fort with timbers extemporized into battering-rams. in close range of the enemy, radisson made a curious discovery. frenchmen were directing the iroquois warriors. who had sent these french to intercept the explorers? if radisson suspected treachery on the part of jealous rivals from quebec, it must have redoubled his fury; for the indians from the upper country threw themselves in the breached barricade with such force that the iroquois lost heart and tossed belts of wampum over the stockades to supplicate peace. it was almost night. radisson's indians drew off to consider the terms of peace. when morning came, behold an empty fort! the french renegades had fled with their indian allies. [illustration: château st. louis, quebec, , from one of the oldest prints in existence.] glad to be rid of the first hindrance, the explorers once more sped north. in the afternoon, radisson's scouts ran full tilt into a band of iroquois laden with beaver pelts. the iroquois were smarting from their defeat of the previous night; and what was radisson's amusement to see his own scouts and the iroquois running from each other in equal fright, while the ground between lay strewn with booty! radisson rushed his indians for the waterside to intercept the iroquois' flight. the iroquois left their boats and swam for the opposite shore, where they threw up the usual barricade and entrenched themselves to shoot on radisson's passing canoes. using the captured beaver pelts as shields, the upper indians ran the gantlet of the iroquois fire with the loss of only one man. the slightest defeat may turn well-ordered retreat into panic. if the explorers went on, the iroquois would hang to the rear of the travelling indians and pick off warriors till the upper country people became so weakened they would fall an easy prey. not flight, but fight, was radisson's motto. he ordered his men ashore to break up the barricade. darkness fell over the forest. the iroquois could not see to fire. "they spared not their powder," relates radisson, "but they made more noise than hurt." attaching a fuse to a barrel of powder, radisson threw this over into the iroquois fort. the crash of the explosion was followed by a blaze of the iroquois musketry that killed three of radisson's men. radisson then tore the bark off a birch tree, filled the bole with powder, and in the darkness crept close to the iroquois barricade and set fire to the logs. red tongues of fire leaped up, there was a roar as of wind, and the iroquois fort was on fire. radisson's men dashed through the fire, hatchet in hand. the iroquois answered with their death chant. friend and foe merged in the smoke and darkness. "we could not know one another in that skirmish of blows," says radisson. "there was noise to terrify the stoutest man." in the midst of the mêlée a frightful storm of thunder and sheeted rain rolled over the forest. "to my mind," writes the disgusted radisson, "that was something extraordinary. i think the devil himself sent that storm to let those wretches escape, so that they might destroy more innocents." the rain put out the fire. as soon as the storm had passed, radisson kindled torches to search for the missing. three of his men were slain, seven wounded. of the enemy, eleven lay dead, five were prisoners. the rest of the iroquois had fled to the forest. the upper indians burned their prisoners according to their custom, and the night was passed in mad orgies to celebrate the victory. "the sleep we took did not make our heads giddy," writes radisson. the next day they encountered more iroquois. both sides at once began building forts; but when he could, radisson always avoided war. having gained victory enough to hold the iroquois in check, he wanted no massacre. that night he embarked his men noiselessly; and never once stopping to kindle camp-fire, they paddled from friday night to tuesday morning. the _portages _over rocks in the dark cut the _voyageurs'_ moccasins to shreds. every landing was marked with the blood of bruised feet. sometimes they avoided leaving any trace of themselves by walking in the stream, dragging their boats along the edge of the rapids. by tuesday the indians were so fagged that they could go no farther without rest. canoes were moored in the hiding of the rushes till the _voyageurs_ slept. they had been twenty-two days going from three rivers to lake nipissing, and had not slept one hour on land. it was october when they came to lake superior. the forests were painted in all the glory of autumn, and game abounded. white fish appeared under the clear, still waters of the lake like shoals of floating metal; bears were seen hulking away from the watering places of sandy shores; and wild geese whistled overhead. after the terrible dangers of the voyage, with scant sleep and scanter fare, the country seemed, as radisson says, a terrestrial paradise. the indians gave solemn thanks to their gods of earth and forest, "and we," writes radisson, "to the god of gods." indian summer lay on the land. november found the explorers coasting the south shore of lake superior. they passed the island of michilimackinac with its stone arches. radisson heard from the indians of the copper mines. he saw the pictured rocks that were to become famous for beauty. "i gave it the name of st. peter because that was my name and i was the first christian to see it," he writes of the stone arch. "there were in these places very deep caves, caused by the violence of the waves." jesuits had been on the part of lake superior near the sault, and poor ménard perished in the forests of lake michigan; but radisson and groseillers were the first white men to cruise from south to west and west to north, where a chain of lakes and waterways leads from the minnesota lake country to the prairies now known as manitoba. before the end of november the explorers rounded the western end of lake superior and proceeded northwest. radisson records that they came to great winter encampments of the crees; and the crees did not venture east for fear of sautaux and iroquois. he mentions a river of sturgeons, where was a great store of fish. the crees wished to conduct the two white men to the wooded lake region, northwest towards the land of the assiniboines, where indian families took refuge on islands from those tigers of the plains--the sioux--who were invincible on horseback but less skilful in canoes. the rivers were beginning to freeze. boats were abandoned; but there was no snow for snow-shoe travelling, and the explorers were unable to transport the goods brought for trade. bidding the crees go to their families and bring back slaves to carry the baggage, radisson and groseillers built themselves the first fort and the first fur post between the missouri and the north pole. it was evidently somewhere west of duluth in either what is now minnesota or northwestern ontario. this fur post was the first habitation of civilization in all the great northwest. not the railway, not the cattle trail, not the path of forward-marching empire purposely hewing a way through the wilderness, opened the west. it was the fur trade that found the west. it was the fur trade that explored the west. it was the fur trade that wrested the west from savagery. the beginning was in the little fort built by radisson and groseillers. no great factor in human progress ever had a more insignificant beginning. the fort was rushed up by two men almost starving for food. it was on the side of a river, built in the shape of a triangle, with the base at the water side. the walls were of unbarked logs, the roof of thatched branches interlaced, with the door at the river side. in the middle of the earth floor, so that the smoke would curl up where the branches formed a funnel or chimney, was the fire. on the right of the fire, two hewn logs overlaid with pine boughs made a bed. on the left, another hewn log acted as a table. jumbled everywhere, hanging from branches and knobs of branches, were the firearms, clothing, and merchandise of the two fur traders. naturally, a fort two thousand miles from help needed sentries. radisson had not forgotten his boyhood days of onondaga. he strung carefully concealed cords through the grass and branches around the fort. to these bells were fastened, and the bells were the sentries. the two white men could now sleep soundly without fear of approach. this fort, from which sprang the buoyant, aggressive, prosperous, free life of the great northwest, was founded and built and completed in two days. the west had begun.[ ] it was a beginning which every western pioneer was to repeat for the next two hundred years: first, the log cabins; then, the fight with the wilderness for food. radisson, being the younger, went into the woods to hunt, while groseillers kept house. wild geese and ducks were whistling south, but "the whistling that i made," writes radisson, "was another music than theirs; for i killed three and scared the rest." strange indians came through the forest, but were not admitted to the tiny fort, lest knowledge of the traders' weakness should tempt theft. many a night the explorers were roused by a sudden ringing of the bells or crashing through the underbrush, to find that wild animals had been attracted by the smell of meat, and wolverine or wildcat was attempting to tear through the matted branches of the thatched roof. the desire for firearms has tempted indians to murder many a trader; so radisson and groseillers _cached_ all the supplies that they did not need in a hole across the river. news of the two white men alone in the northern forest spread like wild-fire to the different sautaux and ojibway encampments; and radisson invented another protection in addition to the bells. he rolled gunpowder in twisted tubes of birch bark, and ran a circle of this round the fort. putting a torch to the birch, he surprised the indians by displaying to them a circle of fire running along the ground in a series of jumps. to the indians it was magic. the two white men were engirt with a mystery that defended them from all harm. thus white men passed their first winter in the great northwest. toward winter four hundred crees came to escort the explorers to the wooded lake region yet farther west towards the land of the assiniboines, the modern manitoba. "we were caesars," writes radisson. "there was no one to contradict us. we went away free from any burden, while those poor miserables thought themselves happy to carry our equipage in the hope of getting a brass ring, or an awl, or a needle. . . . they admired our actions more than the fools of paris their king. . . .[ ] they made a great noise, calling us gods and devils. we marched four days through the woods. the country was beautiful with clear parks. at last we came within a league of the cree cabins, where we spent the night that we might enter the encampment with pomp the next day. the swiftest indians ran ahead to warn the people of our coming." embarking in boats, where the water was open, the two explorers came to the cree lodges. they were welcomed with shouts. messengers marched in front, scattering presents from the white men,--kettles to call all to a feast of friendship; knives to encourage the warriors to be brave; swords to signify that the white men would fight all enemies of the cree; and abundance of trinkets--needles and awls and combs and tin mirrors--for the women. the indians prostrated themselves as slaves; and the explorers were conducted to a grand council of welcome. a feast was held, followed by a symbolic dance in celebration of the white men's presence. their entry to the great northwest had been a triumph: but they could not escape the privations of the explorer's life. winter set in with a severity to make up for the long, late autumn. snow fell continuously till day and night were as one, the sombre forests muffled to silence with the wild creatures driven for shelter to secret haunts. four hundred men had brought the explorers north. allowing an average of four to each family, there must have been sixteen hundred people in the encampment of crees. to prevent famine, the crees scattered to the winter hunting-grounds, arranging to come together again in two months at a northern rendezvous. when radisson and groseillers came to the rendezvous, they learned that the gathering hunters had had poor luck. food was short. to make matters worse, heavy rains were followed by sharp frost. the snow became iced over, destroying rabbit and grouse, which feed the large game. radisson noticed that the indians often snatched food from the hands of hungry children. more starving crees continued to come into camp. soon the husbands were taking the wives' share of food, and the women were subsisting on dried pelts. the crees became too weak to carry their snow-shoes, or to gather wood for fire. the cries of the dying broke the deathly stillness of the winter forest; and the strong began to dog the footsteps of the weak. "good god, have mercy on these innocent people," writes radisson; "have mercy on us who acknowledge thee!" digging through the snow with their rackets, some of the crees got roots to eat. others tore the bark from trees and made a kind of soup that kept them alive. two weeks after the famine set in, the indians were boiling the pulverized bones of the waste heap. after that the only food was the buckskin that had been tanned for clothing. "we ate it so eagerly," writes radisson, "that our gums did bleed. . . . we became the image of death." before the spring five hundred crees had died of famine. radisson and groseillers scarcely had strength to drag the dead from the tepees. the indians thought that groseillers had been fed by some fiend, for his heavy, black beard covered his thin face. radisson they loved, because his beardless face looked as gaunt as theirs.[ ] relief came with the breaking of the weather. the rain washed the iced snows away; deer began to roam; and with the opening of the rivers came two messengers from the sioux to invite radisson and groseillers to visit their nation. the two sioux had a dog, which they refused to sell for all radisson's gifts. the crees dared not offend the sioux ambassadors by stealing the worthless cur on which such hungry eyes were cast, but at night radisson slipped up to the sioux tepee. the dog came prowling out. radisson stabbed it so suddenly that it dropped without a sound. hurrying back, he boiled and fed the meat to the famishing crees. when the sioux returned to their own country, they sent a score of slaves with food for the starving encampment. no doubt radisson had plied the first messengers with gifts; for the slaves brought word that thirty picked runners from the sioux were coming to escort the white men to the prairie. to receive their benefactors, and also, perhaps, to show that they were not defenceless, the crees at once constructed a fort; for cree and sioux had been enemies from time immemorial. in two days came the runners, clad only in short garments, and carrying bow and quiver. the crees led the young braves to the fort. kettles were set out. fagged from the long run, the sioux ate without a word. at the end of the meal one rose. shooting an arrow into the air as a sign that he called deity to witness the truth of his words, he proclaimed in a loud voice that the elders of the sioux nation would arrive next day at the fort to make a treaty with the french. the news was no proof of generosity. the sioux were the great warriors of the west. they knew very well that whoever formed an alliance with the french would obtain firearms; and firearms meant victory against all other tribes. the news set the crees by the ears. warriors hastened from the forests to defend the fort. the next day came the elders of the sioux in pomp. they were preceded by the young braves bearing bows and arrows and buffalo-skin shields on which were drawn figures portraying victories. their hair was turned up in a stiff crest surmounted by eagle feathers, and their bodies were painted bright vermilion. behind came the elders, with medicine-bags of rattlesnake skin streaming from their shoulders and long strings of bears' claws hanging from neck and wrist. they were dressed in buckskin, garnished with porcupine quills, and wore moccasins of buffalo hide, with the hair dangling from the heel. in the belt of each was a skull-cracker--a sort of sling stone with a long handle--and a war-hatchet. each elder carried a peace pipe set with precious stones, and stuck in the stem were the quills of the war eagle to represent enemies slain. women slaves followed, loaded with skins for the elders' tents. [illustration: a parley on the plains.] a great fire had been kindled inside the court of the cree stockades. round the pavilion the sioux elders seated themselves. first, they solemnly smoked the calumet of peace. then the chief of the sioux rose and chanted a song, giving thanks for their safe journey. setting aside gifts of rare beaver pelts, he declared that the sioux had come to make friends with the french, who were masters of peace and war; that the elders would conduct the white men back to the sioux country; that the mountains were levelled and the valleys cast up, and the way made smooth, and branches strewn on the ground for the white men's feet, and streams bridged, and the doors of the tepees open. let the french come to the sioux! the indians would die for the french. a gift was presented to invoke the friendship of the crees. another rich gift of furs let out the secret of the sioux' anxiety: it was that the french might give the sioux "thunder weapons," meaning guns. the speech being finished, the crees set a feast before their guests. to this feast radisson and groseillers came in a style that eclipsed the sioux. cree warriors marched in front, carrying guns. radisson and groseillers were dressed in armor.[ ] at their belts they wore pistol, sword, and dagger. on their heads were crowns of colored porcupine quills. two pages carried the dishes and spoons to be used at the feast; and four cree magicians followed with smoking calumets in their hands. four indian maids carried bearskins to place on the ground when the two explorers deigned to sit down. inside the fort more than six hundred councillors had assembled. outside were gathered a thousand spectators. as radisson and groseillers entered, an old cree flung a peace pipe at the explorers' feet and sang a song of thanksgiving to the sun that he had lived to see "those terrible men whose words (guns) made the earth quake." stripping himself of his costly furs, he placed them on the white men's shoulders, shouting: "ye are masters over us; dead or alive, dispose of us as you will." then radisson rose and chanted a song, in which he declared that the french took the crees for brethren and would defend them. to prove his words, he threw powder in the fire and had twelve guns shot off, which frightened the sioux almost out of their senses. a slave girl placed a coal in the calumet. radisson then presented gifts; the first to testify that the french adopted the sioux for friends; the second as a token that the french also took the crees for friends; the third as a sign that the french "would reduce to powder with heavenly fire" any one who disturbed the peace between these tribes. the fourth gift was in grateful recognition of the sioux' courtesy in granting free passage through their country. the gifts consisted of kettles and hatchets and awls and needles and looking-glasses and bells and combs and paint, but _not_ guns. radisson's speech was received with "ho, ho's" of applause. sports began. radisson offered prizes for racing, jumping, shooting with the bow, and climbing a greased post. all the while, musicians were singing and beating the tom-tom, a drum made of buffalo hide stretched on hoops and filled with water. fourteen days later radisson and groseillers set out for the sioux country, or what are now known as the northwestern states.[ ] on the third voyage radisson came to the sioux from the south. on this voyage, he came to them from the northeast. he found that the tribe numbered seven thousand men of fighting age. he remarked that the sioux used a kind of coke or peat for fire instead of wood. while he heard of the tribes that used coal for fire, he does not relate that he went to them on this trip. again he heard of the mountains far inland, where the indians found copper and lead and a kind of stone that was transparent.[ ] he remained six weeks with the sioux, hunting buffalo and deer. between the missouri and the saskatchewan ran a well-beaten trail northeastward, which was used by the crees and the sioux in their wars. it is probable that the sioux escorted radisson back to the crees by this trail, till he was across what is now the boundary between minnesota and canada, and could strike directly eastward for the lake of the woods region, or the hinterland between james bay and lake superior. in spring the crees went to the bay of the north, which radisson was seeking; and after leaving the sioux, the two explorers struck for the little fort north of lake superior, where they had _cached_ their goods. spring in the north was later than spring in the south; but the shore ice of the northern lakes had already become soft. to save time they cut across the lakes of minnesota, dragging their sleighs on the ice. groseillers' sleigh was loaded with pelts obtained from the sioux, and the elder man began to fag. radisson took the heavy sleigh, giving groseillers the lighter one. about twelve miles out from the shore, on one of these lakes, the ice suddenly gave, and radisson plunged through to his waist. it was as dangerous to turn back as to go on. if they deserted their merchandise, they would have nothing to trade with the indians; but when radisson succeeded in extricating himself, he was so badly strained that he could not go forward another step. there was no sense in risking both their lives on the rotten ice. he urged groseillers to go on. groseillers dared not hesitate. laying two sleds as a wind-break on each side of radisson, he covered the injured man with robes, consigned him to the keeping of god, and hurried over the ice to obtain help from the crees. the crees got radisson ashore, and there he lay in agony for eight days. the indians were preparing to set out for the north. they invited radisson to go with them. his sprain had not healed; but he could not miss the opportunity of approaching the bay of the north. for two days he marched with the hunters, enduring torture at every step. the third day he could go no farther and they deserted him. groseillers had gone hunting with another band of crees. radisson had neither gun nor hatchet, and the indians left him only ten pounds of pemmican. after a short rest he journeyed painfully on, following the trail of the marching crees. on the fifth day he found the frame of a deserted wigwam. covering it with branches of trees and kindling a fire to drive off beasts of prey, he crept in and lay down to sleep. he was awakened by a crackling of flame. the fire had caught the pine boughs and the tepee was in a blaze. radisson flung his snow-shoes and clothing as far as he could, and broke from the fire-trap. half-dressed and lame, shuddering with cold and hunger, he felt through the dark over the snow for his clothing. a far cry rang through the forest like the bay of the wolf pack. radisson kept solitary watch till morning, when he found that the cry came from indians sent out to find him by groseillers. he was taken to an encampment, where the crees were building canoes to go to the bay of the north. the entire band, with the two explorers, then launched on the rivers flowing north. "we were in danger to perish a thousand times from the ice jam," writes radisson. ". . . at last we came full sail from a deep bay . . . we came to the seaside, where we found an old house all demolished and battered with bullets. . . . they (the crees) told us about europeans. . . . we went from isle to isle all that summer. . . . this region had a great store of cows (caribou). . . . we went farther to see the place that the indians were to pass the summer. . . . the river (where they went) came from the lake that empties itself in . . . the saguenay . . . a hundred leagues from the great river of canada (the st. lawrence) . . . to where we were in the bay of the north. . . . we passed the summer quietly coasting the seaside. . . . the people here burn not their prisoners, but knock them on the head. . . . they have a store of turquoise. . . . they find green stones, very fine, at the same bay of the sea (labradorite). . . . we went up another river to the upper lake (winnipeg)." [ ] for years the dispute has been waged with zeal worthy of a better cause whether radisson referred to hudson bay in this passage. the french claim that he did; the english that he did not. "the house demolished with bullets" was probably an old trading post, contend the english; but there was no trading post except radisson's west of lake superior at that time, retort the french. by "cows" radisson meant buffalo, and no buffalo were found as far east as hudson bay, say the english; by "cows" radisson meant caribou and deer, and herds of these frequented the shores of hudson bay, answer the french. no river comes from the saguenay to hudson bay, declare the english; yes, but a river comes from the direction of the saguenay, and was followed by subsequent explorers, assert the french.[ ] the stones of turquoise and green were agates from lake superior, explain the english; the stones were labradorites from the east coast of the bay, maintain the french. so the childish quarrel has gone on for two centuries. england and france alike conspired to crush the man while he lived; and when he died they quarrelled over the glory of his discoveries. the point is not whether radisson actually wet his oars in the different indentations of hudson and james bays. the point is that he found where it lay from the great lakes, and discovered the watershed sloping north from the great lakes to hudson bay. this was new ground, and entitled radisson to the fame of a discoverer. from the indians of the bay, radisson heard of another lake leagues to the north, whose upper end was always frozen. this was probably some vague story of the lakes in the region that was to become known two centuries later as mackenzie river. the spring of found the explorers back in the lake of the woods region accompanied by seven hundred indians of the upper country. the company filled three hundred and sixty canoes. indian girls dived into the lake to push the canoes off, and stood chanting a song of good-speed till the boats had glided out of sight through the long, narrow, rocky gaps of the lake of the woods. at lake superior the company paused to lay up a supply of smoked sturgeon. at the sault four hundred crees turned back. the rest of the indians hoisted blankets on fishing-poles, and, with a west wind, scudded across lake huron to lake nipissing. from lake nipissing they rode safely down the ottawa to montreal. cannon were fired to welcome the discoverers, for new france was again on the verge of bankruptcy from a beaver famine. a different welcome awaited them at quebec. d'argenson, the governor, was about to leave for france, and nothing had come of the jesuit expedition up the saguenay. he had already sent couture, for a second time, overland to find a way to hudson bay; but no word had come from couture, and the governor's time was up. the explorers had disobeyed him in leaving without his permission. their return with a fortune of pelts was the salvation of the impecunious governor. from to five distinct fur companies, organized under the patronage of royalty, had gone bankrupt in new france.[ ] therefore, it became a loyal governor to protect his majesty's interests. besides, the revenue collectors could claim one-fourth of all returns in beaver except from posts farmed expressly for the king. no sooner had radisson and groseillers come home than d'argenson ordered groseillers imprisoned. he then fined the explorers $ , , to build a fort at three rivers, giving them leave to put their coats-of-arms on the gate; a $ , fine was to go to the public treasury of new france; $ , worth of beaver was seized as the tax due the revenue. of a cargo worth $ , in modern money, radisson and groseillers had less than $ , left.[ ] had d'argenson and his successors encouraged instead of persecuted the discoverers, france could have claimed all north america but the narrow strip of new england on the east and the spanish settlements on the south. having repudiated radisson and groseillers, france could not claim the fruits of deeds which she punished.[ ] [ ] the childish dispute whether bourdon sailed into the bay and up to its head, or only to degrees n. latitude, does not concern radisson's life, and, therefore, is ignored. one thing i can state with absolute certainty from having been up the coast of labrador in a most inclement season, that bourdon could not possibly have gone to and back from the inner waters of hudson bay between may and august . j. edmond roy and mr. sulte both pronounce bourdon a myth, and his trip a fabrication. [ ] "shame put upon them," says radisson. ménard did _not_ go out with radisson and groseillers, as is erroneously recorded. [ ] i have purposely avoided stating whether radisson went by way of lake ontario or the ottawa. dr. dionne thinks that he went by ontario and niagara because radisson refers to vast waterfalls under which a man could walk. radisson gives the height of these falls as forty feet. niagara are nearer three hundred; and the chaudière of the ottawa would answer radisson's description better, were it not that he says a man could go under the falls for a quarter of a mile. "the lake of the castors" plainly points to lake nipissing. [ ] the two main reasons why i think that radisson and groseillers were now moving up that chain of lakes and rivers between minnesota and canada, connecting lake of the woods with lake winnipeg, are: ( ) oldmixon says it was the report of the assiniboine indians from lake assiniboine (lake winnipeg) that led radisson to seek for the bay of the north overland. these assiniboines did not go to the bay by way of lake superior, but by way of lake winnipeg. ( ) a mémoire written by de la chesnaye in --see _documents nouvelle france_, - --distinctly refers to a _coureur's_ trail from lake superior to lake assiniboine or lake winnipeg. there is no record of any frenchmen but radisson and groseillers having followed such a trail to the land of the assiniboines--the manitoba of to-day--before . [ ] one can guess that a man who wrote in that spirit two centuries before the french revolution would not be a sycophant in courts,--which, perhaps, helps to explain the conspiracy of silence that obscured radisson's fame. [ ] my reason for thinking that this region was farther north than minnesota is the size of the cree winter camp; but i have refrained from trying to localize this part of the trip, except to say it was west and north of duluth. some writers recognize in the description parts of minnesota, others the hinterland between lake superior and james bay. in the light of the _mémoire_ of sent to the french government, i am unable to regard this itinerary as any other than the famous fur traders' trail between lake superior and lake winnipeg by way of sturgeon river and the lake of the woods. [ ] _radisson relations_, p. . [ ] we are now on safe ground. there was a well-known trail from what is now known as the rat portage region to the great sioux camps west of the mississippi and red river valleys. but again i refuse to lay myself open to controversy by trying definitely to give either the dates or exact places of this trip. [ ] if any proof is wanted that radisson's journeyings took him far west of the mississippi, these details afford it. [ ] _radisson's journal_, pp. , , . [ ] mr. a. p. low, who has made the most thorough exploration of labrador and hudson bay of any man living, says, "rupert river forms the discharge of the mistassini lakes . . . and empties into rupert bay close to the mouth of the nottoway river, and rises in a number of lakes close to the height of land dividing it from the st. maurice river, which joins the st. lawrence at three rivers." [ ] _les compagnies de colonisation sous l'ancien régime_, by chailly-bert. [ ] oldmixon says: "radisson and groseillers met with some savages on the lake of assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the bottom of hudson's bay, where the english had not been yet, at james bay; upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages accordingly did it. they returned to the upper lake the same way they came, and thence to quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to carry ships to hudson's bay; but their project was rejected." vol. i, p. . radisson's figures are given as "pounds "; but by "_l_" did he mean english "pound" or french livre, that is cents? a franc in equalled the modern dollar. [ ] the exact tribes mentioned in the _mémoire of _, with whom the french were in trade in the west are: on the "missoury" and south of it, the mascoutins and sioux; two hundred miles beyond the "missisipy" the issaguy, the octbatons, the omtous, of whom were sioux capable of mustering four thousand warriors, south of lake superior, the sauteurs, on "sipisagny, the river which is the discharge of lake asemipigon" (winnipeg), the "nation of the grand rat," algonquins numbering two thousand, who traded with the english of hudson bay, de la chesnaye adds in his mémoire details of the trip from lake superior to the lake of the assiniboines. knowing what close co-workers he and radisson were, we can guess where he got his information. chapter v - radisson renounces allegiance to two crowns rival traders thwart the plans of the discoverers--entangled in lawsuits, the two french explorers go to england--the organization of the hudson's bay fur company--radisson the storm-centre of international intrigue--boston merchants in the struggle to capture the fur trade henceforth radisson and groseillers were men without a country. twice their return from the north with cargoes of beaver had saved new france from ruin. they had discovered more of america than all the other explorers combined. their reward was jealous rivalry that reduced them to beggary; injustice that compelled them to renounce allegiance to two crowns; obloquy during a lifetime; and oblivion for two centuries after their death. the very force of unchecked impulse that carries the hero over all obstacles may also carry him over the bounds of caution and compromise that regulate the conduct of other men. this was the case with radisson and groseillers. they were powerless to resist the extortion of the french governor. the company of one hundred associates had given place to the company of the west indies. this trading venture had been organized under the direct patronage of the king.[ ] it had been proclaimed from the pulpits of france. privileges were promised to all who subscribed for the stock. the company was granted a blank list of titles to bestow on its patrons and servants. no one else in new france might engage in the beaver trade; no one else might buy skins from the indians and sell the pelts in europe; and one-fourth of the trade went for public revenue. in spite of all the privileges, fur company after fur company failed in new france; but to them radisson had to sell his furs, and when the revenue officers went over the cargo, the minions of the governor also seized a share under pretence of a fine for trading without a license. groseillers was furious, and sailed for france to demand restitution; but the intriguing courtiers proved too strong for him. though he spent , pounds, nothing was done. d'avaugour had come back to france, and stockholders of the jealous fur company were all-powerful at court. groseillers then relinquished all idea of restitution, and tried to interest merchants in another expedition to hudson bay by way of the sea.[ ] he might have spared himself the trouble. his enthusiasm only aroused the quiet smile of supercilious indifference. his plans were regarded as chimerical. finally a merchant of rochelle half promised to send a boat to isle percée at the mouth of the st. lawrence in . groseillers had already wasted six months. eager for action, he hurried back to three rivers, where radisson awaited him. the two secretly took passage in a fishing schooner to anticosti, and from anticosti went south to isle percée. here a jesuit just out from france bore the message to them that no ship would come. the promise had been a put-off to rid france of the enthusiast. new france had treated them with injustice. old france with mockery. which way should they turn? they could not go back to three rivers. this attempt to go to hudson bay without a license laid them open to a second fine. baffled, but not beaten, the explorers did what ninety-nine men out of a hundred would have done in similar circumstances--they left the country. some rumor of their intention to abandon new france must have gone abroad; for when they reached cape breton, their servants grumbled so loudly that a mob of frenchmen threatened to burn the explorers. dismissing their servants, radisson and groseillers escaped to port royal, nova scotia. [illustration: martello tower of refuge in time of indian wars--three rivers.] in port royal they met a sea-captain from boston, zechariah gillam, who offered his ship for a voyage to hudson bay, but the season was far spent when they set out. captain gillam was afraid to enter the ice-locked bay so late in summer. the boat turned back, and the trip was a loss. this run of ill-luck had now lasted for a year. they still had some money from the northern trips, and they signed a contract with ship-owners of boston to take two vessels to hudson bay the following spring. provisions must be laid up for the long voyage. one of the ships was sent to the grand banks for fish. rounding eastward past the crescent reefs of sable island, the ship was caught by the beach-combers and totally wrecked on the drifts of sand. instead of sailing for hudson bay in the spring of , radisson and groseillers were summoned to boston to defend themselves in a lawsuit for the value of the lost vessel. they were acquitted; but lawsuits on the heels of misfortune exhausted the resources of the adventurers. the exploits of the two frenchmen had become the sensation of boston. sir robert carr, one of the british commissioners then in the new england colonies, urged radisson and groseillers to renounce allegiance to a country that had shown only ingratitude, and to come to england.[ ] when sir george cartwright sailed from nantucket on august , , he was accompanied by radisson and groseillers.[ ] misfortune continued to dog them. within a few days' sail of england, their ship encountered the dutch cruiser _caper_. for two hours the ships poured broadsides of shot into each other's hulls. the masts were torn from the english vessel. she was boarded and stripped, and the frenchmen were thoroughly questioned. then the captives were all landed in spain. accompanied by the two frenchmen, sir george cartwright hastened to england early in . the plague had driven the court from london to oxford. cartwright laid the plans of the explorers before charles ii. the king ordered s. a week paid to radisson and groseillers for the winter. they took chambers in london. later they followed the court to windsor, where they were received by king charles. the english court favored the project of trade in hudson bay, but during the dutch war nothing could be done. the captain of the dutch ship _caper_ had sent word of the french explorers to de witt, the great statesman. de witt despatched a spy from picardy, france, one eli godefroy touret, who chanced to know groseillers, to meet the explorers in london. masking as groseillers' nephew, touret tried to bribe both men to join the dutch. failing this, he attempted to undermine their credit with the english by accusing radisson and groseillers of counterfeiting money; but the english court refused to be deceived, and touret was imprisoned. owing to the plague and the war, two years passed without the vague promises of the english court taking shape. montague, the english ambassador to france, heard of the explorers' feats, and wrote to prince rupert. prince rupert was a soldier of fortune, who could enter into the spirit of the explorers. he had fought on the losing side against cromwell, and then taken to the high seas to replenish broken fortunes by piracy. the wealth of the beaver trade appealed to him. he gave all the influence of his _prestige_ to the explorers' plans. by the spring of money enough had been advanced to fit out two boats for hudson bay. in the _eagle_, with captain stannard, went radisson; in the _nonsuch_, with captain zechariah gillam of boston, went groseillers. north of ireland furious gales drove the ships apart. radisson's vessel was damaged and driven back to london; but his year was not wasted. it is likely that the account of his first voyages was written while groseillers was away.[ ] sometime during his stay in london he married mary kirke, a daughter of the huguenot john kirke, whose family had long ago gone from boston and captured quebec. gillam's journal records that the _nonsuch_ left gravesend the d of june, , reached resolution island on august , and came to anchor at the south of james bay on september .[ ] it was here that radisson had come overland five years before, when he thought that he discovered a river flowing from the direction of the st. lawrence. the river was nemisco. groseillers called it rupert in honor of his patron. a palisaded fort was at once built, and named king charles after the english monarch. by december, the bay was locked in the deathly silence of northern frost. snow fell till the air became darkened day after day, a ceaseless fall of muffling snow; the earth--as gillam's journal says--"seemed frozen to death." gillam attended to the fort, groseillers to the trade. dual command was bound to cause a clash. by april, , the terrible cold had relaxed. the ice swept out of the river with a roar. wild fowl came winging north in myriad flocks. by june the fort was sweltering in almost tropical heat. the _nonsuch_ hoisted anchor and sailed for england, loaded to the water-line with a cargo of furs. honors awaited groseillers in london. king charles created him a _knight de la jarretière_, an order for princes of the royal blood.[ ] in addition, he was granted a sum of money. prince rupert and radisson had, meanwhile, been busy organizing a fur company. the success of groseillers' voyage now assured this company a royal charter, which was granted in may, . such was the origin of the hudson's bay company. prince rupert was its first governor; charles bayly was appointed resident governor on the bay. among the first shareholders were prince rupert, the duke of york, sir george cartwright, the duke of albermarle, shaftesbury, sir peter colleton, who had advanced radisson a loan during the long period of waiting, and sir john kirke, whose daughter had married radisson. that spring, radisson and groseillers again sailed for the bay. in , three ships were sent out from england, and radisson established a second post westward at moose. with governor bayly, he sailed up and met the indians at what was to become the great fur capital of the north, port nelson, or york. the third year of the company's existence, radisson and groseillers perceived a change. not so many indians came down to the english forts to trade. those who came brought fewer pelts and demanded higher prices. rivals had been at work. the english learned that the french had come overland and were paying high prices to draw the indians from the bay. in the spring a council was held.[ ] should they continue on the east side of the bay, or move west, where there would be no rivalry? groseillers boldly counselled moving inland and driving off french competition. bayly was for moving west. he even hinted that groseillers' advice sprang from disloyalty to the english. the clash that was inevitable from divided command was this time avoided by compromise. they would all sail west, and all come back to rupert's river. when they returned, they found that the english ensign had been torn down and the french flag raised.[ ] a veteran jesuit missionary of the saguenay, charles albanel, two french companions, and some indian guides had ensconced themselves in the empty houses.[ ] the priest now presented governor bayly with letters from count frontenac commending the french to the good offices of governor bayly.[ ] france had not been idle. when it was too late, the country awakened to the injustice done radisson and groseillers. while radisson was still in boston, all restrictions were taken from the beaver trade, except the tax of one-fourth to the revenue. the jesuit dablon, who was near the western end of lake superior, gathered all the information he could from the indians of the way to the sea of the north. father marquette learned of the mississippi from the indians. the western tribes had been summoned to the sault, where sieur de saint-lusson met them in treaty for the french; and the french flag was raised in the presence of père claude allouez, who blessed the ceremony. m. colbert sent instructions to m. talon, the intendant of new france, to grant titles of nobility to groseillers' nephew in order to keep him in the country.[ ] on the saguenay was a jesuit, charles albanel, loyal to the french and of english birth, whose devotion to the indians during the small-pox scourge of had given him unbounded influence. talon, the intendant of new france, was keen to retrieve in the north what d'argenson's injustice had lost. who could be better qualified to go overland to hudson bay than the old missionary, loyal to france, of english birth, and beloved by the indians? albanel was summoned to quebec and gladly accepted the commission. he chose for companions saint-simon and young couture, the son of the famous guide to the jesuits. the company left quebec on august , , and secured a guide at tadoussac. embarking in canoes, they ascended the shadowy cañon of the saguenay to lake st. john. on the th of september they left the forest of lake st. john and mounted the current of a winding river, full of cataracts and rapids, toward mistassini. on this stream they met indians who told them that two european vessels were on hudson bay. the indians showed albanel tobacco which they had received from the english. it seemed futile to go on a voyage of discovery where english were already in possession. the priest sent one of the frenchmen and two indians back to quebec for passports and instructions. what the instructions were can only be guessed by subsequent developments. the messengers left the depth of the forest on the th of september, and had returned from quebec by the th of october. snow was falling. the streams had frozen, and the indians had gone into camp for the winter. going from wigwam to wigwam through the drifted forest. father albanel passed the winter preaching to the savages. skins of the chase were laid on the wigwams. against the pelts, snow was banked to close up every chink. inside, the air was blue with smoke and the steam of the simmering kettle. indian hunters lay on the moss floor round the central fires. children and dogs crouched heterogeneously against the sloping tent walls. squaws plodded through the forest, setting traps and baiting the fish-lines that hung through airholes of the thick ice. in these lodges albanel wintered. he was among strange indians and suffered incredible hardships. where there was room, he, too, sat crouched under the crowded tent walls, scoffed at by the braves, teased by the unrebuked children, eating when the squaws threw waste food to him, going hungry when his french companions failed to bring in game. sometimes night overtook him on the trail. shovelling a bed through the snow to the moss with his snow-shoes, piling shrubs as a wind-break, and kindling a roaring fire, the priest passed the night under the stars. when spring came, the indians opposed his passage down the river. a council was called. albanel explained that his message was to bring the indians down to quebec and keep them from going to the english for trade. the indians, who had acted as middlemen between quebec traders and the northern tribes, saw the advantage of undermining the english trade. gifts were presented by the frenchmen, and the friendship of the indians was secured. on june , , sixteen savages embarked with the three frenchmen. for the next ten days, the difficulties were almost insurmountable. the river tore through a deep gorge of sheer precipices which the _voyageurs_ could pass only by clinging to the rock walls with hands and feet. one _portage_ was twelve miles long over a muskeg of quaking moss that floated on water. at every step the travellers plunged through to their waists. over this the long canoes and baggage had to be carried. on the th of june they reached the height of land that divides the waters of hudson bay from the st. lawrence. the watershed was a small plateau with two lakes, one of which emptied north, the other, south. as they approached lake mistassini, the lake indians again opposed their free passage down the rivers. "you must wait," they said, "till we notify the elders of your coming." shortly afterwards, the french met a score of canoes with the indians all painted for war. the idea of turning back never occurred to the priest. by way of demonstrating his joy at meeting the warriors, he had ten volleys of musketry fired off, which converted the war into a council of peace. at the assemblage, albanel distributed gifts to the savages. "stop trading with the english at the sea," he cried; "they do not pray to god; come to lake st. john with your furs; there you will always find a _robe noire_ to instruct you and baptize you." the treaty was celebrated by a festival and a dance. in the morning, after solemn religious services, the french embarked. on the th of june they came to lake mistassini, an enormous body of water similar to the great lakes.[ ] from mistassini, the course was down-stream and easier. high water enabled them to run many of the rapids; and on the th of june, after a voyage of eight hundred leagues, four hundred rapids, and two hundred waterfalls, they came to the deserted houses of the english. the very next day they found the indians and held religious services, making solemn treaty, presenting presents, and hoisting the french flag. for the first three weeks of july they coasted along the shores of james bay, taking possession of the country in the name of the french king. then they cruised back to king charles fort on rupert's river.[ ] they were just in time to meet the returned englishmen. governor bayly of the hudson's bay company was astounded to find the french at rupert's river. now he knew what had allured the indians from the bay, but he hardly relished finding foreigners in possession of his own fort. the situation required delicate tact. governor bayly was a bluff tradesman with an insular dislike of frenchmen and catholics common in england at a time when bigoted fanaticism ran riot. king charles was on friendly terms with france. therefore, the jesuit's passport must be respected; so albanel was received with at least a show of courtesy. but bayly was the governor of a fur company; and the rights of the company must be respected. to make matters worse, the french voyageurs brought letters to groseillers and radisson from their relatives in quebec. bayly, no doubt, wished the jesuit guest far enough. albanel left in a few weeks. then bayly's suspicions blazed out in open accusations that the two french explorers had been playing a double game and acting against english interests. in september came the company ship to the fort with captain gillam, who had never agreed with radisson from the time that they had quarrelled about going from port royal to the straits of hudson bay. it has been said that, at this stage, radisson and groseillers, feeling the prejudice too strong against them, deserted and passed overland through the forests to quebec. the records of the hudson's bay company do not corroborate this report. bayly in the heat of his wrath sent home accusations with the returning ship. the ship that came out in requested radisson to go to england and report. this he did, and so completely refuted the charges of disloyalty that in the company voted him pounds a year; but radisson would not sit quietly in england on a pension. owing to hostility toward him among the english employees of the company, he could not go back to the bay. meantime he had wife and family and servants to maintain on pounds a year. if england had no more need of him, france realized the fact that she had. debts were accumulating. restless as a caged tiger, radisson found himself baffled until a message came from the great colbert of france, offering to pay all his debts and give him a position in the french navy. his pardon was signed and proclaimed. in , france granted him fishing privileges on the island of anticosti; but the lodestar of the fur trade still drew him, for that year he was called to quebec to meet a company of traders conferring on the price of beaver.[ ] in that meeting assembled, among others, jolliet, la salle, groseillers, and radisson--men whose names were to become immortal. it was plain that the two adventurers could not long rest.[ ] [ ] chailly-bert. [ ] the jesuit expeditions of dablon and dreuillettes in had failed to reach the bay overland. cabot had coasted labrador in ; captain davis had gone north of hudson bay in - ; hudson had lost his life there in . sir thomas button had explored baffin's land, nelson river, and the button islands in ; munck, the dane, had found the mouth of the churchill river in , james and fox had explored the inland sea in ; shapley had brought a ship up from boston in ; and bourdon, the frenchman, had gone up to the straits in - . [ ] george carr, writing to lord arlington on december , , says: "hearing some frenchmen discourse in new england . . . of a great trade of beaver, and afterward making proof of what they had said, he thought them the best present he could possibly make his majesty and persuaded them to come to england." [ ] colonel richard nicolls, writing on july , , says he "supposes col. geo. cartwright is now at sea." [ ] it plainly could not have been written while _en route_ across the atlantic with sir george cartwright, for it records events after that time. [ ] robson's _hudson bay_. [ ] see dr. n. e. dionne, also marie de l'incarnation, but sulte discredits this granting of a title. [ ] see robson's _hudson bay_, containing reference to the journal kept by gorst, bayly's secretary, at rupert fort. [ ] see state papers, canadian archives, , january , whitehall: memorial of the hudson bay company complaining of albanel, a jesuit, attempting to seduce radisson and groseillers from the company's services; in absence of ships pulling down the british ensign and tampering with the indians. [ ] i am inclined to think that albanel may not have been aware of the documents which he carried from quebec to the traders being practically an offer to bribe radisson and groseillers to desert england. some accounts say that albanel was accompanied by groseillers' son, but i find no authority for this. on the other hand, albanel does not mention the englishmen being present. just as radisson and groseillers, ten years before, had taken possession of the old house battered with bullets, so albanel took possession of the deserted huts. here is what his account says (cramoisy edition of the _relations_): "le june à peine avions nous avancé un quart de lieue, que nous rencontrasmes à main gauche dans un petit ruisseau un heu avec ses agrez de dix ou dou tonneaux, qui portoit le pavilion anglois et la voile latine; delà à la portée du fusil, nous entrasmes dans deux maisons desertes . . . nous rencontrasmes deux ou trois cabanes et un chien abandonné. . . ." his tampering with the indians was simply the presentation of gifts to attract them to quebec. [ ] see state papers, canadian archives: m. frontenac, the commander of french (?) king's troops at hudson bay, introduces and recommends father albanel. [ ] state papers, canadian archives. [ ] for some years there were sensational reports that mistassini was larger than lake superior. mr. low, of the canadian geological survey, in a very exhaustive report, shows this is not so. still, the lake ranks with the large lakes of america. mr. low gives its dimensions as one hundred miles long and twelve miles wide. [ ] there is a discrepancy in dates here which i leave savants to worry out. _albanel's relation_ (cramoisy) is of . thomas gorst, secretary to governor bayly, says that the quarrel took place in . oldmixon, who wrote from hearsay, says in . robson, who had access to hudson's bay records, says ; and i am inclined to think they all agree. in a word, radisson and groseillers were on bad terms with the local hudson's bay company governor from the first, and the open quarrel took place only in . considering the bigotry of the times, the quarrel was only natural. bayly was governor, but he could not take precedence over radisson and groseillers. he was protestant and english. they were catholics and french. besides, they were really at the english governor's mercy; for they could not go back to canada until publicly pardoned by the french king. [ ] state papers, canadian archives, october , , quebec: report of proceedings regarding the price of beaver . . . by an ordinance, october , , m. jacques duchesneau, intendant, had called a meeting of the leading fur traders to consult about fixing the price of beaver. there were present, among others, robert, cavelier de la salle, . . . charles le moyne, . . . two godefroys of three rivers, . . . groseillers, . . . jolliet, . . . pierre radisson. [ ] mr. low's geological report on labrador contains interesting particulars of the route followed by father albanel. he speaks of the gorge and swamps and difficult _portages_ in precisely the same way as the priest, though albanel must have encountered the worst possible difficulties on the route, for he went down so early in the spring. chapter vi - radisson gives up a career in the navy for the fur trade though opposed by the monopolists of quebec, he secures ships for a voyage to hudson bay--here he encounters a pirate ship from boston and an english ship of the hudson's bay company--how he plays his cards to win against both rivals a clever man may be a dangerous rival. both france and england recognized this in radisson. the hudson's bay company distrusted him because he was a foreigner. the fur traders of quebec were jealous. the hudson's bay company had offered him a pension of pounds a year to do nothing. france had pardoned his secession to england, paid his debts, and given him a position in the navy, and when the fleet was wrecked returning from the campaign against dutch possessions in the west indies, the french king advanced money for radisson to refit himself; but france distrusted the explorer because he had an english wife. all that france and england wanted radisson to do was to keep quiet. what the haughty spirit of radisson would _not_ do for all the fortunes which two nations could offer to bribe him--was to keep quiet. he cared more for the game than the winnings; and the game of sitting still and drawing a pension for doing nothing was altogether too tame for radisson. groseillers gave up the struggle and retired for the time to his family at three rivers. at quebec, in , radisson heard of others everywhere reaping where he had sown. jolliet and la salle were preparing to push the fur trade of new france westward of the great lakes, where radisson had penetrated twenty years previously. fur traders of quebec, who organized under the name of the company of the north, yearly sent their canoes up the ottawa, st. maurice, and saguenay to the forests south of hudson bay, which radisson had traversed. on the bay itself the english company were entrenched. north, northwest, and west, radisson had been the explorer; but the reward of his labor had been snatched by other hands. [illustration: "skin for skin," coat of arms and motto, hudson's bay company.] radisson must have served meritoriously on the fleet, for after the wreck he was offered the command of a man-of-war; but he asked for a commission to new france. from this request there arose complications. his wife's family, the kirkes, had held claims against new france from the days when the kirkes of boston had captured quebec. these claims now amounted to , pounds. m. colbert, the great french statesman, hesitated to give a commission to a man allied by marriage with the enemies of new france. radisson at last learned why preferment had been denied him. it was on account of his wife. twice radisson journeyed to london for mary kirke. those were times of an easy change in faith. charles ii was playing double with catholics and protestants. the kirkes were closely attached to the court; and it was, perhaps, not difficult for the huguenot wife to abjure protestantism and declare herself a convert to the religion of her husband. but when radisson proposed taking her back to france, that was another matter. sir john kirke forbade his daughter's departure till the claims of the kirke family against new france had been paid. when radisson returned without his wife, he was reproached by m. colbert for disloyalty. the government refused its patronage to his plans for the fur trade; but m. colbert sent him to confer with la chesnaye, a prominent fur trader and member of the council in new france, who happened to be in paris at that time. la chesnaye had been sent out to canada to look after the affairs of a rouen fur-trading company. soon he became a commissioner of the west indies company; and when the merchants of quebec organized the company of the north, la chesnaye became a director. no one knew better than he how bitterly the monopolists of quebec would oppose radisson's plans for a trip to hudson bay; but the prospects were alluring. la chesnaye was deeply involved in the fur trade and snatched at the chance of profits to stave off the bankruptcy that reduced him to beggary a few years later. in defiance of the rival companies and independent of those with which he was connected, he offered to furnish ships and share profits with radisson and groseillers for a voyage to hudson bay. m. colbert did not give his patronage to the scheme; but he wished radisson a god-speed. the jesuits advanced radisson money to pay his passage; and in the fall of , he arrived in quebec. la chesnaye met him, and groseillers was summoned. the three then went to the château saint-louis to lay their plans before the governor. though the privileges of the west indies company had been curtailed, the fur trade was again regulated by license.[ ] frontenac had granted a license to the company of the north for the fur trade of hudson bay. he could not openly favor radisson; but he winked at the expedition by granting passports to the explorers, and the three men who were to accompany him, jean baptiste, son of groseillers, pierre allemand, the pilot who was afterward given a commission to explore the eskimo country, and jean godefroy, an interpreter.[ ] jean baptiste, radisson's nephew, invested pounds in goods for barter. others of three rivers and quebec advanced money, to provision the ship.[ ] ten days after radisson's arrival in quebec, the explorers had left the high fortress of the st. lawrence to winter in acadia. when spring came, they went with the fishing fleets to isle percée, where la chesnaye was to send the ships. radisson's ship, the _st. pierre_,--named after himself,--came first, a rickety sloop of fifty tons with a crew of twelve mutinous, ill-fed men, a cargo of goods for barter, and scant enough supply of provisions. groseillers' ship, the _st. anne_, was smaller and better built, with a crew of fifteen. the explorers set sail on the th of july. from the first there was trouble with the crews. fresh-water _voyageurs_ make bad ocean sailors. food was short. the voyage was to be long. it was to unknown waters, famous for disaster. the sea was boisterous. in the months of june and july, the north atlantic is beset with fog and iceberg. the ice sweeps south in mountainous bergs that have thawed and split before they reach the temperate zones.[ ] on the th of july the two ships passed the straits of belle isle. fog-banks hung heavy on the blue of the far watery horizon. out of the fog, like ghosts in gloom, drifted the shadowy ice-floes. the coast of labrador consists of bare, domed, lonely hills alternated with rock walls rising sheer from the sea as some giant masonry. here the rock is buttressed by a sharp angle knife-edged in a precipice. there, the beetling walls are guarded by long reefs like the teeth of a saw. over these reefs, the drifting tide breaks with multitudinous voices. the french _voyageurs_ had never known such seafaring. in the wail of the white-foamed reefs, their superstition heard the shriek of the demons. the explorers had anchored in one of the sheltered harbors, which the sailors call "holes-in-the-wall." the crews mutinied. they would go no farther through ice-drift and fog to an unknown sea. radisson never waited for the contagion of fear to work. he ordered anchors up and headed for open sea. then he tried to encourage the sailors with promises. they would not hear him; for the ship's galley was nearly empty of food. then radisson threatened the first mutineer to show rebellion with such severe punishment as the hard customs of the age permitted. the crew sulked, biding its time. at that moment the lookout shouted "sail ho!" all hands discerned a ship with a strange sail, such as dutch and spanish pirates carried, bearing down upon them shoreward. the lesser fear was forgotten in the greater. the _st. pierre's_ crew crowded sail. heading about, the two explorers' ships threaded the rock reefs like pursued deer. the pirate came on full speed before the wind. night fell while radisson was still hiding among the rocks. notwithstanding reefs and high seas, while the pirate ship hove to for the night, radisson stole out in the dark and gave his pursuer the slip. the chase had saved him a mutiny. as the vessels drove northward, the ice drifted past like a white world afloat. when radisson approached the entrance to hudson bay, he met floes in impenetrable masses. so far the ships had avoided delay by tacking along the edges of the ice-fields, from lake to lake of ocean surrounded by ice. now the ice began to crush together, driven by wind and tide with furious enough force to snap the two ships like egg-shells. radisson watched for a free passage, and, with a wind to rear, scudded for shelter of a hole-in-the-wall. here he met the eskimo, and provisions were replenished; but the dangers of the ice-fields had frightened the crews again. in two days radisson put to sea to avoid a second mutiny. the wind was landward, driving the ice back from the straits, and they passed safely into hudson bay. the ice again surrounded them; but it was useless for the men to mutiny. ice blocked up all retreat. jammed among the floes, groseillers was afraid to carry sail, and fell behind. radisson drove ahead, now skirting the ice-floes, now pounded by breaking icebergs, now crashing into surface brash or puddled ice to the fore. "we were like to have perished," he writes, "but god was pleased to preserve us." on the th of august, six weeks after sailing from isle percée, radisson rode triumphantly in on the tide to hayes river, south of nelson river, where he had been with the english ships ten years before. two weeks later the _ste. anne_, with groseillers, arrived. the two ships cautiously ascended the river, seeking a harbor. fifteen miles from salt water, radisson anchored. at last he was back in his native element, the wilderness, where man must set himself to conquer and take dominion over earth. groseillers was always the trader, radisson the explorer. leaving his brother-in-law to build the fort, radisson launched a canoe on hayes river to explore inland. young jean groseillers accompanied him to look after the trade with the indians.[ ] for eight days they paddled up a river that was destined to be the path of countless traders and pioneers for two centuries, and that may yet be destined to become the path of a northern commerce. by september the floodtide of hayes river had subsided. in a week the _voyageurs_ had travelled probably three hundred miles, and were within the region of lake winnipeg, where the cree hunters assemble in october for the winter. radisson had come to this region by way of lake superior with the cree hunters twenty years before, and his visit had become a tradition among the tribes. beaver are busy in october gnawing down young saplings for winter food. radisson observed chips floating past the canoe. where there are beaver, there should be indians; so the _voyageurs_ paddled on. one night, as they lay round the camp-fire, with canoes overturned, a deer, startled from its evening drinking-place, bounded from the thicket. a sharp whistle--and an indian ran from the brush of an island opposite the camp, signalling the white men to head the deer back; but when radisson called from the waterside, the savage took fright and dashed for the woods. all that night the _voyageurs_ kept sleepless guard. in the morning they moved to the island and kindled a signal-fire to call the indians. in a little while canoes cautiously skirted the island, and the chief of the band stood up, bow and arrow in hand. pointing his arrows to the deities of north, south, east, and west, he broke the shaft to splinters, as a signal of peace, and chanted his welcome:-- "ho, young men, be not afraid! the sun is favorable to us! our enemies shall fear us! this is the man we have wished since the days of our fathers!" with a leap, the chief sprang into the water and swam ashore, followed by all the canoes. radisson called out to know who was commander. the chief, with a sign as old and universal as humanity, bowed his head in servility. radisson took the indian by the hand, and, seating him by the fire, chanted an answer in cree:-- "i know all the earth! your friends shall be my friends! i come to bring you arms to destroy your enemies! nor wife nor child shall die of hunger! for i have brought you merchandise! be of good cheer! i will be thy son! i have brought thee a father! he is yonder below building a fort where i have two great ships!" [ ] the chief kept pace with the profuse compliments by vowing the life of his tribe in service of the white man. radisson presented pipes and tobacco to the indians. for the chief he reserved a fowling-piece with powder and shot. white man and indian then exchanged blankets. presents were sent for the absent wives. the savages were so grateful that they cast all their furs at radisson's feet, and promised to bring their hunt to the fort in spring. in paris and london radisson had been harassed by jealousy. in the wilderness he was master of circumstance; but a surprise awaited him at groseillers' fort. the french habitation--called fort bourbon--had been built on the north shore of hayes or ste. therese river. directly north, overland, was another broad river with a gulflike entrance. this was the nelson. between the two rivers ran a narrow neck of swampy, bush-grown land. the day that radisson returned to the newly erected fort, there rolled across the marshes the ominous echo of cannon-firing. who could the newcomers be? a week's sail south at the head of the bay were the english establishments of the hudson's bay company. the season was far advanced. had english ships come to winter on nelson river? ordering jean groseillers to go back inland to the indians, radisson launched down hayes river in search of the strange ship. he went to the salt water, but saw nothing. upon returning, he found that jean groseillers had come back to the fort with news of more cannonading farther inland. radisson rightly guessed that the ship had sailed up nelson river, firing cannon as she went to notify indians for trade. picking out three intrepid men, radisson crossed the marsh by a creek which the indian canoes used, to go to nelson river.[ ] through the brush the scout spied a white tent on an island. all night the frenchmen lay in the woods, watching their rivals and hoping that some workman might pass close enough to be seized and questioned. at noon, next day, radisson's patience was exhausted. he paddled round the island, and showed himself a cannon-shot distant from the fort. holding up a pole, radisson waved as if he were an indian afraid to approach closer in order to trade. the others hallooed a welcome and gabbled out indian words from a guide-book. radisson paddled a length closer. the others ran eagerly down to the water side away from their cannon. in signal of friendship, they advanced unarmed. radisson must have laughed to see how well his ruse worked. "who are you?" he demanded in plain english, "and what do you want?" the traders called back that they were englishmen come for beaver. again the crafty frenchman must have laughed; for he knew very well that all english ships except those of the hudson's bay company were prohibited by law from coming here to trade.[ ] though the strange ship displayed an english ensign, the flag did not show the magical letters "h. b. c." "whose commission have you?" pursued radisson. "no commission--new englanders," answered the others. "contrabands," thought radisson to himself. then he announced that he had taken possession of all that country for france, had built a strong fort, and expected more ships. in a word, he advised the new englanders to save themselves by instant flight; but his canoe had glided nearer. to radisson's surprise, he discovered that the leader of the new england poachers was ben gillam of boston, son of captain gillam, the trusted servant of the hudson's bay company, who had opposed radisson and groseillers on rupert's river. it looked as if the contraband might be a venture of the father as well as the son.[ ] radisson and young gillam recognized each other with a show of friendliness, gillam inviting radisson to inspect the ship with much the same motive that the fabled spider invited the fly. radisson took tactful precaution for his own liberty by graciously asking that two of the new england servants go down to the canoe with the three frenchmen. no sooner had radisson gone on the new england ship than young gillam ordered cannon fired and english flags run up. having made that brave show of strength, the young man proposed that the french and the new englanders should divide the traffic between them for the winter. radisson diplomatically suggested that such an important proposal be laid before his colleagues. in leaving, he advised gillam to keep his men from wandering beyond the island, lest they suffer wrong at the hands of the french soldiers. incidentally, that advice would also keep the new englanders from learning how desperately weak the french really were. neither leader was in the slightest deceived by the other; each played for time to take the other unawares, and each knew the game that was being played. [illustration: hudson's bay company coins, made of lead melted from tea chests at york factory, each coin representing so many beaver skins.] instead of returning by the creek that cut athwart the neck of land between the two rivers, radisson decided to go down nelson river to the bay, round the point, and ascend hayes river to the french quarters. cogitating how to frighten young gillam out of the country or else to seize him, radisson glided down the swift current of nelson river toward salt water. he had not gone nine miles from the new englanders when he was astounded by the spectacle of a ship breasting with full-blown sails up the tide of the nelson directly in front of the french canoe. the french dashed for the hiding of the brushwood on shore. from their concealment they saw that the ship was a hudson's bay company vessel, armed with cannon and commission for lawful trade. if once the hudson's bay company ship and the new englanders united, the english would be strong enough to overpower the french. the majority of leaders would have escaped the impending disaster by taking ingloriously to their heels. radisson, with that adroit presence of mind which characterized his entire life, had provided for his followers' safety by landing them on the south shore, where the french could flee across the marsh to the ships if pursued. then his only thought was how to keep the rivals apart. instantly he had an enormous bonfire kindled. then he posted his followers in ambush. the ship mistook the fire for an indian signal, reefed its sails, and anchored. usually natives paddled out to the traders' ships to barter. these indians kept in hiding. the ship waited for them to come; and radisson waited for the ship's hands to land. in the morning a gig boat was lowered to row ashore. in it were captain gillam, radisson's personal enemy, john bridgar,[ ] the new governor of the hudson's bay company for nelson river, and six sailors. all were heavily armed, yet radisson stood alone to receive them, with his three companions posted on the outskirts of the woods as if in command of ambushed forces. fortune is said to favor the dauntless, and just as the boat came within gunshot of the shore, it ran aground. a sailor jumped out to drag the craft up the bank. they were all at radisson's mercy--without cover. he at once levelled his gun with a shout of "halt!" at the same moment his own men made as if to sally from the woods. the english imagined themselves ambushed, and called out that they were the officers of the hudson's bay company. radisson declared who he was and that he had taken possession of the country for france. his musket was still levelled. his men were ready to dash forward. the english put their heads together and decided that discretion was the better part of valor. governor bridgar meekly requested permission to land and salute the commander of the french. then followed a pompous melodrama of bravado, each side affecting sham strength. radisson told the english all that he had told the new englanders, going on board the company's ship to dine, while english hostages remained with his french followers. for reasons which he did not reveal, he strongly advised governor bridgar not to go farther up nelson river. above all, he warned captain gillam not to permit the english sailors to wander inland. having exchanged compliments, radisson took gracious leave of his hosts, and with his three men slipped down the nelson in their canoe. past a bend in the river, he ordered the canoe ashore. the french then skirted back through the woods and lay watching the english till satisfied that the hudson's bay company ship would go no nearer the island where ben gillam lay hidden. groseillers and his son looked after the trade that winter. radisson had his hands full keeping the two english crews apart. ten days after his return, he again left hayes river to see what his rivals were doing. the hudson's bay company ship had gone aground in the ooze a mile from the fort where governor bridgar had taken up quarters. that division of forces weakened the english fort. introducing his man as captain of a french ship, radisson entered the governor's house. the visitors drained a health to their host and fired off muskets to learn whether sentinels were on guard. no attention was paid to the unwonted noise. "i judged," writes radisson, "that they were careless, and might easily be surprised." he then went across to the river flats, where the tide had left the vessel, and, calmly mounting the ladder, took a survey of gillam's ship. when the irate old captain rushed up to know the meaning of the intrusion radisson suavely proffered provisions, of which they were plainly in need. the new englanders had been more industrious. a stoutly palisaded fort had been completed on young gillam's island, and cannon commanded all approach. radisson fired a musket to notify the sentry, and took care to beach his canoe below the range of the guns. young gillam showed a less civil front than before. his lieutenant ironically congratulated radisson on his "safe" return, and invited him to visit the fort if he would enter _alone_. when radisson would have introduced his four followers, the lieutenant swore "if the four french were forty devils, they could not take the new englanders' fort." the safety of the french habitation now hung by a hair. everything depended on keeping the two english companies apart, and they were distant only nine miles. the scheme must have flashed on radisson in an intuition; for he laid his plans as he listened to the boastings of the new englanders. if father and son could be brought together through radisson's favor, captain gillam would keep the english from coming to the new england fort lest his son should be seized for poaching on the trade of the company; and ben gillam would keep his men from going near the english fort lest governor bridgar should learn of the contraband ship from boston. incidentally, both sides would be prevented from knowing the weakness of the french at fort bourbon. at once radisson told young gillam of his father's presence. ben was eager to see his father and, as he thought, secure himself from detection in illegal trade. radisson was to return to the old captain with the promised provisions. he offered to take young gillam, disguised as a bush-ranger. in return, he demanded ( ) that the new englanders should not leave their fort; ( ) that they should not betray themselves by discharging cannon; ( ) that they shoot any hudson's bay company people who tried to enter the new england fort. to young gillam these terms seemed designed for his own protection. what they really accomplished was the complete protection of the french from united attack. father and son would have put themselves in radisson's power. a word of betrayal to bridgar, the hudson's bay governor, and both the gillams would be arrested for illegal trade. ben gillam's visit to his father was fraught with all the danger that radisson's daring could have desired. a seaman half suspected the identity of the bush-ranger, and governor bridgar wanted to know how radisson had returned so soon when the french fort was far away. "i told him, smiling," writes radisson, "that i could fly when there was need to serve my friends." young gillam had begun to suspect the weakness of the french. when the two were safely out of the hudson's bay company fort, he offered to go home part of the way with radisson. this was to learn where the french fort lay. radisson declined the kindly service and deliberately set out from the new englanders' island in the wrong direction, coming down the nelson past young gillam's fort at night. the delay of the trick nearly cost radisson his life. fall rains had set in, and the river was running a mill-race. great floes of ice from the north were tossing on the bay at the mouth of the nelson river in a maelstrom of tide and wind. in the dark radisson did not see how swiftly his canoe had been carried down-stream. before he knew it his boat shot out of the river among the tossing ice-floes of the bay. surrounded by ice in a wild sea, he could not get back to land. the spray drove over the canoe till the frenchman's clothes were stiff with ice. for four hours they lay jammed in the ice-drift till a sudden upheaval crushed the canoe to kindling wood and left the men stranded on the ice. running from floe to floe, they gained the shore and beat their way for three days through a raging hurricane of sleet and snow toward the french habitation. they were on the side of the hayes opposite the french fort. four _voyageurs_ crossed for them, and the little company at last gained the shelter of a roof. radisson now knew that young gillam intended to spy upon the french; so he sent scouts to watch the new englanders' fort. the scouts reported that the young captain had sent messengers to obtain additional men from his father; but the new england soldiers, remembering radisson's orders to shoot any one approaching, had levelled muskets to fire at the reënforcements. the rebuffed men had gone back to governor bridgar with word of a fort and ship only nine miles up nelson river. bridgar thought this was the french establishment, and old captain gillam could not undeceive him. the hudson's bay company governor had sent the two men back to spy on what he thought was a french fort. at once radisson sent out men to capture bridgar's scouts, who were found half dead with cold and hunger. the captives reported to radisson that the english ship had been totally wrecked in the ice jam. bridgar's people were starving. many traders would have left their rivals to perish. radisson supplied them with food for the winter. they were no longer to be feared; but there was still danger from young gillam. he had wished to visit the french fort. radisson decided to give him an opportunity. ben gillam was escorted down to hayes river. a month passed quietly. the young captain had learned that the boasted forces of the french consisted of less than thirty men. his insolence knew no bounds. he struck a french servant, called radisson a pirate, and gathering up his belongings prepared to go home. radisson quietly barred the young man's way. "you pitiful dog!" said the frenchman, coolly. "you poor young fool! why do you suppose you were brought to this fort? we brought you here because it suited us! we keep you here as long as it suits us! we take you back when it suits us!" ben gillam was dumfounded to find that he had been trapped, when he had all the while thought that he was acting the part of a clever spy. he broke out in a storm of abuse. radisson remanded the foolish young man to a french guard. at the mess-room table radisson addressed his prisoner:-- "gillam, to-day i set out to capture your fort." at the table sat less than thirty men. young gillam gave one scornful glance at the french faces and laughed. "if you had a hundred men instead of twenty," he jeered. "how many have you, ben?" "nine; and they'll kill you before you reach the palisades." radisson was not talking of killing. "gillam," he returned imperturbably, "pick out nine of my men, and i have your fort within forty-eight hours." gillam chose the company, and radisson took one of the hudson bay captives as a witness. the thing was done as easily as a piece of farcical comedy. french hostages had been left among the new englanders as guarantee of gillam's safety in radisson's fort. these hostages had been instructed to drop, as if by chance, blocks of wood across the doors of the guard-room and powder house and barracks. even these precautions proved unnecessary. two of radisson's advance guard, who were met by the lieutenant of the new england fort, reported that "gillam had remained behind." the lieutenant led the two frenchmen into the fort. these two kept the gates open for radisson, who marched in with his band, unopposed. the keys were delivered and radisson was in possession. at midnight the watch-dogs raised an alarm, and the french sallied out to find that a new englander had run to the hudson's bay company for aid, and governor bridgar's men were attacking the ships. all of the assailants fled but four, whom radisson caught ransacking the ship's cabin. radisson now had more captives than he could guard, so he loaded the hudson's bay company men with provisions and sent them back to their own starving fort. radisson left the new england fort in charge of his frenchmen and returned to the french quarters. strange news was carried to him there. bridgar had forgotten all benefits, waited until radisson's back was turned, and, with one last desperate cast of the die to retrieve all by capturing the new england fort and ship for the fur company, had marched against young gillam's island. the french threw open the gates for the hudson's bay governor to enter. then they turned the key and told governor bridgar that he was a prisoner. their _coup_ was a complete triumph for radisson. both of his rivals were prisoners, and the french flag flew undisputed over port nelson. spring brought the indians down to the bay with the winter's hunt. the sight of threescore englishmen captured by twenty frenchmen roused the war spirit of the young braves. they offered radisson two hundred beaver skins to be allowed to massacre the english. radisson thanked the savages for their good will, but declined their offer. floods had damaged the water-rotted timbers of the two old hulls in which the explorers voyaged north. it was agreed to return to quebec in ben gillam's boat. a vessel was constructed on one of the hulls to send the english prisoners to the hudson's bay company forts at the south end of the bay.[ ] young jean groseillers was left, with seven men, to hold the french post till boats came in the following year. on the th of july the ships weighed anchor for the homeward voyage. young gillam was given a free passage by way of quebec. bridgar was to have gone with his men to the hudson's bay company forts at the south of the bay, but at the last moment a friendly englishman warned radisson that the governor's design was to wait till the large ship had left, head the bark back for hayes river, capture the fort, and put the frenchmen to the sword. to prevent this bridgar, too, was carried to quebec. twenty miles out the ship was caught in ice-floes that held her for a month, and bridgar again conspired to cut the throats of the frenchmen. henceforth young gillam and bridgar were out on parole during the day and kept under lock at night. the same jealousy as of old awaited radisson at quebec. the company of the north was furious that la chesnaye had sent ships to hudson bay, which the shareholders considered to be their territory by license.[ ] farmers of the revenue beset the ship to seize the cargo, because the explorers had gone north without a permit. la chesnaye saved some of the furs by transshipping them for france before the vessel reached quebec. then followed an interminable lawsuit, that exhausted the profits of the voyage. la barre had succeeded frontenac as governor. the best friends of la barre would scarcely deny that his sole ambition as governor was to amass a fortune from the fur trade of canada. inspired by the jealous company of the north, he refused to grant radisson prize money for the capture of the contraband ship, restored the vessel to gillam, and gave him clearance to sail for boston.[ ] for this la barre was sharply reprimanded from france; but the reprimand did not mend the broken fortunes of the two explorers, who had given their lives for the extension of the french domain.[ ] m. colbert summoned radisson and groseillers to return to france and give an account of all they had done; but when they arrived in paris, on january , , they learned that the great statesman had died. lord preston, the english envoy, had lodged such complaints against them for the defeat of the englishmen in hudson bay, that france hesitated to extend public recognition of their services. [ ] within ten years so many different regulations were promulgated on the fur trade that it is almost impossible to keep track of them. in orders came from paris forbidding french settlers of new france from wandering in the woods for longer than twenty-four hours. in m. frontenac forbade the selling of merchandise to _coureurs du bois_, or the purchase of furs from them. in a decree of the council of state awarded to m. jean oudiette one-fourth of all beaver, with the exclusive right of buying and selling in canada. in frontenac withdrew from the _cie indes occidentales_ all the rights it had over canada and other places. an ordinance of october , , forbade all trade except under license. an ordinance in ordered all fur traders trading in hudson bay to pay one-fourth to farmers of the revenue. [ ] it is hard to tell who this godefroy was. of all the famous godefroys of three rivers (according to abbé tanguay) there was only one, jean batiste, born , who might have gone with radisson; but i hardly think so. the godefroys descended from the french nobility and themselves bore titles from the king, but in spite of this, were the best canoemen of new france, as ready--according to mr. sulte--to _faire la cuisine_ as to command a fort. radisson's godefroy evidently went in the capacity of a servant, for his name is not mentioned in the official list of promoters. on the other hand, parish records do not give the date of jean batiste godefroy's death; so that he may have gone as a servant and died in the north. [ ] state papers, , state that dame sorel, la chesnaye, chaujon, gitton, foret, and others advanced money for the goods. [ ] in , when up the coast of labrador, i was told by the superintendent of a northern whaling station--a man who has received royal decorations for his scientific research of ocean phenomena--that he has frequently seen icebergs off labrador that were nine miles long. [ ] jean was born in and was, therefore, twenty-eight. [ ] i have written both addresses as the indians would chant them. to be sure, they will not scan according to the elephantine grace of the pedant's iambics; but then, neither will the indian songs scan, though i know of nothing more subtly rhythmical. rhythm is so much a part of the indian that it is in his walk, in the intonation of his words, in the gesture of his hands. i think most westerners will bear me out in saying that it is the exquisitely musical intonation of words that betrays indian blood to the third and fourth generation. [ ] see robson's map. [ ] state papers: "the governor of new england is ordered to seize all vessels trading in hudson bay contrary to charter--" [ ] _radisson's journal_, p. . [ ] robson gives the commission to this governor. [ ] later in hudson bay history, when another commander captured the forts, the prisoners were sold into slavery. radisson's treatment of his rivals hardly substantiates all the accusations of rascality trumped up against him. just how many prisoners he took in this _coup_, no two records agree. [ ] archives, september , : ordinance of m. de meulles regarding the claims of persons interested in the expedition to hudson bay, organized by m. de la chesnaye, gitton, bruneau, mme. sorel. . . . in order to avoid difficulties with the company of the north, they had placed a vessel at isle percée to receive the furs brought back . . . and convey them to holland and spain. . . . joachims de chalons, agent of the company of the north, sent a _bateau_ to percée to defeat the project. de la chesnaye, summoned to appear before the intendant, maintained that the company had no right to this trade, . . . that the enterprise involved so many risks that he could not consent to divide the profits, if he had any. the partners having been heard, m. de meulles orders that the boats from hudson bay be anchored at quebec. [ ] archives, october , : m. de la barre grants benjamin gillam of boston clearance for the ship _le garçon_, now in port at quebec, although he had no license from his britannic majesty permitting him to enter hudson bay. [ ] such foundationless accusations have been written against radisson by historians who ought to have known better, about these furs, that i quote the final orders of the government on the subject: november , , m. de la barre forbids chalons, agent of la ferme du canada, confiscating the furs brought from hudson bay; november m. de la chesnaye is to be paid for the furs seized. chapter vii - the last voyage of radisson to hudson bay france refuses to restore the confiscated furs and radisson tries to redeem his fortune--reëngaged by england, he captures back fort nelson, but comes to want in his old age--his character radisson was now near his fiftieth year. he had spent his entire life exploring the wilds. he had saved new france from bankruptcy with cargoes of furs that in four years amounted to half a million of modern money. in ten years he had brought half a million dollars worth of furs to the english company.[ ] yet he was a poor man, threatened with the sponging-house by clamorous creditors and in the power of avaricious statesmen, who used him as a tool for their own schemes. la chesnaye had saved his furs; but the half of the cargo that was the share of radisson and groseillers had been seized at quebec.[ ] on arriving in france, groseillers presented a memorial of their wrong to the court.[ ] probably because england and france were allied by treaty at that time, the petition for redress was ignored. groseillers was now an old man. he left the struggle to radisson and retired to spend his days in quietness.[ ] radisson did not cease to press his claim for the return of confiscated furs. he had a wife and four children to support; but, in spite of all his services to england and france, he did not own a shilling's worth of property in the whole world. from january to may he waited for the tardy justice of the french court. when his suit became too urgent, he was told that he had offended the most christian king by attacking the fur posts under the protection of a friendly monarch, king charles. the hollowness of that excuse became apparent when the french government sanctioned the fitting out of two vessels for radisson to go to hudson bay in the spring. lord preston, the english ambassador, was also playing a double game. he never ceased to reproach the french for the destruction of the fur posts on hudson bay. at the same time he besieged radisson with offers to return to the service of the hudson's bay company. radisson was deadly tired of the farce. from first to last france had treated him with the blackest injustice. if he had wished to be rich, he could long ago have accumulated wealth by casting in his lot with the dishonest rulers of quebec. in england a strong clique, headed by bridgar, gillam, and bering opposed him; but king charles and the duke of york, prince rupert, when he was alive, sir william young, sir james hayes, and sir john kirke were in his favor. his heart yearned for his wife and children. just then letters came from england urging him to return to the hudson's bay company. lord preston plied the explorer with fair promises. under threat of punishment for molesting the english of hudson bay, the french government tried to force him into a contract to sail on a second voyage to the north on the same terms as in - --not to share the profits. england and france were both playing double. radisson smiled a grim smile and took his resolution. daily he conferred with the french marine on details of the voyage. he permitted the date of sailing to be set for april . sailors were enlisted, stores put on board, everything was in readiness. at the last moment, radisson asked leave of absence to say good-by to his family. the request was granted. without losing a moment, he sailed for england, where he arrived on the th of may and was at once taken in hand by sir william young and sir james hayes. he was honored as his explorations entitled him to be. king charles and the duke of york received him. both royal brothers gave him gifts in token of appreciation. he took the oath of fealty and cast in his lot with the english for good. it was characteristic of the enthusiast that he was, when radisson did not sign a strictly business contract with the hudson's bay company. "i accepted their commission with the greatest pleasure in the world," he writes; ". . . without any precautions on my part for my own interests . . . since they had confidence in me, i wished to be generous towards them . . . in the hope they would render me all the justice due from gentlemen of honor and probity." but to the troubles of the future radisson always paid small heed. glad to be off once more to the adventurous freedom of the wilds, he set sail from england on may , , in the _happy return_, accompanied by two other vessels. no incident marked the voyage till the ships had passed through the straits and were driven apart by the ice-drift of the bay. about sixty miles out from port nelson, the _happy return_ was held back by ice. fearing trouble between young jean groseillers' men and the english of the other ships, radisson embarked in a shallop with seven men in order to arrive at hayes river before the other boats came. rowing with might and main for forty-eight hours, they came to the site of the french fort. the fort had been removed. jean groseillers had his own troubles during radisson's absence. a few days after radisson's departure in july, , cannon announced the arrival of the annual english ships on nelson river. jean at once sent out scouts, who found a tribe of indians on the way home from trading with the ships that had fired the cannon. the scouts brought the indians back to the french fort. young groseillers admitted the savages only one at a time; but the cunning braves pretended to run back for things they had forgotten in the french house. suspecting nothing, jean had permitted his own men to leave the fort. on different pretexts, a dozen warriors had surrounded the young trader. suddenly the mask was thrown off. springing up, treacherous as a tiger cat, the chief of the band struck at groseillers with a dagger. jean parried the blow, grabbed the redskin by his collar of bears' claws strung on thongs, threw the assassin to the ground almost strangling him, and with one foot on the villain's throat and the sword point at his chest, demanded of the indians what they meant. the savages would have fled, but french soldiers who had heard the noise dashed to groseillers' aid. the indians threw down their weapons and confessed all: the englishmen of the ship had promised the band a barrel of powder to massacre the french. jean took his foot from the indian's throat and kicked him out of the fort. the english outnumbered the french; so jean removed his fort farther from the bay, among the indians, where the english could not follow. to keep the warriors about him, he offered to house and feed them for the winter. this protected him from the attacks of the english. in the spring indians came to the french with pelts. jean was short of firearms; so he bribed the indians to trade their peltries to the english for guns, and to retrade the guns to him for other goods. it was a stroke worthy of radisson himself, and saved the little french fort. the english must have suspected the young trader's straits, for they again paid warriors to attack the french; but jean had forestalled assault by forming an alliance with the assiniboines, who came down hayes river from lake winnipeg four hundred strong, and encamped a body-guard around the fort. affairs were at this stage when radisson arrived with news that he had transferred his services to the english. young groseillers was amazed.[ ] letters to his mother show that he surrendered his charge with a very ill grace. "do not forget," radisson urged him, "the injuries that france has inflicted on your father." young groseillers' mother, marguerite hayet, was in want at three rivers.[ ] it was memory of her that now turned the scales with the young man. he would turn over the furs to radisson for the english company, if radisson would take care of the far-away mother at three rivers. the bargain was made, and the two embraced. the surrender of the french furs to the english company has been represented as radisson's crowning treachery. under that odium the great discoverer's name has rested for nearly three centuries; yet the accusation of theft is without a grain of truth. radisson and groseillers were to obtain half the proceeds of the voyage in - . neither the explorers nor jean groseillers, who had privately invested pounds in the venture, ever received one sou. the furs at port nelson--or fort bourbon--belonged to the frenchmen, to do what they pleased with them. the act of the enthusiast is often tainted with folly. that radisson turned over twenty thousand beaver pelts to the english, without the slightest assurance that he would be given adequate return, was surely folly; but it was not theft. the transfer of all possessions to the english was promptly made. radisson then arranged a peace treaty between the indians and the english. that peace treaty has endured between the indians and the hudson's bay company to this day. a new fort was built, the furs stored in the hold of the vessels, and the crews mustered for the return voyage. radisson had been given a solemn promise by the hudson's bay company that jean groseillers and his comrades should be well treated and reëngaged for the english at pounds a year. now he learned that the english intended to ship all the french out of hudson bay and to keep them out. the enthusiast had played his game with more zeal than discretion. the english had what they wanted--furs and fort. in return, radisson had what had misled him like a will-o'-the-wisp all his life--vague promises. in vain radisson protested that he had given his promise to the french before they surrendered the fort. the english distrusted foreigners. the frenchmen had been mustered on the ships to receive last instructions. they were told that they were to be taken to england. no chance was given them to escape. some of the french had gone inland with the indians. of jean's colony, these alone remained. when radisson realized the conspiracy, he advised his fellow-countrymen to make no resistance; for he feared that some of the english bitter against him might seize on the pretext of a scuffle to murder the french. his advice proved wise. he had strong friends at the english court, and atonement was made for the breach of faith to the french. the ships set sail on the th of september and arrived in england on the d of october. without waiting for the coach, radisson hired a horse and spurred to london in order to give his version first of the quarrel on the bay. the hudson's bay company was delighted with the success of radisson. he was taken before the directors, given a present of a hundred guineas, and thanked for his services. he was once more presented to the king and the duke of york. the company redeemed its promise to radisson by employing the frenchmen of the surrendered fort and offering to engage young groseillers at pounds a year.[ ] [illustration: hudson bay dog trains laden with furs arriving at lower fort garry, red river. (courtesy of c. c. chipman, commissioner h. b. company.)] for five years the english kept faith with radisson, and he made annual voyages to the bay; but war broke out with france. new france entered on a brilliant campaign against the english of hudson bay. the company's profits fell. radisson, the frenchman, was distrusted. france had set a price on his head, and one martinière went to port nelson to seize him, but was unable to cope with the english. at no time did radisson's salary with the company exceed pounds; and now, when war stopped dividends on the small amount of stock which had been given to him, he fell into poverty and debt. in sir william young petitioned the company in his favor; but a man with a price on his head for treason could plainly not return to france.[ ] the french were in possession of the bay. radisson could do no harm to the english. therefore the company ignored him till he sued them and received payment in full for arrears of salary and dividends on stock which he was not permitted to sell; but pounds a year would not support a man who paid half that amount for rent, and had a wife, four children, and servants to support. in radisson applied for the position of warehouse keeper for the company at london. even this was denied. the dauntless pathfinder was growing old; and the old cannot fight and lose and begin again as radisson had done all his life. state papers of paris contain records of a radisson with tonty at detroit![ ] was this his nephew, françois radisson's son, who took the name of the explorer, or radisson's own son, or the game old warrior himself, come out to die on the frontier as he had lived? history is silent. until the year radisson drew his allowance of pounds a year from the english company, then the payments stopped. did the dauntless life stop too? oblivion hides all record of his death, as it obscured the brilliant achievements of his life. there is no need to point out radisson's faults. they are written on his life without extenuation or excuse, so that all may read. there is less need to eulogize his virtues. they declare themselves in every act of his life. this, only, should be remembered. like all enthusiasts, radisson could not have been a hero, if he had not been a bit of a fool. if he had not had his faults, if he had not been as impulsive, as daring, as reckless, as inconstant, as improvident of the morrow, as a savage or a child, he would not have accomplished the exploration of half a continent. men who weigh consequences are not of the stuff to win empires. had radisson haggled as to the means, he would have missed or muddled the end. he went ahead; and when the way did not open, he went round, or crawled over, or carved his way through. there was an old saying among retired hunters of three rivers that "one learned more in the woods than was ever found in l' petee cat-ee-cheesm." radisson's training was of the woods, rather than the curé's catechism; yet who that has been trained to the strictest code may boast of as dauntless faults and noble virtues? he was not faithful to any country, but he was faithful to his wife and children; and he was "faithful to his highest hope,"--that of becoming a discoverer,--which is more than common mortals are to their meanest aspirations. when statesmen played him a double game, he paid them back in their own coin with compound interest. perhaps that is why they hated him so heartily and blackened his memory. but amid all the mad license of savage life, radisson remained untainted. other explorers and statesmen, too, have left a trail of blood to perpetuate their memory; radisson never once spilled human blood needlessly, and was beloved by the savages. memorial tablets commemorate other discoverers. radisson needs none. the great northwest is his monument for all time. [ ] radisson's petition to the hudson's bay company gives these amounts. [ ] see state papers quoted in chapter vi. i need scarcely add that radisson did not steal a march on his patrons by secretly shipping furs to europe. this is only another of the innumerable slanders against radisson which state papers disprove. [ ] it seems impossible that historians with the slightest regard for truth should have branded this part of _radisson's relation_ as a fabrication, too. yet such is the case, and of writers whose books are supposed to be reputable. since parts of radisson's life appeared in the magazines, among many letters i received one from a well-known historian which to put it mildly was furious at the acceptance of _radisson's journal_ as authentic. in reply, i asked that historian how many documents contemporaneous with radisson's life he had consulted before he branded so great an explorer as radisson as a liar. needless to say, that question was not answered. in corroboration of this part of radisson's life, i have lying before me: ( ) chouart's letters--see appendix. ( ) a letter of frontenac recording radisson's first trip by boat for de la chesnaye and the complications it would be likely to cause. ( ) a complete official account sent from quebec to france of radisson's doings in the bay, which tallies in every respect with _radisson's journal_. ( ) report of m. de meulles to the minister on the whole affair with the english and new englanders. ( ) an official report on the release of gillam's boat at quebec. ( ) the memorial presented by groseillers to the french minister. ( ) an official statement of the first discovery of the bay overland. ( ) a complete statement (official) of the complications created by radisson's wife being english. ( ) a statement through a third party--presumably an official--by radisson himself of these complications dated . ( ) a letter from the king to the governor at quebec retailing the english complaints of radisson at nelson river. in the face of this, what is to be said of the historian who calls radisson's adventures "a fabrication"? such misrepresentation betrays about equal amounts of impudence and ignorance. [ ] from charlevoix to modern writers mention is made of the death of these two explorers. different names are given as the places where they died. this is all pure supposition. therefore i do not quote. no records exist to prove where radisson and groseillers died. [ ] see appendix. [ ] state papers record payment of money to her because she was in want. [ ] dr. george bryce, who is really the only scholar who has tried to unravel the mystery of radisson's last days, supplies new facts about his dealings with the company to . [ ] marquis de denonville ordered the arrest of radisson wherever he might be found. [ ] appendix; see state papers. part ii the search for the western sea: being an account of the discovery of the rocky mountains, the missouri uplands, and the valley of the saskatchewan chapter viii - the search for the western sea[ ] m. de la vérendrye continues the exploration of the great northwest by establishing a chain of fur posts across the continent--privations of the explorers and the massacre of twenty followers--his sons visit the mandans and discover the rockies--the valley of the saskatchewan is next explored, but jealousy thwarts the explorer, and he dies in poverty i - a curious paradox is that the men who have done the most for north america did not intend to do so. they set out on the far quest of a crack-brained idealist's dream. they pulled up at a foreshortened purpose; but the unaccomplished aim did more for humanity than the idealist's dream. columbus set out to find asia. he discovered america. jacques cartier sought a mythical passage to the orient. he found a northern empire. la salle thought to reach china. he succeeded only in exploring the valley of the mississippi, but the new continent so explored has done more for humanity than asia from time immemorial. of all crack-brained dreams that led to far-reaching results, none was wilder than the search for the western sea. marquette, jolliet, and la salle had followed the trail that radisson had blazed and explored the valley of the mississippi; but like a will-o'-the-wisp beckoning ever westward was that undiscovered myth, the western sea, thought to lie like a narrow strait between america and japan. the search began in earnest one sweltering afternoon on june , , at the little stockaded fort on the banks of the st. lawrence, where montreal stands to-day. fifty grizzled adventurers--wood runners, voyageurs, indian interpreters--bareheaded, except for the colored handkerchief binding back the lank hair, dressed in fringed buckskin, and chattering with the exuberant nonchalance of boys out of school, had finished gumming the splits of their ninety-foot birch canoes, and now stood in line awaiting the coming of their captain, sieur pierre gaultier de varennes de la vérendrye. the french soldier with his three sons, aged respectively eighteen, seventeen, and sixteen, now essayed to discover the fabled western sea, whose narrow waters were supposed to be between the valley of the "great forked river" and the empire of china. [illustration: indians and hunters spurring to the fight.] certainly, if it were worth while for peter the great of russia to send vitus bering coasting the bleak headlands of ice-blocked, misty shores to find the western sea, it would--as one of the french governors reported--"be nobler than open war" for the little colony of new france to discover this "sea of the setting sun." the quest was invested with all the rainbow tints of "_la gloire_"; but the rainbow hopes were founded on the practical basis of profits. leading merchants of montreal had advanced goods for trade with the indians on the way to the western sea. their expectations of profits were probably the same as the man's who buys a mining share for ten cents and looks for dividends of several thousand per cent. and the fur trade at that time was capable of yielding such profits. traders had gone west with less than $ worth of goods in modern money, and returned three years later with a sheer profit of a quarter of a million. hope of such returns added zest to de la vérendrye's venture for the discovery of the western sea. goods done up in packets of a hundred pounds lay at the feet of the _voyageurs_ awaiting de la vérendrye's command. a dozen soldiers in the plumed hats, slashed buskins, the brightly colored doublets of the period, joined the motley company. priests came out to bless the departing _voyageurs_. chapel bells rang out their god-speed. to the booming of cannon, and at a word from de la vérendrye, the gates opened. falling in line with measured tread, the soldiers marched out from mount royal. behind, in the ambling gait of the moccasined woodsman, came the _voyageurs_ and _coureurs_ and interpreters, pack-straps across their foreheads, packets on the bent backs, the long birch canoes hoisted to the shoulders of four men, two abreast at each end, heads hidden in the inverted keel. the path led between the white fret of lachine rapids and the dense forests that shrouded the base of mount royal. checkerboard squares of farm patches had been cleared in the woods. la salle's old thatch-roofed seigniory lay not far back from the water. st. anne's was the launching place for fleets of canoes that were to ascend the ottawa. here, a last look was taken of splits and seams in the birch keels. with invocations of st. anne in one breath, and invocations of a personage not mentioned in the curé's "petee cat-ee-cheesm" in the next breath, and imprecations that their "souls might be smashed on the end of a picket fence,"--the _voyageur's_ common oath even to this day,--the boatmen stored goods fore, aft, and athwart till each long canoe sank to the gunwale as it was gently pushed out on the water. a last sign of the cross, and the lithe figures leap light as a mountain cat to their place in the canoes. there are four benches of paddlers, two abreast, with bowman and steersman, to each canoe. one can guess that the explorer and his sons and his nephew, sieur de la jemmeraie, who was to be second in command, all unhatted as they heard the long last farewell of the bells. every eye is fastened on the chief bowman's steel-shod pole, held high--there is silence but for the bells--the bowman's pole is lowered--as with one stroke out sweep the paddles in a poetry of motion. the chimes die away over the water, the chapel spire gleams--it, too, is gone. some one strikes up a plaintive ditty,--the _voyageur's_ song of the lost lady and the faded roses, or the dying farewell of cadieux, the hunter, to his comrades,--and the adventurers are launched for the western sea. [illustration: fight at the foot-hills of the rockies between crows and snakes.] ii - every mile westward was consecrated by heroism. there was the place where cadieux, the white hunter, went ashore single-handed to hold the iroquois at bay, while his comrades escaped by running the rapids; but cadieux was assailed by a subtler foe than the iroquois, _la folie des bois_,--the folly of the woods,--that sends the hunter wandering in endless circles till he dies from hunger; and when his companions returned, cadieux lay in eternal sleep with a death chant scribbled on bark across his breast. there were the rapids of the long sault where dollard and seventeen frenchmen fought seven hundred iroquois till every white man fell. not one of all de la vérendrye's fifty followers but knew that perils as great awaited him. streaked foam told the voyageurs where they were approaching rapids. alert as a hawk, the bowman stroked for the shore; and his stroke was answered by all paddles. if the water were high enough to carry the canoes above rocks, and the rapids were not too violent, several of the boatmen leaped out to knees in water, and "tracked" the canoes up stream; but this was unusual with loaded craft. the bowman steadied the beached keel. each man landed with pack on his back, lighted his pipe, and trotted away over portages so dank and slippery that only a moccasined foot could gain hold. on long portages, camp-fires were kindled and the kettles slung on the crotched sticks for the evening meal. at night, the voyageurs slept under the overturned canoes, or lay on the sand with bare faces to the sky. morning mist had not risen till all the boats were once more breasting the flood of the ottawa. for a month the canoe prows met the current when a portage lifted the fleet out of the ottawa into a shallow stream flowing toward lake nipissing, and from lake nipissing to lake huron. the change was a welcome relief. the canoes now rode with the current; and when a wind sprang up astern, blanket sails were hoisted that let the boatmen lie back, paddles athwart. going with the stream, the _voyageurs_ would "run"--"_sauter les rapides_"--the safest of the cataracts. bowman, not steersman, was the pilot of such "runs." a faint, far swish as of night wind, little forward leaps and swirls of the current, the blur of trees on either bank, were signs to the bowman. he rose in his place. a thrust of the steel-shod pole at a rock in mid-stream--the rock raced past; a throb of the keel to the live waters below--the bowman crouches back, lightening the prow just as a rider "lifts" his horse to the leap; a sudden splash--the thing has happened--the canoe has run the rapids or shot the falls. [illustration: "each man landed with pack on his back, and trotted away over portages."] pause was made at lake huron for favorable weather; and a rear wind would carry the canoes at a bouncing pace clear across to michilimackinac, at the mouth of lake michigan. this was the chief fur post of the lakes at that time. all the boats bound east or west, sioux and cree and iroquois and fox, traders' and priests' and outlaws'--stopped at michilimackinac. vice and brandy and religion were the characteristics of the fort. [illustration: a cree indian of the minnesota borderlands.] this was familiar ground to de la vérendrye. it was at the lonely fur post of nepigon, north of michilimackinac, in the midst of a wilderness forest, that he had eaten his heart out with baffled ambition from to , when he descended to montreal to lay before m. de beauharnois, the governor, plans for the discovery of the western sea. born at three rivers in , where the passion for discovery and radisson's fame were in the very air and traders from the wilderness of the upper country wintered, young pierre gaultier de varennes de la vérendrye, at the ambitious age of fourteen, determined that he would become a discoverer.[ ] at eighteen he was fighting in new england, at nineteen in newfoundland, at twenty-three in europe at the battle of malplaquet, where he was carried off the field with nine wounds. eager for more distinguished service, he returned to canada in his twenty-seventh year, only to find himself relegated to an obscure trading post in far northern wilds. then the boyhood ambitions reawakened. all france and canada, too, were ringing with projects for the discovery of the western sea. russia was acting. france knew it. the great priest charlevoix had been sent to canada to investigate plans for the venture, and had recommended an advance westward through the country of the sioux; but the sioux[ ] swarmed round the little fort at lake pepin on the mississippi like angry wasps. that way, exploration was plainly barred. nothing came of the attempt except a brisk fur trade and a brisker warfare on the part of the sioux. at the lonely post of nepigon, vague indian tales came to de la vérendrye of "a great river flowing west" and "a vast, flat country devoid of timber" with "large herds of cattle." ochagach, an old indian, drew maps on birch bark showing rivers that emptied into the western sea. de la vérendrye's smouldering ambitions kindled. he hurried to michilimackinac. there the traders and indians told the same story. glory seemed suddenly within de la vérendrye's grasp. carried away with the passion for discovery that ruled his age, he took passage in the canoes bound for quebec. the marquis charles de beauharnois had become governor. his brother claude had taken part in the exploration of the mississippi. the governor favored the project of the western sea. perhaps russia's activity gave edge to the governor's zest; but he promised de la vérendrye the court's patronage and prestige. this was not money. france would not advance the enthusiast one sou, but granted him a monopoly of the fur trade in the countries which he might discover. the winter of - was spent by de la vérendrye as the guest of the governor at château st. louis, arranging with merchants to furnish goods for trade; and on may the agreement was signed. by a lucky coincidence, the same winter that m. de la vérendrye had come down to quebec, there had arrived from the mississippi fort, his nephew, christopher dufrost, sieur de la jemmeraie, who had commanded the sioux post and been prisoner among the indians. so m. de la vérendrye chose jemmeraie for lieutenant. and now the explorer was back at michilimackinac, on the way to the accomplishment of the daring ambition of his life. the trip from montreal had fatigued the _voyageurs_. brandy flowed at the lake post freely as at a modern mining camp. the explorer kept military discipline over his men. they received no pay which could be squandered away on liquor. discontent grew rife. taking father messaiger, the jesuit, as chaplain, m. de la vérendrye ordered his grumbling _voyageurs_ to their canoes, and, passing through the straits of the sault, headed his fleet once more for the western sea. other explorers had preceded him on this part of the route. the jesuits had coasted the north shore of lake superior. so had radisson. in de noyon of three rivers had gone as far west as the lake of the woods towards what is now minnesota and manitoba; and in de lanoue had built a fur post at kaministiquia, near what is now fort william on lake superior. the shore was always perilous to the boatman of frail craft. the harbors were fathoms deep, and the waves thrashed by a cross wind often proved as dangerous as the high sea. it took m. de la vérendrye's canoemen a month to coast from the straits of mackinaw to kaministiquia, which they reached on the th of august, seventy-eight days after they had left montreal. the same distance is now traversed in two days. prospects were not encouraging. the crews were sulky. kaministiquia was the outermost post in the west. within a month, the early northern winter would set in. one hunter can scramble for his winter's food where fifty will certainly starve; and the indians could not be expected back from the chase with supplies of furs and food till spring. the canoemen had received no pay. free as woodland denizens, they chafed under military command. boats were always setting out at this season for the homeland hamlets of the st. lawrence; and perhaps other hunters told de la vérendrye's men that this western sea was a will-o'-the-wisp that would lead for leagues and leagues over strange lands, through hostile tribes, to a lonely death in the wilderness. when the explorer ordered his men once more in line to launch for the western sea, there was outright mutiny. soldiers and boatmen refused to go on. the jesuit messaiger threatened and expostulated with the men. jemmeraie, who had been among the sioux, interceded with the _voyageurs_. a compromise was effected. half the boatmen would go ahead with jemmeraie if m. de la vérendrye would remain with the other half at lake superior as a rear guard for retreat and the supply of provisions. so the explorer suffered his first check in the advance to the western sea. iii - equipping four canoes, lieutenant de la jemmeraie and young jean ba'tiste de la vérendrye set out with thirty men from kaministiquia, _portaged_ through dense forests over moss and dank rock past the high cataract of the falls, and launched westward to prepare a fort for the reception of their leader in spring. before winter had closed navigation, fort st. pierre--named in honor of the explorer--had been erected on the left bank or minnesota side of rainy lake, and the two young men not only succeeded in holding their mutinous followers, but drove a thriving trade in furs with the crees. perhaps the furs were obtained at too great cost, for ammunition and firearms were the price paid, but the same mistake has been made at a later day for a lesser object than the discovery of the western sea. the spring of saw the young men back at lake superior, going post-haste to michilimackinac to exchange furs for the goods from montreal. on the th of june, exactly a year from the day that he had left montreal, m. de la vérendrye pushed forward with all his people for fort st. pierre. five weeks later he was welcomed inside the stockades. uniformed soldiers were a wonder to the awe-struck crees, who hung round the gateway with hands over their hushed lips. gifts of ammunition won the loyalty of the chiefs. not to be lacking in generosity, the indians collected fifty of their gaudiest canoes and offered to escort the explorer west to the lake of the woods. de la vérendrye could not miss such an offer. though his _voyageurs_ were fatigued, he set out at once. he had reached fort st. pierre on july . in august his entire fleet glided over the lake of the woods. the threescore canoes manned by the cree boatmen threaded the shadowy defiles and labyrinthine channels of the lake of the woods--or lake of the isles--coasting island after island along the south or minnesota shore westward to the opening of the river at the northwest angle. this was the border of the sioux territory. before the boatmen opened the channel of an unknown river. around them were sheltered harbors, good hunting, and good fishing. the crees favored this region for winter camping ground because they could hide their families from the sioux on the sheltered islands of the wooded lake. night frosts had painted the forests red. the flacker of wild-fowl overhead, the skim of ice forming on the lake, the poignant sting of the north wind--all fore-warned winter's approach. jean de la vérendrye had not come up with the supplies from michilimackinac. the explorer did not tempt mutiny by going farther. he ordered a halt and began building a fort that was to be the centre of operations between montreal and the unfound western sea. the fort was named st. charles in honor of beauharnois. it was defended by four rows of thick palisades fifteen feet high. in the middle of the enclosure stood the living quarters, log cabins with thatched roofs. [illustration: a group of cree indians.] by october the indians had scattered to their hunting-grounds like leaves to the wind. the ice thickened. by november the islands were ice-locked and snow had drifted waist-high through the forests. the _voyageurs_ could still fish through ice holes for food; but where was young jean who was to bring up provisions from michilimackinac? the commander did not voice his fears; and his men were too deep in the wilds for desertion. one afternoon, a shout sounded from the silent woods, and out from the white-edged evergreens stepped a figure on snowshoes--jean de la vérendrye, leading his boatmen, with the provisions packed on their backs, from a point fifty miles away where the ice had caught the canoes. if the supplies had not come, the explorer could neither have advanced nor retreated in spring. it was a risk that de la vérendrye did not intend to have repeated. suspecting that his merchant partners were dissatisfied, he sent jemmeraie down to montreal in to report and urge the necessity for prompt forwarding of all supplies. with jemmeraie went the jesuit messaiger; but their combined explanations failed to satisfy the merchants of montreal. de la vérendrye had now been away three years. true, he had constructed two fur posts and sent east two cargoes of furs. his partners were looking for enormous wealth. disappointed and caring nothing for the western sea; perhaps, too, secretly accusing de la vérendrye of making profits privately, as many a gentleman of fortune did,--the merchants decided to advance provisions only in proportion to earnings. what would become of the fifty men in the northern wilderness the partners neither asked nor cared. young jean had meanwhile pushed on and built fort maurepas on lake winnipeg; but his father dared not leave fort st. charles without supplies. de la vérendrye's position was now desperate. he was hopelessly in debt to his men for wages. that did not help discipline. his partners were not only withholding supplies, but charging up a high rate of interest on the first equipment. to turn back meant ruin. to go forward he was powerless. leaving jemmeraie in command, and permitting his eager son to go ahead with a few picked men to fort maurepas on lake winnipeg, de la vérendrye took a small canoe and descended with all swiftness to quebec. the winter of - was spent with the governor; and the partners were convinced that they must either go on with the venture or lose all. they consented to continue supplying goods, but also charging all outlay against the explorer. father aulneau went back with de la vérendrye as chaplain. the trip was made at terrible speed, in the hottest season, through stifling forest fires. behind, at slower pace, came the provisions. de la vérendrye reached the lake of the woods in september. fearing the delay of the goods for trade, and dreading the danger of famine with so many men in one place, de la vérendrye despatched jemmeraie to winter with part of the forces at lake winnipeg, where jean and pierre, the second son, had built fort maurepas. the worst fears were realized. ice had blocked the northern rivers by the time the supplies had come to lake superior. fishing failed. the hunt was poor. during the winter of food became scantier at the little forts of st. pierre, st. charles, and maurepas. rations were reduced from three times to once and twice a day. by spring de la vérendrye was put to all the extremities of famine-stricken traders, his men subsisting on parchment, moccasin leather, roots, and their hunting dogs. he was compelled to wait at st. charles for the delayed supplies. while he waited came blow upon blow: jean and pierre arrived from fort maurepas with news that jemmeraie had died three weeks before on his way down to aid de la vérendrye. wrapped in a hunter's robe, his body was buried in the sand-bank of a little northern stream, la fourche des roseaux. over the lonely grave the two brothers had erected a cross. father and sons took stock of supplies. they had not enough powder to last another month, and already the indians were coming in with furs and food to be traded for ammunition. if the crees had known the weakness of the white men, short work might have been made of fort st. charles. it never entered the minds of de la vérendrye and his sons to give up. they decided to rush three canoes of twenty _voyageurs_ to michilimackinac for food and powder. father aulneau, the young priest, accompanied the boatmen to attend a religious retreat at michilimackinac. it had been a hard year for the youthful missionary. the ship that brought him from france had been plague-stricken. the trip to fort st. charles had been arduous and swift, through stifling heat; and the year passed in the north was one of famine. accompanied by the priest and led by jean de la vérendrye, now in his twenty-third year, the _voyageurs_ embarked hurriedly on the th of june, , five years to a day from the time that they left montreal--and a fateful day it was--in the search for the western sea. the crees had always been friendly; and when the boatmen landed on a sheltered island twenty miles from fort st. charles to camp for the night, no sentry was stationed. the lake lay calm as glass in the hot june night, the camp-fire casting long lines across the water that could be seen for miles. an early start was to be made in the morning and a furious pace to be kept all the way to lake superior, and the _voyageurs_ were presently sound asleep on the sand. the keenest ears could scarcely have distinguished the soft lapping of muffled paddles; and no one heard the moccasined tread of ambushed indians reconnoitring. seventeen sioux stepped from their canoes, stole from cover to cover, and looked out on the unsuspecting sleepers. then the indians as noiselessly slipped back to their canoes to carry word of the discovery to a band of marauders. [illustration: "the soldiers marched out from mount royal."] something had occurred at fort st. charles without m. de la vérendrye's knowledge. hilarious with their new possessions of firearms, and perhaps, also, mad with the brandy of which father aulneau had complained, a few mischievous crees had fired from the fort on wandering sioux of the prairie. "who--fire--on--us?" demanded the outraged sioux. "the french," laughed the crees. the sioux at once went back to a band of one hundred and thirty warriors. "tigers of the plains" the sioux were called, and now the tigers' blood was up. they set out to slay the first white man seen. by chance, he was one bourassa, coasting by himself. taking him captive, they had tied him to burn him, when a slave squaw rushed out, crying: "what would you do? this frenchman is a friend of the sioux! he saved my life! if you desire to be avenged, go farther on! you will find a camp of frenchmen, among whom is the son of the white chief!" the _voyageur_ was at once unbound, and scouts scattered to find the white men. night had passed before the scouts had carried news of jean de la vérendrye's men to the marauding warriors. the ghostly gray of dawn saw the _voyageurs_ paddling swiftly through the morning mist from island to island of the lake of the woods. cleaving the mist behind, following solely by the double foam wreaths rippling from the canoe prows, came the silent boats of the sioux. when sunrise lifted the fog, the pursuers paused like stealthy cats. at sunrise jean de la vérendrye landed his crews for breakfast. camp-fires told the indians where to follow. a few days later bands of sautaux came to the camping ground of the french. the heads of the white men lay on a beaver skin. all had been scalped. the missionary, aulneau, was on his knees, as if in morning prayers. an arrow projected from his head. his left hand was on the earth, fallen forward, his right hand uplifted, invoking divine aid. young vérendrye lay face down, his back hacked to pieces, a spear sunk in his waist, the headless body mockingly decorated with porcupine quills. so died one of the bravest of the young nobility in new france. the sautaux erected a cairn of stones over the bodies of the dead. all that was known of the massacre was vague indian gossip. the sioux reported that they had not intended to murder the priest, but a crazy-brained fanatic had shot the fatal arrow and broken from restraint, weapon in hand. rain-storms had washed out all marks of the fray. in september the bodies of the victims were carried to fort st. charles, and interred in the chapel. eight hundred crees besought m. de la vérendrye to let them avenge the murder; but the veteran of malplaquet exhorted them not to war. meanwhile, fort st. charles awaited the coming of supplies from lake superior. iv - a week passed, and on the th of june the canoe loads of ammunition and supplies for which the murdered _voyageurs_ had been sent arrived at fort st. charles. in june the indian hunters came in with the winter's hunt; and on the th thirty sautaux hurried to fort st. charles, to report that they had found the mangled bodies of the massacred frenchmen on an island seven leagues from the fort. again la vérendrye had to choose whether to abandon his cherished dreams, or follow them at the risk of ruin and death. as before, when his men had mutinied, he determined to advance. jean, the eldest son, was dead. pierre and françois were with their father. louis, the youngest, now seventeen years of age, had come up with the supplies. pierre at once went to lake winnipeg, to prepare fort maurepas for the reception of all the forces. winter set in. snow lay twelve feet deep in the forests now known as the minnesota borderlands. on february , , in the face of a biting north wind, with the thermometer at forty degrees below zero, m. de la vérendrye left fort st. charles, françois carrying the french flag, with ten soldiers, wearing snow-shoes, in line behind, and two or three hundred crees swathed in furs bringing up a ragged rear. the bright uniforms of the soldiers were patches of red among the snowy everglades. bivouac was made on beds of pine boughs,--feet to the camp-fire, the night frost snapping like a whiplash, the stars flashing with a steely clearness known only in northern climes. the march was at a swift pace, for three weeks by canoe is short enough time to traverse the minnesota and manitoba borderlands northwest to lake winnipeg; and in seventeen days m. de la vérendrye was at fort maurepas. fort maurepas (in the region of the modern alexander) lay on a tongue of sand extending into the lake a few miles beyond the entrance of red river. tamarack and poplar fringe the shore; and in windy weather the lake is lashed into a roughness that resembles the flux of ocean tides. i remember once going on a steamer towards the site of maurepas. the ship drew lightest of draft. while we were anchored the breeze fell, and the ship was stranded as if by ebb tide for twenty-four hours. the action of the wind explained the indian tales of an ocean tide, which had misled la vérendrye into expecting to find the western sea at this point. he found a magnificent body of fresh water, but not the ocean. the fort was the usual pioneer fur post--a barracks of unbarked logs, chinked up with frozen clay and moss, roofed with branches and snow, occupying the centre of a courtyard, palisaded by slabs of pine logs. m. de la vérendrye was now in the true realm of the explorer--in territory where no other white man had trod. with a shout his motley forces emerged from the snowy tamaracks, and with a shout from pierre de la vérendrye and his tawny followers the explorer was welcomed through the gateway of little fort maurepas. [illustration: traders' boats running the rapids of the athabasca river.] pierre de la vérendrye had heard of a region to the south much frequented by the assiniboine indians, who had conducted radisson to the sea of the north fifty years before--the forks where the assiniboine river joins the red, and the city of winnipeg stands to-day. it was reported that game was plentiful here. two hundred tepees of assiniboines were awaiting the explorer. his forces were worn with their marching, but in a few weeks the glaze of ice above the fathomless drifts of snow would be too rotten for travel, and not until june would the riverways be clear for canoes. but such a scant supply of goods had his partners sent up that poor de la vérendrye had nothing to trade with the waiting assiniboines. sending his sons forward to reconnoitre the forks of the assiniboine,--the modern winnipeg,--he set out for montreal as soon as navigation opened, taking with him fourteen great canoes of precious furs. the fourteen canoe loads proved his salvation. as long as there were furs and prospects of furs, his partners would back the enterprise of finding the western sea. the winter of was spent as the guest of the governor at château st. louis. the partners were satisfied, and plucked up hope of their venture. they would advance provisions in proportion to earnings. by september he was back at fort maurepas on lake winnipeg, pushing for the undiscovered bourne of the western sea. leaving orders for trade with the chief clerk at maurepas, de la vérendrye picked out his most intrepid men; and in september of , for the first time in history, white men glided up the ochre-colored, muddy current of the red for the forks of the assiniboine. ten cree wigwams and two war chiefs awaited de la vérendrye on the low flats of what are now known as south winnipeg. not the fabled western sea, but an illimitable ocean of rolling prairie--the long russet grass rising and falling to the wind like waves to the run of invisible feet--stretched out before the eager eyes of the explorer. northward lay the autumn-tinged brushwood of red river. south, shimmering in the purple mists of indian summer, was red river valley. westward the sun hung like a red shield, close to the horizon, over vast reaches of prairie billowing to the sky-line in the tide of a boundless ocean. such was the discovery of the canadian northwest. doubtless the weary gaze of the tired _voyageurs_ turned longingly westward. where was the western sea? did it lie just beyond the horizon where skyline and prairie met, or did the trail of their quest run on--on--on--endlessly? the assiniboine flows into the red, the red into lake winnipeg, the lake into hudson bay. plainly, assiniboine valley was not the way to the western sea. but what lay just beyond this assiniboine valley? an old cree chief warned the boatmen that the assiniboine river was very low and would wreck the canoes; but he also told vague yarns of "great waters beyond the mountains of the setting sun," where white men dwelt, and the waves came in a tide, and the waters were salt. the western sea where the spaniards dwelt had long been known. it was a western sea to the north, that would connect louisiana and canada, that de la vérendrye sought. the indian fables, without doubt, referred to a sea beyond the assiniboine river, and thither would de la vérendrye go at any cost. some sort of barracks or shelter was knocked up on the south side of the assiniboine opposite the flats. it was subsequently known as fort rouge, after the color of the adjacent river, and was the foundation of winnipeg. leaving men to trade at fort rouge, de la vérendrye set out on september , , for the height of land that must lie beyond the sources of the assiniboine. de la vérendrye was now like a man hounded by his own frankenstein. a thousand leagues--every one marked by disaster and failure and sinking hopes--lay behind him. a thousand leagues of wilderness lay before him. he had only a handful of men. the assiniboine indians were of dubious friendliness. the white men were scarce of food. in a few weeks they would be exposed to the terrible rigors of northern winter. yet they set their faces toward the west, types of the pioneers who have carved empire out of wilderness. [illustration: the ragged sky-line of the mountains.] the assiniboine was winding and low, with many sand bars. on the wooded banks deer and buffalo grazed in such countless multitudes that the boatmen took them for great herds of cattle. flocks of wild geese darkened the sky overhead. as the boats wound up the shallows of the river, ducks rose in myriad flocks. prairie wolves skulked away from the river bank, and the sand-hill cranes were so unused to human presence that they scarcely rose as the voyageurs poled past. while the boatmen poled, the soldiers marched in military order across country, so avoiding the bends of the river. daily, crees and assiniboines of the plains joined the white men. a week after leaving the forks or fort rouge, de la vérendrye came to the portage of the prairie, leading north to lake manitoba and from the lake to hudson bay. clearly, northward was not the way to the western sea; but the assiniboines told of a people to the southwest--the mandans--who knew a people who lived on the western sea. as soon as his baggage came up, de la vérendrye ordered the construction of a fort--called de la reine--on the banks of the assiniboine. this was to be the forwarding post for the western sea. to the mandans living on the missouri, who knew a people living on salt water, de la vérendrye now directed his course. [illustration: hungry hall, ; near the site of the vérendrye fort in rainy river region.] on the morning of october drums beat to arms. additional men had come up from the other forts. fifty-two soldiers and _voyageurs_ now stood in line. arms were inspected. to each man were given powder, balls, axe, and kettle. pierre and françois de la vérendrye hoisted the french flag. for the first time a bugle call sounded over the prairie. at the word, out stepped the little band of white men, marking time for the western sea. the course lay west-southwest, up the souris river, through wooded ravines now stripped of foliage, past alkali sloughs ice-edged by frost, over rolling cliffs russet and bare, where gopher and badger and owl and roving buffalo were the only signs of life. on the st of october two hundred assiniboine warriors joined the marching white men. in the sheltered ravines buffalo grazed by the hundreds of thousands, and the march was delayed by frequent buffalo hunts to gather pemmican--pounded marrow and fat of the buffalo--which was much esteemed by the mandans. within a month so many assiniboines had joined the french that the company numbered more than six hundred warriors, who were ample protection against the sioux; and the sioux were the deadly terror of all tribes of the plains. but m. de la vérendrye was expected to present ammunition to his assiniboine friends. four outrunners went speeding to the missouri to notify the mandans of the advancing warriors. the _coureurs_ carried presents of pemmican. to prevent surprise, the assiniboines marched under the sheltered slopes of the hills and observed military order. in front rode the warriors, dressed in garnished buckskin and armed with spears and arrows. behind, on foot, came the old and the lame. to the rear was another guard of warriors. lagging in ragged lines far back came a ragamuffin brigade, the women, children, and dogs--squaws astride cayuses lean as barrel hoops, children in moss bags on their mothers' backs, and horses and dogs alike harnessed with the _travaille_--two sticks tied into a triangle, with the shafts fastened to a cinch on horse or dog. the joined end of the shafts dragged on the ground, and between them hung the baggage, surmounted by papoose, or pet owl, or the half-tamed pup of a prairie-wolf, or even a wild-eyed young squaw with hair flying to the wind. at night camp was made in a circle formed of the hobbled horses. outside, the dogs scoured in pursuit of coyotes. the women and children took refuge in the centre, and the warriors slept near their picketed horses. by the middle of november the motley cavalcade had crossed the height of land between the assiniboine river and the missouri, and was heading for the mandan villages. mandan _coureurs_ came out to welcome the visitors, pompously presenting de la vérendrye with corn in the ear and tobacco. at this stage, the explorer discovered that his bag of presents for his hosts had been stolen by the assiniboines; but he presented the mandans with what ammunition he could spare, and gave them plenty of pemmican which his hunters had cured. the two tribes drove a brisk trade in furs, which the northern indians offered, and painted plumes, which the mandans displayed to the envy of assiniboine warriors. on the d of december, de la vérendrye's sons stepped before the ragged host of six hundred savages with the french flag hoisted. the explorer himself was lifted to the shoulders of the mandan _coureurs_. a gun was fired and the strange procession set out for the mandan villages. in this fashion white men first took possession of the upper missouri. some miles from the lodges a band of old chiefs met de la vérendrye and gravely handed him a grand calumet of pipestone ornamented with eagle feathers. this typified peace. de la vérendrye ordered his fifty french followers to draw up in line. the sons placed the french flag four paces to the fore. the assiniboine warriors took possession in stately indian silence to the right and left of the whites. at a signal three thundering volleys of musketry were fired. the mandans fell back, prostrated with fear and wonder. the command "forward" was given, and the mandan village was entered in state at four in the afternoon of december , . the village was in much the same condition as a hundred years later when visited by prince maximilian and by the artist catlin. it consisted of circular huts, with thatched roofs, on which perched the gaping women and children. around the village of huts ran a moat or ditch, which was guarded in time of war with the sioux. flags flew from the centre poles of each hut; but the flags were the scalps of enemies slain. in the centre of the village was a larger hut. this was the "medicine lodge," or council hall, of the chiefs, used only for ceremonies of religion and war and treaties of peace. thither de la vérendrye was conducted. here the mandan chiefs sat on buffalo robes in a circle round the fire, smoking the calumet, which was handed to the white man. the explorer then told the indians of his search for the western sea. of a western sea they could tell him nothing definite. they knew a people far west who grew corn and tobacco and who lived on the shores of water that was bitter for drinking. the people were white. they dressed in armor and lived in houses of stone. their country was full of mountains. more of the western sea, de la vérendrye could not learn. meanwhile, six hundred assiniboine visitors were a tax on the hospitality of the mandans, who at once spread a rumor of a sioux raid. this gave speed to the assiniboines' departure. among the assiniboines who ran off in precipitate fright was de la vérendrye's interpreter. it was useless to wait longer. the french were short of provisions, and the missouri indians could not be expected to support fifty white men. though it was the bitter cold of midwinter, de la vérendrye departed for fort de la reine. two frenchmen were left to learn the missouri dialects. a french flag in a leaden box with the arms of france inscribed was presented to the mandan chief; and de la vérendrye marched from the village on the th of december. scarcely had he left, when he fell terribly ill; but for the pathfinder of the wilderness there is neither halt nor retreat. m. de la vérendrye's ragged army tramped wearily on, half blinded by snow glare and buffeted by prairie blizzards, huddling in snowdrifts from the wind at night and uncertain of their compass over the white wastes by day. there is nothing so deadly silent and utterly destitute of life as the prairie in midwinter. moose and buffalo had sought the shelter of wooded ravines. here a fox track ran over the snow. there a coyote skulked from cover, to lope away the next instant for brushwood or hollow, and snow-buntings or whiskey-jacks might have followed the marchers for pickings of waste; but east, west, north, and south was nothing but the wide, white wastes of drifted snow. on christmas eve of low curling smoke above the prairie told the wanderers that they were nearing the indian camps of the assiniboines; and by nightfall of february , , they were under the shelter of fort de la reine. "i have never been so wretched from illness and fatigue in all my life as on that journey," reported de la vérendrye. as usual, provisions were scarce at the fort. fifty people had to be fed. buffalo and deer meat saved the french from starvation till spring. [illustration: a monarch of the plains.] all that de la vérendrye had accomplished on this trip was to learn that salt water existed west-southwest. anxious to know more of the northwest, he sent his sons to the banks of a great northern river. this was the saskatchewan. in their search of the northwest, they constructed two more trading posts, fort dauphin near lake manitoba, and bourbon on the saskatchewan. winter quarters were built at the forks of the river, which afterwards became the site of fort poskoyac. this spring not a canoe load of food came up from montreal. papers had been served for the seizure of all de la vérendrye's forts, goods, property, and chattels to meet the claims of his creditors. desperate, but not deterred from his quest, de la vérendrye set out to contest the lawsuits in montreal. v - which way to turn now for the western sea that eluded their quest like a will-o'-the-wisp was the question confronting pierre, françois, and louis de la vérendrye during the explorer's absence in montreal. they had followed the great saskatchewan westward to its forks. no river was found in this region flowing in the direction of the western sea. they had been in the country of the missouri; but neither did any river there flow to a western sea. yet the mandans told of salt water far to the west. thither they would turn the baffling search. the two men left among the mandans to learn the language had returned to the assiniboine river with more news of tribes from "the setting sun" who dwelt on salt water. pierre de la vérendrye went down to the missouri with the two interpreters; but the mandans refused to supply guides that year, and the young frenchman came back to winter on the assiniboine. here he made every preparation for another attempt to find the western sea by way of the missouri. on april , , the two brothers, pierre and françois, left the assiniboine with the two interpreters. their course led along the trail that for two hundred years was to be a famous highway between the missouri and hudson bay. heading southwest, they followed the souris river to the watershed of the missouri, and in three weeks were once more the guests of the smoky mandan lodges. round the inside walls of each circular hut ran berth beds of buffalo skin with trophies of the chase,--hide-shields and weapons of war, fastened to the posts that separated berth from berth. a common fire, with a family meat pot hanging above, occupied the centre of the lodge. in one of these lodges the two brothers and their men were quartered. the summer passed feasting with the mandans and smoking the calumet of peace; but all was in vain. the missouri indians were arrant cowards in the matter of war. the terror of their existence was the sioux. the mandans would not venture through sioux territory to accompany the brothers in the search for the western sea. at last two guides were obtained, who promised to conduct the french to a neighboring tribe that might know of the western sea. [illustration: fur traders' boats towed down the saskatchewan in the summer of .] the party set out on horseback, travelling swiftly southwest and along the valley of the little missouri toward the black hills. here their course turned sharply west toward the powder river country, past the southern bounds of the yellowstone. for three weeks they saw no sign of human existence. deer and antelope bounded over the parched alkali uplands. prairie dogs perched on top of their earth mounds, to watch the lonely riders pass; and all night the far howl of grayish forms on the offing of the starlit prairie told of prowling coyotes. on the th of august the brothers camped on the powder hills. mounting to the crest of a cliff, they scanned far and wide for signs of the indians whom the mandans knew. the valleys were desolate. kindling a signal-fire to attract any tribes that might be roaming, they built a hut and waited. a month passed. there was no answering signal. one of the mandan guides took himself off in fright. on the fifth week a thin line of smoke rose against the distant sky. the remaining mandans went to reconnoitre and found a camp of beaux hommes, or crows, who received the french well. obtaining fresh guides from the crows and dismissing the mandans, the brothers again headed westward. the crows guided them to the horse indians, who in turn took the french to their next western neighbors, the bows. the bows were preparing to war on the snakes, a mountain tribe to the west. tepees dotted the valley. women were pounding the buffalo meat into pemmican for the raiders. the young braves spent the night with war-song and war-dance, to work themselves into a frenzy of bravado. the bows were to march west; so the french joined the warriors, gradually turning northwest toward what is now helena. it was winter. the hills were powdered with snow that obliterated all traces of the fleeing snakes. the way became more mountainous and dangerous. iced sloughs gave place to swift torrents and cataracts. on new year's day, , there rose through the gray haze to the fore the ragged sky-line of the bighorn mountains. women and children were now left in a sheltered valley, the warriors advancing unimpeded. françois de la vérendrye remained at the camp to guard the baggage. pierre went on with the raiders. in two weeks they were at the foot of the main range of the northern rockies. against the sky the snowy heights rose--an impassable barrier between the plains and the western sea. what lay beyond--the beyond that had been luring them on and on, from river to river and land to land, for more than ten years? surely on the other side of those lofty summits one might look down on the long-sought western sea. never suspecting that another thousand miles of wilderness and mountain fastness lay between him and his quest, young de la vérendrye wanted to cross the great divide. destiny decreed otherwise. the raid of the bows against the snakes ended in a fiasco. no snakes were to be found at their usual winter hunt. had they decamped to massacre the bow women and children left in the valley to the rear? the bows fled back to their wives in a panic; so de la vérendrye could not climb the mountains that barred the way to the sea. the retreat was made in the teeth of a howling mountain blizzard, and the warriors reached the rendezvous more dead than alive. no snake indians were seen at all. the bows marched homeward along the valley of the upper missouri through the country of the sioux, with whom they were allied. on the banks of the river the brothers buried a leaden plate with the royal arms of france imprinted. at the end of july, , they were once more back on the assiniboine river. for thirteen years they had followed a hopeless quest. instead of a western sea, they had found a sea of prairie, a sea of mountains, and two great rivers, the saskatchewan and the missouri. vi - but the explorer, who had done so much to extend french domain in the west, was a ruined man. to the accusations of his creditors were added the jealous calumnies of fur traders eager to exploit the new country. the eldest son, with tireless energy, had gone up the saskatchewan to fort poskoyac when he was recalled to take a position in the army at montreal. in de la vérendrye himself was summoned to quebec and his command given to m. de noyelles. the game being played by jealous rivals was plain. de la vérendrye was to be kept out of the west while tools of the quebec traders spied out the fur trade of the assiniboine and the missouri. immediately on receiving freedom from military duty, young chevalier de la vérendrye set out for manitoba. on the way he met his father's successor, m. de noyelles, coming home crestfallen. the supplanter had failed to control the indians. in one year half the forts of the chain leading to the western sea had been destroyed. these chevalier de la vérendrye restored as he passed westward. governor beauharnois had always refused to believe the charges of private peculation against m. de la vérendrye. governor de la galissonnière was equally favorable to the explorer; and de la vérendrye was decorated with the order of the cross of st. louis, and given permission to continue his explorations. the winter of was passed preparing supplies for the posts of the west; but a life of hardship and disappointment had undermined the constitution of the dauntless pathfinder. on the th of december, while busy with plans for his hazardous and thankless quest, he died suddenly at montreal. rival fur traders scrambled for the spoils of the manitoba and missouri territory like dogs for a bone. de la jonquière had become governor. allied with him was the infamous bigot, the intendant, and those two saw in the western fur trade an opportunity to enrich themselves. the rights of de la vérendrye's sons to succeed their father were entirely disregarded. legardeur de saint-pierre was appointed commander of the western sea. the very goods forwarded by de la vérendrye were confiscated. [illustration: "tepees dotted the valley."] but saint-pierre had enough trouble from his appointment. his lieutenant, m. de niverville, almost lost his life among hostiles on the way down the saskatchewan after building fort lajonquière at the foothills of the rockies, where calgary now stands. saint-pierre had headquarters in manitoba on the assiniboine, and one afternoon in midwinter, when his men were out hunting, he saw his fort suddenly fill with armed assiniboines bent on massacre. they jostled him aside, broke into the armory, and helped themselves to weapons. saint-pierre had only one recourse. seizing a firebrand, he tore the cover off a keg of powder and threatened to blow the indians to perdition. the marauders dashed from the fort, and saint-pierre shot the bolts of gate and sally-port. when the white hunters returned, they quickly gathered their possessions together and abandoned fort de la reine. four days later the fort lay in ashes. so ended the dream of enthusiasts to find a way overland to the western sea. [ ] the authorities for la vérendrye's life are, of course, his own reports as found in the state papers of the canadian archives, pierre margry's compilation of these reports, and the rev. father jones' collection of the _aulneau letters_. [ ] the _pays d'en haut_ or "up-country" was the vague name given by the fur traders to the region between the missouri and the north pole. [ ] throughout this volume the word "sioux" is used as applying to the entire confederacy, and not to the minnesota sioux only. part iii - search for the northwest passage leads samuel hearne to the arctic circle and athabasca region chapter ix - samuel hearne the adventures of hearne in his search for the coppermine river and the northwest passage--hilarious life of wassail led by governor norton--the massacre of the eskimo by hearne's indians north of the arctic circle--discovery of the athabasca country--hearne becomes resident governor of the hudson's bay company, but is captured by the french--frightful death of norton and suicide of matonabbee for a hundred years after receiving its charter to exploit the furs of the north, the hudson's bay company slumbered on the edge of a frozen sea. its fur posts were scattered round the desolate shores of the northern bay like beads on a string; but the languid company never attempted to penetrate the unknown lands beyond the coast. it was unnecessary. the indians came to the company. the company did not need to go to the indians. just as surely as spring cleared the rivers of ice and set the unlocked torrents rushing to the sea, there floated down-stream indian dugout and birch canoe, loaded with wealth of peltries for the fur posts of the english company. so the english sat snugly secure inside their stockades, lords of the wilderness, and drove a thriving trade with folded hands. for a penny knife, they bought a beaver skin; and the skin sold in europe for two or three shillings. the trade of the old company was not brisk; but it paid. [illustration: an eskimo belle. note the apron of ermine and sable]. it was the prod of keen french traders that stirred the slumbering giant. in his search for the western sea, de la vérendrye had pushed west by way of the great lakes to the missouri and the rocky mountains and the saskatchewan. henceforth, not so many furs came down-stream to the english company on the bay. de la vérendrye had been followed by hosts of free-lances--_coureurs_ and _voyageurs_--who spread through the wilderness from the missouri to the athabasca, intercepting the fleets of furs that formerly went to hudson bay. the english company rubbed its eyes; and rivals at home began to ask what had been done in return for the charter. france had never ceased seeking the mythical western sea that was supposed to lie just beyond the mississippi; and when french buccaneers destroyed the english company's forts on the bay, the english ambassador at paris exacted such an enormous bill of damages that the hudson bay traders were enabled to build a stronger fortress up at prince of wales on the mouth of churchill river than the french themselves possessed at quebec on the st. lawrence. what--asked the rivals of the company in london--had been done in return for such national protection? france had discovered and explored a whole new world north of the missouri. what had the english done? where did the western sea of which spain had possession in the south lie towards the north? what lay between the hudson bay and that western sea? was there a northwest passage by water through this region to asia? if not, was there an undiscovered world in the north, like louisiana in the south? there was talk of revoking the charter. then the company awakened from its long sleep with a mighty stir. the annual boats that came out to hudson bay in the summer of anchored on the offing, six miles from the gray walls of fort prince of wales, and roared out a salute of cannon becoming the importance of ships that bore almost revolutionary commissions. the fort cannon on the walls of churchill river thundered their answer. a pinnace came scudding over the waves from the ships. a gig boat launched out from the fort to welcome the messengers. where the two met halfway, packets of letters were handed to moses norton, governor at fort prince of wales, commanding him to despatch his most intrepid explorers for the discovery of unknown rivers, strange lands, rumored copper mines, and the mythical northwest passage that was supposed to lead directly to china. the fort lay on a spit of sand running out into the bay at the mouth of churchill river. it was three hundred yards long by three hundred yards wide, with four bastions, in three of which were stores and wells of water. the fourth bastion contained the powder-magazine. the walls were thirty feet wide at the bottom and twenty feet wide at the top, of hammer-dressed stone, mounted with forty great cannon. a commodious stone house, furnished with all the luxuries of the chase, stood in the centre of the courtyard. this was the residence of the governor. offices, warehouses, barracks, and hunters' lodges were banked round the inner walls of the fort. the garrison consisted of thirty-nine common soldiers and a few officers. in addition, there hung about the fort the usual habitués of a northern fur post,--young clerks from england, who had come out for a year's experience in the wilds; underpaid artisans, striving to mend their fortunes by illicit trade; hunters and _coureurs_ and _voyageurs_, living like indians but with a strain of white blood that forever distinguished them from their comrades; stately indian sachems, stalking about the fort with whiffs of contempt from their long calumets for all this white-man luxury; and a ragamuffin brigade,--squaws, youngsters, and beggars,--who subsisted by picking up food from the waste heap of the fort. the commission to despatch explorers to the inland country proved the sensation of a century at the fort. round the long mess-room table gathered officers and traders, intent on the birch-bark maps drawn by old indian chiefs of an unknown interior, where a "far-off-metal river" flowed down to the northwest passage. huge log fires blazed on the stone hearths at each end of the mess room. smoky lanterns and pine fagots, dipped in tallow and stuck in iron clamps, shed a fitful light from rafters that girded ceiling and walls. on the floor of flagstones lay enormous skins of the chase--polar bear, arctic wolf, and grizzly. heads of musk-ox, caribou, and deer decorated the great timber girders. draped across the walls were company flags--an english ensign with the letters "h. b. c." painted in white on a red background, or in red on a white background. at the head of the table sat one of the most remarkable scoundrels known in the annals of the company, moses norton, governor of fort prince of wales, a full-blooded indian, who had been sent to england for nine years to be educated and had returned to the fort to resume all the vices and none of the virtues of white man and red. clean-skinned, copper-colored, lithe and wiry as a tiger cat, with the long, lank, oily black hair of his race, norton bore himself with all the airs of a european princelet and dressed himself in the beaded buckskins of a savage. before him the indians cringed as before one of their demon gods, and on the same principle. bad gods could do the indians harm. good gods wouldn't. therefore, the indians propitiated the bad gods; and of all indian demons norton was the worst. the black arts of mediaeval poisoning were known to him, and he never scrupled to use them against an enemy. the indians thought him possessed of the power of the evil eye; but his power was that of arsenic or laudanum dropped in the food of an unsuspecting enemy. two of his wives, with all of whom he was inordinately jealous, had died of poison. against white men who might offend him he used more open means,--the triangle, the whipping post, the branding iron. needless to say that a man who wielded such power swelled the company's profits and stood high in favor with the directors. at his right hand lay an enormous bunch of keys. these he carried with him by day and kept under his pillow by night. they were the keys to the apartments of his many wives, for like all indians norton believed in a plurality of wives, and the life of no indian was safe who refused to contribute a daughter to the harem. the two master passions of the governor were jealousy and tyranny; and while he lived like a turkish despot himself, he ruled his fort with a rod of iron and left the brand of his wrath on the person of soldier or officer who offered indignity to the indian race. it was a common thing for norton to poison an indian who refused to permit a daughter to join the collection of wives; then to flog the back off a soldier who casually spoke to one of the wives in the courtyard; and in the evening spend the entire supper hour preaching sermons on virtue to his men. by a curious freak, marie, his daughter, now a child of nine, inherited from her father the gentle qualities of the english life in which he had passed his youth. she shunned the native women and was often to be seen hanging on her father's arm, as officers and governor smoked their pipes over the mess-room table. near norton sat another famous indian, matonabbee, the son of a slave woman at the fort, who had grown up to become a great ambassador to the native tribes for the english traders. measuring more than six feet, straight as a lance, supple as a wrestler, thin, wiry, alert, restless with the instinct of the wild creatures, matonabbee was now in the prime of his manhood, chief of the chipewyans at the fort, and master of life and death to all in his tribe. it was matonabbee whom the english traders sent up the saskatchewan to invite the tribes of the athabasca down to the bay. the athabascans listened to the message of peace with a treacherous smile. at midnight assassins stole to his tent, overpowered his slave, and dragged the captive out. leaping to his feet, matonabbee shouted defiance, hurled his assailants aside like so many straws, pursued the raiders to their tents, single-handed released his slave, and marched out unscathed. that was the way matonabbee had won the athabascans for the hudson's bay company. officers of the garrison, bluff sea-captains, spinning yarns of iceberg and floe, soldiers and traders, made up the rest of the company. among the white men was one eager face,--that of samuel hearne, who was to explore the interior and now scanned the birch-bark drawings to learn the way to the "far-off-metal river." [illustration: samuel hearne.] by november all was in readiness for the departure of the explorer. two indian guides, who knew the way to the north, were assigned to hearne; two european servants went with him to look after the provisions; and two indian hunters joined the company. in the gray mist of northern dawn, with the stars still pricking through the frosty air, seven salutes of cannon awakened the echoes of the frozen sea. the gates of the fort flung open, creaking with the frost rust, and hearne came out, followed by his little company, the dog bells of the long toboggan sleighs setting up a merry jingling as the huskies broke from a trot to a gallop over the snow-fields for the north. heading west-northwest, the band travelled swiftly with all the enthusiasm of untested courage. north winds cut their faces like whip-lashes. the first night out there was not enough snow to make a wind-break of the drifts; so the sleighs were piled on edge to windward, dogs and men lying heterogeneously in their shelter. when morning came, one of the indian guides had deserted. the way became barer. frozen swamps across which the storm wind swept with hurricane force were succeeded by high, rocky barrens devoid of game, unsheltered, with barely enough stunted shrubbery for the whittling of chips that cooked the morning and night meals. in a month the travellers had not accomplished ten miles a day. where deer were found the indians halted to gorge themselves with feasts. where game was scarce they lay in camp, depending on the white hunters. within three weeks rations had dwindled to one partridge a day for the entire company. the indians seemed to think that hearne's white servants had secret store of food on the sleighs. the savages refused to hunt. then hearne suspected some ulterior design. it was to drive him back to the fort by famine. henceforth, he noticed on the march that the indians always preceded the whites and secured any game before his men could fire a shot. one night toward the end of november the savages plundered the sleighs. hearne awakened in amazement to see the company marching off, laden with guns, ammunition, and hatchets. he called. their answer was laughter that set the woods ringing. hearne was now two hundred miles from the fort, without either ammunition or food. there was nothing to do but turn back. the weather was fair. by snaring partridges, the white men obtained enough game to sustain them till they reached the fort on the th of december. [illustration: eskimo using double-bladed paddle.] the question now was whether to wait till spring or set out in the teeth of midwinter. if hearne left the fort in spring, he could not possibly reach the arctic circle till the following winter; and with the north buried under drifts of snow, he could not learn where lay the northwest passage. if he left the fort in winter in order to reach the arctic in summer, he must expose his guides to the risks of cold and starvation. the indians told of high, rocky barrens, across which no canoes could be carried. they advised snow-shoe travel. obtaining three chipewyans and two crees as guides, and taking no white servants, hearne once more set out, on february , , for the "far-away-metal river." this time there was no cannonading. the guns were buried under snow-drifts twenty feet deep, and the snow-shoes of the travellers glided over the fort walls to the echoing cheers of soldiers and governor standing on the ramparts. the company travelled light, depending on chance game for food. all wood that could be used for fire lay hidden deep under snow. at wide intervals over the white wastes mushroom cones of snow told where a stunted tree projected the antlered branches of topmost bough through the depths of drift; but for the most part camp was made by digging through the shallowest snow with snow-shoes to the bottom of moss, which served the double purpose of fuel for the night kettle and bed for travellers. in the hollow a wigwam was erected, with the door to the south, away from the north wind. snared rabbits and partridges supplied the food. the way lay as before--west-northwest--along a chain of frozen lakes and rivers connecting hudson bay with the arctic ocean. by april the marchers were on the margin of a desolate wilderness--the indian region of "little sticks,"--known to white men as the barren lands, where dwarf trees project above the billowing wastes of snow like dismantled masts on the far offing of a lonely sea. game became scarcer. neither the round footprint of the hare nor the frost tracery of the northern grouse marked the snowy reaches of unbroken white. caribou had retreated to the sheltered woods of the interior; and a cleverer hunter than man had scoured the wide wastes of game. only the wolf pack roamed the barren lands. it was unsafe to go on without food. hearne kept in camp till the coming of the goose month--april--when birds of passage wended their way north. for three days rations consisted of snow water and pipes of tobacco. the indians endured the privations with stoical indifference, daily marching out on a bootless quest for game. on the third night hearne was alone in his tent. twilight deepened to night, night to morning. still no hunters returned. had he been deserted? not a sound broke the waste silence but the baying of the wolf pack. weak from hunger, hearne fell asleep. before daylight he was awakened by a shout; and his indians shambled over the drifts laden with haunches of half a dozen deer. that relieved want till the coming of the geese. in may hearne struck across the barren lands. by june the rotting snow clogged the snow-shoes. dog trains drew heavy, and food was again scarce. for a week the travellers found nothing to eat but cranberries. half the company was ill from hunger when a mangy old musk-ox, shedding his fur and lean as barrel hoops, came scrambling over the rocks, sure of foot as a mountain goat. a single shot brought him down. in spite of the musky odor of which the coarse flesh reeked, every morsel of the ox was instantly devoured. sometimes during their long fasts they would encounter a solitary indian wandering over the rocky barren. if he had arms, gun, or arrow, and carried skins of the chase, he was welcomed to camp, no matter how scant the fare. otherwise he was shunned as an outcast, never to be touched or addressed by a human being; for only one thing could have fed an indian on the barren lands who could show no trophies of the chase, and that was the flesh of some human creature weaker than himself. the outcast was a cannibal, condemned by an unwritten law to wander alone through the wastes. snow had barely cleared from the barren lands when hearne witnessed the great traverse of the caribou herds, marching in countless multitudes with a clicking of horns and hoofs from west to east for the summer. indians from all parts of the north had placed themselves at rivers across the line of march to spear the caribou as they swam; and hearne was joined by a company of six hundred savages. summer had dried the moss. that gave abundance of fuel. caribou were plentiful. that supplied the hunters with pemmican. hearne decided to pass the following winter with the indians; but he was one white man among hundreds of savages. nightly his ammunition was plundered. one of his survey instruments was broken in a wind storm. others were stolen. it was useless to go on without instruments to take observations of the arctic circle; so for a second time hearne was compelled to turn back to fort prince of wales. terrible storms impeded the return march. his dog was frozen in the traces. tent poles were used for fire-wood; and the northern lights served as the only compass. on midday of november , , after eight months' absence, in which he had not found the "far-off-metal river," hearne reached shelter inside the fort walls. beating through the gales of sleet and snow on the homeward march, hearne had careened into a majestic figure half shrouded by the storm. the explorer halted before a fur-muffled form, six feet in its moccasins, erect as a mast pole, haughty as a king; and the gauntleted hand of the indian chief went up to his forehead in sign of peace. it was matonabbee, the ambassador of the hudson's bay company to the athabascans, now returning to fort prince of wales, followed by a long line of slave women driving their dog sleighs. the two travellers hailed each other through the storm like ships at sea. that night they camped together on the lee side of the dog sleighs, piled high as a wind-break; and matonabbee, the famous courser of the northern wastes, gave hearne wise advice. women should be taken on a long journey, the indian chief said; for travel must be swift through the deadly cold of the barrens. men must travel light of hand, trusting to chance game for food. women were needed to snare rabbits, catch partridges, bring in game shot by the braves, and attend to the camping. and then in a burst of enthusiasm, perhaps warmed by hearne's fine tobacco, matonabbee, who had found the way to the athabasca, offered to conduct the white man to the "far-off-metal river" of the arctic circle. the chief was the greatest pathfinder of the northern tribes. his offer was the chance of a lifetime. hearne could hardly restrain his eagerness till he reached the fort. leaving matonabbee to follow with the slave women, the explorer hurried to fort prince of wales, laid the plan before governor norton, and in less than two weeks from the day of his return was ready to depart for the unknown river that was to lead to the northwest passage. the weather was dazzlingly clear, with that burnished brightness of polished steel known only where unbroken sunlight meets unbroken snow glare. on the th of december, , hearne left the fort, led by matonabbee and followed by the slave indians with the dog sleighs. one of matonabbee's wives lay ill; but that did not hinder the iron pathfinder. the woman was wrapped in robes and drawn on a dog sleigh. there was neither pause nor hesitation. if the woman recovered, good. if she died, they would bury her under a cairn of stones as they travelled. matonabbee struck directly west-northwest for some _caches_ of provisions which he had left hidden on the trail. the place was found; but the _caches_ had been rifled clean of food. that did not stop matonabbee. nor did he show the slightest symptoms of anger. he simply hastened their pace the more for their hunger, recognizing the unwritten law of the wilderness--that starving hunters who had rifled the _cache_ had a right to food wherever they found it. day after day, stoical as men of bronze, the marchers reeled off the long white miles over the snowy wastes, pausing only for night sleep with evening and morning meals. here nibbled twigs were found; there the stamping ground of a deer shelter; elsewhere the small, cleft foot-mark like the ace of hearts. but the signs were all old. no deer were seen. even the black marble eye that betrays the white hare on the snow, and the fluffy bird track of the feather-footed northern grouse, grew rarer; and the slave women came in every morning empty-handed from untouched snares. in spite of hunger and cold, matonabbee remained good-natured, imperturbable, hard as a man of bronze, coursing with the winged speed of snow-shoes from morning till night without pause, going to a bed of rock moss on a meal of snow water and rising eager as an arrow to leave the bow-string for the next day's march. for three days before christmas the entire company had no food but snow. christmas was celebrated by starvation. hearne could not indulge in the despair of the civilized man's self-pity when his faithful guides went on without complaint. [illustration: eskimo family, taken by light of midnight sun.--c. w. mathers.] by january the company had entered the barren lands. the barren lands were bare but for an occasional oasis of trees like an island of refuge in a shelterless sea. in the clumps of dwarf shrubs, the indians found signs that meant relief from famine--tufts of hair rubbed off on tree trunks, fallen antlers, and countless heart-shaped tracks barely puncturing the snow but for the sharp outer edge. the caribou were on their yearly traverse east to west for the shelter of the inland woods. the indians at once pitched camp. scouts went scouring to find which way the caribou herds were coming. pounds of snares were constructed of shrubs and saplings stuck up in palisades with scarecrows on the pickets round a v-shaped enclosure. the best hunters took their station at the angle of the v, armed with loaded muskets and long, lank, and iron-pointed arrows. women and children lined the palisades to scare back high jumpers or strays of the caribou herd. then scouts and dogs beat up the rear of the fleeing herd, driving the caribou straight for the pound. by a curious provision of nature, the male caribou sheds its antlers just as he leaves the barren lands for the wooded interior, where the horns would impede flight through brush, and he only leaves the woods for the bare open when the horns are grown enough to fight the annual battle to protect the herd from the wolf pack ravenous with spring hunger. for one caribou caught in the pound by hearne's indians, a hundred of the herd escaped; for the caribou crossed the barrens in tens of thousands, and matonabbee's braves obtained enough venison for the trip to the "far-off-metal river." the farther north they travelled the scanter became the growth of pine and poplar and willow. snow still lay heavy in april; but matonabbee ordered a halt while there was still large enough wood to construct dugouts to carry provisions down the river. the boats were built large and heavy in front, light behind. this was to resist the ice jam of northern currents. the caribou hunt had brought other indians to the barren lands. matonabbee was joined by two hundred warriors. though the tribes puffed the calumet of peace together, they drew their war hatchets when they saw the smoke of an alien tribe's fire rise against the northern sky. a suspicion that he hardly dared to acknowledge flashed through hearne's mind. eleven thousand beaver pelts were yearly brought down to the fort from the unknown river. how did the chipewyans obtain these pelts from the eskimo? what was the real reason of the indian eagerness to conduct the white man to the "far-off-metal river"? the white man was not taken into the confidence of the indian council; but he could not fail to draw his own conclusions. scouts were sent cautiously forward to trail the path of the aliens who had lighted the far moss fire. women and children were ordered to head about for a rendezvous southwest on lake athabasca. carrying only the lightest supplies, the braves set out swiftly for the north on june . mist and rain hung so heavily over the desolate moors that the travellers could not see twenty feet ahead. in places the rocks were glazed with ice and scored with runnels of water. half the warriors here lost heart and turned back. the others led by hearne and matonabbee crossed the iced precipices on hands and knees, with gun stocks strapped to backs or held in teeth. on the st of june the sun did not set. hearne had crossed the arctic circle. the sun hung on the southern horizon all night long. henceforth the travellers marched without tents. during rain or snow storm, they took refuge under rocks or in caves. provisions turned mouldy with wet. the moss was too soaked for fire. snow fell so heavily in drifting storms that hearne often awakened in the morning to find himself almost immured in the cave where they had sought shelter. ice lay solid on the lakes in july. once, clambering up steep, bare heights, the travellers met a herd of a hundred musk-oxen scrambling over the rocks with the agility of squirrels, the spreading, agile hoof giving grip that lifted the hulking forms over all obstacles. down the bleak, bare heights there poured cataract and mountain torrent, plainly leading to some near river bed; but the thick gray fog lay on the land like a blanket. at last a thunder-storm cleared the air; and hearne saw bleak moors sloping north, bare of all growth but the trunks of burnt trees, with barren heights of rock and vast, desolate swamps, where the wild-fowl flocked in myriads. [illustration: fort garry, winnipeg, a century ago.] all count of day and night was now lost, for the sun did not set. sometime between midnight and morning of july , , with the sun as bright as noon, the lakes converged to a single river-bed a hundred yards wide, narrowing to a waterfall that roared over the rocks in three cataracts. this, then, was the "far-off-metal river." plainly, it was a disappointing discovery, this coppermine river. it did not lead to china. it did not point the way to a northwest passage. in his disappointment, hearne learned what every other discoverer in north america had learned--that the great northwest was something more than a bridge between europe and asia, that it was a world in itself with its own destiny.[ ] but hearne had no time to brood over disappointment. the conduct of his rascally companions could no longer be misunderstood. hunters came in with game; but when the hungry slaves would have lighted a moss fire to cook the meat, the forbidding hand of a chief went up. no fires were to be lighted. the indians advanced with whispers, dodging from stone to stone like raiders in ambush. spies went forward on tiptoe. then far down-stream below the cataracts hearne descried the domed tent-tops of an eskimo band sound asleep; for it was midnight, though the sun was at high noon. when hearne looked back to his companions, he found himself deserted. the indians were already wading the river for the west bank, where the eskimo had camped. hearne overtook his guides stripping themselves of everything that might impede flight or give hand-hold to an enemy, and daubing their skin with war-paint. hearne begged matonabbee to restrain the murderous warriors. the great chief smiled with silent contempt. he was too true a disciple of a doctrine which indians' practised hundreds of years before white men had avowed it--the survival of the fit, the extermination of the weak, for any qualms of pity towards a victim whose death would contribute profit. wearing only moccasins and bucklers of hardened hide, armed with muskets, lances, and tomahawks, the indians jostled hearne out of their way, stole forward from stone to stone to within a gun length of the eskimo, then with a wild war shout flung themselves on the unsuspecting sleepers. the eskimo were taken unprepared. they staggered from their tents, still dazed in sleep, to be mowed down by a crashing of firearms which they had never before heard. the poor creatures fled in frantic terror, to be met only by lance point and gun butt. a young girl fell coiling at hearne's feet like a wounded snake. a well-aimed lance had pinioned the living form to earth. she caught hearne round the knees, imploring him with dumb entreaty; but the white man was pushed back with jeers. sobbing with horror, hearne begged the indians to put their victim out of pain. the rocks rang with the mockery of the torturers. she was speared to death before hearne's eyes. on that scene of indescribable horror the white man could no longer bear to look. he turned toward the river, and there was a spectacle like a nightmare. some of the eskimo were escaping by leaping to their hide boats and with lightning strokes of the double-bladed paddles dashing down the current to the far bank of the river; but sitting motionless as stone was an old, old woman--probably a witch of the tribe--red-eyed as if she were blind, deaf to all the noise about her, unconscious of all her danger, fishing for salmon below the falls. there was a shout from the raiders; the old woman did not even look up to face her fate; and she too fell a victim to that thirst for blood which is as insatiable in the redskin as in the wolf pack. odd commentary in our modern philosophies--this white-man explorer, unnerved, unmanned, weeping with pity, this champion of the weak, jostled aside by bloodthirsty, triumphant savages, represented the race that was to jostle the indian from the face of the new world. something more than a triumphant, aggressive strength was needed to the permanency of a race; and that something more was represented by poor, weak, vacillating hearne, weeping like a woman. horror of the massacre robbed hearne of all an explorer's exultation. a day afterward, on july , he stood on the shores of the arctic ocean,--the first white man to reach it overland in america. ice extended from the mouth of the river as far as eye could see. not a sign of land broke the endless reaches of cold steel, where the snow lay, and icy green, where pools of the ocean cast their reflection on the sky of the far horizon. at one in the morning, with the sun hanging above the river to the south, hearne formally took possession of the arctic regions for the hudson's bay company. the same company rules those regions to-day. not an eye had been closed for three days and nights. throwing themselves down on the wet shore, the entire band now slept for six hours. the hunters awakened to find a musk-ox nosing over the mossed rocks. a shot sent it tumbling over the cliffs. whether it was that the moss was too wet for fuel to cook the meat, or the massacre had brutalized the men into beasts of prey, the indians fell on the carcass and devoured it raw.[ ] [illustration: plan of fort prince of wales, from robson's drawing, - .] the retreat from the arctic was made with all swiftness, keeping close to the coppermine river. for thirty miles from the sea not a tree was to be seen. the river was sinuous and narrow, hemmed in by walls of solid rock, down which streamed cascades and mountain torrents. on both sides of the high bank extended endless reaches of swamps and barrens. twenty miles from the sea hearne found the copper mines from which the indians made their weapons. his guides were to join their families in the athabasca country of the southwest, and thither matonabbee now led the way at such a terrible pace that moccasins were worn to shreds and toe-nails torn from the feet of the marchers; and woe to the man who fell behind, for the wolf pack prowled on the rear. when the smoke of moss fires told of the wives' camp, the indians halted to take the sweat bath of purification for the cleansing of all blood guilt from the massacre. heated stones were thrown into a small pool. in this each indian bathed himself, invoking his deity for freedom from all punishment for the deaths of the slain.[ ] by august the indians had joined their wives. by october they were on lake athabasca, which had already frozen. here one of the wives, in the last stages of consumption, could go no farther. for a band short of food to halt on the march meant death to all. the northern wilderness has its grim unwritten law, inexorable and merciless as death. for those who fall by the way there is no pity. a whole tribe may not be exposed to death for the sake of one person. civilized nations follow the same principle in their quarantine. giving the squaw food and a tent, the indians left her to meet her last enemy, whether death came by starvation or cold or the wolf pack. again and again the abandoned squaw came up with the marchers, weeping and begging their pity, only to fall from weakness. but the wilderness has no pity; and so they left her. christmas of was passed on athabasca lake, the northern lights rustling overhead with the crackling of a flag. there was food in plenty; for the athabasca was rich in buffalo meadows and beaver dams and moose yards. on the lake shore hearne found a little cabin, in which dwelt a solitary woman of the dog rib tribe who for eight months had not seen a soul. her band had been massacred. she alone escaped and had lived here in hiding for almost a year. in spring the indians of the lake carried their furs to the forts of hudson bay. with the athabascans went hearne, reaching fort prince of wales on june , , after eighteen months' absence. he had discovered coppermine river, the arctic ocean, and the athabasca country,--a region in all as large as half european russia. for his achievements hearne received prompt promotion. within a year of his return to the fort, governor norton, the indian bully, fell deadly ill. in the agony of death throes, he called for his wives. the great keys to the apartments of the women were taken from his pillow, and the wives were brought in. norton lay convulsed with pain. one of the younger women began to sob. an officer of the garrison took her hand to comfort her grief. norton's rolling eyes caught sight of the innocent conference between the officer and the young wife. with a roar the dying bully hurled himself up in bed:-- "i'll burn you alive! i'll burn you alive," he shrieked. with oaths on his lips he fell back dead. [illustration: fort prince of wales (churchill), from hearne's account, edition.] samuel hearne became governor of the fort. for ten years nothing disturbed the calm of his rule. marie, norton's daughter, still lived in the shelter of the fort; the wives found consolation in other husbands; and matonabbee continued the ambassador of the company to strange tribes. one afternoon of august, , the sleepy calm of the fort was upset by the sentry dashing in breathlessly with news that three great vessels of war with full-blown sails and carrying many guns were ploughing straight for prince of wales. at sundown the ships swung at anchor six miles from the fort. from their masts fluttered a foreign flag--the french ensign. gig boat and pinnace began sounding the harbor. hearne had less than forty men to defend the fort. in the morning four hundred french troopers lined up on churchill river, and the admiral, la perouse, sent a messenger with demand of surrender. hearne did not feel justified in exposing his men to the attack of three warships carrying from seventy to a hundred guns apiece, and to assault by land of four hundred troopers. he surrendered without a blow. [illustration: beaver coin of hudson's bay company, melted from old tea chests, one coin representing one beaver.] the furs were quickly transferred to the french ships, and the soldiers were turned loose to loot the fort. the indians fled, among them moses norton's gentle daughter, now in her twenty-second year. she could not revert to the loathsome habits of savage life; she dared not go to the fort filled with lawless foreign soldiers; and she perished of starvation outside the walls. matonabbee had been absent when the french came. he returned to find the fort where he had spent his life in ruins. the english whom he thought invincible were defeated and prisoners of war. hearne, whom the dauntless old chief had led through untold perils, was a captive. matonabbee's proud spirit was broken. the grief was greater than he could bear. all that living stood for had been lost. drawing off from observation, matonabbee blew his brains out. [ ] i have purposely avoided bringing up the dispute as to a mistake of some few degrees made by hearne in his calculations--the point really being finical. [ ] i am sorry to say that in pioneer border warfares i have heard of white men acting in a precisely similar beastly manner after some brutal conflict. to be frank, i know of one case in the early days of minnesota fur trade, where the irate fur trader killed and devoured his weak companion, not from famine, but sheer frenzy of brutalized passion. such naked light does wilderness life shed over our drawing-room philosophies of the triumphantly strong being the highest type of manhood. [ ] again the wilderness plunges us back to the primordial: if man be but the supreme beast of prey, whence this consciousness of blood guilt in these unschooled children of the wilds? part iv - first across the rockies--how mackenzie crossed the northern rockies and lewis and clark were first to cross from missouri to columbia chapter x - first across the rockies how mackenzie found the great river named after him and then pushed across the mountains to the pacific, forever settling the question of a northwest passage there is an old saying that if a man has the right mettle in him, you may stick him a thousand leagues in the wilderness on a barren rock and he will plant pennies and grow dollar bills. in other words, no matter where or how, success will succeed. no class illustrates this better than a type that has almost passed away--the old fur traders who were lords of the wilderness. cut off from all comfort, from all encouragement, from all restraint, what set of men ever had fewer incentives to go up, more temptations to go down? yet from the fur traders sprang the pioneer heroes of america. when young donald smith came out--a raw lad--to america, he was packed off to eighteen years' exile on the desert coast of labrador. donald smith came out of the wilderness to become the lord strathcona of to-day. sir alexander mackenzie's life presents even more dramatic contrasts. a clerk in a counting-house at montreal one year, the next finds him at detroit setting out for the backwoods of michigan to barter with indians for furs. then he is off with a fleet of canoes forty strong for the upper country of forest and wilderness beyond the great lakes, where he fights such a desperate battle with rivals that one of his companions is murdered, a second lamed, a third wounded. in all this alexander mackenzie was successful while still in the prime of his manhood,--not more than thirty years of age; and the reward of his success was to be exiled to the sub-arctics of the athabasca, six weeks' travel from another fur post,--not a likely field to play the hero. yet mackenzie emerged from the polar wilderness bearing a name that ranks with columbus and carrier and la salle. [illustration: alexander mackenzie, from a painting of the explorer.] far north of the missouri beyond the borderlands flows the saskatchewan. as far north again, beyond the saskatchewan, flows another great river, the athabasca, into athabasca lake, on whose blue shores to the north lies a little white-washed fort of some twenty log houses, large barn-like stores, a catholic chapel, an episcopal mission, and a biggish residence of pretence for the chief trader. this is fort chipewyan. at certain seasons indian tepees dot the surrounding plains; and bronze-faced savages, clad in the ill-fitting garments of white people, shamble about the stores, or sit haunched round the shady sides of the log houses, smoking long-stemmed pipes. these are the chipewyans come in from their hunting-grounds; but for the most part the fort seems chiefly populated by regiments of husky dogs, shaggy-coated, with the sharp nose of the fox, which spend the long winters in harness coasting the white wilderness, and pass the summers basking lazily all day long except when the bell rings for fish time, when half a hundred huskies scramble wildly for the first meat thrown. a century ago chipewyan was much the same as to-day, except that it lay on the south side of the lake. mails came only once in two years instead of monthly, and rival traders were engaged in the merry game of slitting each other's throats. all together, it wasn't exactly the place for ambition to dream; but ambition was there in the person of alexander mackenzie, the young fur trader, dreaming what he hardly dared hope. business men fight shy of dreamers; so mackenzie told his dreams to no one but his cousin roderick, whom he pledged to secrecy. for fifty years the british government had offered a reward of , pounds to any one who should discover a northwest passage between the atlantic and the pacific. the hope of such a passageway had led many navigators on bootless voyages; and here was mackenzie with the same bee in his bonnet. to the north of chipewyan he saw a mighty river, more than a mile wide in places, walled in by great ramparts, and flowing to unknown seas. to the west he saw another river rolling through the far mountains. where did this river come from, and where did both rivers go? mackenzie was not the man to leave vital questions unanswered. he determined to find out; but difficulties lay in the way. he couldn't leave the athabascan posts. that was overcome by getting his cousin roderick to take charge. the northwest fur company, which had succeeded the french fur traders of quebec and montreal when canada passed from the hands of the french to the english, wouldn't assume any cost or risk for exploring unknown seas. this was more niggardly than the hudson's bay company, which had paid all cost of outlay for its explorers; but mackenzie assumed risk and cost himself. then the indians hesitated to act as guides; so mackenzie hired guides when he could, seized them by compulsion when he couldn't hire them, and went ahead without guides when they escaped. [illustration: eskimo trading his pipe, carved from walrus tusk, for the value of three beaver skins.] may--the frog moon--and june--the bird's egg moon--were the festive seasons at fort chipewyan on lake athabasca. indian hunters came tramping in from the barren lands with toboggan loads of pelts drawn by half-wild husky dogs. woody crees and slaves and chipewyans paddled across the lake in canoes laden to the gunwales with furs. a world of white skin tepees sprang up like mushrooms round the fur post. by june the traders had collected the furs, sorted and shipped them in flotillas of keel boat, barge, and canoe, east to lake superior and montreal. on the evening of june , , alexander mackenzie, chief trader, had finished the year's trade and sent the furs to the eastern warehouses of the northwest company, on lake superior, at fort william, not far from where radisson had first explored, and la vérendrye followed. indians lingered round the fort of the northern lake engaged in mad _boissons_, or drinking matches, that used up a winter's earnings in the spree of a single week. along the shore lay upturned canoes, keels red against the blue of the lake, and everywhere in the dark burned the red fires of the boatmen melting resin to gum the seams of the canoes; for the canoes were to be launched on a long voyage the next day. mackenzie was going to float down with the current of the athabasca or grand river, and find out where that great river emptied in the north. the crew must have spent the night in a last wild spree; for it was nine in the morning before all hands were ready to embark. in mackenzie's large birch canoe went four canadian _voyageurs_, their indian wives, and a german. in other canoes were the indian hunters and interpreters, led by "english chief," who had often been to hudson bay. few provisions were taken. the men were to hunt, the women to cook and keep the _voyageurs_ supplied with moccasins, which wore out at the rate of one pair a day for each man. traders bound for slave lake followed behind. only fifty miles were made the first day. henceforth mackenzie embarked his men at three and four in the morning. [illustration: quill and bead work on buckskin, mackenzie river indians.] the mouth of peace river was passed a mile broad as it pours down from the west, and the boatmen _portaged_ six rapids the third day, one of the canoes, steered by a squaw more intent on her sewing than the paddles, going over the falls with a smash that shivered the bark to kindling-wood. the woman escaped, as the current caught the canoe, by leaping into the water and swimming ashore with the aid of a line. ice four feet thick clung to the walls of the rampart shores, and this increased the danger of landing for a _portage_, the indians whining out their complaints in exactly the tone of the wailing north wind that had cradled their lives--"eduiy, eduiy!--it is hard, white man, it is hard!" and harder the way became. for nine nights fog lay so heavily on the river that not a star was seen. this was followed by driving rain and wind. mackenzie hoisted a three-foot sail and cut over the water before the wind with the hiss of a boiling kettle. though the sail did the work of the paddles, it gave the _voyageurs_ no respite. cramped and rain-soaked, they had to bail out water to keep the canoe afloat. in this fashion the boats entered slave lake, a large body of water with one horn pointing west, the other east. out of both horns led unknown rivers. which way should mackenzie go? low-lying marshlands--beaver meadows where the wattled houses of the beaver had stopped up the current of streams till moss overgrew the swamps and the land became quaking muskeg--lay along the shores of the lake. there were islands in deep water, where caribou had taken refuge, travelling over ice in winter for the calves to be safe in summer from wolf pack and bear. mackenzie hired a guide from the slave indians to pilot the canoes over the lake; but the man proved useless. days were wasted poking through mist and rushes trying to find an outlet to the grand river of the north. finally, english chief lost his temper and threatened to kill the slave indian unless he succeeded in taking the canoes out of the lake. the waters presently narrowed to half a mile; the current began to race with a hiss; sails were hoisted on fishing-poles; and mackenzie found himself out of the rushes on the grand river to the west of slave lake. [illustration: fort william, headquarters northwest company, lake superior.] here pause was made at a camp of dog ribs, who took the bottom from the courage of mackenzie's comrades by gruesome predictions that old age would come upon the _voyageurs_ before they reached salt water. there were impassable falls ahead. the river flowed through a land of famine peopled by a monstrous race of hostiles who massacred all indians from the south. the effect of these cheerful prophecies was that the slave lake guide refused to go on. english chief bodily put the recalcitrant into a canoe and forced him ahead at the end of a paddle. snow-capped mountains loomed to the west. the river from bear lake was passed, greenish of hue like the sea, and the slave lake guide now feigned such illness that watch was kept day and night to prevent his escape. the river now began to wind, with lofty ramparts on each side; and once, at a sharp bend in the current, mackenzie looked back to see slave lake indians following to aid the guide in escaping. after that one of the white men slept with the fellow each night to prevent desertion; but during the confusion of a terrific thunder-storm, when tents and cooking utensils were hurled about their heads, the slave succeeded in giving his watchers the slip. mackenzie promptly stopped at an encampment of strange indians, and failing to obtain another guide by persuasion, seized and hoisted a protesting savage into the big canoe, and signalled the unwilling captive to point the way. the indians of the river were indifferent, if not friendly; but once mackenzie discovered a band hiding their women and children as soon as the boatmen came in view. the unwilling guide was forced ashore, as interpreter, and gifts pacified all fear. but the incident left its impression on mackenzie's comrades. they had now been away from chipewyan for forty days. if it took much longer to go back, ice would imprison them in the polar wilderness. snow lay drifted in the valleys, and scarcely any game was seen but fox and grouse. the river was widening almost to the dimensions of a lake, and when this was whipped by a north wind the canoes were in peril enough. the four canadians besought mackenzie to return. to return mackenzie had not the slightest intention; but he would not tempt mutiny. he promised that if he did not find the sea within seven days, he would go back. that night the sun hung so high above the southern horizon that the men rose by mistake to embark at twelve o'clock. they did not realize that they were in the region of midnight sun; but mackenzie knew and rejoiced, for he must be near the sea. the next day he was not surprised to find a deserted eskimo village. at that sight the enthusiasm of the others took fire. they were keen to reach the sea, and imagined that they smelt salt water. in spite of the lakelike expanse of the river, the current was swift, and the canoes went ahead at the rate of sixty and seventy miles a day--if it could be called day when there was no night. between the th and th of july the _voyageurs_ suddenly awakened to find themselves and their baggage floating in rising water. what had happened to the lake? their hearts took a leap; for it was no lake. it was the tide. they had found the sea. how hilariously jubilant were mackenzie's men, one may guess from the fact that they chased whales all the next day in their canoes. the whales dived below, fortunately; for one blow of a finback or sulphur bottom would have played skittles with the canoes. coming back from the whale hunt, triumphant as if they had caught a dozen finbacks, the men erected a post, engraving on it the date, july , , and the names of all present. it had taken six weeks to reach the arctic. it took eight to return to chipewyan, for the course was against stream, in many places tracking the canoes by a tow-line. the beaver meadows along the shore impeded the march. many a time the quaking moss gave way, and the men sank to mid-waist in water. while skirting close ashore, mackenzie discovered the banks of the river to be on fire. the fire was a natural tar bed, which the indians said had been burning for centuries and which burns to-day as when mackenzie found it. on september , with a high sail up and a driving wind, the canoes cut across lake athabasca and reached the beach of chipewyan at three in the afternoon, after one hundred and two days' absence. mackenzie had not found the northwest passage. he had proved there was no northwest passage, and discovered the mississippi of the north--mackenzie river. [illustration: running a rapid on mackenzie river.] mackenzie spent the long winter at fort chipewyan; but just as soon as the rivers cleared of ice, he took passage in the east-bound canoes and hurried down to the grand portage or fort william on lake superior, the headquarters of the northwest company, where he reported his discovery of mackenzie river. his report was received with utter indifference. the company had other matters to think about. it was girding itself for the life-and-death struggle with its rival, the hudson's bay company. "my expedition was hardly spoken of, but that is what i expected," he writes to his cousin. but chagrin did not deter purpose. he asked the directors' permission to explore that other broad stream--peace river--rolling down from the mountains. his request was granted. winter saw him on furlough in england, studying astronomy and surveying for the next expedition. here he heard much of the western sea--the pacific--that fired his eagerness. the voyages of cook and hanna and meares were on everybody's lips. spain and england and russia were each pushing for first possession of the northwest coast. mackenzie hurried back to his company's fort on the banks of peace river, where he spent a restless winter waiting for navigation to open. doubts of his own ambitions began to trouble him. what if peace river did not lead to the west coast at all? what if he were behind some other discoverer sent out by the spaniards or the russians? "i have been so vexed of late that i cannot sit down to anything steadily," he confesses in a letter to his cousin. such a tissue-paper wall separates the aims of the real hero from those of the fool, that almost every ambitious man must pass through these periods of self-doubt before reaching the goal of his hopes. but despondency did not benumb mackenzie into apathy, as it has weaker men. by april he had shipped the year's furs from the forks of peace river to chipewyan. by may his season's work was done. he was ready to go up peace river. a birch canoe thirty feet long, lined with lightest of cedar, was built. in this were stored pemmican and powder. alexander mackay, a clerk of the company, was chosen as first assistant. six canadian _voyageurs_--two of whom had accompanied mackenzie to the arctic--and two indian hunters made up the party of ten who stepped into the canoes at seven in the evening of may , . peace river tore down from the mountains flooded with spring thaw. the crew soon realized that paddles must be bent against the current of a veritable mill-race; but it was safer going against, than with, such a current, for unknown dangers could be seen from below instead of above, where suction would whirl a canoe on the rocks. keen air foretold the nearing mountains. in less than a week snow-capped peaks had crowded the canoe in a narrow cañon below a tumbling cascade where the river was one wild sheet of tossing foam as far as eye could see. the difficulty was to land; for precipices rose on each side in a wall, down which rolled enormous boulders and land-slides of loose earth. to _portage_ goods up these walls was impossible. fastening an eighty-foot tow-line to the bow, mackenzie leaped to the declivity, axe in hand, cut foothold along the face of the steep cliff to a place where he could jump to level rock, and then, turning, signalled through the roar of the rapids for his men to come on. the _voyageurs_ were paralyzed with fear. they stripped themselves ready to swim if they missed the jump, then one by one vaulted from foothold to foothold where mackenzie had cut till they came to the final jump across water. here mackenzie caught each on his shoulders as the _voyageurs_ leaped. the tow-line was then passed round trees growing on the edge of the precipice, and the canoe tracked up the raging cascade. the waves almost lashed the frail craft to pieces. once a wave caught her sideways; the tow-line snapped like a pistol shot, for just one instant the canoe hung poised, and then the back-wash of an enormous boulder drove her bow foremost ashore, where the _voyageurs_ regained the tow-line. [illustration: slave lake indians.] the men had not bargained on this kind of work. they bluntly declared that it was absurd trying to go up cañons with such cascades. mackenzie paid no heed to the murmurings. he got his crew to the top of the hill, spread out the best of a regale--including tea sweetened with sugar--and while the men were stimulating courage by a feast, he went ahead to reconnoitre the gorge. windfalls of enormous spruce trees, with a thickness twice the height of a man, lay on a steep declivity of sliding rock. up this climbed mackenzie, clothes torn to tatters by devil's club (a thorn bush with spines like needles), boots hacked to pieces by the sharp rocks, and feet gashed with cuts. the prospect was not bright. as far as he could see the river was one succession of cataracts fifty feet wide walled in by stupendous precipices, down which rolled great boulders, shattering to pebbles as they fell. the men were right. no canoe could go up that stream. mackenzie came back, set his men to repairing the canoe and making axe handles, to avoid the idleness that breeds mutiny, and sent mackay ahead to see how far the rapids extended. mackay reported that the _portage_ would be nine miles over the mountain. leading the way, axe in hand, mackenzie began felling trees so that the trunks formed an outer railing to prevent a fall down the precipice. up this trail they warped the canoe by pulling the tow-line round stumps, five men going in advance to cut the way, five hauling and pushing the canoe. in one day progress was three miles. by five in the afternoon the men were so exhausted that they went to bed--if bare ground with sky overhead could be called bed. one thing alone encouraged them: as they rose higher up the mountain side, they saw that the green edges of the glaciers and the eternal snows projected over the precipices. they were nearing the summit--they must surely soon cross the divide. the air grew colder. for three days the choppers worked in their blanket coats. when they finally got the canoe down to the river-bed, it was to see another range of impassable mountains barring the way westward. all that kept mackenzie's men from turning back was that awful _portage_ of nine miles. nothing ahead could be worse than what lay behind; so they embarked, following the south branch where the river forked. the stream was swift as a cascade. half the crew walked to lighten the canoe and prevent grazing on the rocky bottoms. once, at dusk, when walkers and paddlers happened to have camped on opposite shores, the marchers came dashing across stream, wading neck-high, with news that they had heard the firearms of indian raiders. fires were put out, muskets loaded, and each man took his station at the foot of a tree, where all passed a sleepless night. no hostiles appeared. the noise was probably falling avalanches. and once when mackenzie and mackay had gone ahead with the indian interpreters, they came back to find that the canoe had disappeared. in vain they kindled fires, fired guns, set branches adrift on the swift current as a signal--no response came from the _voyageurs_. the boatmen evidently did not wish to be found. what mackenzie's suspicions were one may guess. it would be easier for the crew to float back down peace river than pull against this terrific current with more _portages_ over mountains. the indians became so alarmed that they wanted to build a raft forthwith and float back to chipewyan. the abandoned party had not tasted a bite of food for twenty-four hours. they had not even seen a grouse, and in their powder horns were only a few rounds of ammunition. separating, mackenzie and his indian went up-stream, mackay and his went down-stream, each agreeing to signal the other by gunshots if either found the canoe. barefooted and drenched in a terrific thunderstorm, mackenzie wandered on till darkness shrouded the forest. he had just lain down on a soaking couch of spruce boughs when the ricochetting echo of a gun set the boulders crashing down the precipices. hurrying down-stream, he found mackay at the canoe. the crew pretended that a leakage about the keel had caused delay; but the canoe did not substantiate the excuse. mackenzie said nothing; but he never again allowed the crew out of his sight on the east side of the mountains. so far there had been no sign of indians among the mountains; and now the canoe was gliding along calm waters when savages suddenly sprang out of a thicket, brandishing spears. the crew became panic-stricken; but mackenzie stepped fearlessly ashore, offered the hostiles presents, shook hands, and made his camp with them. the savages told him that he was nearing a _portage_ across the divide. one of them went with mackenzie the next day as guide. the river narrowed to a small tarn--the source of peace river; and a short _portage_ over rocky ground brought the canoe to a second tarn emptying into a river that, to mackenzie's disappointment, did not flow west, but south. he had crossed the divide, the first white man to cross the continent in the north; but how could he know whether to follow this stream? it might lead east to the saskatchewan. as a matter of fact, he was on the sources of the fraser, that winds for countless leagues south through the mountains before turning westward for the pacific. full of doubt and misgivings, uncertain whether he had crossed the divide at all, mackenzie ordered the canoe down this river. snowy peaks were on every side. glaciers lay along the mountain tarns, icy green from the silt of the glacier grinding over rock; and the river was hemmed in by shadowy cañons with roaring cascades that compelled frequent _portage_. mackenzie wanted to walk ahead, in order to lighten the canoe and look out for danger; but fear had got in the marrow of his men. they thought that he was trying to avoid risks to which he was exposing them; and they compelled him to embark, vowing, if they were to perish, he was to perish with them. to quiet their fears, mackenzie embarked with them. barely had they pushed out when the canoe was caught by a sucking undercurrent which the paddlers could not stem--a terrific rip told them that the canoe had struck--the rapids whirled her sideways and away she went down-stream--the men jumped out, but the current carried them to such deep water that they were clinging to the gunwales as best they could when, with another rip, the stern was torn clean out of the canoe. the blow sent her swirling--another rock battered the bow out--the keel flattened like a raft held together only by the bars. branches hung overhead. the bowman made a frantic grab at these to stop the rush of the canoe--he was hoisted clear from his seat and dropped ashore. mackenzie jumped out up to his waist in ice-water. the steersman had yelled for each to save himself; but mackenzie shouted out a countermand for every man to hold on to the gunwales. in this fashion they were all dragged several hundred yards till a whirl sent the wreck into a shallow eddy. the men got their feet on bottom, and the wreckage was hauled ashore. during the entire crisis the indians sat on top of the canoe, howling with terror. all the bullets had been lost. a few were recovered. powder was spread out to dry; and the men flatly refused to go one foot farther. mackenzie listened to the revolt without a word. he got their clothes dry and their benumbed limbs warmed over a roaring fire. he fed them till their spirits had risen. then he quietly remarked that the experience would teach them how to run rapids in the future. men of the north--to turn back? such a thing had never been known in the history of the northwest fur company. it would disgrace them forever. think of the honor of conquering disaster. then he vowed that he would go ahead, whether the men accompanied him or not. then he set them to patching the canoe with oil-cloth and bits of bark; but large sheets of birch bark are rare in the rockies; and the patched canoe weighed so heavily that the men could scarcely carry it. it took them fourteen hours to make the three-mile _portage_ of these rapids. the indian from the mountain tribe had lost heart. mackenzie and mackay watched him by turns at night; but the fellow got away under cover of darkness, the crew conniving at the escape in order to compel mackenzie to turn back. finally the river wound into a large stream on the west side of the main range of the rockies. mackenzie had crossed the divide. for a week after crossing the divide, the canoe followed the course of the river southward. this was not what mackenzie expected. he sought a stream flowing directly westward, and was keenly alert for sign of indian encampment where he might learn the shortest way to the western sea. once the smoke of a camp-fire rose through the bordering forest; but no sooner had mackenzie's interpreters approached than the savages fired volley after volley of arrows and swiftly decamped, leaving no trace of a trail. there was nothing to do but continue down the devious course of the uncertain river. the current was swift and the outlook cut off by the towering mountains; but in a bend of the river they came on an indian canoe drawn ashore. a savage was just emerging from a side stream when mackenzie's men came in view. with a wild whoop, the fellow made off for the woods; and in a trice the narrow river was lined with naked warriors, brandishing spears and displaying the most outrageous hostility. when mackenzie attempted to land, arrows hissed past the canoe, which they might have punctured and sunk. determined to learn the way westward from these indians, mackenzie tried strategy. he ordered his men to float some distance from the savages. then he landed alone on the shore opposite the hostiles, having sent one of his interpreters by a detour through the woods to lie in ambush with fusee ready for instant action. throwing aside weapons, mackenzie displayed tempting trinkets. the warriors conferred, hesitated, jumped in the canoes, and came, backing stern foremost, toward mackenzie. he threw out presents. they came ashore and were presently sitting by his side. from them he learned the river he was following ran for "many moons" through the "shining mountains" before it reached the "midday sun." it was barred by fearful rapids; but by retracing the way back up the river, the white men could leave the canoe at a carrying place and go overland to the salt water in eleven days. from other tribes down the same river, mackenzie gathered similar facts. he knew that the stream was misleading him; but a retrograde movement up such a current would discourage his men. he had only one month's provisions left. his ammunition had dwindled to one hundred and fifty bullets and thirty pounds of shot. instead of folding his hands in despondency, mackenzie resolved to set the future at defiance and go on. from the indians he obtained promise of a man to guide him back. then he frankly laid all the difficulties before his followers, declaring that he was going on alone and they need not continue unless they voluntarily decided to do so. his dogged courage was contagious. the speech was received with huzzas, and the canoe was headed upstream. the indian guide was to join mackenzie higher upstream; but the reappearance of the white men when they had said they would not be back for "many moons" roused the suspicions of the savages. the shores were lined with warriors who would receive no explanation that mackenzie tried to give in sign language. the canoe began to leak so badly that the boatmen had to spend half the time bailing out water; and the _voyageurs_ dared not venture ashore for resin. along the river cliff was a little three-cornered hut of thatched clay. here mackenzie took refuge, awaiting the return of the savage who had promised to act as guide. the three walls protected the rear, but the front of the hut was exposed to the warriors across the river; and the whites dared not kindle a fire that might serve as a target. two nights were passed in this hazardous shelter, mackay and mackenzie alternately lying in their cloaks on the wet rocks, keeping watch. at midnight of the third day's siege, a rustling came from the woods to the rear and the boatmen's dog set up a furious barking. the men were so frightened that they three times loaded the canoe to desert their leader, but something in the fearless confidence of the explorer deterred them. as daylight sifted through the forest, mackenzie descried a vague object creeping through the underbrush. a less fearless man would have fired and lost all. mackenzie dashed out to find the cause of alarm an old blind man, almost in convulsions from fear. he had been driven from this river hut. mackenzie quieted his terror with food. by signs the old man explained that the indians had suspected treachery when the whites returned so soon; and by signs mackenzie requested him to guide the canoe back up the river to the carrying place; but the old creature went off in such a palsy of fear that he had to be lifted bodily into the canoe. the situation was saved. the hostiles could not fire without wounding one of their own people; and the old man could explain the real reason for mackenzie's return. rations had been reduced to two meals a day. the men were still sulking from the perils of the siege when the canoe struck a stump that knocked a hole in the keel, "which," reports mackenzie, laconically, "gave them all an opportunity to let loose their discontent without reserve." camp after camp they passed, which the old man's explanations pacified, till they at length came to the carrying place. here, to the surprise and delight of all, the guide awaited them. [illustration: good hope, mackenzie river. hudson's bay company fort.] on july , provisions were _cached_, the canoe abandoned, and a start made overland westward, each carrying ninety pounds of provisions besides musket and pistols. and this burden was borne on the rations of two scant meals a day. the way was ridgy, steep, and obstructed by windfalls. at cloud-line, the rocks were slippery as glass from moisture, and mackenzie led the way, beating the drip from the branches as they marched. the record was twelve miles the first day. when it rained, the shelter was a piece of oil-cloth held up in an extemporized tent, the men crouching to sleep as best they could. the way was well beaten and camp was frequently made for the night with strange indians, from whom fresh guides were hired; but when he did not camp with the natives, mackenzie watched his guide by sleeping with him. though the fellow was malodorous from fish oil and infested with vermin, mackenzie would spread his cloak in such a way that escape was impossible without awakening himself. no sentry was kept at night. all hands were too deadly tired from the day's climb. once, in the impenetrable gloom of the midnight forest, mackenzie was awakened by a plaintive chant in a kind of unearthly music. a tribe was engaged in religious devotions to some woodland deity. totem poles of cedar, carved with the heads of animals emblematic of family clans, told mackenzie that he was nearing the coast tribes. barefooted, with ankles swollen and clothes torn to shreds, they had crossed the last range of mountains within two weeks of leaving the inland river. they now embarked with some natives for the sea. one can guess how mackenzie's heart thrilled as they swept down the swift river--six miles an hour--past fishing weirs and indian camps, till at last, far out between the mountains, he descried the narrow arm of the blue, limitless sea. the canoe leaked like a sieve; but what did that matter? at eight o'clock on the morning of saturday, july , the river carried them to a wide lagoon, lapped by a tide, with the seaweed waving for miles along the shore. morning fog still lay on the far-billowing ocean. sea otters tumbled over the slimy rocks with discordant cries. gulls darted overhead; and past the canoe dived the great floundering grampus. there was no mistaking. this was the sea--the western sea, that for three hundred years had baffled all search overland, and led the world's greatest explorers on a chase of a will-o'-the-wisp. what cartier and la salle and la vérendrye failed to do, mackenzie had accomplished. but mackenzie's position was not to be envied. ten starving men on a barbarous coast had exactly twenty pounds of pemmican, fifteen of rice, six of flour. of ammunition there was scarcely any. between home and their leaky canoe lay half a continent of wilderness and mountains. the next day was spent coasting the cove for a place to take observations. canoes of savages met the white men, and one impudent fellow kept whining out that he had once been shot at by men of mackenzie's color. mackenzie took refuge for the night on an isolated rock which was barely large enough for his party to gain a foothold. the savages hung about pestering the boatmen for gifts. two white men kept guard, while the rest slept. on monday, when mackenzie was setting up his instruments, his young indian guide came, foaming at the mouth from terror, with news that the coast tribes were to attack the white men by hurling spears at the unsheltered rock. the boatmen lost their heads and were for instant flight, anywhere, everywhere, in a leaky canoe that would have foundered a mile out at sea. mackenzie did not stir, but ordered fusees primed and the canoe gummed. mixing up a pot of vermilion, he painted in large letters on the face of the rock where they had passed the night:-- "alexander mackenzie, from canada, by land, the twenty-second of july, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three." the canoe was then headed eastward for the homeward trip. only once was the explorer in great danger on his return. it was just as the canoe was leaving tide-water for the river. the young indian guide led him full tilt into the village of hostiles that had besieged the rock. mackenzie was alone, his men following with the baggage. barely had he reached the woods when two savages sprang out, with daggers in hand ready to strike. quick as a flash, mackenzie quietly raised his gun. they dropped back; but he was surrounded by a horde led by the impudent chief of the attack on the rock the first night on the sea. one warrior grasped mackenzie from behind. in the scuffle hat and cloak came off; but mackenzie shook himself free, got his sword out, and succeeded in holding the shouting rabble at bay till his men came. then such was his rage at the indignity that he ordered his followers in line with loaded fusees, marched to the village, demanded the return of the hat and cloak, and obtained a peace-offering of fish as well. the indians knew the power of firearms, and fell at his feet in contrition. mackenzie named this camp rascal village. at another time his men lost heart so completely over the difficulties ahead that they threw everything they were carrying into the river. mackenzie patiently sat on a stone till they had recovered from their panic. then he reasoned and coaxed and dragooned them into the spirit of courage that at last brought them safely over mountain and through cañon to peace river. on august , a sharp bend in the river showed them the little home fort which they had left four months before. the joy of the _voyageurs_ fairly exploded. they beat their paddles on the canoe, fired off all the ammunition that remained, waved flags, and set the cliffs ringing with shouts. mackenzie spent the following winter at chipewyan, despondent and lonely. "what a situation, starving and alone!" he writes to his cousin. the hard life was beginning to wear down the dauntless spirit. "i spend the greater part of my time in vague speculations. . . . in fact my mind was never at ease, nor could i bend it to my wishes. though i am not superstitious, my dreams cause me great annoyance. i scarcely close my eyes without finding myself in company with the dead." the following winter mackenzie left the west never to return. the story of his travels was published early in the nineteenth century, and he was knighted by the english king. the remainder of his life was spent quietly on an estate in scotland, where he died in . [illustration: the mouth of the mackenzie by the light of the midnight sun.--c. w. mathers.] chapter xi - lewis and clark the first white men to ascend the missouri to its sources and descend the columbia to the pacific--exciting adventures on the cañons of the missouri, the discovery of the great falls and the yellowstone--lewis' escape from hostiles the spring of witnessed the centennial celebration of an area as large as half the kingdoms of europe, that has the unique distinction of having transferred its allegiance to three different flags within twenty-four hours. at the opening of the nineteenth century spain had ceded all the region vaguely known as louisiana back to france, and france had sold the territory, to the united states; but post-horse and stage of those old days travelled slowly. news of spain's cession and france's sale reached louisiana almost simultaneously. on march , , the spanish grandees of st. louis took down their flag and, to the delight of louisiana, for form's sake erected french colors. on march , the french flag was lowered for the emblem that has floated over the great west ever since--the stars and stripes. how vast was the new territory acquired, the eastern states had not the slightest conception. as early as captain gray, of the ship _columbia_, from boston, had blundered into the harbor of a vast river flowing into the pacific. what lay between this river and that other great river on the eastern side of the mountains--the missouri? jefferson had arranged with john ledyard of connecticut, who had been with captain cook on the pacific, to explore the northwest coast of america by crossing russia overland; but russia had similar designs for herself, and stopped ledyard on the way. in president jefferson asked congress for an appropriation to explore the northwest by way of the missouri. now that the wealth of the west is beyond the estimate of any figure, it seems almost inconceivable that there were people little-minded enough to haggle over the price paid for louisiana--$ , , --and to object to the appropriation required for its exploration--$ ; but fortunately the world goes ahead in spite of hagglers. may of saw captain meriwether lewis, formerly secretary to president jefferson, and captain william clark of virginia launch out from wood river opposite st. louis, where they had kept their men encamped all winter on the east side of the mississippi, waiting until the formal transfer of louisiana for the long journey of exploration to the sources of the missouri and the columbia. their escort consisted of twenty soldiers, eleven _voyageurs_, and nine frontiersmen. the main craft was a keel boat fifty-five feet long, of light draft, with square-rigged sail and twenty-two oars, and tow-line fastened to the mast pole to track the boat upstream through rapids. an american flag floated from the prow, and behind the flag the universal types of progress everywhere--goods for trade and a swivel-gun. horses were led alongshore for hunting, and two pirogues--sharp at prow, broad at stern, like a flat-iron or a turtle--glided to the fore of the keel boat. [illustration: captain meriwether lewis.] the missouri was at flood tide, turbid with crumbling clay banks and great trees torn out by the roots, from which keel boat and pirogues sheered safely off. for the first time in history the missouri resounded to the fourth of july guns; and round camp-fire the men danced to the strains of a _voyageur's_ fiddle. usually, among forty men is one traitor, and liberte must desert on pretence of running back for a knife; but perhaps the fellow took fright from the wild yarns told by the lonely-eyed, shaggy-browed, ragged trappers who came floating down the platte, down the osage, down the missouri, with canoe loads of furs for st. louis. these men foregathered with the _voyageurs_ and told only too true stories of the dangers ahead. fires kindled on the banks of the river called neighboring indians to council. council bluffs commemorates one conference, of which there were many with iowas and omahas and ricarees and sioux. pause was made on the south side of the missouri to visit the high mound where blackbird, chief of the omahas, was buried astride his war horse that his spirit might forever watch the french _voyageurs_ passing up and down the river. [illustration: captain william clark.] by october the explorers were sixteen hundred miles north of st. louis, at the mandan villages near where bismarck stands to-day. the mandans welcomed the white men; but the neighboring tribes of ricarees were insolent. "had i these white warriors on the upper plains," boasted a chief to charles mackenzie, one of the northwest fur company men from canada, "my young men on horseback would finish them as they would so many wolves; for there are only two sensible men among them, the worker of iron [blacksmith] and the mender of guns." four canadian traders had already been massacred by this chief. captain lewis knew that his company must winter on the east side of the mountains, and there were a dozen traders--hudson bay and nor'westers--on the ground practising all the unscrupulous tricks of rivals, nor'westers driving off hudson bay horses, hudson bay men driving off nor'-westers', to defeat trade; so captain lewis at once had a fort constructed. it was triangular in shape, the two converging walls consisting of barracks with a loopholed bastion at the apex, the base being a high wall of strong pickets where sentry kept constant guard. hitherto captain lewis had been able to secure the services of french trappers as interpreters with the indians; but the next year he was going where there were no trappers; and now he luckily engaged an old nor'wester, chaboneau, whose indian wife, sacajawea, was a captive from the snake tribe of the rockies.[ ] on christmas morning, the stars and stripes were hoisted above fort mandan; and all that night the men danced hilariously. on new years of , the white men visited the mandan lodges, and one _voyageur_ danced "on his head" to the uproarious applause of the savages. all winter the men joined in the buffalo hunts, laying up store of pemmican. in february, work was begun on the small boats for the ascent of the missouri. by the end of march, the river had cleared of ice, and a dozen men were sent back to st. louis. at five, in the afternoon of april , six canoes and two pirogues were pushed out on the missouri. sails were hoisted; a cheer from the canadian traders and indians standing on the shore--and the boats glided up the missouri with flags flying from foremost prow. hitherto lewis and clark had passed over travelled ground. now they had set sail for the unknown. within a week they had passed the little missouri, the height of land that divides the waters of the missouri from those of the saskatchewan, and the great yellowstone river, first found by wandering french trappers and now for the first time explored. the current of the missouri grew swifter, the banks steeper, and the use of the tow-line more frequent. the voyage was no more the holiday trip that it had been all the way from st. louis. hunters were kept on the banks to forage for game, and once four of them came so suddenly on an open-mouthed, ferocious old bear that he had turned hunter and they hunted before guns could be loaded; and the men saved themselves only by jumping twenty feet over the bank into the river. for miles the boats had to be tracked up-stream by the tow-line. the shore was so steep that it offered no foothold. men and stones slithered heterogeneously down the sliding gravel into the water. moccasins wore out faster than they could be sewed; and the men's feet were cut by prickly-pear and rock as if by knives. on sunday, may , when captain lewis was marching to lighten the canoes, he had just climbed to the summit of a high, broken cliff when there burst on his glad eyes a first glimpse of the far, white "shining mountains" of which the indians told, the rockies, snowy and dazzling in the morning sun. one can guess how the weather-bronzed, ragged man paused to gaze on the glimmering summits. only one other explorer had ever been so far west in this region--young de la vérendrye, fifty years before; but the frenchman had been compelled to turn back without crossing the mountains, and the two americans were to assail and conquer what had proved an impassable barrier. the missouri had become too deep for poles, too swift for paddles; and the banks were so precipitous that the men were often poised at dizzy heights above the river, dragging the tow-line round the edge of rock and crumbly cliff. captain lewis was leading the way one day, crawling along the face of a rock wall, when he slipped. only a quick thrust of his spontoon into the cliff saved him from falling almost a hundred feet. he had just struck it with terrific force into the rock, where it gave him firm handhold, when he heard a voice cry, "good god, captain, what shall i do?" [illustration: tracking up-stream.] windsor, a frontiersman, had slipped to the very verge of the rock, where he lay face down with right arm and leg completely over the precipice, his left hand vainly grabbing empty air for grip of anything that would hold him back. captain lewis was horrified, but kept his presence of mind; for the man's life hung by a thread. a move, a turn, the slightest start of alarm to disturb windsor's balance--and he was lost. steadying his voice, captain lewis shouted back, "you're in little danger. stick your knife in the cliff to hoist yourself up." with the leverage of the knife, windsor succeeded in lifting himself back to the narrow ledge. then taking off his moccasins, he crawled along the cliff to broader foothold. lewis sent word for the crews to wade the margin of the river instead of attempting this pass--which they did, though shore water was breast high and ice cold. [illustration: typical mountain trapper.] the missouri had now become so narrow that it was hard to tell which was the main river and which a tributary; so captain lewis and four men went in advance to find the true course. leaving camp at sunrise, captain lewis was crossing a high, bare plain, when he heard the most musical of all wilderness sounds--the far rushing that is the voice of many waters. far above the prairie there shimmered in the morning sun a gigantic plume of spray. surely this was the great falls of which the indians told. lewis and his men broke into a run across the open for seven miles, the rush of waters increasing to a deafening roar, the plume of spray to clouds of foam. cliffs two hundred feet high shut off the view. down these scrambled lewis, not daring to look away from his feet till safely at bottom, when he faced about to see the river compressed by sheer cliffs over which hurled a white cataract in one smooth sheet eighty feet high. the spray tossed up in a thousand bizarre shapes of wind-driven clouds. captain lewis drew the long sigh of the thing accomplished. he had found the great falls of the missouri. [illustration: the discovery of the great falls.] seating himself on the rock, he awaited his hunters. that night they camped under a tree near the falls. morning showed that the river was one succession of falls and rapids for eighteen miles. here was indeed a stoppage to the progress of the boats. sending back word to captain clark of the discovery of the falls, lewis had ascended the course of the cascades to a high hill when he suddenly encountered a herd of a thousand buffalo. it was near supper-time. quick as thought, lewis fired. what was his amazement to see a huge bear leap from the furze to pounce on the wounded quarry; and what was bruin's amazement to see the unusual spectacle of a thing as small as a man marching out to contest possession of that quarry? man and bear reared up to look at each other. bear had been master in these regions from time immemorial. man or beast--which was to be master now? lewis had aimed his weapon to fire again, when he recollected that it was not loaded; and the bear was coming on too fast for time to recharge. captain lewis was a brave man and a dignified man; but the plain was bare of tree or brush, and the only safety was inglorious flight. but if he had to retreat, the captain determined that he _would_ retreat only at a walk. the rip of tearing claws sounded from behind, and lewis looked over his shoulder to see the bear at a hulking gallop, open-mouthed,--and off they went, explorer and exploited, in a sprinting match of eighty yards, when the grunting roar of pursuer told pursued that the bear was gaining. turning short, lewis plunged into the river to mid-waist and faced about with his spontoon at the bear's nose. a sudden turn is an old trick with all indian hunters; the bear floundered back on his haunches, reconsidered the sport of hunting this new animal, man, and whirled right about for the dead buffalo. [illustration: fighting a grizzly.] it took the crews from the th to the th of june to _portage_ past the great falls. cottonwood trees yielded carriage wheels two feet in diameter, and the masts of the pirogues made axletrees. on these wagonettes the canoes were dragged across the _portage_. it was hard, hot work. grizzlies prowled round the camp at night, wakening the exhausted workers. the men actually fell asleep on their feet as they toiled, and spent half the night double-soling their torn moccasins, for the cactus already had most of the men limping from festered feet. yet not one word of complaint was uttered; and once, when the men were camped on a green along the _portage_, a _voyageur_ got out his fiddle, and the sore feet danced, which was more wholesome than moping or poulticing. the boldness of the grizzlies was now explained. antelope and buffalo were carried over the falls. the bears prowled below for the carrion. after failure to construct good hide boats, two other craft, twenty-five and thirty-three feet long, were knocked together, and the crews launched above the rapids for the far shining mountains that lured like a mariner's beacon. night and day, when the sun was hot, came the boom-boom as of artillery from the mountains. the _voyageurs_ thought this the explosion of stones, but soon learned to recognize the sound of avalanche and land-slide. the river became narrower, deeper, swifter, as the explorers approached the mountains. for five miles rocks rose on each side twelve hundred feet high, sheer as a wall. into this shadowy cañon, silent as death, crept the boats of the white men, vainly straining their eyes for glimpse of egress from the watery defile. a word, a laugh, the snatch of a _voyageur's_ ditty, came back with elfin echo, as if spirits hung above the dizzy heights spying on the intruders. springs and tenuous, wind-blown falls like water threads trickled down each side of the lofty rocks. the water was so deep that poles did not touch bottom, and there was not the width of a foot-hold between water and wall for camping ground. flags were unfurled from the prows of the boats to warn marauding indians on the height above that the _voyageurs_ were white men, not enemies. darkness fell on the cañon with the great hushed silence of the mountains; and still the boats must go on and on in the darkness, for there was no anchorage. finally, above a small island in the middle of the river, was found a tiny camping ground with pine-drift enough for fire-wood. here they landed in the pitchy dark. they had entered the gates of the rockies on the th of july. in the morning bighorn and mountain goat were seen scrambling along the ledges above the water. on the th the three forks of the missouri were reached. here the indian woman, sacajawea, recognized the ground and practically became the guide of the party, advising the two explorers to follow the south fork or the jefferson, as that was the stream which her tribe followed when crossing the mountains to the plains. [illustration: packer carrying goods across portage.] it now became absolutely necessary to find mountain indians who would supply horses and guide the white men across the divide. in the hope of finding the indian trail, captain lewis landed with two men and preceded the boats. he had not gone five miles when to his sheer delight he saw a snake indian on horseback. ordering his men to keep back, he advanced within a mile of the horseman and three times spread his blanket on the ground as a signal of friendship. the horseman sat motionless as bronze. captain lewis went forward, with trinkets held out to tempt a parley, and was within a few hundred yards when the savage wheeled and dashed off. lewis' men had disobeyed orders and frightened the fellow by advancing. deeply chagrined, lewis hoisted an american flag as sign of friendship and continued his march. tracks of horses were followed across a bog, along what was plainly an indian road, till the sources of the missouri became so narrow that one of the men put a foot on each side and thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. stooping, all drank from the crystal spring whose waters they had traced for three thousand miles from st. louis. following a steep declivity, they were presently crossing the course of a stream that flowed west and must lead to some branch of the columbia. [illustration: spying on an enemy's fort.] suddenly, on the cliff in front, captain lewis discovered two squaws, an indian, and some dogs. unfurling his flag, he advanced. the indians paused, then dashed for the woods. lewis tried to tie some presents round the dogs' necks as a peace-offering, but the curs made off after their master. the white men had not proceeded a mile before they came to three squaws, who never moved but bowed their heads to the ground for the expected blow that would make them captives. throwing down weapons, lewis pulled up his sleeve to show that he was white. presents allayed all fear, and the squaws had led him two miles toward their camp when sixty warriors came galloping at full speed with arrows levelled. the squaws rushed forward, vociferating and showing their presents. three chiefs at once dismounted, and fell on captain lewis with such greasy embraces of welcome that he was glad to end the ceremony. pipes were smoked, presents distributed, and the white men conducted to a great leathern lodge, where lewis announced his mission and prepared the indians for the coming of the main force in the boats. [illustration: indian camp at foothills of rockies.] the snakes scarcely knew whether to believe the white man's tale. the indian camp was short of provisions, and lewis urged the warriors to come back up the trail to meet the advancing boats. the braves hesitated. cameahwait, the chief, harangued till a dozen warriors mounted their horses and set out, lewis and his men each riding behind an indian. captain clark could advance only slowly, and the indians with lewis grew suspicious as they entered the rocky denies without meeting the explorers' party. half the snakes turned back. among those that went on were three women. to demonstrate good faith, lewis again mounted a horse behind an indian, though the bare-back riding over rough ground at a mad pace was almost jolting his bones apart. a spy came back breathless with news for the hungry warriors that one of the white hunters had killed a deer, and the whole company lashed to a breakneck gallop that nearly finished lewis, who could only cling for dear life to the indian's waist. the poor wretches were so ravenous that they fell on the dead deer and devoured it raw. it was here that lewis expected the boats. they were not to be seen. the indians grew more distrustful. the chief at once put fur collars, after the fashion of indian dress, round the white men's shoulders. as this was plainly a trick to conceal the whites in case of treachery on their part, lewis at once took off his hat and placed it on the chief's head. then he hurried the indians along, lest they should lose courage completely. to his mortification, captain clark did not appear. to revive the indians' courage, the white men then passed their guns across to the snakes, signalling willingness to suffer death if the indians discovered treachery. that night all the indians hid in the woods but five, who slept on guard round the whites. if anything had stopped clark's advance, lewis was lost. though neither knew it, lewis and clark were only four miles apart, clark, chaboneau, the guide, and sacajawea, the indian woman, were walking on the shore early in the morning, when the squaw began to dance with signs of the most extravagant joy. looking ahead, clark saw one of lewis' men, disguised as an indian, leading a company of snake warriors that the squaw had recognized as her own people, from whom she had been wrested when a child. the indians broke into songs of delight, and sacajawea, dashing through the crowd, threw her arms round an indian woman, sobbing and laughing and exhibiting all the hysterical delight of a demented creature. sacajawea and the woman had been playmates in childhood and had been captured in the same war; but the snake woman had escaped, while sacajawea became a slave and married the french guide. meanwhile, captain clark was being welcomed by lewis and the chief, cameahwait. sacajawea was called to interpret. cameahwait rose to speak. the poor squaw flung herself on him with cries of delight. in the chief of the snakes she had recognized her brother. laced coats, medals, flags, and trinkets were presented to the snakes; but though willing enough to act as guides, the indians discouraged the explorers about going on in boats. the western stream was broken for leagues by terrible rapids walled in with impassable precipices. boats were abandoned and horses bought from the snakes. the white men set their faces northwestward, the southern trail, usually followed by the snakes, leading too much in the direction of the spanish settlements. game grew so scarce that by september the men were without food and a colt was killed for meat. by october the company was reduced to a diet of dog; but the last divide had been crossed. horses were left with an indian chief of the flatheads, and the explorers glided down the clearwater, leading to the columbia, in five canoes and one pilot boat. great was the joy in camp on november , ; for the boats had passed the last _portage_ of the columbia. when heavy fog rose, there burst on the eager gaze of the _voyageurs_ the shining expanse of the pacific. the shouts of the jubilant _voyageurs_ mingled with the roar of ocean breakers. like alexander mackenzie of the far north a decade before, lewis and clark had reached the long-sought western sea. they had been first up the missouri, first across the middle rockies, and first down the columbia to the pacific. seven huts, known as fort clatsop, were knocked up on the south side of the columbia's harbor for winter quarters; and a wretched winter the little fort spent, beleaguered not by hostiles, but by such inclement damp that all the men were ill before spring and their very leather suits rotted from their backs. many a time, coasting the sea, were they benighted. spreading mats on the sand, they slept in the drenching rain. unused to ocean waters, the inland voyageurs became deadly seasick. once, when all were encamped on the shore, an enormous tidal wave broke over the camp with a smashing of log-drift that almost crushed the boats. nez perces and flatheads had assisted the white men after the snake guides had turned back. clatsops and chinooks were now their neighbors. christmas and new year of were celebrated by a discharge of firearms. no boats chanced to touch at the columbia during the winter. the time was passed laying up store of elk meat and leather; for the company was not only starving, but nearly naked. the pacific had been reached on november , . fort clatsop was evacuated on the afternoon of march , . the goods left to trade for food and horses when lewis and clark departed from the coast inland had dwindled to what could have been tied in two handkerchiefs; but necessity proved the mother of invention, and the men cut the brass buttons from their tattered clothes and vended brass trinkets to the indians. the medicine-chest was also sacrificed, every indian tribe besieging the two captains for eye-water, fly-blisters, and other patent wares. the poverty of the white man roused the insolence of the natives on the return over the mountains. rocks were rolled down on the boatmen at the worst _portages_ by aggressive indians; and once, when the hungry _voyageurs_ were at a meal of dog meat, an indian impudently flung a live pup straight at captain lewis' plate. in a trice the pup was back in the fellow's face; lewis had seized a weapon; and the crestfallen aggressor had taken ignominiously to his heels. when they had crossed the mountains, the forces divided into three parties, two to go east by the yellowstone, one under lewis by the main missouri. somewhere up the height of land that divides the southern waters of the saskatchewan from the northern waters of the missouri, the tracks of minnetaree warriors were found. these were the most murderous raiders of the plains. over a swell of the prairie lewis was startled to see a band of thirty horses, half of them saddled. the indians were plainly on the war-path, for no women were in camp; so lewis took out his flag and advanced unfalteringly. an indian came forward. lewis and the chief shook hands, but lewis now had no presents to pacify hostiles. camping with the minnetarees for the night, as if he feared nothing, lewis nevertheless took good care to keep close watch on all movements. he smoked the pipe of peace with them as late as he dared; and when he retired to sleep, he had ordered fields and the other two white men to be on guard. at sunrise the indians crowded round the fire, where fields had for the moment carelessly laid his rifle. simultaneously, the warriors dashed at the weapons of the sleeping white men, while other indians made off with the explorers' horses. with a shout, fields gave the alarm, and pursuing the thieves, grappled with the indian who had stolen his rifle. in the scuffle the indian was stabbed to the heart. drewyer succeeded in wresting back his gun, and lewis dashed out with his pistol, shouting for the indians to leave the horses. the raiders were mounting to go off at full speed. the white men pursued on foot. twelve horses fell behind; but just as the indians dashed for hiding behind a cliff, lewis' strength gave out. he warned them if they did not stop he would shoot. an indian turned to fire with one of the stolen weapons, and instantly lewis' pistol rang true. the fellow rolled to earth mortally wounded; but lewis felt the whiz of a bullet past his own head. having captured more horses than they had lost, the white men at once mounted and rode for their lives through river and slough, sixty miles without halt; for the minnetarees would assuredly rally a larger band of warriors to their aid. a pause of an hour to refresh the horses and a wilder ride by moonlight put forty more miles between captain lewis and danger. at daylight the men were so sore from the mad pace for twenty-four hours that they could scarcely stand; but safety depended on speed and on they went again till they reached the main missouri, where by singularly good luck some of the other _voyageurs_ had arrived. [illustration: on guard.] the entire forces were reunited below the yellowstone on august th. traders on the way up the missouri from st. louis brought first news of the outer world, and the discoverers were not a little amused to learn that they had been given up for dead. at the mandans, colter, one of the frontiersmen, asked leave to go back to the wilds; and chaboneau, with his dauntless wife, bade the white men farewell. on september th settlers on the river bank above st. louis were surprised to see thirty ragged men, with faces bronzed like leather, passing down the river. then some one remembered who these worn _voyageurs_ were, and cheers of welcome made the cliffs of the missouri ring. on september d, at midday, the boats drew quietly up to the river front of st. louis. lewis and clark, the greatest pathfinders of the united states, had returned from the discovery of a new world as large as half europe, without losing a single man but sergeant floyd, who had died from natural causes a few months after leaving st. louis. what radisson had begun in - , what de la vérendrye had attempted when he found the way barred by the rockies--was completed by lewis and clark in . it was the last act in that drama of heroes who carved empire out of wilderness; and all alike possessed the same hero-qualities--courage and endurance that were indomitable, the strength that is generated in life-and-death grapple with naked primordial reality, and that reckless daring which defies life and death. those were hero-days; and they produced hero-types, who flung themselves against the impossible--and conquered it. what they conquered we have inherited. it is the great northwest. [illustration: indians of the up-country or _pays d'en haut_.] [ ] mention of this man is to be found in northwest company manuscripts, lately sold in the masson collection of documents to the canadian archives and mcgill college library. it was also my good fortune--while this book was going to print--to see the entire family collection of clark's letters, owned by mrs. julia clark voorhis of new york. among these letters is one to chaboneau from clark. in spite of the cordial relations between the nor'westers and lewis and clark, these fur traders cannot conceal their fear that this trip presages the end of the fur trade. appendix for the very excellent translations of the almost untranslatable transcripts taken from the marine archives of paris, and forwarded to me by the canadian archives, i am indebted to mr. r. roy, of the marine department, ottawa, the eminent authority on french canadian genealogical matters. some of the topics in the appendices are of such a controversial nature--the whereabouts of the mascoutins, for instance--that at my request mr. roy made the translation absolutely literal no matter how incongruous the wording. to those who say radisson was not on the missouri i commend appendix e, where the tribes of the west are described. appendix a copy of letter written to m. comportÉ by m. chouart, at london, the th april, sir, i have received the two letters with which you have honored me; i have even received one inclosed that i have not given, for reasons that i will tell you, god willing, in a few days. i have received your instructions contained in the one and the other, as to the way i should act, and i should not have failed to execute all that you order me for the service of our master, if i had been at full liberty so to do; you must have no doubt about it, because my inclination and my duty agree perfectly well. all the advantages that i am offered did not for a moment cause me to waver, but, in short, sir, i could not go to paris, and i shall be happy to go and meet you by the route you travel. i shall be well pleased to find landed the people you state will be there; in case they may have the commission you speak of in your two letters, have it accompanied if you please with a memorandum of what i shall have to do for the service of our master. i know of a case whereby i am sufficiently taught that it is not safe to undertake too many things, however advantageous they may be, nor undertaking too little. i am convinced, sir, that having orders, i will carry them out at the risk of my life, and i flatter myself that you do not doubt it. there is much likelihood that the men you sent last year are lost. i should like, sir, to be at the place you desire me to go; be assured i will perish, or be there as soon as i possibly can; it is saying enough. i do not answer to the rest of your letter, it is sufficient that i am addressing a sensible man, who, knowing my heart, will not doubt that i will keep my word with him, as i believe he will do all he can for my interests. i am, with much anxiety to see you, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant, (signed) chouart. i will leave here only on the th of next month. appendix b copy of letter written by m. chouart to mrs. des groseillers, his mother at london, th april, . my very dear mother, i learn by the letter you have written me, of the nd november last, that my father has returned from france without obtaining anything at that court, which made you think of leaving quebec; my sentiment would be that you abandon this idea as i am strongly determined to go and be by you at the first opportunity i get, which shall be, god willing, as soon as i have taken means to that effect when i have returned from the north. i hope to start on this voyage in a month or six weeks at the latest; i cannot determine on what date i could be near you; my father may know what difficulties there are. however, i hope to surmount them, and there is nothing i would not do to that end. the money i left with my cousin is intended to buy you a house, as i have had always in mind to do, had not my father opposed it, but now i will do it so as to give you a chance to get on, and always see you in the country where i will live. i have been made, here, proposals of marriage, to which i have not listened, not being here under the rule of my king nor near my parents, and i would have left this kingdom had i been given the liberty to do so, but they hold back on me my pay and the price of my merchandise, and i cannot sail away as orders have been given to arrest me in case i should prepare to leave. what you fear in reference to my money should not give you any uneasiness on account of the english. i will cause it to be pretty well known that i never intended to follow the english. i have been surprised and forced by my uncle's subterfuges to risk this voyage being unable to escape the english vessels where my uncle made me go without disclosing his plan, which he has worked out in bringing me here, but i will not disclose mine either: to abandon this nation. i am willing that my cousin should pay you the income on my money, until i return home. m. the earl of denonville, your governor, will see to my mother's affairs, as they who render service to the country will not be forsaken as in the past, and being generous as he is, loyal and zealous for his country, he will inform the court what there is to be done for the benefit of our nation. i am, my dear mother, to my father and to you, most obedient servant, (signed) chouart. and below is written:-- mother, i pray you to see on my behalf m. du lude, and assure him of my very humble services. i will have the honor of seeing him as soon as i can. please do the same with m. peray and all our good friends. appendix c council held at fort pontchartrain, in lake erie strait, th june, . by the indians kiskacous, ottawa, sinagot of the sable nation, hurons, saulteurs (sault indians), amikoique (amikoués), mississaugas, nipissings, miamis and wolves, in the presence of m. de lamothe-cadillac, commanding at the said fort; de tonty, captain of a detachment of marines; the rev f. constantin, recollet missionary at the said post; messrs desnoyers and radisson, principal clerks of the company of the colony, and of all the french, soldiers as well as _voyageurs_. the one named forty sols, ( half-penny), indian chief of the huron nation speaks as much on behalf of the said nation as of all those present at the meeting. the french having come, he said:-- "we ask that all the french be present at this council so that they hear and know what we will say to you. "we are well on this land, it is very good, and we are much pleased with it; listen well, father, we pray you. "mrs de tonty went away last year; she did not return; we see you going away to-day, father, with your wife, your children and all the frenchwomen as well as that of m. radisson, who is going down with you; that reveals to us that you abandon us. "we are angry for good and ill-disposed if the women go away. we pray you to pay attention to this because we could not stop you nor your young men: we demand that radisson remains, or at least, that he returns promptly." by a necklace (wampum) "we will escort your wife and the other frenchwomen who intend to go down to montreal. now, mind well what we are asking you. "we readily see that the governor is a liar, as he does not keep to what he has promised us; as he has lied to us we will lie to him also, and we will listen no more to his word. "what brings that man here (speaking of m. desnoyers)? we do not know him and do not understand him; we are ill-disposed. it is two years since you have been gathering in our peltries, part of which has been taken down; we will allow nothing to leave until the french come up with goods." by another necklace "father, we pray you to send back that man (speaking of m. desnoyers), because if he remains here, we do not answer for his safety; our people have told us that he despises our peltries and only wanted beaver; where does he want us to get it. we absolutely want him to go; nothing will leave the house where the trading is done and where the peltries and bundles are, until the french arrive here with merchandise and they be allowed to trade. when we came here, the governor did not tell us that the merchants would be masters over the merchandise; he lied to us; we ask that all the frenchmen trade here; we pray you to write and tell him what we are saying, and if he does not listen to us, we will also refuse to accept his word. "the land is not yours, it is ours, and we will leave it to go where we like without anybody finding fault. we regret having allowed the surgeon to leave as we apprehend he will not come back. "we pray you will cause to remain gauvereau the blacksmith and gunsmith. "i have nothing more to say, i have spoken for all the nations here present." m. de lamothe had a question put to the ottawa and the other nations, if that was their sentiment; they all answered: yes, and that they were of one and the same mind. he told them that, seeing they had taken time to think over what they had just said, he would consider as to what he had to answer them, and, put them off to the morrow, after having accepted their necklace. (not signed.) council held at fort pontchartrain, in lake erie strait, the th june, . by the indians kiskacous; ottawas; sinagotres, the sable nation; hurons; sauteux (sault ste marie indians); amikoique (beaver nation); mississaugas; miamis and wolves in the presence of m. de lamothe-cadillac, commanding at the said fort; de tonty, captain of a detachment of marines; the rev f. constantin, recollet missionary at the said post, messrs desnoyers and radisson, principal clerks of the company of the colony, and of all the french, soldiers as well as _voyageurs_. m. de lamothe addressed all the said nations:-- "as you requested me to pay attention to your words, please listen, the same, to-day. "i was aware that mdme. de tonty's trip to montreal last year had given you umbrage, because she did not come back; and the cause of it is her pregnancy. "i knew also that my wife's setting out for montreal as also the other frenchwomen was causing you uneasiness, because you believed i was going to abandon you. it is true she was going away, but it was not for ever. i showed her your necklace; that her children would miss her very much and that they begged of her to stay. when she heard of your grief, she accepted your necklace and she will stay for some time, because she does not like to refuse her children; the other frenchwomen will remain also. "you spoke ill of the governor when you said he was a liar. if anyone told you that he was forsaking you, i will be pleased if you will tell me who it is. as for me i have no knowledge of it. "m. desnoyers was present when you offered your necklace, and like me he heard your statement. he told me you were wrong to complain about him because he would not take your peltries and that he wanted beaver only; you are complaining inopportunely seeing that he has not done any trading. you should tell me who made those reports. but as you are not glad to see him, he has decided to go back, and as i am going down to montreal on good business, he will accompany me, and also m. radisson, because the governor wants him, and he must obey, and we will arrange so that we come back together. "you have asked me to write down your speech to the governor. i will be the bearer of it. i have not the authority to have the french to trade here; it is a matter that m. the governor will settle with m. the intendant. "the governor did not lie to you because he did not notify you the first year, that the merchants would be masters of the merchandise, because it was the king who sent it here then and i could dispose of it; since then, an order came from the king in favor of the merchants. "this land is mine, because i am the first one who lighted a fire thereon, and you all took some to light yours. "i am very glad that you like this land, and that you find it is good. "it is of no consequence that the surgeon left, because when one goes another comes, and the same applies for the gunsmith. "i have no more to tell you. here is some tobacco that you may all smoke together, and that it may give you wisdom until i return and the governor sends you his word. attend to your mother during my absence, and see that she does not want for provisions, for if you do not take care of her, on my return i will not give you a drink of brandy. "m. de tonty replaces me; i pray you to be on good terms with him." forty sols, chief of the hurons, spoke for all the indians:-- "we remember well, father, of what we said yesterday because you repeat it to-day. we thank you for having listened to us and granted all we asked you. we thank the women for not going away, because their remaining is as if you remained. from to-morrow we will stimulate our young men to go after provisions for our mother. "it is three years ago, when in montreal at the general meeting our chiefs died, the governor told us to have courage, that he was sorry for us, that he saw we were very far to come and get goods in montreal, and he invited us to come and settle around you, and that he would send us merchandise at the same price as in montreal. this worked well for two years, but goods rose up too much in price the third year. "the first year you came, we were very happy, but now we are naked, not even having a bad shirt to put on our back. we would be pleased by the establishment of several stores here, because if we were refused in one, we could go to another. "we are very glad of m. desnoyers' going back because we do not know him and we fear some of our young men may be ill-disposed. "we were under the impression the governor had sold us to the merchants since they are the masters of the commerce. "it is true that we took of your fire to light ours but we have waited two years without anything coming this way so that your land is ours. i told the same thing to the governor last year in montreal. "have courage, father, we will pray god for you during your voyage so that you may bring back good news." (not signed.) appendix d cie des indes (indies co'y) renders account to the said company of the death of mr. radisson, receiver at montreal, of the nomination ad interim of mr. gamelin to fill the vacancy of receiver, of account to render by mr. deplessis, heir of mr. radisson to reëstablish price of summer beaver as before ordinance of the th january, . at quebec, the th october, . gentlemen, i have received the letter you did me the honor to send me of the th march last. m. radisson, your receiver at montreal, died there the th of june and immediately m. gamelin, merchant, to whom messrs la gorgendière and daine had given three years ago, had commissioned to look after your interests in default or in case of death of m. radisson, applied to m. michel, my sub-delegate to affix the seals on of all your effects, which was done according to the account rendered you by messrs. la gorgendière and daine. it was necessary to fill the vacancy. i have appointed temporarily in virtue of the authority, you gave, gentlemen, the same m. gamelin; i thought i could not have your interests in better hands, as much for his honesty than his intelligence in regulating his sales and his receipts. independently of the knowledge he has of the different qualities of beaver, i have had the honor to speak to you on this subject in my preceding letters and to say that the only obstacle i find to giving him the office of receiver at montreal was his quality of merchant outfitter for the upper country, which might render him suspicious to you because of the returns he gets in beaver. although i have a pretty good opinion of him to believe his loyalty proof against any particular interest, you shall see, gentlemen, by the copy of the commission i have given him, which is sent you, that it is on condition either directly or indirectly to do no traffic in the upper country, and to confine himself either to marine trade or other inland commerce, to which he has agreed, but nevertheless has represented to me that being engaged as a partner with m. lamarque, another merchant, for the working out of the post named "the western sea" and that of the sioux; this partnership only terminating in ; that he was looking around to sell his share, but, if this thing was impossible requesting me to kindly allow him to continue until that term, past which he would cease all commerce in the upper country. i agreed to this arrangement on account of his good qualities, and this will not turn to any account of consequence; whatever, selection you may make, gentlemen, you will not find a better one in this country. m. de la gorgendière having offered me his son to act as clerk to m. gamelin and comptroller in the montreal office, for the auditing to be made, without increasing on that score the expenditure of your administration, i have consented on these conditions; m. gamelin to give him livres (shillings) on the commission of one per cent the company allow the receiver at montreal, and m. daine has assured me he was satisfied with his work. i will not entertain, you, messieurs, with the discussion of the account to be rendered by m. duplessis, m. radisson's heir, to your agent, who claims he owes to livres. those discussions did not take place in my presence. most of the beaver shipped this year were put up in bundles, and shortage in cotton cloth for packing prevented shipment of the whole. the disturbances which have occurred for some years in the upper country have effectively prevented the indians from hunting; the post of the bay which abounds ordinarily with beaver, produced nothing; those of detroit and michilimakinac, only furnished very little. happily the post of the sioux and of the western sea produced near to , which swelled up the receipt; otherwise it would have been very middling. the party commanded by m. desnoyelles against the indians sakis and foxes was not as successful as expected on account of the desertion and retreat of hurons and iroquois who left him when at the kakanons (kiskanons of michilimakinac?) without his being able to hold them, so that this officer found himself after a long tramp at those indians' fort, not only inferior in numbers but also much in want of provisions. he was under the necessity of returning after a rather sharp skirmish which took place between some of his men and the enemy. we lost two frenchmen and one of our indians; the foxes and sakis lost men, either killed, wounded or captured. if the sakis come back to the bay, as they pledged themselves to m. desnoyelles we are in hopes here that peace will again flourish and consequently the trade of the upper country. i have seen, gentlemen, what you were pleased to say as to reduction in price on the summer-beaver. i had been assured by reliable persons that this reduction might become very injurious to your commerce. i have learned that some of this kind of beaver were carried to the english who pay two livres (shillings) for one and at a higher price than you pay over your counters. it was from what you wrote me in , that the hatters could make no use of that beaver, that at your request i published an ordinance of the th january, , reducing the price of summer-beaver either green (gras) or dry (sec) to ten pence a pound, on condition that it should be burned. there could be nothing suspicious in that. but since you now deem that that reduction may be harmful, as i have also had in mind to invite the indians and even the french under this pretence to take the good as well as the bad beaver to the english; i will restore the price of the summer-beaver as it was before my ordinance. i will not be at a loss for a cause: it is not in your interest to give a lower price. you run your commerce, gentlemen, with too much good faith to give rise to suspicion that you wished for a reduction in price to pence for this kind of beaver, and having it burned only to procure it yourself at that price and not burn it. besides, the quantity received is too small a matter to deserve consideration. [sidenote: beaver hats half worked made in the country.] m. the marquis de beauharnois and i have received the orders of the king with reference to beaver hats half worked made in canada. his majesty has ordered us to break up the workmen's benches and to prevent any manufacture of hats. we have made some representations on this subject, to those made to us, namely by a man named ------, hatter, and your receiver at quebec. it is true that the making of beaver hats half worked and other for export to france could turn out of consequence in ruining your privilege and the hat establishments in france. these are the only inconveniences, to my mind, to be feared, as i do not look upon such, the making of hats for the use of residents of the country. so that we have satisfied ourselves, until further orders, to forbid the going, out of the colony, of all kind of hats, as you will see by the ordinance we have published together, m. the general and i. if we had been more strict, the three hatters established in this colony, who know no other business than their trade, the man ------ amongst others, who follow that calling from father to son, would have been reduced to begging. the quantity of hats they will manufacture when export is stopped, cannot be of any injury to the manufactures of the kingdom and be but of small matter to your commerce. moreover, i am aware that these hatters employ the worst kind of beaver, which they get very cheap, and your stores at paris are that much rid of them. [sidenote: defects in list of cloth sent.] the cloths you sent this year are of better quality than the precedding shipment. messrs la gorgendiere, daine and gamelin have observed on defects which happen in the lists; they told me they would inform you. [sidenote: remittance of livres (shillings) to the baron de longueuil.] i have the honor to thank you, gentlemen, for the remittance of livres you were pleased to grant to m. the baron of longueuil, on my recommendation. it is very difficult to prevent the indians going to chouaguen; the brandy that the english give out freely is an invincible attraction. i have heard, the same as you, that some frenchmen disguised as indians had been there; if i can discover some one, you may be sure that i will deal promptly with them. you may have heard that the man lenoir, resident of montreal, having gone to england three years ago without leave, i have kept him in prison till he had settled the fine he was condemned to pay, and which i transferred to the hospitals. i add that a part of the interest you have in the indians not going to chouaguen, i have another on account of the trading carried on for the benefit of the king at niagara and at fort frontenac which that english post has ruined. by all means you may rely on my attention to break up english trade. i fear i may not succeed in this so long as the brandy traffic, although moderate, will find adversaries among those who govern consciences. [sidenote: foreign trade; beaver at trade at labrador.] i will do my best to prevent the beaver which is traded at labrador and the other posts in the lower part of the river to be smuggled to france by ships from bayonne, st malo and marseille. this will be difficult as we cannot have at those posts any inspector. i will try, however, to give an ordinance so as to prevent that, which may intimidate some of those who carry on that commerce. it is true that the commandants of the upper country posts have relaxed in the sending of the declarations made or to be made by the _voyageurs_ as to the quantity and quality of the bundles of beaver they take down to montreal. m. the general and i have renewed the necessary orders on this subject so that the commandants shall conform to them. [sidenote: asks for continuation of gratuity received by mr. michel, even to increase it.] m. michel, my subdelegate at montreal has received the bounty of livres you have requested your agent to pay to him; he hopes that you will be pleased to have it continued next year. i have the honor to pray you to do so, and even augment it, if possible. i can assure you, gentlemen that he lends himself on all occasions to all that may concern your commerce. as for myself, i am very flattered by the opinion you entertain that i have at heart your interests. i always feel a true satisfaction in renewing you these assurances. i am, respectfully, [sidenote: thanks for the coffee sent.] gentlemen, m. de la gorgendière has delivered to me on your behalf, a bale of moka coffee. i am very sensible, gentlemen, to this token of friendship on your part. i have the honor to thank you, and to assure you that i am very truly and respectfully, etc. (signed) hocquart. appendix e memorandum re canada (no locality) all the discoveries in america were only made step by step and little by little, especially those of lands held by the french in that part of the north. it being certain that during the reign of king francis i, several of his subjects, amateurs of shipping and of discoveries, in imitation of the portuguese and the spaniards, made the voyage, where they found the great cod bank. the quality of birds frequenting this sea where they always find food, caused them to heave the lead, and bottom was found and the said great bank. he got an opinion on the nearest lands, and other curious persons desired to go farther, and discovered cape breton, virginia and florida. some even inhabited and took possession of the divers places, abandoned since, through misunderstanding of the commanders and their poor skill in knowing how to keep on good terms with the indians of those countries, who, good natured all at the beginning, could not suffer the rigor with which it was wanted to subjugate them, so that after a short occupation, they left to return to europe. and since, the spaniards and the english successfully have taken possession of the land and all the coasts that the said english have kept until this day to much advantage, so that frenchmen who have returned since have been obliged to settle at cape breton and acadia. about the year , the said cape breton was fortified by jacques carrier, captain of st malo, who afterward entered the river st. lawrence up to or leagues above quebec, where desiring to know more, the season also being too far advanced he stopped off to winter at a small river which bears his name and which forms the boundary of m. de becancourt's land whom he knew; he made sociable a number of indians who came aboard his ship and brought back beaver pretty abundantly. since, he made another voyage with saintonge men which did not prevent several other ships to go after the said beaver; men from dieppe, brittany and la rochelle, some with a passport and others by fraud and piracy, especially the latter, the civil war having carried away persons out of dutifulness, the admiralty and the marine being then held in very little consideration, which lasted a long time. however, i believe for having heard it said, that the lands after new discoveries were given since to m. chabot or to m. ventadour, where a certain gentleman from saintonge named m. du champlain, had very free admittance and who may have mingled with those of his country who had navigated with carrier and had given him a longing to see that of which he had only heard speak. he was a proper man for such a scheme; a great courage, wisdom, sensible, pious, fair and of great experience; a robust body which would render him indefatigable and capable to resist hunger, cold and heat. this gentleman then solicited permission to come to canada and obtained it. his small estate and his friends supplied him with a medium sized vessel for the passage. this new commandant or governor pitied much the indians and had the satisfaction at his arrival to see that he was much feared and loved by them. he took memoranda through his interpreter of their wars, their mode of living and of their interests. at that time they were numerous and proud of the great advantages they had over the iroquois, their enemy. with this information he recrossed to france; gave an account of his voyage, and was so charmed with the land, the climate and of the good which would result from a permanent establishment that he persuaded his wife to accompany him. his example induced missionaries of st. françois and some parisian families to follow him. he was granted a commission or governor's provisions to take his living from the country. he erected a palissade fort at the place now occupied by the fort st louis of quebec. to please the indians he went with them and three frenchmen only, warring in the iroquois country, which has no doubt given rise to our quarrel with this nation. the commerce was then in the hands of the rochelois (?) who supplied some provisions to the said m. de champlain, a man without interest and disposed to be content with little. he returns to france in the interests of the country and took back madam his wife who died in a ursuline convent, at saintes, i believe, and he at quebec, after having worked hard there, with little help because of the misfortunes of france. m. the cardinal of richelieu have inspired france with confidence by the humiliation of the rochelois (?) wanted to take care of the marine and formed at that time, about or what was then called the "society of one hundred," in which joined persons of all qualifications, and also merchants from dieppe and rouen. dieppe was then reputed for good navigators and for navigation. the said m. the cardinal got granted to the said company the islands of st christophe, newly discovered and all the lands of canada. the company composed of divers states did not take long to disjoin, and of this great company several were formed by themselves, the ones concerning themselves about the isles and the others about canada, where they were also divided up in a company of miscou, which is an island of the bay in the lower part of the river, where all the indians meet, and a company of tadoussac or quebec. the basques, rochelois, bretons, and normans, who during the disorders of the war had commenced secretly on the river, crossed their commerce much by the continuation of their runs without passport. sometimes on pretext of cod or whale fishing, notwithstanding the interdiction of decrees, the gain made them risk everything, as the two sides of the river were all settled and many more came down from inland. those companies for being badly served on account of inexperience and through poor economy, as will happen at the beginning of all affairs, were put to large expenses. the english had already seized on boston abandoned by the french after their new discovery; beaver and elk peltry were much sought after and at a very high price in europe; they could be had for a needle, a hawk-bell or a tin looking-glass, a marked copper coin. our possession was there very well-off. the english who made war to us in france, also made it in canada, and began to take the fleet about isle percée, as it was ascending to quebec. as four or five vessels came every year loaded with goods for the indians, it was at that time quantity of peas, plums, raisins, figs and others and provisions for m. de champlain; a garrison of or men; a store in the lower town where the clerks of the company lived with or families already used to the country. this succor failing, much hardship was endured in a country which then produced nothing by itself, so that the english presenting themselves the next year with their fleet, surrender was obligatory; the governor and the recollets crossed over to france and the families were treated honestly enough. happily in or , france made it up with england and the treaty gave back canada to the french, when m. de champlain, returned and died some years later. those of the company of , who were persons of dignity and consideration, living in paris, thought fit to leave the care and benefits of commerce for canada with the rouen and dieppe merchants, with whom joined a few from paris. they were charged with the payment of the governor's appointments, to furnish him with provisions and subsistence and to keep up the garrisons of quebec and three-rivers where there was also a post on account of the large number of indians calling; to furnish the things necessary for the war; to pay themselves off the product and give account of the surplus to the directors of the company who had an office at paris. it has been said that dieppe and rouen benefitted and that paris suffered and was disgusted. to m. de champlain succeeded m. de montmagny, very wise and very dignified; knight of malta; relative of m. de poinsy, who commanded at the island of st christophe where the said m. de montmagny died after leaving canada after a sojourn of or years, loved and cherished by the french and the natives--we say the french, although the complaints made against him by the principals were the cause of his sorrow and he resigned voluntarily. it is to be remarked that all the commerce was done at rouen to go out through dieppe on the hearsay and the fine connections that the jesuit fathers who had taken the recollets' place, took great care to have printed and distributed every year. canada was in vogue and several families from normandy and the perche took sail to come and reside in it; there were nobles, the most of them poor, we might say, who found out from the first, that m. de montmagny was too disinterested to be willing to consider the change they desired for their advantage. they intrigued against him five or six families without the participation of the others, got leave from him to go to france to ask for favors and there had one of themselves as governor; obtained liberty in the beaver trade, which until then had been strictly forbidden to the inhabitants who had been reserved the fruits of the country to advance the culture of the land such as pease, indian corn, and wheat bread. that was the first title of the inhabitants to trade with the indians. to arrive at that end they promised to pay annually beaver to the paris office for its seignorial right which it did not receive through its attention and management of its affairs. they got permission to form a board from their principal men, to transact with the governor all matters in the country for peace, for war, the settlement of accounts of their society or little republic, and also sitting on cases concerning interests of private individuals. it was then that to keep up this sham republic or society, a tax of one-fourth was imposed on the export of beaver. by these means the authority of the company and its store were ruined and the whole was turning to the advantage of those four or six families, the others, either poor or slighted by the authority of m. d'ailleboust, their governor. on this footing it was not hard for them to find large credit at la rochelle, because loans were made in the name of the community, although it consisted only of these four or six families; which from their being poor found themselves in large managements enlarged their household, ran into expense, that of their vessels and shipments was excessive and the wealth derived from the beaver was to pay all. their bad management altered their credit and brought them to agree, after several years' enjoyment so as not to pay la rochelle, to take their ships to hâvre-de-grace, where, on arrival they sold to messrs lick and tabac; this perfidy which they excused because of the large interest taken from them, alarmed la rochelle who complained to paris, and after much pressing a trustee was appointed to give bonds in the name of the society for large sums yet due to the city of la rochelle. their vessels all bore off to normandy; they took on their cargoes there in part, and part at la rochelle, the trade having been allowed those two places, because rouen and dieppe had several persons on the roll of the company and obligation was due la rochelle for having loaned property. the governor and the families addressed reproaches to each other, and the king being pleased to listen to them, had the kindness to appoint from the body of the company persons of first dignity to give attention to what was going on in this colony, who were called commissioners; they were messrs de morangis, de la marguerid, verthamont and chame, and since, messrs de lamoignon, de boucherat and de lauzon, the latter also of the body of the company offered to pass over to this country to arrange the difficulties, and he asked for its government, which was accorded him. he embarked at la rochelle because of the obligation of the creditors of that city to treat him gently; rouen did not care much. he was a literary man; he made friends with the r. f. jesuits, and created a new council in virtue of the powers he had brought, rebuke the one and the other place, even the inhabitants, in forbidding them to barter in what was called the limits of tadoussac, which he bounded for a particular lease as a security for his payment and of what has always since been called the offices of the country or the state of the , livres; the emoluments of the councillors, the garrison, the jesuits, the parish, the ursulines, the hote-dieu, etc. the pretext given was that the iroquois having burned and ruined the hurons or ottawa, the tax of one-fourth did not produce enough to meet those demands, and because tadoussac also was not sufficient to meet all the expenditure contemplated to give war to the iroquois, he it was also who began in not paying the thousand weight in beaver owing for seignorial right to the company who was irritated and blamed his conduct, and after the lapse of some years his friends write him they could not longer shield him he anticipated his recall in returning to france, where he has since served as sub-dean of the council, residing at the cloister of notre-dame with his son, canon at the said church. i only saw him two years in canada where he was hardly liked, by reason of the little care he took to keep up his rank, without servant, living on pork and peas like an artisan or a peasant. however, having decided to go back, for a second time he threw open the tadoussac trade, by an order of his council. m. de lamoignon, the first president, got named to replace him, m. d'argenson, young man of to years steady as could be, who remained four or five years to the satisfaction of everybody; he kept up the council as it is intended for the security of his emoluments and of the garrison, selected twelve of the most notable persons to whom he gave the faculty of trading at tadoussac and all the sureties to be wished for the administration and maintenance. he had the misfortune to fall out with the jesuit fathers, and they, with messieurs de mont royal, of st sulpice who had sent mr the abbey de queysac, in the hope of making a bishop of him; the former wishing to have one of their nomination presented to the queen-mother of the reigning king, whom god preserve, m. de laval, to-day elder and first bishop, who, very rigid, not only backed the jesuits against the governor in all difficulties but specially in the matter of the liquor traffic with the indians. although (d'argenson) a much god-fearing-man he had his private opinions, and this offended him; he asked m. de lamoignon for his recall, which was done in , when m. d'avaugour came out. it was in that the office in paris, at the request of the governor, of the local council and on the advice of messrs de lamoignon, chame and other commissioners made an agreement with the rouen merchants to supply the inhabitants with all goods they would require with % profit on dry goods and % on liquors, freight paid. it was pretended that the country was not safely secured by ships of private parties, and that when they arrived alone by unforeseen accidents, they happened unexpectedly, to the ruin of the country; as well as the beaver fallen to a low price and which was restored only at the marriage of the king should keep up. the creditors then pressing payment of their claims, a decree ordered that of the %, % should be taken for the payment of debts which were fixed at , livres at the rate of the consumption of the time and of which the company of normandy took charge. the country was favorable enough to this treaty because they were well served, but when the treaty arrived at first, the bishop who was jealous because he had not been consulted and that some little gratification had been given to facilitate matters had it opposed by some of the inhabitants and by m. d'avaugour, governor in the place of the said d'argenson. the society of normandy consented to the breaking off of the treaty on receiving a minute account and being paid some compensation, as to which they had no satisfaction because of the changes, for m. d'avaugour, like the others, fell out with the bishop who went to france and had him revoked, presenting in his stead m. de mezy, a norman gentleman who did nothing better than to overdo all the difficulties arising on the question of the bishop and the governor's powers. the beaver dropped down, as soon, to a low price, and there was a difference by half when the king in formed the company of the west indies, which alone, to the exclusion of all others, had to supply the country with merchandise and receive also all the beaver; in , came m. de tracy, de courcelles and talon; the latter did not want any company and employed all kinds of ways to ruin the one he found established. he gave to understand to m. colbert that this country was too big to be bounded; that there should come out of it fleets and armies; his plans appeared too broad, still he met with no contradiction at first, on the contrary he was lauded, which moved him to establish a large trade and put out that of the company, which through bad success in its affairs at the isles, was relaxing enough of itself in all sorts of undertakings. m. talon desiring to bring together the government and the superintendence was spending on a large scale to make friends and therefore there was not a merchant when the company quit who could transact any business in his presence; he gets his goods free of dues, freight and insurance; he also refused to pay the import tax on his wines, liquors and tobacco. finally his friends or enemies told him aloud that it was of profits of his commerce that the king would be enriched. they fell out, m. de courcelles and he; their misunderstanding forced the first to ask for his discharge. m. de frontenac, who succeeded him also complained and i believe he returned to france without his congé whence he never came back although he had promised so to all his friends. you are aware as well as and perhaps better than i of the disputes of m. de frontenac and m. du chesneau. and that is all i have been told for my satisfaction of what occurred previous to when i came here to attend to the affairs of the rouen company. i have also learned at the time of my arrival that properly speaking, though there were a very large number of indians, known under divers names, which they bear with reference to certain action that their chiefs had performed or with reference to lakes, rivers, lands or mountains which they inhabit, or sometimes to animals stocking their rivers and forests, nevertheless they could all be comprised under two mother languages, to wit: the huron and the algonquin. at that period, i was told, the huron was the most spread over men and territory, and at present, i believe, that the algonquin can well be compared to it. to note, that all the indians of the algonquin language are stationed and occupy land that we call land of the north on account of the river which divides the country into two parts, and where they all live by fishing and hunting. as well as the indians of the huron language who inhabit land to the south, where they till the land and winter wheat, horse-beans, pease, and other similar seeds to subsist; they are sedentary and the algonquin follow fish and game. however, this nation has always passed for the noblest, proudest and hardest to manage when prosperous. when the french came here the true algonquin owned land from tadoussac to quebec, and i have always thought they were issued from the saguenay. it was a tradition that they had expelled the iroquois from the said place of quebec and neighborhood where they once lived; we were shown the sites of their villages and towns covered by trees of a fresh growth, and now that the lands are of value through cultivation, the farmers find thereon tools, axes and knives as they were used to make them. we must believe that the said algonquin were really masters over the said iroquois, because they obliged them to move away so far. nobody could tell me anything certain about the origin of their war but it was of a more cruel nature between these two nations than between the said iroquois and hurons, who have the same language or nearly so. it is only known that the iroquois commenced first to burn, importuned by their enemies who came to break their heads whilst at work in their wilderness; they imagined that such cruel treatment would give them relaxation, and since, all the nations of this continent have used fire, with the exception of the abenakis and other tribes of virginia. these iroquois having had the best of the fight and reduced the algonquins since our discovery of this country, principally because their pride giving us apprehension about their large number, they would not arm themselves until a long time after the dutch had armed the iroquois, made war and ruined all the other nations who were not nearly so warlike as the algonquin, and after the war, diseases came on that killed those remaining; some have scattered in the woods, but in comparison to what i have seen on my arrival, one might say that there are no more men in this country outside of the fastnesses of the forests recently discovered. the hurons before their defeat by the iroquois had, through the hope of their conversion obliged the jesuits to establish with them a strong mission, and as from time to time it was necessary to carry to them necessities of life, the governors began to allow some of their servants to run up there every three or four years, from where they brought that good green (gras) huron beaver that the hatters seek for so much. sometimes this was kept up; sometimes no one offered for the voyage there being then so little greediness it is true that the iroquois were so feared; m. de lauson was the only one to send two individuals in who each secured to , livres and came back with an indian fleet worth , crowns. however, m. d'argenson who succeeded him and was five years in the country sent nobody neither did messrs avaugour and de mezy. it was consequently after the arrival of m. talon that under pretext of discovery, and of finding copper mines, he alone became director of those voyages, for he obliged m. de courcelles to sign him congés which he got worked, but on a dispute between the workers he handled some himself, of which i remember. you know the number and the regulations given under the first administration of m. the earl of frontenac. it is certain that it is the holders of congés who look after and bring down the beaver, and, can it be said that it is wrong to have an abundance of goods. the french and the indians have come down this year; the receipts of the office must total up millions or thereabouts, which judging from your letter, will surprise those gentlemen very much. the clerks have rejected it as much as they liked; i am told that they admitted somewhere about six thousands of muscovy; during our administration there were or thousands received, which is a large difference without taking into account other qualities, and all this does not give the french much trouble, and at the most for the year we were not informed. i have given my sentiments to the meeting, and in particular to m. de frontenac and to m. de champigny. we should be agreeable to our prince's wishes who is doing so much good to this country: his tenants who must supply him in such troubled times, lose, and it is proper that people in canada contribute something to compensate them by freely agreeing to a pretty rich receipt on their commodity but what resource in regard to the indian so interested that everything moves with him, through necessity; they are asked and sought after to receive english goods, infinitely better than ours, at a cost half as low and to pay their beaver very high. this commercial communication gives them peace with their enemies and liberty to hunt, and consequently to live in abundance instead of their living at present with great hardship. should we not say that it requires a great affection not to break away in the face of such strong attractions; if we lose them once we lose them for ever, that it is certain, and from friends they become our enemies; thus we lose not only the beaver but the colony, and absolutely no more cattle, no more grains, no more fishing. the colony with all the forces of the kingdom cannot resist the indians when they have the english or other europeans to supply them with ammunitions of war, which leads me to the query: what is the beaver worth to the english that they seek to get it by all means? if also the rumors set agoing are true the farmers-general would not sell a considerable part to the danes at a very high price, should they not have had somebody in their employ who understands and knows that article well, it appears to me that the thing is worth while. all the same, people are asking why they want to sell so dear, what costs them so little, for taking one and the other, that going out this year should not cost them more than s (_sous_), the entries, tadoussac, and the tax of one fourth, does it not pay the lease with profit. this is in everybody's mind, and everyone looks at it as he fancies. i was of opinion to arrange the receipts on a basis that these gentlemen got m. benac to offer, so as to avoid the difficulties on the qualities, and this opinion served to examine the loss this proposition would bring to the country in the general receipt. i have no other interest than the prince's service, and to please these gentlemen i should like to know, heartily, of some expedient, because it is absolutely necessary to find one to satisfy the indian; m. the earl of frontenac is under a delusion: i may say it, they will give us the goby, and after that all shall be lost, i am not sure even, if they would not repeat the sicilian vespers, to show their good will, and that they never want to make it up. i am so isolated that i do not say anything about it, as i am afraid for myself, but i know well that it is indian's nature to betray, and that our affairs are not at all good in the upper country. to a great evil great remedy. i had said to m. de frontenac that the per cent could be abolished and make it up on something else, as it is a question of saving the country, but he did not deem fit of anything being said about it. i also told him and m. de champigny that we might treat with a dutchman to bring on a clearance english and dutch goods which are much thought of by our indians for their good quality and their price, that this vessel would not go up the river but stay below at a stated place, where we could go for his goods, and give him beaver for his rightful lading. the company should have the control of these merchandise, so as to sell them to the indians on the base of a tariff, so as to prevent the greediness of the _voyageurs_ which contributes very much to the discontent of the natives, because at first the french only went to the hurons and since to michilimakinac where they sold to the indians of the locality, who then went to exchange with other indians in distant woods, lands and rivers, but now the said frenchmen holding permits to have a larger gain pass over all the ottawas and indians of michilimakinac to go themselves and find the most distant tribes which displeased the former very much. this has led to fine discoveries and four or five hundred young men of canada's best men are employed at this business. through them we have become acquainted with several indian's names we knew not, and and leagues farther away, there are other indians unknown to us. down the gulf in french acadia, we have always known the abenakis and micmacs. on the north shore of the river, from seven islands up we have always known the papinachois, montagnais, poissons blancs, (white fish), (these being in what is called limits of tadoussac), mistassinis, algonquins. at quebec there are hurons, remains of the ancient hurons, defeated by the iroquois, in lake huron. there is also south of the chaudière (river), five leagues from quebec, a large village of christian abenakis. the hurons & abenakis are under the jesuit fathers. these hurons have staid at quebec so as to pray god more conveniently and without fear of the iroquois. the abenakis pray god with more fervor than any indians of these countries. i have seen and been twice with them when warring; they must have faith to believe as they do and their exactitude to live well according to principles of our religion. blessed be god! they are very good men at war and those who have give and still give so much trouble to the bostoners. at three-rivers wolves and algonquins both sides of the river. at montroyal or ville-marie there are iroquois of the five nations who have left their home to pray (everyone is free to believe) but it is certain that threefourths have no other motive nor interest to stay with us than to pray. there are, then, senecas, mohawks, cayugas, wyandotts, oneida partly on the mountain of mont-royal under the direction of messrs of st sulpice, and partly at the sault (recollet) south side, that is to say, above the rapids, under the r. f. jesuits, whose mission is larger than st sulpice's. leagues from mont royal the grand river leading to the ottawas; to the north are the temiscamingues, abitiby, outanloubys, who speak algonquin. at lake nepissing, the nipissiniens, algonquin language, always going up the grand river. in lake huron, leagues from montreal, the mississagues and amikoués: algonquins. at michilimackinac, the negoaschendaching or people of the sable, ottawas, linage kikacons or cut tail, the men from forked lake onnasaccoctois, the hurons, in all men or thereabouts half huron and half algonquin language. in the michigan or lake illinois, north side, the noquets, algonquins, malomini (menomeenee), or men of the folle-avoine: different language. south of puants (green) bay the wanebagoes otherwise puans, because of the name of the bay; language different from the two others. the sakis, leagues from the bay, and pottewatamis, about warriors. towards lake illinois, on river st joseph, the miamis or men of the crane who have three different languages, though they live together. united they would form about men. above the bay, on fox river, the ottagamis, the mascoutins and the kicapoos: all together men. at maramegue river where is situated nicholas perrot's post, are some more miamis numbering five to six hundred; always the same language. the illinois midway on the illinois river making to different villages, making in all men. we traffic with all these nations who are all at war with the iroquois. in the lower missipy there are several other nations very numerous with whom we have no commerce and who are trading yet with nobody. above missoury river which is of the mississippi below the river illinois, to the south, there are the mascoutins nadoessioux, with whom we trade, and who are numerous. sixty leagues above the missisipi and st anthony of padua fall, there is lake issaquy otherwise lake of buade, where there are villages of sioux nadoessioux who are called issaquy, and beyond lake oettatous, lower down the auctoustous, who are sioux, and could muster together warriors. because of their remoteness they only know the iroquois from what they heard the french say. in lake superior, south side are the saulteurs who are called ouchijoe (objibway), macomili, ouxcinacomigo, mixmac and living at chagoumigon, it is the name of the country, the malanas or men of the cat-fish; men; always the algonquin language. michipicoten, name of the land; the machacoutiby and opendachiliny, otherwise dung-heads; lands' men; algonquin language. the picy is the name of a land of men, way inland, who come to trade. bagoasche, also name of a place of men of same nation who come also to trade and men. osepisagny river being discharge of lake asemipigon; sometimes the indians of the lake come to trade; they are called kristinos and the nation of the great rat. these men are algonquins, numbering more than , and also go to trade with the english of the north. there are too the chichigoe who come sometimes to us, sometimes north to the english. towards west-northwest, it is nations called fir-trees; numerous; all their traffic is with the english. all those north nations are rovers, as was said, living on fish and game or wild-oats which is abundant on the shores of their lakes and rivers. in lake ontario, south side, the five iroquois nations; our enemies; about warriors live on indian corn and by hunting. we can say, that, of all the indians they are the most cruel during war, as during peace they are the most humane, hospitable, and sociable; they are sensible at their meetings, and their behaviour resembles much to the manners of republics of europe. lake ontario has leagues in circumference. lake erie above niagara leagues; lakes huron and michigan joined leagues: to have access to these three lakes by boat, there is only the portage of niagara, of two leagues, above the said lake ontario. all those who have been through those lakes say they are terrestrial paradises for abundance of venison, game, fishing, and good quality of the land. from the said lakes to go to lake superior there is only one portage of (?). the said lake is leagues long in a straight line, from point to point, without going around coves nor the bays of michipicoten and kaministiquia. to go from lake superior to lake asemipigon there is only leagues to travel, in which happen seven portages averaging good leagues; the said lake has a circumference of leagues. from lake huron to lake nipissing there is the river called french river, leagues long; there are portages; the said lake has to leagues of circumference. lake assiniboel is larger than lake superior, and an infinity of others, lesser and greater have to be discovered, for which i approve of m. the marquis of denonville's saying, often repeated:--that the king of france, our monarch was not high lord enough to open up such a vast country, as we are only beginning to enter on the confines of the immensity of such a great country. the road to enter it is by the grand river and lake ontario by niagara, which should be easy in peaceful times in establishing families at niagara for the portage, and building boats on lake erie. i did not find that a difficult thing, and i want to do it under m. the marquis of denonville, who did not care, so soon as he perceived that his war expedition had not succeeded. i have given you in this memorandum the names of the natives known to us and with whom our wood rovers (coureurs de bois) have traded; my information comes from some of the most experienced. the surplus of the memorandum will serve to inform you that prior to m. de tracy, de courcelle and talon's arrival, nothing was regulated but by the governor's will, although there was a board; as they were his appointments and that by appearances, only his creatures got in, he was the absolute master of it and which was the cause that the colony and the inhabitants suffered very much at the beginning. m. de tracy on his arrival by virtue of his commission dismissed the board and the councillors, to appoint another one with members chosen by himself and the bishop, which existed until the nd and rd year of m. de frontenac's reign, who had them granted at court, provisions by a decree for the establishment of the council. it is only from that time that the king having given the country over to the gentlemen of the co'y of west indies, the tax of one fourth and the tadoussac trade were looked upon as belonging to the company, and since to the king, because m. talon, who crippled as much as he could, this company dare not touch to these two items of the domain, of which the enjoyment remained to them until cessation of their lease. so, it was in favor of this company that all the regulations were granted in reference to the limits and working out of tadoussac as well as to prevent cheating on the beaver tax. tadoussac is leased to six gentlemen for the sum of ---- yearly; i took shares for one fourth, as it was an occasion to dispose of some goods and a profit to everyone of at most ---- yearly. about beavers there is no fraud to be feared, everybody preferring to get letters of exchange to avoid the great difficulties on going out, the entry and sale in france, and of large premiums for the risks; in a word, no one defrauds nor thinks of it. the office is not large enough to receive all the beaver. the ships came in very late; i could not get m. dumenu the secretary to the board to send you the regulations you ask for the beaver trade; you shall have them, next year, if it pleases god. they contain prohibition to embark from france under a penalty of livres' fine, confiscation of the goods, even of the ships; however, under the treaty of normandy, i had a dieppe captain seized for about crowns worth of beaver, and the council here confiscated the vessel, and imposed a fine of livres, on which the captain appealed to france, and he obtained at the king's council, replevin on his ship and the fine was reduced to livres. as prior to m. talon nobody sent traders in the woods as explained in this memorandum there was not to my knowledge any regulation as to the said woods before the decree of . on the contrary i remember that those two individuals under m. de lauzon's government who brought in each for . or , livres applied to me to be exempted from the tax of one fourth, because, they said we were obliged to them for having brought down a fleet which enriched the country. (not signed.) index [transcriber's note: many index entries contain references like the " n." in the "arms" entry. the "n." appears to refer to the footnote(s) that were on their host pages in the original book. in this e-book, all footnotes have been moved to the end of their respective chapters.] a abenaki indians, the, . abitiby indians, the, . acadia, indian tribes located in, . albanel, charles, jesuit missionary, ; overland trip of, to hudson bay, - ; at king charles fort, . albany (orange), ; iroquois freebooting expedition against, - ; radisson's escape to, - . algonquin indian, murder of mohawk hunters by a, . algonquin indians, radisson and groseillers travel to the west with, - ; territory of the, ; wars with the iroquois, - ; tribes of, on lake huron, . allemand, pierre, companion of radisson, . allouez, père claude, . amsterdam, radisson's early visit to, . arctic ocean, hearne's overland trip to, - ; arrival at, - ; mackenzie's trip of exploration to, - . arms, supplied to mohawks by dutch, n.; desire for, cause of sioux' friendliness to radisson, , . assiniboine indians, origin of name, n., ; radisson learns of, from prairie tribes, ; defence of the younger groseillers by, ; de la vérendrye meets the, - ; accompany de la vérendrye to the mandans, - ; saint-pierre's encounter with, . assiniboine river, , , - . athabasca country, hearne explores the, - . athabasca lake; hearne's arrival at, - . athabasca river, . athabascan tribes, matonabbee and the, . aulneau, father, , ; killed by indians, . b baptism of indian children by radisson and groseillers, . barren lands, region of "little sticks," - , - . bath of purification, indian, , . bay of the north. _see_ hudson bay. bayly, charles, governor of hudson's bay company, ; in canada, - ; encounter with the jesuit albanel, - , ; accusations against radisson and groseillers, - . bear, lewis's experience with a, . beauharnois, charles de, governor of new france, , , . _beaux hommes_, crow indians, . beckworth, prisoner among missouri indians, . belmont, abbé, cited, n., n. bering, vitus, . bigot, intendant of new france, . bird, prisoner of the blackfeet, . bird's egg moon, the (june), . blackbird, omaha chief, grave of, . bochart, governor of three rivers. _see_ duplessis-kerbodot. boësme, louis, . _boissons_, drinking matches, . boston, radisson and groseillers in, . bourassa, _voyageur_, . bourdon, jean, explorations by, , n. bow indians, the, - . bridgar, john, governor of hudson's bay company, , , , , , , . brower, j. v., cited, n. bryce, dr. george, n., n., n. buffalo-hunts, sioux, n., . button, sir thomas, explorations of, n. c cadieux, exploit and death of, - . cameahwait, snake indian chief, - . cannibalism among indians, , . cannibals of the barren lands, . cape breton, discovery and fortification of, . caribou, radisson's remarks on, . caribou herds in barren lands, ; indian method of hunting, . carr, george, letter from, to lord darlington, n. carr, sir robert, urges radisson to renounce france, . carrier, jacques, , , - . cartwright, sir george, radisson and groseillers sail with, - ; shareholder in hudson's bay company, . catlin, cited, n., . cayuga indians, the, , , . chaboneau, guide to lewis and clark, , , . chame, m., commissioner of company of normandy, , . champlain, governor in canada, - . charlevoix, mission of, . chichigoe tribe of indians, the, . chinook indians, lewis and clark friends with, . chipewyans, bath of purification practised by, n.; hearne's journey with, - ; massacre of eskimo by, - . chouart, m., letters of, - . _see_ groseillers, jean baptiste. chouart, médard. see groseillers, médard chouart. _chronique trifluvienne_, sulte's, n. clark, william, companion of meriwether lewis, - ; exploration of yellowstone river by, ; hero-qualities of, - . _see_ lewis. clatsop indians, lewis and clark among the, . clearwater river, lewis and clark on the, . coal, use of, by indians, . colbert, radisson pardoned and commissioned by, ; withholds advancement from radisson, ; summons radisson and groseillers to france, - ; death of, . colleton, sir peter, shareholder in hudson's bay company, . colter, frontiersman with lewis and clark, . columbia river, lewis and clark travel down the, . company of miscou, the, . company of normandy, the, - . company of the north, the, , , , . company of one hundred associates, the, , , . company of tadoussac, the, . company of the west indies, the, , ; account of formation of, . comporté, m., letter to, from m. chouart, - . coppermine river ("far-off-metal river"), , , , , . copper mines, radisson receives reports of, , ; discovery of, by hearne, . council bluffs, origin of name, . council pipe, smoking the, , . couture, explorations of, , - . couture (the younger), . cree indians, first reports of, , ; radisson's second visit to, - , ; wintering in a settlement of, ; a famine among, - ; de la vérendrye assisted by, - . crow indians, de la vérendrye's sons among, - . d dablon, claude, jesuit missionary, , n., . d'ailleboust, m., governor of company of normandy, . dakota, radisson's explorations in, . d'argenson, viscomte, governor of new france, , - , - , . d'avaugour, governor, , , , , , , . death-song, huron, , . de casson, dollier, cited, n., n., n. de la galissonnière, governor, . de la jonquière, governor, . de lanoue, fur-trade pioneer, . de la vérendrye, francois, , , , , . de la vérendrye, jean baptiste, , , - , , ; murder of, by sioux, . de la vérendrye, louis, , . de la vérendrye, pierre, , , , , , . de la vérendrye, pierre gaultier de varennes, leaves montreal on search for western sea ( ), - ; at nepigon, ; previous career, - ; traverses lake superior to kaministiquia, ; fort st. pierre named for, ; among the cree indians, - ; return to quebec to raise supplies, ; loss of eldest son in sioux massacre, ; explores minnesota and manitoba to lake winnipeg, - ; at fort maurepas, ; return to montreal with furs, ; explores valley of the assiniboine, - ; visits the mandan indians, - ; takes possession for france of the upper missouri, ; superseded by de noyelles ( ), ; decorated with order of cross of st. louis, ; death at montreal, . de niverville, lieutenant of saint-pierre, - . denonville, marquis of, , , . de noyelles, supersession of de la vérendrye by, . de noyon, explorations of, . dieppe, merchants of, interested in canada trade, , . dionne, dr. n. e., cited, n., n., n., n. dog rib indians, mackenzie among, - . dollard, fight of, against the iroquois, - , . dreuillettes, gabriel, discoveries by, - , , n. drewyer, companion of meriwether lewis, . drugging of indians, - . duchesnau, m. jacques, n., . dufrost, christopher, sieur de la jemmeraie, , , , , , . du péron, francois, . duplessis-kerbodot, murder of, by iroquois, n., , . dupuis, major, at onondaga, , - . dutch, arms supplied to mohawk indians by, n.; war of, with the english, - . e england, arrival of radisson and groseillers in, ; effect of war between holland and, on exploring propositions, - ; hudson's bay company organized in, - ; fur-trading expeditions from, - . _see_ hudson's bay company _and_ radisson. erie indians, the, . eskimo, massacre of, by chipewyans, - . f "far-off-metal river," the, , , ; hearne reaches the, . feasts, indian, , - , n. _festins à tout manger_, , n. fields, companion of meriwether lewis, - . flathead indians, assistance given lewis and clark by, , . floyd, sergeant, of lewis and clark's expedition, . forked river, term applied to mississippi and missouri rivers, , ; radisson's account of people on the, - . fort, dollard's so-called, at the long sault, ; radisson and groseillers', in the northwest, - . fort bourbon (port royal), on hayes river, - , - . fort bourbon, on saskatchewan, . fort chipewyan, . fort clatsop, lewis and clark's winter quarters, - . fort dauphin, . fort king charles, , . fort lajonquière, . fort mandan, stars and stripes hoisted at, . fort maurepas, construction, ; description, - ; de la vérendrye at, . fort orange, radisson and the iroquois at, - ; radisson's escape to, - . fort poskoyac, , . fort prince of wales, building of, ; description, - ; hearne becomes governor of, ; surrender and destruction of, - . fort de la reine, construction of, ; de la vérendrye returns to, after visiting mandans, ; abandonment of, . fort rouge, . fort st. charles, - , , . fort st. louis, of quebec, first fortification on site of, . fort st. pierre, . fort william, , , . fraser river, mackenzie's explorations on, - . frog moon, the (may), . frontenac, governor of new france, , , , , , . fur companies of new france, , , , , - , - . fur company, hudson's bay. _see_ hudson's bay company. fur trade, the french, - , ; regulations governing the, , n.; effect of, on development of west, . g gantlet, running the, - . gareau, leonard, journey and death of, . garneau, cited, n., n. gillam, ben, encounters with radisson, - , - . gillam, zechariah, radisson's first transactions with, - ; groseillers' voyage to hudson bay with, - ; at rupert river with hudson's bay company ship, ; active enmity of, toward radisson, - , - , , , . godefroy, jean, companion of radisson, . godefroy family, the, n. goose month (april), - . gorst, thomas, n., n. grand river of the north. _see_ mackenzie river. gray, captain, . great falls of the missouri, lewis discovers the, . great rat, nation of the, , . green bay, western limit of french explorations until radisson, ; radisson's winter quarters at, - , - . groseillers, nephew of explorer, title of nobility ordered granted to, . groseillers, jean baptiste, accompanies radisson to hudson bay ( ), ; trip up hayes river, , ; left in charge of fort bourbon, ; troubles with indians and with english, - ; surrenders fort to radisson, acting for hudson's bay company, ; letters to mother, , - ; carried to england by force, ; offer from hudson's bay company, . groseillers, médard chouart, birth, birthplace, and marriage, ; journey to lake nipissing, ; engages with radisson in voyage of exploration to the west ( ), - ; winter quarters at green bay, - ; explorations in west and northwest, - ; return to quebec, ; second trip to northwest ( ), - ; imprisoned and fined on return to quebec ( ), ; goes to france to seek reparation, ; meets with neglect and indifference, - ; deceived into returning to three rivers and going to isle percée, ; goes to port royal, n.s., becomes involved with boston sea-captain, and reaches england _via_ boston and spain ( ), - ; backed by prince rupert, fits out ship for hudson bay, and spends year in trading expedition ( - ), - ; on return to london, created a _knight de la jarretière_, ; second voyage from england ( ), ; involved with radisson in suspicions of double-dealing, - ; in meeting of fur traders at quebec, ; retires to family at three rivers, ; summoned by radisson to join expedition in private french interests to hayes river ( - ), - ; successful trade in furs, , ; jealousy and lawsuits on return to quebec, - ; summoned to france by colbert ( ), - ; petition for redress of wrongs ignored by french court, ; gives up struggle and retires to three rivers, . h hayes, sir james, , . hayes river, radisson's canoe trip up the, - ; fort bourbon established on, ; radisson's second visit to, - . hayet, marguerite, radisson's sister, n., ; death of first husband, , ; marriage with groseillers, ; letters from son, , - . hayet, sébastien, n., n. hearne, samuel, cited, n.; departure from fort prince of wales on exploring trip, - ; in the barren lands, - , - ; crosses the arctic circle, ; discovers the coppermine river, - ; massacre of eskimo by indians accompanying, - ; arrival at arctic ocean, ; takes possession of arctic regions for hudson's bay company, - ; returns up the coppermine river and discovers copper mines, ; travels in athabasca region, - ; returns to fort prince of wales, ; becomes governor of post, ; surrenders fort to the french, - . hénault, madeline, radisson's mother, n., . hudson bay, overland routes to, ; radisson's early discoveries regarding, - , - . _hudson bay_, robson's, cited, n., n., n., n., n. hudson's bay company, origin of, - ; early expeditions, - ; distrust of radisson by, ; contract between radisson and, - ; final treaty of peace made between indians and, ; poor treatment of radisson by, ; quietly prosperous career of, - ; encroachments of french traders, - ; demand for activity, - ; possession taken of arctic regions for, by hearne, - . huron indians, death songs of, , ; massacre of christian, by iroquois, - ; band of, with dollard, against the iroquois, - ; territory of, ; tribes of, at michilimackinac, . husky dogs, . i icebergs, labradorian, . iroquois confederacy, the five tribes composing the, ; characteristics of, . iroquois indians, murder of inhabitants of three rivers by, n., , ; treatment of prisoners by, - , - , ; radisson's life with, - ; frenchmen at montreal scalped by, ; hostages of, held at quebec, , - ; siege of onondaga by, - ; encounters between algonquins and radisson and, - , - ; radisson's fight with, on the grand sault, - ; bollard's battle with, - ; radisson's fights with, on second western trip, - , - ; wars between algonquins and, . isle of massacres, - . issaguy tribe of indians, n. j jemmeraie, sieur de la, de la vérendrye's lieutenant, , , , , ; death of, . _jesuit relations_, cited, n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n.; quoted, . jesuits, in onondaga expedition, - ; lives of iroquois saved by, ; start with radisson and groseillers on first western expedition, ; turn back to montreal, . jogues, father, , , , . jolliet, n., , . k kaministiquia, fur post at, . kickapoo indians, location of, . king charles fort. _see_ fort king charles. kirke, mary, marriage with radisson, ; becomes a catholic, . kirke, sir john, shareholder in hudson's bay company, ; claims of, against new france, ; forbids daughter's going to france, ; friendly influence used for radisson, . _knight de la jarretière_, groseillers created a, . l la barre, governor of new france, la chesnaye, cited, n., n.; backs radisson in northern expedition, - ; outcome of radisson's dealings with, - . lake assiniboel, . "lake of the castors," the (lake nipissing), n., n., . lake ontario, tribes about, . lake superior, exploration of, by radisson, ; explorer's second visit to, - . lamoignon, m. de, president of company of normandy, , , . la perouse, french admiral, . larivière, companion of radisson and groseillers, , - . la salle, n., , , , . lauzon, m. de, governor of company of normandy, - , . la vallière, . la vérendrye. _see_ de la vérendrye. ledyard, john, . _letters of marie de l'incarnation_, cited, n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n. lewis, meriwether, starts on expedition to explore missouri and columbia rivers, - ; reaches villages of mandan indians, - ; first views the rocky mountains, - ; discovers the great falls of the missouri, ; narrowly escapes death from a bear, - ; enters the gates of the rockies, ; reaches sources of the missouri, - ; makes friends with snake indians, - ; crosses divide to the clearwater river and travels down the columbia, ; arrival on pacific ocean, ; winters at fort clatsop ( - ), - ; return trip by main stream of the missouri, ; adventures with minnetaree indians, - ; arrival at st. louis, ; tribute to character and qualities of, - . liberte, traitor in lewis and clark's expedition, . little missouri, lewis and clark pass the, . "little sticks," region of, - , - . london, radisson's first visit to, - . long sault, rapids of, dollard's battle at, - , . lord preston, english envoy in france, , , . low, a. p., quoted, n., n., n. m mackay, alexander, mackenzie's lieutenant, , , , , , . mackenzie, sir alexander, early career of, ; stationed at fort chipewyan, - ; exploration of mackenzie river by, - ; crosses the arctic circle, ; reaches arctic ocean, - ; returns up the mackenzie to fort chipewyan, ; exploration of peace river by, - ; discovers source of peace river, ; crosses the divide and reaches head waters of fraser river, ; travels down the fraser, - ; adventures with indians, - ; reaches the pacific ocean, - ; return to fort chipewyan _via_ peace river, - ; later life, . mackenzie, charles, . mackenzie, roderick, , . mackenzie river, exploration of, - , - . mandan indians, bath of purification practised by, n.; radisson discovers the, , ; de la vérendrye's visit to, , - ; the younger de la vérendryes' second visit to, - ; lewis and clark at villages of, - , . manitoba, radisson's explorations in, - . marquette, père, n. martin, abraham, plains of abraham named for, n. martin, helen, groseillers' first wife, n. martinière, plan of, to capture radisson for french, . mascoutins, "people of the fire," , n., , ; location of the, ; radisson among the, . matonabbee, chief of chipewyans, - ; aid afforded hearne by, - ; massacre of eskimo directed by, - ; suicide of, . ménard, father, , . messaiger, father, , , . miami indians, location of the, . michigan, indian tribes in, . michilimackinac, island of, radisson; passes, ; early headquarters of fur trade, ; indian tribes at, . micmac indians, the, . minnesota, dispute as to discovery of eastern, n.; radisson's explorations in, ; radisson may have wintered in, on second trip, . minnetaree indians, lewis and the, - . mississippi, radisson discovers the upper, - . mississippi valley, radisson first to explore the, - . missouri, tribes of the, ; de la vérendrye takes possession of the upper, ; lewis and clark explore the, - . mistassini, lake, father albanel at, . mistassini indians, the, . mohawk indians, murder of french of three rivers by, n., , ; adoption of radisson by a family of, ; murder of three, by radisson and an algonquin, ; jealous as to french settlement among onondagas, - ; siege of onondaga by, - ; outwitted by radisson at onondaga, - ; location of the, . montagnais indians, the, . montana, punishment of indians by scouts in, n. montmagny, m. de, governor in canada, - . montreal, expedition for onondaga leaves, ; iroquois scalp frenchmen at, ; return of onondaga party, ; de la vérendrye's departure from, - ; indian tribes located in vicinity of, - . munck, explorations of, n. n "nation of the grand rat," , . nelson river, radisson on the, , , - , - , n. nemisco river, called the rupert, . nepigon, de la vérendrye at, , . new york in , - . _new york colonial documents_, n. nez perces indians, help given to lewis and clark by, . nicolet, jean, , . nicolls, colonel richard, quoted, n. nipissing, lake, n., n., . nipissinien indians, the, . northwest, the great, discovery of, by radisson, - . northwest fur company, the, , , . northwest passage, reward of l , offered for discovery of, . norton, marie, , , - . norton, moses, governor of fort prince of wales, ; character of, - ; death of, - . o ochagach, indian hunter, . octbaton tribe of indians, n. ojibway indians, , . oldmixon, john, cited, n., n., n., n. omaha indians, radisson's possible visit to, , . omtou tribe of indians, n. oneida indians, the, , . onondaga, settlement at, ; iroquois conspiracy against, - ; garrison besieged at, - ; escape of french from, - . onondaga tribe, the, ; jesuit mission among ( ), - ; treacherous conduct of, toward christian hurons, - . orange. _see_ albany. orimha, radisson's mohawk name, . oudiette, jean, n. "ouinipeg," lake, , . outanlouby indians, the, . p pacific ocean, mackenzie's expedition reaches the, - ; lewis and clark's expedition reaches, . papinachois indians, the, . parkman, francis, cited, n., n., n., n., n. _pays d'en haut_, "up-country," defined, n. peace river, the, ; exploration of, ; mackenzie reaches the source of the, . pemmican, defined, . "people of the fire," the, mascoutin indians, n., n., , n. pictured rocks of lake superior, the, . piescaret, algonquin chief, . pipe of peace, smoking the, - . plains of abraham, named for abraham martin, n. poinsy, m. de, commander at st. christopher, . poissons blancs (white fish) indians, the, . poncet, père, . port nelson, , - , - . port royal, nova scotia, radisson and groseillers at, . prince maximilian, . prince rupert, patron of french explorers, - , ; first governor of hudson's bay company, . prisoners, treatment of, by iroquois, - , - , . prudhomme, mr. justice, n. purification, bath of, indian rite, , . q quebec, iroquois hostages for safety of onondaga held at, , - ; celebration at, on return of radisson and groseillers, ; meeting of fur traders at ( ), ; indian tribes located about, . r radisson, pierre esprit (the elder), n., n. radisson, pierre esprit, uncle of the explorer, n. radisson, pierre esprit, date and place of birth, ; genealogy of, n., n.; captured by iroquois indians, ; adopted into mohawk tribe, ; escape to fort orange ( ), - ; proof of catholicism of, n.; visits europe and returns to three rivers ( ), - ; joins expedition to onondaga ( ), ; besieged by iroquois throughout winter, - ; saves the garrison and returns to montreal, - ; goes on trapping and exploring trip to the west ( ), - ; reaches lake nipissing and lake huron, ; in winter quarters at green bay, - ; crosses present state of wisconsin and discovers upper mississippi, - ; explorations to the west and south, - ; in minnesota and manitoba, - ; encounter with iroquois at long sault of the ottawa, - ; at scene of dollard's fight of a week before, - ; arrival at quebec ( ), ; sets forth on voyage of discovery toward hudson bay ( ), ; traverses lake superior, - ; builds fort and winters west of present duluth, - ; visits the sioux, - ; reaches lake winnipeg, ; returns to quebec ( ), ; bad treatment by french officials, ; goes to france to gain his rights, - ; ill-treatment, deception by rochelle merchant, dealings with captain gillam of boston, and visit to boston ( ), - ; goes to england, - ; marriage with mary kirke, ; formation of hudson's bay company ( ), - ; trading voyage to port nelson ( ), - ; recalled to england and poorly treated ( - ), ; receives commission in french navy ( - ), ; complications between wife's father and french government, ; backed by la chesnaye, engages in new expedition to hudson bay, - ; returns to quebec ( ) and sails to hayes river ( ), - ; troubles with english and boston ships, - ; jealousy and lawsuits on return to quebec, - ; unsuccessfully presses claims in france, - ; commissioned by hudson's bay company, - ; sails to hayes river and takes possession of fort bourbon and french furs ( ), - ; return to england, - ; annual voyages to hudson bay for five years, ; distrusted on breaking out of war with france, and neglect in old age, - : consideration of character and career, - . _radisson's relation_, cited, n., n., n., n., n., n., n., , , n., ; language used in, ; time of writing, . ragueneau, father paul, n., , , , , , , n., n. rascal village, indian camp, . red river, first white men on, . rhythm as an indian characteristic, n. ricaree indians, insolence of, to lewis and clark, - . robson, cited, , , , , . rochelle, radisson's visit to, in , . rocky mountains, radisson's nearest approach to the, ; pierre de la vérendrye reaches the, ; lewis's first view of the, - ; lewis and clark enter gates of the, . rouen, merchants of, interested in canada trade, , , . roy, j. edmond, cited, n. roy, r., translations of documents, . rupert river, the nemisco renamed the, . s sacajawea, squaw guide to lewis and clark, , , , . st. louis, departure of lewis and clark's expedition from, - ; return to, . saint-lusson, sieur de, . saint-pierre, legardeur de, - . saskatchewan river, exploration of, . sautaux indians, the, - , n., n., . scalp dance, the, , . seneca indians, the, , , . sioux indians, the, ; radisson and the, , , - ; desire of, for firearms, , ; location of the, . skull-crackers, indian, defined, , . slave lake, mackenzie on, . slave lake indians, the, , , . smith, donald (lord strathcona), - . snake indians, lewis and clark make friends with, - . society of one hundred. _see_ company of one hundred associates. songs, indian, , . sturgeons, radisson's river of, . sulte, benjamin, cited, , n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n., n. t tadoussac (quebec), company of, . talon, intendant of new france, n., - , - , , , . tanguay, abbé, n., n., n. tar bed, mackenzie's discovery of a, in the arctic, . temiscamingue indians, the, . thousand islands, massacre of huron captives by iroquois at, - . three forks of the missouri, lewis and clark arrive at, . three rivers, population of, n.; in , - ; de la vérendrye born at, ; indians of, . touret, eli godefroy, french spy, . torture, indian methods of, - , - , . _travaille_, defined, . _tripe de roches_, defined, . v vérendrye. _see_ de la vérendrye. ville-marie (montreal), indian tribes about, - . voorhis, mrs. julia clark, clark letters owned by, n. w wampum, significance to indians, . war-cry, indian, sounds representing the, n. waste, viewed by indians as crime, . west indies company. _see_ company of the west indies. windsor, member of lewis and clark's expedition, - . winnipeg, lake, first reports of, , ; radisson arrives at, ; rumours of a tide on, ; de la vérendrye on, - . wisconsin, radisson's travels in, - l, . wolf indians located at three rivers, . wyandotte indians, the, . y yellowstone river, exploration of, by lewis and clark, , . york (port nelson), , - , - . young, sir william, champions radisson's cause, , , . the magnificent adventure _being the story of the world's greatest exploration and the romance of a very gallant gentleman._ a novel by emerson hough author of the covered wagon, north of , etc. illustrated by arthur i. keller new york grosset & dunlap publishers made in the united states of america copyright, , by emerson hough copyright, , by the frank a. munsey company printed in the united states of america [illustration: "'him ro'shones,' replied the girl" [page ]] to robert h. davis good friend invaluable collaborator contents part i chapter page i. mother and son ii. meriwether and theodosia iii. mr. burr and mr. merry iv. president and secretary v. the pell-mell and some consequences vi. the great conspiracy vii. colonel burr and his daughter viii. the parting ix. mr. thomas jefferson x. the threshold of the west xi. the taming of patrick gass xii. captain william clark xiii. under three flags xiv. the rent in the armor part ii i. under one flag ii. the mysterious letter iii. the day's work iv. the crossroads of the west v. the appeal vi. which way? vii. the mountains viii. trail's end ix. the summons x. the abyss xi. the bee xii. what voice had called? xiii. the news xiv. the guests of a nation xv. mr. jefferson's advice xvi. the quality of mercy xvii. the friends xviii. the wilderness xix. down to the sea list of illustrations "'him ro'shones,' replied the girl" _frontispiece_ facing page "'mistah thomas jeffahson!' was his sole announcement" "'oh, theo, what have i done?'" "her face indeed!" the magnificent adventure chapter i mother and son a woman, tall, somewhat angular, dark of hair and eye, strong of features--a woman now approaching middle age--sat looking out over the long, tree-clad slopes that ran down from the gallery front of the mansion house to the gate at the distant roadway. she had sat thus for some moments, many moments, her gaze intently fixed, as though waiting for something--something or someone that she did not now see, but expected soon to see. it was late afternoon of a day so beautiful that not even old albemarle, beauty spot of virginia, ever produced one more beautiful--not in the hundred years preceding that day, nor in the century since then. for this was more than a hundred years ago; and what is now an ancient land was then a half opened region, settled only here and there by the great plantations of the well-to-do. the house that lay at the summit of the long and gentle slope, flanked by its wide galleries--its flung doors opening it from front to rear to the gaze as one approached--had all the rude comfort and assuredness usual with the gentry of that time and place. it was the privilege, and the habit, of the widow lewis to sit idly when she liked, but her attitude now was not that of idleness. intentness, reposeful acceptance of life, rather, showed in her motionless, long-sustained position. she was patient, as women are; but her strong pose, its freedom from material support, her restrained power to do or to endure, gave her the look of owning something more than resignation, something more than patience. a strong figure of a woman, one would have said had one seen her, sitting on the gallery of her old home a hundred and twenty-four years ago. the widow lewis stared straight down at the gate, a quarter of a mile away, with yearning in her gaze. but as so often happens, what she awaited did not appear at the time and place she herself had set. there fell at the western end of the gallery a shadow--a tall shadow, but she did not see it. she did not hear the footfall, not stealthy, but quite silent, with which the tall owner of the shadow came toward her from the gallery end. it was a young man, or rather boy, no more than eighteen years of age, who stood now and gazed at her after his silent approach, so like that of an indian savage. half savage himself he seemed now, as he stood, clad in the buckskin garments of the chase, then not unusual in the virginian borderlands among settlers and hunters, and not held _outré_ among a people so often called to the chase or to war. his tunic was of dressed deer hide, his well-fitting leggings also of that material. his feet were covered with moccasins, although his hat and the neat scarf at his neck were those of a gentleman. he was a practical youth, one would have said, for no ornament of any sort was to be seen upon his garb. in his hand he carried a long rifle of the sort then used thereabout. at his belt swung the hide of a raccoon, the bodies of a few squirrels. had you been a close observer, you would have found each squirrel shot fair through the head. indeed, a look into the gray eye of the silent-paced youth would have assured you in advance of his skill with his weapons--you would have known that to be natural with him. you would not soon have found his like, even in that land of tall hunting men. he was a grand young being as he stood there, straight and clean-limbed; hard-bitten of muscle, albeit so young; powerful and graceful in his stride. the beauty of youth was his, and of a strong heredity--that you might have seen. the years of youth were his, yes; but the lightness of youth did not rest on his brow. while he was not yet eighteen, the gravity of manhood was his. he did not smile now, as he saw his mother sitting there absorbed, gazing out for his return, and not seeing him now that he had returned. instead, he stepped forward, and quietly laid a hand upon her shoulder, not with any attempt to surprise or startle her, but as if he knew that she would accept it as the announcement of his presence. he was right. the strong figure in the chair did not start away. no exclamation came from the straight mouth of the face now turned toward him. evidently the nerves of these two were not of the sort readily stampeded. the young man's mother at first did not speak to him. she only reached up her own hand to take that which lay upon her shoulder. they remained thus for a moment, until at last the youth stepped back to lean his rifle against the wall. "i am late, mother," said he at length, as he turned and, seating himself at her feet, threw his arm across her lap--himself but boy again now, and not the hunter and the man. she stroked his dark hair, not foolishly fond, but with a sort of stern maternal care, smoothing it back in place where it belonged, straightening out the riot it had assumed. it made a mane above his forehead and reached down his neck to his shoulders, so heavy that where its dark mass was lifted it showed the skin of his neck white beneath. "you are late, yes." "and you waited--so long?" "i am always waiting for you, merne," said she. she used the elizabethan vowel, as one should pronounce "bird," with no sound of "u"--"mairne," the name sounded as she spoke it. and her voice was full and rich and strong, as was her son's; musically strong. "i am always waiting for you, merne," said she. "but i long ago learned not to expect anything else of you." she spoke with not the least reproach in her tone. "no, i only knew that you would come back in time, because you told me that you would." "and you did not fear for me, then--gone overnight in the woods?" he half smiled at that thought himself. "you know i would not. i know you, what you are--born woodsman. no, i trust you to care for yourself in any wild country, my son, and to come back. and then--to go back again into the forest. when will it be, my son? tomorrow? in two days, or four, or six? sometime you will go to the wilderness again. it draws you, does it not?" she turned her head slightly toward the west, where lay the forest from which the boy had but now emerged. he did not smile, did not deprecate. he was singularly mature in his actions, though but eighteen years of age. "i did not desert my duty, mother," said he at length. "oh, no, you would not do that, merne!" returned the widow. "please, mother," said he suddenly, "i want you to call me by my full name--that of your people. am i not meriwether, too?" the hand on his forehead ceased its gentle movement, fell to its owner's lap. a sigh passed his mother's set lips. "yes, my son, meriwether," said she. "this is the last journey! i have lost you, then, it seems? you do not wish to be my boy any longer? you are a man altogether, then?" "i am meriwether lewis, mother," said he gravely, and no more. "yes!" she spoke absently, musingly. "yes, you always were!" "i went westward, clear across the ragged mountains," said the youth. "these"--and he pointed with contempt to the small trophies at his belt--"will do for the darkies at the stables. i put yon old ringtail up a tree last night, on my way home, and thought it was as well to wait till dawn, till i could see the rifle-sights; and afterward--the woods were beautiful today. as to the trails, even if there is no trail, i know the way back home--you know that, mother." "i know that, my son, yes. you were born for the forest. i fear i shall not hold you long on this quiet farm." "all in time, mother! i am to stay here with you until i am fitted to go higher. you know what mr. jefferson has said to me. i am for washington, mother, one of these days--for i hold it sure that mr. jefferson will go there in some still higher place. he was my father's friend, and is ours still." "it may be that you will go to washington, my son," said his mother; "i do not know. but will you stay there? the forest will call to you all your life--all your life! do i not know you, then? can i not see your life--all your life--as plainly as if it were written? do i not know--your mother? why should not your mother know?" he looked around at her rather gravely once again, unsmilingly, for he rarely smiled. "how do you know, mother? what do you know? tell me--about myself! then i will tell you also. we shall see how we agree as to what i am and what i ought to do!" "my son, it is no question of what you ought to do, for that blends too closely in fate with what you surely will do--must do--because it was written for you. yonder forest will always call to you." she turned now toward the sun, sinking across the red-leaved forest lands. "the wilderness is your home. you will go out into it and return--often; and then at last you will go and not come back again--not to me--not to anyone will you come back." the youth did not move as she sat, her hands on his head. her voice went on, even and steady. "you are old, meriwether lewis! it is time, now. you are a man. you _always_ were a man! you were born old. you never have been a boy, and never can be one. you never were a child, but always a man. when you were a baby, you did not smile; when you were a boy, you always had your way. my boy, a long time ago i ceased to oppose that will of yours--i knew that it was useless. but, ah, how i have loved that will when i felt it was behind your promise! i knew you would do what you had set for yourself to do. i knew you would come back with deeds in your hand, my boy--gained through that will which never would bend for me or for anyone else in the world!" he remained motionless, apparently unaffected, as his mother went on. "you were always old, always grown up, always resolved, always your own master--always meriwether lewis. when you were born, you were not a child. when the old nurse brought you to me--i can see her black face grinning now--she carried you held by the feet instead of lying on her arm. you _stood_, you were so strong! your hair was dark and full even then. you were old! in two weeks you turned where you heard a sound--you recognized sight and sound together, as no child usually does for months. you were beautiful, my boy, so strong, so straight--ah, yes!--but you never were a boy at all. when you should have been a baby, you did not weep and you did not smile. i never knew you to do so. from the first, you always were a man." she paused, but still he did not speak. "that was well enough, for later we were left alone. but your father was in you. do i not know well enough where you got that settled melancholy of yours, that despondency, that somber grief--call it what you like--that marked him all his life, and even in his death? that came from him, your father. i thank god i did not give you that, knowing what life must hold for you in suffering! he suffered, yes, but not as you will. and you must--you must, my son. beyond all other men, you will suffer!" "you were better named cassandra, mother!" yet the young man scarce smiled even now. "yes, i am a prophetess, all too sooth a prophetess, my son. i see ahead as only a mother can see--perhaps as only one of the old highland blood can see. i am soothseer and soothsayer, because you are blood of my blood, bone of my bone, and i cannot help but know. i cannot help but know what that melancholy and that resolution, all these combined, must spell for you. you know how his heart was racked at times?" the boy nodded now. "then know how your own must be racked in turn!" said she. "my son, it is no ordinary fate that will be yours. you will go forward at all costs; you will keep your word bright as the knife in your belt--you will drive yourself. what that means to you in agony--what that means when your will is set against the unalterable and the inevitable--i wish--oh, i wish i could not see it! but i do see it, now, all laid out before me--all, all! oh, merne--may i not call you merne once more before i let you go?" she let her hands fall from his head to his shoulders as she gazed steadily out beyond him, as if looking into his future; but she herself sat, her strong face composed. she might, indeed, have been a prophetess of old. "tragedy is yours, my son," said she, slowly, "not happiness. no woman will ever come and lie in your arms happy and content." "mother!" he half flung off her hands, but she laid them again more firmly on his shoulders, and went on speaking, as if half in reverie, half in trance, looking down the long slope of green and gold as if it showed the vista of the years. "you will love, my boy, but with your nature how could love mean happiness to you? love? no man could love more terribly. you will be intent, resolved, but the firmness of your will means that much more suffering for you. you will suffer, my boy--i see that for you, my first-born boy! you will love--why should you not, a man fit to love and be loved by any woman? but that love, the stronger it grows, will but burn you the deeper. you will struggle through on your own path; but happiness does not lie at the end of that path for you. you will succeed, yes--you could not fail; but always the load on your shoulders will grow heavier and heavier. you will carry it alone, until at last it will be too much for you. your strong heart will break. you will lie down and die. such a fate for you, merne, my boy--such a man as you will be!" she sighed, shivered, and looked about her, startled, as if she had spoken aloud in some dream. "well, then, go on!" she said, and withdrew her hands from his shoulders. the faces of both were now gazing straight on over the gold-flecked slope before them. "go on, you are a man. i know you will not turn back from what you undertake. you will not change, you will not turn--because you cannot. you were born to earn and not to own; to find, but not to possess. but as you have lived, so you will die." "you give me no long shrift, mother?" said the youth, with a twinkle in his eye. "how can i? i can only tell you what is in the book of life. do i not know? a mother always loves her son; so it takes all her courage to face what she knows will be his lot. any mother can read her son's future--if she dares to read it. she knows--she knows!" there was a long silence; then the widow continued. "listen, merne," she said. "you call me a prophetess of evil. i am not that. do you think i speak only in despair, my boy? no, there is something larger than mere happiness. listen, and believe me, for now i could not fail to know. i tell you that your great desire, the great wish of your life, shall be yours! you never will relinquish it, you always will possess it, and at last it will be yours." again silence fell between them before she went on, her hand again resting on her son's dark hair. "your great desire will cost me my son. be it so! we breed men for the world, we women, and we give them up. out of the agony of our hearts, we do and must always give them up. that is the price i must pay. but i give you up to the great hope, the great thing of your life. should i complain? am i not your mother, and therefore a woman? and should a woman complain? but, oh, merne, merne, my son, my boy!" she drew his head back, so that she could see deep into his eyes. her dark brows half frowning, she gazed down upon him, not so much in tenderness as in intentness. for the first time in many months--for the last time in his life--she kissed him on the forehead; and then she let him go. he rose now, and, silently as he had come, passed around the end of the wide gallery. her gaze did not follow him. she sat still looking down the golden-green slope where the leaves were dropping silently. she sat, her chin in her hand, her elbows upon her knees, facing that future, somber but splendid, to which she had devoted her son, and which in later years he so singularly fulfilled. that was the time when the mother of meriwether lewis gave him to his fate--his fate, so closely linked with yours and mine. chapter ii meriwether and theodosia soft is the sun in the summer season at washington, softer at times than any old dan chaucer ever knew; but again so ardent that anyone who would ride abroad would best do so in the early morning. this is true today, and it was true when the capital city lay in the heart of a sweeping forest at the edge of a yet unconquered morass. the young man who now rode into this forest, leaving behind him the open streets of the straggling city--then but beginning to lighten under the rays of the morning sun--was one who evidently knew his washington. he knew his own mind as well, for he rode steadily, as if with some definite purpose, to some definite point, looking between his horse's ears. sitting as erect and as easily as any cavalier of the world's best, he was tall in his saddle seat, his legs were long and straight. his boots were neatly varnished, his coat well cut, his gloves of good pattern for that time. his hat swept over a mass of dark hair, which fell deep in its loose cue upon his neck. his cravat was immaculate and well tied. he was a good figure of a man, a fine example of the young manhood of america as he rode, his light, firm hand half unconsciously curbing the antics of the splendid animal beneath him--a horse deep bay in color, high-mettled, a mount fit for a monarch--or for a young gentleman of virginia a little more than one hundred years ago. if it was not the horse of a monarch the young man bestrode, none the less it was the horse of one who insisted that his stables should be as good as those of any king--none less, if you please, than mr. thomas jefferson, then president of the united states of america. this particular animal was none other than arcturus, mr. jefferson's favorite saddler. it was the duty as well as the delight of mr. jefferson's private secretary to give arcturus and his stable-mate, wildair, their exercise on alternate days. on this summer morning arcturus was enjoying his turn beneath his rider--who forsooth was more often in the saddle than mr. jefferson himself. horse and rider made a picture in perfect keeping as they fared on toward the little-used forest road which led out rock creek way. yonder, a few miles distant, was a stone mill owned by an old german, who sometimes would offer a cup of coffee to an early horseman. perhaps this rider knew the way from earlier wanderings thither on other summer mornings. arcturus curveted along and tossed his head, mincing daintily, and making all manner of pretense at being dangerous, with sudden gusts of speed and shakings of his head and blowing out of his nostrils--though all the time the noble bay was as gentle as a dog. whether or not he really were dangerous would have made small difference to the young man who bestrode him, for his seat was that of the born horseman. they advanced comfortably enough, the rider seemingly less alive to the joys of the morning than was the animal beneath him. the young man's face was grave, his mouth unsmiling--a mouth of half indian lines, broken in its down-sweeping curve merely by the point of a bow which spoke of gentleness as well as strength. his head was that of the new man, the american, the new man of a new world, young and strong, a continent that had lain fallow from the birth of time. what burdened the mind of a man like this, of years which should have left him yet in full attunement with the morning of life and with the dawn of a country? why should he pay so little heed to the playful advances of arcturus, inviting him for a run along the shady road? arcturus could not tell. he could but prance insinuatingly, his ears forward, his head tossed, his eye now and again turned about, inquiring. but though the young man, moody and abstracted, still looked on ahead, some of his senses seemed yet on guard. his head turned at the slightest sound of the forest life that came to him. if a twig cracked, he heard it. if a green nut cut by some early squirrel clattered softly on the leaves, that was not lost to him. a bevy of partridges, feeding at dawn along the edge of the forest path, whirled up in his horse's face; and though he held the startled animal close, he followed the flight of the birds with the trained eye of the fowler, and marked well where they pitched again. he did these things unconsciously as one well used to the woods, even though his eye turned again straight down the road and the look of intentness, of sadness, almost of melancholy, once more settled upon his features. he advanced into the wood until all sight of the city was quite cut off from him, until the light grew yet dimmer along the forest road, in places almost half covered with a leafy canopy, until at length he came to the valley of the little stream. he followed the trail as it rambled along the bank toward the mill, through scenes apparently familiar to him. abstracted as he was he must have been alert, alive, for now, suddenly, he broke his moody reverie at some sound which he heard on ahead. he reined in for just an instant, then loosed the bridle and leaned forward. the horse under him sprang forward in giant strides. it was the sound of a voice that the young cavalier had heard--the voice of a woman--apparently a woman in some distress. what cavalier at any time of the world has not instinctively leaped forward at such sound? in less than half a moment the rider was around the turn of the leafy trail. she was there, the woman who had cried out, herself mounted, and now upon the point of trying conclusions with her mount. whether dissatisfaction with the latter or some fear of her own had caused her to cry out might have been less certain, had it not been sure that her eye was at the moment fastened, not upon the fractious steed, but upon the cause of his unwonted misbehavior. the keen eye of the young man looked with hers, and found the reason for the sudden scene. a serpent, some feet in length--one of the mottled, harmless species sometimes locally called the blow-snake--obviously had come out into the morning sun to warm himself, and his yellow body, lying loose and uncoiled, had been invisible to horse and rider until they were almost upon it. then, naturally, the serpent had moved his head, and both horse and rider had seen him, to the dismay of both. this the young man saw and understood in a second, even as he spurred forward alongside the plunging animal. his firm hand on the bridle brought both horses back to their haunches. an instant later both had control of their mounts again, and had set them down to their paces in workmanlike fashion. there was color in the young woman's face, but it was the color of courage, of resolution. there was breeding in every line of her. class and lineage marked her as she sat easily, her supple young body accommodating itself handsomely to the restrained restiveness of the steed beneath her. she rode with perfect confidence, as an experienced horsewoman, and was well turned out in a close habit, neither old nor new. her dark hair--cut rather squarely across her forehead after an individual fashion of her own--was surmounted by a slashed hat, decorated with a wide-flung plume of smoky color, caught with a jewel at the side. both jewel and plume had come, no doubt, in some ship from across seas. her hands were small, and gloved as well as might be at that day of the world. there was small ornament about her; nor did this young woman need ornament beyond the color of her cheek and hair and eye, and perhaps the touch of a bold ribbon at her throat, which held a white collar closer to a neck almost as white. an aristocrat, you must have called her, had you seen her in any chance company. and had you been a young man such as this, and had you met her alone, in some sort of agitation, and had consent been given you--or had you taken consent--surely you would have been loath to part company with one so fair, and would have ridden on with her as he did now. but at first they did not speak. a quick, startled look came into the face of the young woman. a deeper shade glowed upon the cheek of the cavalier, reddening under the skin--a flush which shamed him, but which he could not master. he only kept his eyes straight between his horse's ears as he rode--after he had raised his hat and bowed at the close of the episode. "i am to thank captain lewis once more," began the young woman, in a voice vibrant and clear--the sweetest, kindest voice in the world. "it is good fortune that you rode abroad so early this morning. you always come at need!" he turned upon her, mute for a time, yet looking full into her face. it was sadness, not boldness, not any gay challenge, that marked his own. "can you then call it good fortune?" his own voice was low, suppressed. "why not, then?" "you did not need me. a moment, and you would have been in command again--there was no real need of me. ah, you never need me!" "yet you come. you were here, had the need been worse. and, indeed, i was quite off my guard--i must have been thinking of something else." "and i also." "and there was the serpent." "madam, there was the serpent! and why not? is this not eden? i swear it is paradise enough for me. tell me, why is it that in the glimpses the sages give us of paradise they no more than lift the curtain--and let it fall again?" "captain meriwether lewis is singularly gloomy this morning!" "not more than i have been always. how brief was my little hour! yet for that time i knew paradise--as i do now. we should part here, madam, now, forever. yon serpent spelled danger for both of us." "for both of us?" "no, forgive me! none the less, i could not help my thoughts--cannot help them now. i ride here every morning. i saw your horse's hoof-marks some two miles back. do you suppose i did not know whose they were?" "and you followed me? ah!" "i suppose i did, and yet i did not. if i did i knew i was riding to my fate." she would have spoken--her lips half parted--but what she might have said none heard. he went on: "i have ridden here since first i saw you turn this way one morning. i guessed this might be your haunt at dawn. i have ridden here often--and feared each time that i might meet you. perhaps i came this morning in the same way, not knowing that you were near, but hoping that you might be. you see, madam, i speak the absolute truth with you." "you have never spoken aught else to any human soul. that i know." "and yet you try to evade the truth? why deceive your heart about it, since i have not deceived my own? i have faced it out in my own heart, and i have, i trust, come off the victor. at some cost!" her face was troubled. she looked aside as she replied in a voice low, but firm: "any woman would be glad to hear such words from captain lewis, and i am glad. but--the honest wife never lived who could listen to them often." "i know that," he said simply. "no!" her voice was very low now; her eyes soft and cast down as they fell upon a ring under her glove. "we must not meet, captain meriwether lewis. at least, we must not meet thus alone in the woods. it might cause talk. the administration has enemies enough, as you know--and never was a woman who did not have enemies, no matter how clean her life has been." "clean as the snow, yours! i have never asked you to be aught else, and never will. i sought you once, when i rode from virginia to new york--when i first had my captain's pay, before mr. jefferson asked me to join his family. before that time i had too little to offer you; but then, with my hopes and my ambitions, i ventured. i made that journey to offer you my hand. i was two weeks late--you were already wedded to mr. alston. then i learned that happiness never could be mine.... yes, we must part! you are the only thing in life i fear. and i fear as well for you. one wagging tongue in this hotbed of gossip--and there is harm for you, whom all good men should wish to shield." as he rode, speaking thus, his were the features of a man of tremendous emotions, a resolute man, a man of strength, of passions not easily put down. she turned aside her own face for an instant. at last her little hand went to him in a simple gesture of farewell. meriwether lewis leaned and kissed it reverently as he rode. "good-by!" said he. "now we may go on for the brief space that remains for us," he added a moment later. "no one is likely to ride this way this morning. let us go on to the old mill. may i give you a cup of coffee there?" "i trust captain meriwether lewis," she replied. they advanced silently, and presently came in sight of a little cascade above a rocky shallowing of the stream. below this, after they had splashed through the ford, they saw the gray stone walls of rock creek mill. the miller was a plain man, and silent. other folk, younger or older, married or single, had come hither of a morning, and he spoke the name of none. he welcomed these two after his fashion. under the shade of a great tree, which flung an arm out to the rivulet, he pulled out a little table spread in white and departed to tell his wife of the company. she, busy and smiling, came out presently with her best in old china and linen and wherewith to go with both. they sat now, face to face across the little table, their horses cropping the dewy grass near by. lewis's riding crop and gloves lay on his knee. he cast his hat upon the grass. little birds hopped about on the ground and flitted here and there in the trees, twittering. a mocker, trilling in sudden ecstacy of life, spread a larger melody through all the wood. the sun drew gently up in the heavens, screened by the waving trees. the ripple of the stream was very sweet. "theodosia, look!" said the young man, suddenly swinging a gesture about him. "did i not say right? it is eden! ah, what a pity it is that eden must ever be the same--a serpent--repentance--and farewell! yet it was so beautiful." "a sinless eden, sir." "no! i will not lie--i will not say that i do not love you more than ever. that is my sin; so i must go away. this must be our last meeting--i am fortunate that it came by chance today." "going away--where, then, my friend?" "into the west. it always has called me. ah, if only i had remained in the indian country yonder, where i belonged, and never made my ride to new york--to learn that i had come too late! but the west still is there--the wilderness still exists to welcome such as me!" "but you will--you will come back again?" "it is in the lap of the gods. i do not know or care. but my plans are all arranged. mr. jefferson and i have agreed that it is almost time to start. you see, theodosia, i am now back from my schooling. you behold in me, madam, a scientist! at least i am competent to read by the sun and stars, can reckon longitude and latitude--as one must, to journey into the desert yonder. if only i dared orient my soul as well!" "you would never doubt my faith in my husband." "no! of course, you love your husband. i could not look at you a second time if you did not." "you are a good man, meriwether lewis!" "do not say it! i am a man accursed of evil passions--the most unhappy of all men. there is nothing else, i say, in all the world that i fear but my love for you. tell me it will not last--tell me it will change--tell me that i shall forget! i should not believe you--but tell me that. does a man never forget? success--for others; happiness--for someone else. my mother said that was to be my fate. what did she mean?" "she meant, meriwether lewis, that you were a great man, a great soul! only a man of noble soul could speak as you have spoken to me. we women, in our souls, love something noble and good and strong. then we imagine someone like that. we believe, or try to believe, or say that we believe; but always----" "and a woman may divide not love, only love of love itself?" "i shall love your future, and shall watch it always," she replied, coloring. "you will be a great man, and there will be a great place for you." "and what then?" "do not ask what then. you ask if men never change. alas, they do, all too frequently! do not deny the imperious way of nature. only--remember me as long as you can, meriwether lewis." she spoke softly, and the color of her cheek, still rising, told of her self-reproof. he turned suddenly at this, a wonderfully sweet smile now upon his face. "as long as i can?" "yes. let your own mind run on the ambitions of a proud man, a strong man. ambition--power--place--these things will all be yours in the coming years. they belong to any man of ability such as yours, and i covet them for you. i shall pray always for your success; but success makes men forget." he still sat looking at her unmoved, with thoughts in his heart that he would not have cared to let her know. she went on still, half tremblingly: "i want to see you happy after a time--with some good woman at your side--your children by you--in your own home. i want everything for you which ought to come to any man. and yet i know how hard it is to alter your resolve, once formed. captain lewis, you are a stubborn man, a hard man!" he shook his head. "yes, i do not seem to change," said he simply. "i hope i shall be able to carry my burden and to hold my trail." "fie! i will not have such talk on a morning like this." fearlessly she reached out her hand to his, which lay upon the table. she smiled at him, but he looked down, the lean fingers of his own hand not trembling nor responding. if she sensed the rigidity of the muscles which held his fingers outward, at least she feared it not. if she felt the repression which kept him silent, at least she feared it not. her intuitions told her at last that the danger was gone. his hand did not close on hers. she raised her cup and saluted laughingly. "a good journey, meriwether lewis," said she, "and a happy return from it! cast away such melancholy--you will forget all this!" "i ask you not to wound me more than need be. i am hard to die. i can carry many wounds, but they may pain me none the less." "forgive me, then," she said, and once more her small hand reached out toward him. "i would not wound you. i asked you only to remember me as----" "as----" "as i shall you, of course. and i remember that bright day when you came to me--yonder in new york. you offered me all that any man can ever offer any woman. i am proud of that! i told my husband, yes. he never mentions your name save in seriousness and respect. i am ambitious for you. all the burrs are full of ambition, and i am a burr, as you know. how long will it be before you come back to higher office and higher place? will it be six months hence?" "more likely six years. if there is healing for me, the wilderness alone must give it." "i shall be an old woman--old and sallow from the carolina suns. you will have forgotten me then." "it is enough," said he. "you have lightened my burden for me as much as may be--you have made the trial as easy as any can. the rest is for me. at least i can go feeling that i have not wronged you in any way." "yes, meriwether lewis," said she quietly, "there has not been one word or act of yours to cause you regret, or me. you have put no secret on me that i must keep. that was like a man! i trust you will find it easy to forget me." he raised a hand. "i said, madam, that i am hard to die. i asked you not to wound me overmuch. do not talk to me of hopes or sympathy. i do not ask--i will not have it! only this remains to comfort me--if i had laid on my soul the memory of one secret that i had dared to place on yours, ah, then, how wretched would life be for me forever after! that thought, it seems to me, i could not endure." "go, then, my savage gentleman, and let me----" "and let you never see my face again?" she rose and stood looking at him, her own eyes wet with a sudden moisture. "women worth loving are so few!" she said slowly. "clean men are so few! how a woman could have loved you, meriwether lewis! how some woman ought to love you! yes, go now," she concluded. "yes, go!" "mrs. alston will wait with you here for a few moments," said meriwether lewis to the miller's wife quietly. he stood with his bridle rein across his arm. "see that she is very comfortable. she might have a second cup of your good coffee?" he swung into his saddle, reined his horse about, turned and bowed formally to his late _vis-à-vis_, who still remained seated at the table. then he was off at such speed as left arcturus no more cause to fret at his bridle rein. chapter iii mr. burr and mr. merry the young virginian had well-nigh made his way out over the two miles or so of sheltered roadway, when he heard hoof beats on ahead, and slackened his own speed. he saw two horsemen approaching, both well mounted, coming on at a handsome gait. of these, one was a stout and elderly man of no special shape at all, who sat his horse with small grace, his florid face redder for his exercise, his cheeks mottled with good living and hard riding. he was clad in scrupulous riding costume, and seemed, indeed, a person of some importance. the badge of some order or society showed on his breast, and his entire air--intent as he was upon his present business of keeping company with a skilled horseman--marked him as one accustomed to attention from others. a servant in the costume of an english groom rode at a short distance behind him. the second man was lighter, straight and trim of figure, with an erectness and exactness of carriage which marked him as a soldier at some part of his life. he was clad with extreme neatness, well booted also, and sat his mount with the nonchalance of the trained horseman. his own garb and face showed not the slightest proof that he had been riding hard. indeed, he seemed one whom no condition or circumstance could deprive of a cool immaculateness. he was a man to be marked in any company--especially so by the peculiar brilliance of his full, dark eye, which had a piercing, searching glint of its own; an eye such as few men have owned, and under whose spell man or woman might easily melt to acquiescence with the owner's mind. he sat his horse with a certain haughtiness as well as carelessness. his chin seemed long and firm, and his lofty forehead--indeed, his whole air and carriage--discovered him the man of ambition that he really was. for this was no other than aaron burr, vice-president of the united states, whose name was soon to be on the lips of all. he had lately come to washington with the jefferson administration. this gentleman now reined up his horse as he caught sight of the young man approaching. his older companion also halted. burr raised his hat. "ah, captain lewis!" he said in a voice of extraordinary sweetness, yet of power. "you also have caught the secret of this climate, eh? you ride in the early morning--i do not wonder. you are virginian, and so know the heats of washington. i fancy you recognize mr. merry," he added, his glance turning from one to the other. the young virginian bowed to both gentlemen. "i have persuaded his excellency the minister from great britain to ride with us on one of our washington mornings. he has been good enough to say--to say--that he enjoys it!" burr turned a quick glance upon the heavier figure at his side, with a half smile of badinage on his own face. lewis bowed again, formally, and anthony merry answered with equal politeness and ceremony. "yes," said the envoy, "to be sure i recall the young man. i met him in the anteroom at the president's house." meriwether lewis cast him a quick glance, but made no answer. he knew well enough the slighting estimate in which everything at washington was held by this minister accredited to our government. also he knew, as he might have said, something about the diplomat's visit at the executive mansion. for thus far the minister from great britain to washington had not been able to see the president of the united states. "and you are done your ride?" said burr quickly, for his was a keen nose to scent any complication. "tell me"--he lifted his own reins now to proceed--"you saw nothing of my daughter, mrs. alston? we missed her at the house, and have feared her abduction by some bold young virginian, eh?" his keen eye rested fairly on the face of the younger man as he spoke. the latter felt the challenge under the half mocking words. "yes," he replied calmly, "i have seen mrs. alston. i left her but now at the old mill, having a cup of coffee with the miller's wife. i had not time myself for a second, although mrs. alston honored me by allowing me to sit at her table for a moment. we met by accident, you see, as we both rode, a short time ago. i overtook her when it was not yet sunrise, or scarcely more." "you see!" laughed burr, as he turned to merry. "our young men are early risers when it comes to pursuit of the fair. i must ride at once and see to the welfare of my daughter. she may be weeping at losing her escort so soon!" they all smiled in proper fashion. lewis bowed, and, lifting his hat, passed on. burr, as they parted, fell for just a half-moment into thought, his face suddenly inscrutable, as if he pondered something. "there is the ablest man i have seen in washington," blurted out merry suddenly, apropos of nothing that had been said. "he has manners, and he rides like an englishman." "say not so!" said burr, laughing. "better--he rides like a virginian!" "very well; it is the same thing. the virginians are but ourselves--this country is all english yet. and i swear--mr. burr, may we speak freely?--i cannot see, and i never shall see, what is the sense in all this talk of a new democracy of the people. now, what men like these--like you----" "you know well enough how far i agree with you," said burr somberly. "'tis an experiment, our republic, i am willing to say that boldly to you, at least. how long it may last----" "depends on men like you," said merry, suddenly turning upon him as they rode. "how long do you suppose his majesty will endure such slights as they put on us here day by day? my blood boils at the indignities we have had to suffer here--cooling our heels in your president's halls. i call it mere presumptuousness. i cannot look upon this country as anything but a province to be taken back again when england is ready. and it may be, since so much turbulence and discourtesy seem growing here, that chance will not wait long in the coming!" "it may be, mr. merry," said aaron burr. "my own thoughts you know too well for need of repetition. let us only go softly. my plans advance as well as i could ask. i was just wondering," he added, "whether those two young people really were together there at the old mill--and whether they were there for the first time." "if not, 'twas not for the last time!" rejoined the older man. "yonder young man was made to fill a woman's eye. your daughter, mr. burr, while the soul of married discreetness, and charming as any of her sex i have ever seen, must look out for her heart. she might find it divided into three equal parts." "how then, mr. minister?" "one for her father----" aaron burr bowed. "yes, her father first, as i verily believe. what then?" "the second for her husband----" "certainly. mr. alston is a rising man. he has a thousand slaves on his plantations--he is one of the richest of the rich south carolinian planters. and in politics he has a chance--more than a chance. but after that?" "the third portion of so charming a woman's heart might perhaps be assigned to captain meriwether lewis!" "say you so?" laughed burr carelessly. "well, well this must be looked into. come, i must tell my son-in-law that his home is in danger of being invaded! far off in his southern rice-lands, i fear he misses his young wife sometimes. i brought her here for the sake of her own health--she cannot thrive in such swamps. besides, i cannot bear to have her live away from me. she is happier with me than anywhere else. yes, you are right, my daughter worships me." "why should she not? and why should she not ride with a gallant at sunrise for an early cup of coffee, egad?" said the older man. burr did not answer, and they rode on. in the opposite direction there rode also the young man of whom they spoke. and at about the time that the two came to the old mill and saw theodosia alston sitting there--her face still cast down, her eyes gazing abstractedly into her untasted cup on the little table--meriwether lewis was pulling up at the iron gate which then closed the opening in the stone wall encircling the modest official residence of his chief and patron, president jefferson. chapter iv president and secretary there stood waiting near the gate one of mr. jefferson's private servants, samson, who took the young man's rein, grinning with his usual familiar words of welcome as the secretary dismounted from his horse. "you-all suttinly did warm old arcturum a li'l bit dis mawnin', mistah mehywethah!" samson patted the neck of the spirited animal, which tossed its head and turned an eye to its late rider. "yes, and see that you rub him well. mind you, if mr. jefferson finds that his whitest handkerchief shows a sweat-mark from the horse's hide he will cut off both your black ears for you, samson--and very likely your head along with them. you know your master!" the secretary smiled kindly at the old black man. "yassah, yassah," grinned samson, who no more feared mr. jefferson than he did the young gentleman with whom he now spoke. "i just lookin' at you comin' down that path right now, and i say to myself, 'dar come a ridah!' i sho' did, mistah mehywethah!" the young man answered the negro's compliment with one of his rare smiles, then turned, with just a flick of his gloves on his breeches legs, and marched up the walk to the door of the mansion. at the step he turned and paused, as he usually did, to take one look out over the unfinished wing of stone still in process of erection. on beyond, in the ragged village, he saw a few good mansion houses, many structures devoted to business, many jumbled huts of negroes, and here and there a public building in its early stages. the great system of boulevards and parks and circles of the new american capital was not yet apparent from the place where mr. thomas jefferson's young secretary now stood. but the young man perhaps saw city and nation alike advanced in his vision; for he gazed long and lingeringly before he turned back at last and entered the door which the old house servant swung open for him. his hat and crop and gloves he handed to this bowed old darky, ben--another of mr. jefferson's plantation servants whom he had brought to washington with him. then--for such was the simple fashion of the ménage, where meriwether lewis himself was one of the president's family--he stepped to the door beyond and knocked lightly, entering as he did so. the hour was early--he himself had not breakfasted, beyond his coffee at the mill--but, early as it was, he knew he would find at his desk the gentleman who now turned to him. "good morning, mr. jefferson," said meriwether lewis, in the greeting which he always used. "good morning, my son," said the other man, gently, in his invariable address to his secretary. "and how did arcturus perform for you this morning?" "grandly, sir. he is a fine animal. i have never ridden a better." "i envy you. i wish i could find the time i once had for my horses." he turned a whimsical glance at the piled desk before him. "if our new multigraph could write a dozen letters all at once--and on as many different themes, my son--we might perhaps get through. i vow, if i had the money, i would have a dozen secretaries--if i could find them!" the president rose now and stood, a tall and striking figure of a man, over six feet in height, of clean-cut features, dark hazel eye, and sandy, almost auburn, hair. his long, thin legs were clad in close-fitting knee breeches of green velveteen, somewhat stained. his high-collared coat, rolling above the loosely-tied stock which girded his neck, was dingy brown in color, and lay in loose folds. he was one of the worst-clad men in washington at that hour. his waistcoat, of red, was soiled and far from new, and his woolen stockings were covered with no better footwear than carpet slippers, badly down at the heel. yet thomas jefferson, even clad thus, seemed the great man that he was. stooped though his shoulders were, his frame was so strong, his eye so clear and keen, though contemplative, that he did not look his years. here was a man, all said who knew him, of whose large soul so many large deeds were demanded that he had no time for little and inconsequent things--indeed, scarce knew that they existed. to think, to feel, to create, to achieve--these were his absorbing tasks; and so exigent were the demands on his great intellectual resources that he seemed never to know the existence of a personal world. he stood careless, slipshod, at the side of a desk cluttered with a mass of maps, papers, letters in packets or spread open. there were writing implements here, scientific instruments of all sorts, long sheets of specifications, canceled drafts, pages of accounts--all the manifold impedimenta of a man in the full swing of business life. it might have been the desk of any mediocre man; yet on that desk lay the future of a people and the history of a world. he stood, just a trifle stooped, smiling quizzically at the young man, yet half lovingly; for to no other being in the world did he ever give the confidence that he accorded meriwether lewis. "i do not see how i could be president without you, merne, my son," said he, employing the familiar term that meriwether lewis had not elsewhere heard used, except by his mother. "look what we must do today!" the young secretary turned his own grave eye upon the cluttered desk; but it was not dread of the redoubtable tasks awaiting him that gave his face all the gravity it bore. "mr. jefferson--" he began, but paused, for he could see now standing before him his friend, the man whom, of all in the world, he loved, and the man who believed in him and loved him. "yes, my son?" "your burden is grievous hard, and yet----" "yes, my son?" but meriwether lewis could not speak further. he stood now, his jaws set hard, looking out of the window. the older man came and gently laid a hand upon his shoulder. "come, come, my son," said he, his own voice low and of a kindness it could assume at times. "you must not--you must not yield to this, i say. shake off this melancholy which so obsesses you. i know whence it comes--your father gave it you, and you are not to blame; but you have more than your father's strength to aid you. and you have me, your friend, who can understand." lewis only turned on him an eye so full of anguish as caused the older man to knit his brow in deep concern. "what is it, merne?" he demanded. "tell me. ah, you cannot tell? i know! 'tis the old melancholy, and something more, merne, my boy. tell me--ah, yes, it is a woman!" the young man did not speak. "i have often told all my young friends," said mr. jefferson slowly, after a time, "that they should marry not later than twenty-three--it is wrong to cheat the years of life--and you approach thirty now, my son. why linger? listen to me. no young man may work at his best and have a woman's face in his desk to haunt him. that will not do. we all have handicap enough without that." but still meriwether could only look into the face of his superior. "i know very well, my son," the president continued. "i know it all. put her out of your heart, my boy. would you shame yourself--and her--and me?" "no! never would i do that, mr. jefferson, believe me. but now i must beg of you--please, sir, let me go soon--let it be at once!" the older man stood looking at him for a time in silence, as he went on hurriedly: "i must say good-by to you, best and noblest of men. indeed, i have said good-by to--everything." "as you say, your case is hopeless?" "yes, sir." "ah, well, we have both been planning for our western expedition these ten years, my son; so why should we fret if matters conspire to bring it about a trifle earlier than we planned?" "i asked you when i was a boy to send me, but you could not then." "no, but instead i sent yonder maundering michaux. he, ledyard, and all the others failed me. they never saw the great vision. there it lies, unknown, tremendous--no man knows what--that new country. i have had to hide from the people of this republic this secret purpose which you and i have had of exploring the vast western country. i have picked you as the one man fitted for that work. i do not make mistakes. you are a born woodsman and traveler--you are ready to my hand as the instrument for this magnificent adventure. i cannot well spare you now--but yes, you must go!" they stood there, two men who made our great adventure for us--vision-seers, vision-owned, gazing each into the other's eyes. "send me now, mr. jefferson!" repeated meriwether lewis. "send me now. i will mend to usefulness again. i will work for you all my life, if need be--and i want my name clear with you." the old man laid a kindly hand upon his shoulder. "i must yield you to your destiny," said he. "it will be a great one." he turned aside, a hand to his lip as he paced uncertainly. "but i still am wondering what our friends are doing yonder in france," said he. "that is the question. livingston, monroe, and the others--what are they doing with napoleon bonaparte? the news from france--but stay," he added. "wait! i had forgotten. come, we shall see about it!" with the sudden enthusiasm of a boy he caught his young aide by the arm. they passed down the hall, out by the rear entrance and across the white house grounds to the brick stables which then stood at the rear. mr. jefferson paid no attention to the sleek animals there which looked in greeting toward him. instead, he passed in front of the series of stalls, and without excuse or explanation hurriedly began to climb the steep ladder which led to the floor above. they stood at length in the upper apartment of the stable buildings. it was not a mow or feed loft, but rather a bird loft, devoted to the use of many pigeons. all about the eaves were arranged many boxes--nesting places, apparently, although none of the birds entered the long room, which seemed free of any occupancy. mr. jefferson stood for a moment, eagerly scanning the rear of the tier of boxes. an exclamation broke from him. he hurried forward with a sudden gesture to a little flag which stood up, like the tilt of a fisherman on the ice, at the side of the box to which he pointed. "done!" said he. he reached up to the box that he had indicated, pressed down a little catch, opened the back and looked in. again an exclamation escaped him. he put in a hand gingerly, and, tenderly imprisoning the bird which he found therein, drew it forth, his long fingers eagerly lifting its wings, examining its legs. it could easily be seen that the box was arranged with a door on a tripping-latch, so that the pigeon, on entering, would imprison itself. it was apparent that mr. jefferson was depending upon the natural homing instinct of his carrier pigeons to bring him some message. "i told them," said he, "to loose a half-dozen birds at once. see! see!" he unrolled from one leg of the prisoner a little cylinder of paper covered with tinfoil and tied firmly in its place. it was the first wireless message ever received at washington. none since that time has carried a greater burden. it announced a transaction in empires. mr. jefferson read, and spread out the paper that his aide might read: general bonaparte signed may --fifteen millions--rejoice! in no wider phrasing than that came the news of the great louisiana purchase, by virtue of which this republic--whether by chance, by result of greed warring with greed, or through the providence of almighty god, who shall say?--gained the great part of that vast and incalculably valuable realm which now reaches from the mississippi to the pacific ocean. what wealth that great empire held no man had dreamed, nor can any dream today; for, a century later, its story is but beginning. century on century, that story still will be in the making. a home for millions of the earth's best, a hope for millions of the earth's less fortunate--granary of the peoples, mint of the nations, birthplace and growing-ground of the new race of men--who could have measured that land then--who could measure it today? and its title passed, announced in seven words, carried by a bird wandering in the air, but bound unerringly to the ark of god's covenant with man--the covenant of hope and progress. thomas jefferson stretched out his right hand to meet that of meriwether lewis. their clasp was strong and firm. the eye of each man blazed. "mr. jefferson," said meriwether lewis, "this is your monument!" "and yours," was the reply. "come, then!" he turned to the stairs, the pigeon still fondled in his arm. that bird--a white one, with slate-blue tips to its wings--never needed to labor again, for mr. jefferson kept it during its life, and long after its death. "come now," he said, as he began to descend the ladder once more. "the bird was loosed yesterday, late in the afternoon. it has done its sixty or seventy-five miles an hour for us, counting out time lost in the night. the ship which brought this news docked at new york yesterday. the post stages carrying it hither cannot arrive before tomorrow. this is news--the greatest of news that we could have. yesterday--this morning--we were a young and weak republic. tomorrow we shall be one of the powers of the world. go, now--you have been held in leash long enough, and the time to start has come. tomorrow you will go westward, to that new country which now is ours!" neither said anything further until once again they were in the president's little office-room; but thomas jefferson's eye now was afire. "i count this the most important enterprise in which this country ever was engaged," he exclaimed, his hands clenched. "yonder lies the greater america--you lead an army which will make far wider conquest than all our troops won in the revolutionary war. the stake is larger than any man may dream. i see it--you see it--in time others also will see. tell me, my son, tell me once more! come what may, no matter what power shall move you, you will be faithful in this great trust? if i have your promise, then i shall rest assured." thomas jefferson, more agitated than any man had ever seen him, dropped half trembling into his chair, his shaggy red mane about his forehead, his long fingers shaking. "i give you my promise, mr. jefferson," said meriwether lewis. chapter v the pell-mell and some consequences it was late in the afternoon when the secretary to the president looked up from the crowded desk. "mr. jefferson," ventured he, "you will pardon me----" "yes, my son?" "it grows late. you know that today the british minister, mr. merry, comes to meet the president for the first time formally--at dinner. señor yrujo also--and their ladies, of course. mr. burr and mr. merry seem already acquainted. i met them riding this morning." "hand and glove, then, so soon? what do you make of it? i have a guess that those three--burr, merry, yrujo--mean this administration no special good. and yet it was i myself who kept our spanish friend from getting his passports back to madrid. i did that only because of his marriage to the daughter of my friend, governor mckean, of pennsylvania. but what were you saying now?" "i thought perhaps i should go to my rooms to change for dinner. you see that i am still in riding-clothes." "and what of that, my son? i am in something worse!" the young man stood and looked at his chief for a moment. he realized the scarce dignified figure that the president presented in his long coat, his soiled waistcoat, his stained trousers, and his woolen stockings--not to mention the unspeakable slippers, down at the heel, into which he had thrust his feet that morning when he came into the office. "you think i will not do?" mr. jefferson smiled at him frankly. "i am not so free from wisdom, perhaps, after all. let this british minister see us as we are, for men and women, and not dummies for finery. moreover, i remember well enough how we cooled our heels there in london, mr. madison and myself. they showed us little courtesy enough. well, they shall have no complaint here. we will treat them as well as we do the others, as well as the electors who sent us here!" meriwether lewis allowed himself a smile. "go," added his chief. "garb yourself as i would have you--in your best. but there will be no precedence at table this evening--remember that! let them take seats pell-mell--the devil take the hindmost--a fair field for every one, and favor to none! seat them as nearly as possible as they should not be seated--and leave the rest to me. all these--indeed, all history and all the records--shall take me precisely as i am!" an hour later meriwether lewis stood before his narrow mirror, well and handsomely clad, as was seeming with one of his family and his place--a tall and superb figure of young manhood, as proper a man as ever stood in buckled shoes in any country of the world. the guests came presently, folk of many sorts. with mr. jefferson as president, the democracy of america had invaded washington, taking more and more liberties, and it had many representatives on hand. with these came persons of rank of this and other lands, dignitaries, diplomats, officials, ministers of foreign powers. carriages with outriders came trundling over the partially paved roads of the crude capital city. footmen opened doors to gentlemen and ladies in full dress, wearing insignia of honor, displaying gems, orders, decorations, jewels, all the brilliant costumes of the european courts. they came up the path to the door of the mansion where, to their amazement, they were met only by mr. jefferson's bowing old darky ben, who ushered them in, helped them with their wraps and asked them to make themselves at home. and only old henry, mr. jefferson's butler, bowed them in as they passed from the simple entrance hall into the anteroom which lay between the hall and the large dining-saloon. the numbers increased rapidly. what at first was a general gathering became a crowd, then a mob. there was no assigned place for any, no presentation of one stranger to another. friends could not find friends. mutterings arose; crowding and jostling was not absent; here and there an angry word might have been heard. the policy of pell-mell was not working itself out in any happy social fashion. matters were at their worst when suddenly from his own apartments appeared the tall and well-composed figure of mr. jefferson's young secretary, social captain of matters at the executive mansion, and personal aide to the president. his quick glance caught sight of the gathering line of carriages; a second glance estimated the plight of those now jammed into the anteroom like so many cattle and evidently in distress. in a distant corner of the room, crowded into some sort of refuge back of a huge davenport, stood a small group of persons in full official dress--a group evidently ill at ease and no longer in good humor. meriwether lewis made his way thither rapidly as he might. "it is mr. minister merry," said he, "and mme. merry." he bowed deeply. "señor and señora yrujo, i bring you the respects of mr. jefferson. he will be with us presently." "i had believed, sir--i understood," began merry explosively, "that we were to meet here the president of the united states. where, then, is his suite?" "we have no suite, sir. i represent the president as his aide." "my word!" murmured the mystified dignitary, turning to his lady, who stood, the picture of mute anger, at his side, the very aigrets on her ginger-colored hair trembling in her anger. [illustration: "'mistah thomas jeffahson!' was his sole announcement"] they turned once more to the spanish minister, who, with his american wife, stood at hand. there ensued such shrugs and liftings of eyebrows as left full evidence of a discontent that none of the four attempted to suppress. meriwether lewis saw and noted, but seemed not to note. mr. merry suddenly remembered him now as the young man he had encountered that morning, and turned with an attempt at greater civility. "you will understand, sir, that i came supposing i was to appear in my official capacity. we were invited upon that basis. there was to have been a dinner, was there not--or am i mistaken of the hour? is it not four in the afternoon?" "you were quite right, mr. minister," said meriwether lewis. "you shall, of course, be presented to the president so soon as it shall please his convenience to join us. he has been occupied in many duties, and begs you will excuse him." the dignity and courtesy of the young man were not without effect. silence, at least, was his reward from the perturbed and indignant group of diplomats penned behind the davenport. matters stood thus when, at a time when scarce another soul could have been crowded into the anteroom, old henry flung open the folding doors which he had closed. "mistah thomas jeffahson!" was his sole announcement. there appeared in the doorway the tall, slightly stooped figure of the president of the united states, one of the greatest men of his own or of any day. he stood, gravely unconscious of himself, tranquilly looking out upon his gathered guests. he was still clad in the garb which he had worn throughout the day--the same in which he had climbed to the pigeon loft--the same in which he had labored during all these long hours. his coat was still brown and wrinkled, hanging loosely on his long frame. his trousers were the stained velveteens of the morning; his waistcoat the same faded red; his hose the slack woolen pair that he had worn throughout the day. and upon his feet--horror of horrors!--he wore still his slippers, the same old carpet slippers, down at the heel, which had afforded him ease as he sat at his desk. as thomas jefferson stood, he overtopped the men about him head and shoulders in physical stature, as he did in every other measure of a man. innocent or unconscious of his own appearance, his eye seeking for knowledge of his guests, he caught sight of the group behind the davenport. rapidly making his way thither, he greeted each, offering his hand to be shaken, bowing deeply to the ladies; and so quickly passed on, leaving them almost as much mystified as before. only yrujo, the spanish minister, looked after him with any trace of recognition, for at this moment meriwether lewis was away, among other guests. an instant later the curtained folding doors which separated the anteroom from the dining-saloon were thrown open. mr. jefferson passed in and took his place at the head of the table, casting not a single look toward any who were to join him there. there was no announcement; there was no _pas_, no precedence, no reserved place for any man, no announcement for any lady or gentleman, no servant to escort any to a place at table! it had been worse, far worse, this extraordinary scene, had it not been for the swiftness and tact of the young man to whom so much was entrusted. meriwether lewis hastened here and there, weeding out those who could not convince him that they were invited to dine. he separated as best he might the socially elect from those not yet socially arrived, until at length he stood, almost the sole barrier against those who still crowded forward. here he was met once more by the party from behind the davenport. "tell me," demanded mr. merry, who--seeing that no other escort offered for her--had given his angry lady his own arm, "tell me, sir, where is the president? to whom shall i present the greetings of his british majesty?" "yonder is the president of the united states, sir," said meriwether lewis. "he with whom you shook hands is the president. he stands at the head of his table, and you are welcome if you like. he asks you to enter." merry turned to his wife, and from her to the wife of the spanish minister. "impossible!" said he. "i do not understand--it cannot be! that man--that extraordinary man in breeches and slippers yonder--it cannot be he asks us to sit at table with him! he _cannot_ be the president of the united states!" "none the less he is, mr. merry!" the secretary assured him. "good heavens!" said the minister from great britain, as he passed on, half dazed. by this time there remained but few seats, none at all toward the head of the table or about its middle portion. toward the end of the room, farthest from the official host, a few chairs still stood vacant, because they had not been sought for. thither, with faltering footsteps, ere even these opportunities should pass, stepped the minister from great britain and the minister from spain, their ladies with them--none offering escort. well disposed to smile at his chief's audacious overturning of all social usage, yet not unadvised of the seriousness of all this, meriwether lewis handed the distinguished guests to their seats as best he might; and then left them as best he might. at that time there were not six vacant places remaining at the long table. no one seemed to know how many had been invited to the banquet, or how many were expected--no one in the company seemed to know anyone else. it was indeed a pell-mell affair. for once the american democracy was triumphant. but the leader of that democracy, the head of the new administration, the host at this official banquet, the president of the united states, thomas jefferson, stood quietly, serenely, looking out over the long table, entirely unconcerned with what he saw. if there was trouble, it was for others, not for him. those at table presently began to seat themselves, following the host's example. it was at this moment that the young captain of affairs turned once more toward the great doors, with the intention of closing them. old henry was having his own battles with the remaining audience in the anteroom, as he now brought forward two belated guests. old henry, be sure, knew them both; and--as a look at the sudden change of his features might have told--so did mr. jefferson's aide. they advanced with dignity, these two--one a gentleman, not tall, but elegant, exquisitely clad in full-dress costume; a man whom you would have turned to examine a second time had you met him anywhere. upon his arm was a young woman, also beautifully costumed, smiling, graceful, entirely at her ease. many present knew the two--aaron burr, vice-president of the united states; his daughter, theodosia burr alston. mr. burr passed within the great doors, turned and bowed deeply to his host, distant as he was across the crowded room. his daughter curtsied, also deeply. their entry was dramatic. then they stood, a somewhat stately picture, waiting for an instant while seemingly deciding their future course. it was at this moment that meriwether lewis approached them, beckoning. he led them toward the few seats that still remained unoccupied, placed them near to the official visitors, whose ruffled feathers still remained unsmoothed, and then stood by them for an instant, intending to take his departure. there was one remaining chair. it was at the side of theodosia alston. she herself looked up at him eagerly, and patted it with her hand. he seated himself at her side. thus at last was filled the pell-mell table of mr. thomas jefferson. to this day no man knows whether all present had been invited, or whether all invited had opportunity to be present. there were those--his enemies, men of the opposing political party, for the most part--who spoke ill of mr. jefferson, and charged that he showed hypocrisy in his pretense of democratic simplicity in official life. yet others, even among his friends, criticised him severely for the affair of this afternoon--july , in the year of . they said that his manners were inconsistent with the dignity of the highest official of this republic. if any of this comment injured or offended mr. jefferson, he never gave a sign. he was born a gentleman as much as any, and was as fully acquainted with good social usage as any man of his day. his life had been spent in the best surroundings of his own country, and at the most polished courts of the old world. to accuse him of ignorance or boorishness would have been absurd. the fact was that his own resourceful brain had formed a definite plan. he wished to convey a certain rebuke--and with deadly accuracy he did convey that rebuke. it was at no enduring cost to his own fame. if the pell-mell dinner was at first a thing inchoate, awkward, impossible, criticism halted when the actual service at table began. the chef at the white house had been brought to this country by mr. jefferson from paris, and no better was known on this side the water. so devoted was mr. jefferson known to be to the french style of cooking that no less a man than patrick henry, on the stump, had accused him of having "deserted the victuals of his country." his table was set and served with as much elegance as any at any foreign court. at the door of the city of washington, even in the summer season, there was the best market of the world. as submitted by his _chef de cuisine_, mr. jefferson's menu was of no pell-mell sort. if we may credit it as handed down, it ran thus, in the old french of that day: huîtres de shinnecock, saulce tempête olives du luc othon mariné à l'huile vierge amandes et cerneaux salés pot au feu du roy "henriot" croustade mogador truite de ruisselet, belle meunière pommes en fines herbes fricot de tendre poulet en coquemare, au vieux chanturgne tourte de ris de veau, financière baron de pré salé aux primeurs sorbet des comtes de champagne dinde sauvage flambée devant les sarments de vigne, flanquée d'ortolans aspic de foie gras lucullus salade des nymphes à la lamballe asperges chauldes enduites de sauce lombardienne dessert et fruits de la réunion fromage de bique café arabe larmes de juliette whatever the wines served at the executive mansion may have been at later dates, those owned and used by president jefferson were the best the world produced--vintages of rarity, selected as could have been done only by one of the nicest taste. rumor had it that none other than señor yrujo, minister from spain, recipient of many casks of the best vintages of his country that he might entertain with proper dignity, had seen fit to do a bit of merchandizing on his own account, to the end that mr. jefferson became the owner of certain of these rare casks. in any event, the spanish minister now showed no fear of the wines which came his way. nor, for that matter, did the minister from great britain, nor the spouses of these twain. mr. burr, seated with their party, himself somewhat abstemious, none the less could not refrain from an interrogatory glance as he saw merry halt a certain bottle or two at his own plate. "upon my word!" said the sturdy briton, turning to him. "such wine i never have tasted! i did not expect it here--served by a host in breeches and slippers! but never mind--it is wonderful!" "there may be many things here you have not expected, your excellency," said mr. burr. the vice-president favored the little party at his left with one of his brilliant smiles. he had that strange faculty, admitted even by his enemies, of making another speak freely what he wished to hear, himself reticent the while. the face of the english dignitary clouded again. "i wish i could approve all else as i do the wine and the food; but i cannot understand. here we sit, after being crowded like herrings in a box--myself, my lady here, and these others. is this the placing his majesty's minister should have at the president's table? is this what we should demand here?" "the indignity is to all of us alike," smiled burr. "mr. jefferson believes in a great human democracy. i myself regret to state that i cannot quite go with him to the lengths he fancies." "i shall report the entire matter to his majesty's government!" said mr. merry, again helping himself to wine. "to be received here by a man in his stable clothes--so to meet us when we come formally to pay our call to this government--that is an insult! i fancy it to be a direct and intentional one." "insult is small word for it," broke in the irate spanish minister, still further down the table. "i certainly shall report to my own government what has happened here--of that be very sure!" "give me leave, sir," continued merry. "this republic, what is it? what has it done?" "i ask as much," affirmed yrujo. "a small war with your own country, great britain, sir--in which only your generosity held you back--that is all this country can claim. in the south, my people own the mouth of the great river--we own florida--we own the province of texas--all the southern and western lands. true, louis xv--to save it from great britain, perhaps, sir"--he bowed to the british minister--"originally ceded louisiana to our crown. true, also, my sovereign has ceded it again to france. but spain still rules the south, just as britain rules the middle country out beyond; and what is left? i snap my fingers at this republic!" señor yrujo helped himself to a brimming glass of his own wine. "i say that western country is ours," he still insisted, warming to his oration now. "suppose, under coercion, our sovereign did cede it to napoleon, who claims it now? does spain not govern it still? do we not collect the revenues? is not the whole system of law enforced under the flag of spain, all along the great river yonder? possession, exploration, discovery--those are the rights under which territories are annexed. france has the title to that west, but we hold the land itself--we administer it. and never shall it go from under our flag, unless it be through the act of stronger foreign powers. spain will fight!" "will spain fight?" demanded a deep and melodious voice. it was that of aaron burr who spoke now, half in query, half in challenge. "would spain fight--and would great britain, if need were and the time came?" he spoke to men heated with wine, smarting under social indignity, men owning a hurt personal vanity. "our past is proof enough," said merry proudly. yrujo needed no more than a shrug. "divide and conquer?" burr went on, looking at them, and raising an eyebrow in query. they nodded, both of them. burr looked around. his daughter and meriwether lewis were oblivious. he saw the young man's eyes, somber, deep, fixed on hers; saw her gazing in return, silent, troubled, fascinated. one presumes that it was at this moment--at the instant when aaron burr, seeing the power his daughter held over young meriwether lewis, and the interest he held for her, turned to these foreign officials at his left--at that moment, let us say, the burr conspiracy began. "divide that unknown country, the west, and how long would this republic endure?" said aaron burr. the noise of the banquet now rose about them. voices blended with laughter; the wine was passing; awkwardness and restraint had given way to good cheer. in a manner they were safe to talk. "what?" demanded aaron burr once more. "could a few francs transfer all that marvelous country from spain to france? that were absurd. by what possible title could that region yonder ever come to this republic? it is still more absurd to think that. civilization does not leap across great river valleys. it follows them. you have said rightly, señor yrujo. to my mind great britain has laid fair grasp upon the upper west; and spain holds the lower west, with which our statesmen have interested themselves of late. by all the rights of conquest, discovery, and use, gentlemen, great britain's traders have gained for her flag all the territory which they have reached on their western trading routes. i go with you that far." merry turned upon burr suddenly a deep and estimating eye. "i begin to see," said he, "that you are open to conviction, mr. burr." "not open to conviction," said aaron burr, "but already convinced!" "what do you mean, colonel burr?" the englishman bent toward him, frowning in intentness. "i mean that perhaps i have something to say to you two gentlemen of the foreign courts which will be of interest and importance to you." "where, then, could we meet after this is over?" the minister from great britain surely was not beyond close and ready estimate of events. "at my residence, after this dinner," rejoined aaron burr instantly. his eye did not waver as it looked into the other's, but blazed with all the fire of his own soul. "across the alleghanies, along the great river, there is a land waiting, ready for strong men. are we such men, gentlemen? and can we talk freely as such among ourselves?" their conversation, carried on in ordinary tones, had not been marked by any. their brows, drawn sharp in sudden resolution, their glance each to the other, made their ratification of this extraordinary speech. they had no time for anything further at the moment. a sound came to their ears, and they turned toward the head of the long table, where the tall figure of the president of the united states was rising in his place. the dinner had drawn toward its close. mr. jefferson now stood, gravely regarding those before him, his keen eye losing no detail of the strange scene. he knew the place of every man and woman at that board--perhaps this was his own revenge for a reception he once had had at london. but at last he spoke. "i have news for you all, my friends, today; news which applies not to one man nor to one woman of this or any country more than to another, but news which belongs to all the world." he paused for a moment, and held up in his right hand a tiny scrap of paper, thin, crumpled. none could guess what significance it had. "may god in his own power punish me," said he, solemnly, "if ever i halt or falter in what i believe to be my duty! i place no bounds to the future of this republic--based, as i firmly believe it to be, upon the enduring principle of the just and even rights of mankind. "our country to the west always has inspired me with the extremest curiosity, and animated me with the loftiest hopes. since the year that great river, the missouri, emptying into the mississippi, has been looked upon as the way to the pacific ocean. one hundred years from that time--that is to say, in --i myself asked one of the ablest of our westerners, none other than general george rogers clark, to undertake a journey of exploration up that western river. it was not done. three years later, when accredited to the court at paris, i met a mr. ledyard, an american then abroad. i desired him to cross russia, siberia and the pacific ocean, and then to journey eastward over the stony mountains, to find, if he could, the head of that missouri river of which we know so little. but ledyard failed, for reasons best known, perhaps, to the monarch of russia. "later than that, and long before i had the power which now is mine to order matters of the sort, the boston sailor, captain grey, in , as you know, found the mouth of the columbia river. the very next year after that i engaged the scientist michaux to explore in that direction; but he likewise failed. "all my life i have seen what great opportunities would be ours if once we owned that vast country yonder. as a private citizen i planned that we should at least explore it--always it was my dream to know more of it. it being clear to me that the future of our republic lay not to the east, but to the west of the alleghanies--indeed, to the west of the mississippi itself--never have i relinquished the ambition that i have so long entertained. never have i forgotten the dream which animated me even in my younger years. i am here now to announce to you, so that you may announce to all the world, certain news which i have here regarding that western region, which never was ours, but which i always wished might be ours." with the middle finger of his left hand the president flicked at the mysterious bit of crumpled paper still held aloft in his right. there was silence all down the long table. "more than a year ago i once more chose a messenger into that country," went on thomas jefferson. "i chose a leader of exploration, of discovery. i chose him because i knew i could trust in his loyalty, in his judgment, in his courage. well and thoroughly he has fitted himself for that leadership." he turned his gaze contemplatively down the long table. the gaze of many of his guests followed his, still wonderingly, as he went on. "my leader for this expedition into the west, which i planned more than a year ago, is here with you now. captain meriwether lewis, will you stand up for a moment? i wish to present you to these, my friends." with wonder, doubt, and, indeed, a certain perturbation at the president's unexpected summons, the young virginian rose to his feet and stood gazing questioningly at his chief. "i know your modesty as well as your courage, captain lewis," smiled mr. jefferson. "you may be seated, sir, since now we all know you. "let me say to you others that i have had opportunity of knowing my captain of this magnificent adventure. in years he is not yet thirty, but he is and always was a leader, mature, wise, calm, and resolved. of courage undaunted, possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities can divert from its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, and yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline; intimate with the indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own country against duplication of objects already possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal; of sound understanding, and of a fidelity to truth so scrupulous that whatever he shall report will be as certain as if seen by ourselves--with all these qualifications, i say, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body, for one purpose, i could have no hesitation in confiding this enterprise--the most cherished enterprise of my administration--to him whom now you have seen here before you." the president bowed deeply to the young man, who had modestly resumed his place. then, for just a moment, mr. jefferson stood silent, absorbed, rapt, carried away by his own vision. "and now for my news," he said at length. "here you have it!" he waved once more the little scrap of paper. "i had this news from new york this morning. it was despatched yesterday evening. tomorrow it will reach all the world. the mails will bring it to you; but news like this could not wait for the mails. no horse could bring it fast enough. it was brought by a dove--the dove of peace, i trust. let me explain briefly; what my news concerns. "as you know, that new country yonder belonged at first to any one who might find it--to england, if she could penetrate it first; to spain, if she were first to put her flag upon it; to russia, if first she conquered it from the far northwest. but none of these three ever completed acquisition by those means under which nations take title to the new territories of the world. louisiana, as we term it, has been unclaimed, unknown, unowned--indeed, virgin territory so far as definite title was concerned. "in the north, such title as might be was conveyed to great britain by france after the latter power was conquered at quebec. the lower regions france--supposing that she owned them--conveyed, through her monarch, the fifteenth louis, to spain. again, in the policy of nations, spain sold them to france once more, in a time of need. france owned the territory then, or had the title, though spain still was in possession. it lay still unoccupied, still contested--until but now. "my friends, i give you news! on the d of may last, napoleon bonaparte, first consul of france, sold to this republic, the united states of america, all of louisiana, whatever it may be, from the mississippi to the pacific! here are seven words which carry an empire with them--the empire of humanity--a land in which democracy, humanity, shall expand and grow forever! this is my news: "general bonaparte signed may --fifteen millions--rejoice!" a deep sigh rose as if in unison all along the table. the event was too large for instant grasping. there was no applause at first. some--many--did not understand. not so certain others. the minister from great britain, the minister from spain, aaron burr and a few other men acquainted with great affairs, prominent in public life, turned and looked at the president's tall figure at the head of the table, and then at that of the silent young man whom mr. jefferson had publicly honored. the face of aaron burr grew pale. the faces of the foreign ministers showed sudden consternation. theodosia alston turned, her own eyes fixed upon the grave face of the young man sitting at her side, who made no sign of the strong emotion possessing his soul. "i have given you my news," the voice of mr. jefferson went on, rising now, vibrant and masterful, fearless, compelling. "there you have it, this little message, large as any ever written in the world. the title to that western land has passed to us. we set our seal on it now! cost what it may, we shall hold it so long as we can claim a flag or a country on this continent. the price is nothing. fifteen millions means no more than the wine or water left in a half-empty glass. it might be fifty times fifteen millions, and yet not be one fiftieth enough. these things are not to be measured by known signs or marks of values. it is not in human comprehension to know what we have gained. hence we have no human right to boast. the hand of almighty god is in this affair! it was he who guided the fingers of those who signed this cession to the united states of america! "my friends, now i am content. what remains is but detail. our duty is plain. between us and this purpose, i shall hold all intervention of whatever nature, friendly or hostile, as no more than details to be ignored. yonder lies and has always lain the scene of my own ambition. always i have hungered to know that vast new land beyond all maps, as yet ignorant of human metes and bounds. always i have coveted it for this republic, knowing that without room for expansion we must fail, that with it we shall triumph to the edge of our ultimate dream of human destiny--triumph and flourish while governments shall remain known among men. "i offer that faith to the eyes of the world today and of all the days to come, believing in every humility that god guided the hands of those who signed this title deed of a great empire, and that god long ago implanted in my unworthy bosom the strong belief that one day this might be which now has come to pass. it is no time for boasting, no time for any man to claim glory or credit for himself. we are in the face of events so vast that their margins leave our vision. we cannot see to the end of all this, cannot read all the purpose of it, because we are but men. "gentlemen, you americans, men of heart, of courage! you also, ladies, who care most for gentlemen of heart and courage, whose pulses beat even with our own to the stimulus of our deeds! i say to you all that i would gladly lay aside my office and its honors--i would lay aside all my other ambitions, all my desires to be remembered as a man who at least endeavored to think and to act--if thereby i might lead this expedition of our volunteers for the discovery of the west. that may not be. these slackened sinews, these shrinking limbs, these fading eyes, do not suffice for such a task. it is in my heart, yes; but the heart for this magnificent adventure needs stronger pulses than my own. "my heart--did i say that i had need of another, a better? did i say that i had need of eyes and brains, of thews and sinews, of calm nerves and steady blood? did i say i had need of courage and resolution--all these things combined? i have them! that providence who has given us all needful instruments and agents to this point in our career as a republic has given us yet another, and the last one needful. tomorrow my friend, my special messenger, captain meriwether lewis, starts with his expedition. he will explore the country between the missouri and the pacific--the country of my dream and his. it is no longer the country of any other power--it is our own! "gentlemen, i give you a toast--captain meriwether lewis!" chapter vi the great conspiracy the simplicity dinner was at an end. released by the president's withdrawal, the crowd--it could be called little else--broke from the table. the anteroom filled with struggling guests, excited, gesticulating, exclaiming. meriwether lewis, anxious only to escape from his social duties that he might rejoin his chief, felt a soft hand on his arm, and turned. theodosia alston was looking up at him. "do you forget your friends so soon? i must add my good wishes. it was splendid, what mr. jefferson said--and it was true!" "i wish it might be true," said the young man. "i wish i might be worthy of such a man." "you are worthy of us all," returned theodosia. "people are kind to the condemned," said he sententiously. at the door they were once more close to the others of the diplomatic party who had sat in company at table. the usual crush of those clamoring for their carriages had begun. "my dear," said mr. merry to his irate spouse, "i shall, if mrs. alston will permit, ask you to take her up in your carriage with you to her home. i am to go with mr burr." the spanish minister made similar excuse to his own wife. thus theodosia alston left meriwether lewis for the second time that day. it was a late conference, the one held that night at the home of the vice-president of the united states. burr, cool, calculating, always in hand, sat and weighed many matters well before he committed himself beyond repair. his keen mind saw now, and seized the advantage for which he waited. "you say right, gentlemen, both of you," he began, leaning forward. "i would not blame you if you never went to the white house again." "should i ever do so again," blazed the spanish minister, "i will take my own wife in to dinner on my own arm, and place her at the head of the table, where she belongs! it was an insult to my sovereign that we received today." "as much myself, sir!" said mr. merry, his brows contracted, his face flushed still with anger. "i shall know how to answer the next invitation which comes from mr jefferson.[ ] i shall ask him whether or not there is to be any repetition of this sort of thing." [footnote : during the following winter mr. merry had opportunity to fulfill his threat. in february, , the president again invited him to dine, in the following words: "thomas jefferson asks the favor of mr. merry to dine with a small party of friends on monday, the th, at half past three." mr. merry, still smarting all these months, stood on his dignity and addressed his reply to the secretary of state. reviewing at some length what seemed to him important events, he added: "if mr. merry should be mistaken as to the meaning of mr. jefferson's note, and it should prove that the invitation is designed for him in a public capacity, he trusts that mr. jefferson will feel equally that it must be out of his power to accept it, without receiving previously, through the channel of the secretary of state, the necessary formal assurance of the president's determination to observe toward him those niceties of distinction which have heretofore been shown by the executive government of the united states to the persons who have been accredited as our majesty's ministers. "mr. merry has the honor to request of mr. madison to lay this explanation before the president, and to accompany it with the strongest assurance of his highest respect and consideration." the secretary of state, who seems to have been acting as social secretary to mr. jefferson, without hesitation replied as follows: "mr. madison presents his compliments to mr. merry. he has communicated to the president mr. merry's note of this morning, and has the honor to remark to him that the president's invitation, being in the style used by him in like cases, had no reference to the points of form which will deprive him of the pleasure of mr. merry's company at dinner on monday next. "mr. madison tenders to mr. merry his distinguished consideration." the friction arising out of this and interlocking incidents was part of the unfortunate train of events which later led up to the war of .] "so much for the rule of the plain people!" said burr, as he laid the tips of his fingers together contemplatively. "yet, colonel burr, you are vice-president under this administration!" broke out merry. "one must use agencies and opportunities as they offer. my dear sir, perhaps you do not fully know me. i took this election only in order to be close to the seat of affairs. i am no such rabid adherent to democracy as some may think. you would be startled if i told you that i regard this republic as no more than an experiment. this is a large continent. take all that western country--louisiana--it ought not to be called attached to the united states. at this very moment it is half in rebellion against its constituted authorities. more than once it has been ready to take arms, to march against new orleans, and to set up a new country of its own. it is geography which fights for monarchy, against democracy, on this continent--in spite of what all these people say." "sir," said the british minister, "you have been a student of affairs." "and why not? i claim intelligence, good education, association with men of thought. my reason tells me that conquest is in the blood of those men who settled in the mississippi valley. they went into kentucky and tennessee for the sake of conquest. they are restless, unattached, dissatisfied--ready for any great move. no move can be made which will seem too great or too daring for them. now let me confess somewhat to you--for i know that you will respect my confidence, if you go no further with me than you have gone tonight. i have bought large acreages of land in the lower louisiana country, ostensibly for colonization purposes. i do purpose colonization there--_but not under the flag of this republic!_" silence greeted his remark. the others sat for a moment, merely gazing at him, half stunned, remembering only that he was jefferson's colleague, vice-president of the united states. "you cannot force geography," resumed burr, in tones as even as if he had but spoken of bartering for a house and lot. "lower louisiana and mexico together--yes, perhaps. florida, with us--yes, perhaps. indeed, territories larger perhaps than any of us dare dream at present, once our new flag is raised. all that i purpose is to do what has been discussed a thousand times before--to unite in a natural alliance of self-interest those men who are sundered in every way of interest and alliance from the government on this side of the alleghanies. would you call that treason--conspiracy? i dislike the words. i call it rather a plan based upon sound reason and common sense; and i hold that its success is virtually assured." "you will explain more fully, colonel burr?" mr. merry was intent now on all that he heard. "i march only with destiny, yonder--do you not see, gentlemen?" burr resumed. "those who march with me are in alliance with natural events. this republic is split now, at this very moment. it must follow its own fate. if the flag of spain were west of it on the south, and the flag of britain west of it on the north, why, then we should have the natural end of the republic's expansion. with those great powers in alliance at its back, with the fleets of england on the seas, at the mouth of the great river--owning the lands in canada on the north--it would be a simple thing, i say, to crush this republic against the wall of the appalachians, or to drive it once more into the sea." they were silent alike before the enormousness and the enormity of this. reading their thoughts, burr raised his hand in deprecation. "i know what is in your minds, gentlemen. the one thing which troubles you is this--the man who speaks to you is vice-president of the united states. i say what in your country would be treason. in this country i maintain it is not yet treason, because thus far we are in an experiment. we have no actual reign of reason and of law; and he marches to success who marches with natural laws and along the definite trend of existing circumstances and conditions." "what you say, mr. burr," began merry gravely, "assuredly has the merit of audacity. and i see that you have given it thought." "i interest you, gentlemen! you can go with me only if it be to your interest and to that of your countries to join with me in these plans. they have gone far forward--let me tell you that. i know my men from st. louis to new orleans--i know my leaders--i know that population. if this be treason, as mr. patrick henry said, let us make the most of it. at least it is the intention of aaron burr. i stake upon it all my fortune, my life, the happiness of my family. do you think i am sincere?" merry sat engaged in thought. he could see vast movements in the game of nations thus suddenly shown before him on the diplomatic board. and on his part it is to be said that he was there to represent the interests of his own government alone. in the same even tones, burr resumed his astonishing statements. "my son-in-law, mr. alston, of south carolina--a very wealthy planter of that state--is in full accord with all my plans. my own resources have been pledged to their utmost, and he has been so good as to add largely from his own. i admit to you that i sought alliance with him deliberately when he asked my daughter's hand. he is an ambitious man, and perhaps he saw his way to the fulfillment of certain personal ambitions. he has contributed fifty thousand dollars to my cause. he will have a place of honor and profit in the new government which will be formed yonder in the mississippi valley." "so, then," began yrujo, "the financing is somewhat forward! but fifty thousand is only a drop." "we may as well be plain," rejoined burr. "time is short--you know that it is short. we all heard what mr. jefferson said--we know that if we are to take action it must be at once. that expedition must not succeed! if that wedge be driven through to the pacific--and who can say what that young virginian may do?--your two countries will be forever separated on this continent by one which will wage successful war on both. swift action is my only hope--and yours." "your funds," said mr. merry, "seem to me inadequate for the demands which will be made upon them. you said fifty thousand?" burr nodded. "i pledge you as much more--on one condition that i shall name." burr turned from mr. merry to señor yrujo. the latter nodded. "i undertake to contribute the same amount," said the envoy of spain, "but with no condition attached." the color deepened in the cheek of the great conspirator. his eye glittered a trifle more brilliantly. "you named a certain condition, sir," he said to merry. "yes, one entirely obvious." "what is it, then, your excellency?" burr inquired. "you yourself have made it plain. the infernal ingenuity of yonder corsican--curse his devilish brain!--has rolled a greater stone in our yard than could be placed there by any other human agency. we could not believe that napoleon bonaparte would part with louisiana thus easily. no doubt he feared the british fleet at the mouth of the river--no doubt spain was glad enough that our guns were not at new orleans ere this. but, i say, he rolled that stone in our yard. if title to this louisiana purchase is driven through to the pacific--as mr. jefferson plans so boldly--the end is written now, colonel burr, to all your enterprises! britain will be forced to content herself with what she can take on the north, and spain eventually will hold nothing worth having on the south. by the lord, general bonaparte fights well--he knows how to sacrifice a pawn in order to checkmate a king!" "yes, your excellency," said burr, "i agree with you, but----" "and now my condition. follow me closely. i say if that wedge is driven home--if that expedition of mr. jefferson's shall succeed--its success will rest on one factor. in short, there is a man at the head of that expedition who must fight with us and not against us, else my own interest in this matter lacks entirely. you know the man i have in mind." burr nodded, his lips compressed. "that young man, colonel burr, will go through! i know his kind. believe me, if i know men, he is a strong man. let that man come back from his expedition with the map of a million square miles of new american territory hanging at his belt, like a scalp torn from his foes--and there will be no chance left for colonel burr and his friends!" "all that your excellency has said tallies entirely with our own beliefs," rejoined burr. "but what then? what is the condition?" "simply this--we must have captain lewis with us and not against us. i want that man! i must have him. that expedition must never proceed. it must be delayed, stopped. money was raised twenty years ago in london to make this same sort of journey across the continent, but the plan fell through. revive it now, and we english still may pull it off. but it will be too late if captain lewis goes forward now--too late for us--too late for you and your plan, mr. burr. i want that man! we must have him with us!" burr sat in silence for a time. "you open up a singular train of thought for me, your excellency," said he at length. "he does belong with us, that young virginian!" "you know him, then?" inquired the british minister. "that is to say, you know him well?" "perfectly. why should i not? he nearly was my son-in-law. egad! give him two weeks more, and he might have been--he got the news of my daughter's marriage just too late. it hit him hard. in truth, i doubt if he ever has recovered from it. they say he still takes it hard. now, you ask me how to get that man, your excellency. there is perhaps one way in which it could be accomplished, and only one." "how, then?" inquired merry. "the way of a woman with a man may always be the answer in matters of that sort!" said aaron burr. the three sat and looked each at the other for some time without comment. "i find colonel burr's brain active in all ways!" began señor yrujo dryly. "now i confess that he goes somewhat in advance of mine." "listen," said aaron burr. "what mr. jefferson said of captain lewis is absolutely true--his will has never been known to relax or weaken. once resolved, he cannot change--i will not say he does not, but that he cannot." "then even the unusual weapon you suggest might not avail!" mr. merry's smile was not altogether pleasant. "women would listen to him readily, i think," remarked yrujo. "gallant in his way, yes," said burr. "then what do you mean by saying something about the way of a woman with a man?" "only that it is the last remaining opportunity for us," rejoined aaron burr. "the appeal to his senses--of course, we will set that aside. the appeal to his chivalry--that is better! the appeal to his ambition--that is less, but might be used. the appeal to his sympathy--the wish to be generous with the woman who has not been generous with him, for the reason that she could not be--here again you have another argument which we may claim as possible." "you reason well," said merry. "but while men are mortal, yonder, if i mistake not, is a gentleman." "precisely," said burr. "if we ask him to resign his expedition we are asking him to alter all his loyalty to his chief--and he will not do that. any appeal made to him must be to his honor or to his chivalry; otherwise it were worse than hopeless. he would no more be disloyal to my son-in-law, the lady's husband--in case it came to that--than he would be disloyal to the orders of his chief." "fie! fie!" said yrujo, serving himself with wine from a decanter on the table. "all men are mortal. i agree with your first proposition, colonel burr, that the safest argument with a man--with a young man especially, and such a young man--is a woman--and such a woman!" "one thing is sure," rejoined burr, flushing. "that man will succeed unless some woman induces him to change--some woman, acting under an appeal to his chivalry or his sense of justice. his reasons must be honest to him. they must be honest to her alike." burr added this last virtuously, and mr. merry bowed deeply in return. "this is not only honorable of you, colonel burr, but logical." "that means some sort of sacrifice for him," suggested yrujo presently. "but some one is sacrificed in every great undertaking. we cannot count the loss of men when nations seek to extend their boundaries and enhance their power. only the question is, at what sacrifice, through what appeal to his chivalry, can his assistance be carried to us?" "we have left out of our accounting one factor," said burr after a time. "what, then?" "one factor, i repeat, we have overlooked," said burr. "that is the wit of a woman! i am purposing to send as our agent with him no other than my daughter, mrs. alston. there is no mind more brilliant, no heart more loyal, than hers--nor any soul more filled with ambition! she believes in her father absolutely--will use every resource of her own to upbuild her father's ambitions.[ ] now, women have their own ways of accomplishing results. suppose we leave it to my daughter to fashion her own campaign? there is nothing wrong in the relations of these two, but at table today i saw his look to her, and hers to him in reply. we are speaking in deep and sacred confidence here, gentlemen. so i say to you, ask no questions of me, and let me ask none of her. let me only say to her: 'my daughter, your father's success, his life, his fortune--the life and fortune and success of your husband as well--depend upon one event, depend upon you and your ability to stop yonder expedition of captain meriwether lewis into the missouri country!'" [footnote : it is generally conceded that theodosia burr alston must have been acquainted with her father's most intimate ambitions, and with at least part of the questionable plans by which he purposed to further them. her blind and unswerving loyalty to him, passing all ordinary filial affection, was a predominant trait of her singular and by no means weak or hesitant character, in which masculine resolution blended so strangely with womanly reserve and sweetness.] "when could we learn?" demanded the british minister. "i cannot say how long a time it may take," burr replied. "i promise you that my daughter shall have a personal interview with captain lewis before he starts for the west." "but he starts at dawn!" smiled minister merry. "were it an hour earlier than that, i would promise it. but now, gentlemen, let us come to the main point. if we succeed, what then?" the british minister was businesslike and definite. "fifty thousand dollars at once, out of a special fund in my control. meantime i would write at once to my government and lay the matter before them.[ ] we shall need a fleet at the south of the mississippi river. that will cost money--it will require at least half a million dollars to assure any sort of success in plans so large as yours, mr. burr. but on the contingency that she stops him, i promise you that amount. fifty thousand down--a half-million more when needed." [footnote : mr. merry did so and reported the entire proposal made by burr. the proposition was that the latter should "lend his assistance to his majesty's government in any manner in which they may think fit to employ him, particularly in endeavoring to effect a separation of the western part of the united states from that which lies between the mountains in its whole extent." but though deeply interested in the conspiracy to separate the western country, mr. merry was not too confiding, for in his message to mr. pitt he added the following confidence, showing his own estimate of burr: "i have only to add that if strict confidence could be placed in him, he certainly possesses, perhaps in a much greater degree than any other individual in this country, all the talents, energy, intrepidity, and firmness which it requires for such an enterprise."] the dark eye of aaron burr flashed. "then," said he firmly, "success will meet our efforts--i guarantee it! i pledge all my personal fortune, my friends, my family, to the last member." "i am for my country," said mr. merry simply. "it is plain to see that napoleon sought to humble us by ceding that great region to this republic. he meant to build up in the new world another enemy to great britain. but if we can thwart him--if at the very start we can divide the forces which might later be allied against us--perhaps we may conquer a wider sphere of possession for ourselves on this rich continent. there is no better colonizing ground in all the world!" "you understand my plan," said aaron burr. "reduced to the least common denominator, meriwether lewis and my daughter theodosia have our fate in their hands." the others rose. the hour was past midnight. the secret conference had been a long one. "he starts tomorrow--is that sure?" asked merry. "as the clock," rejoined burr. "she must see him before the breakfast hour." "my compliments, colonel burr. good night!" "good night, sir," added yrujo. "it has been a strange day." "secrecy, gentlemen, secrecy! i hope soon to have more news for you, and good news, too. _au revoir!_" burr himself accompanied them to the door. chapter vii colonel burr and his daughter one instant aaron burr sat, his head dropped, revolving his plans. the next, he pulled the bell-cord and paced the floor until he had answer. "go at once to mrs. alston's rooms, charles," said he to the servant. "tell her to rise and come to me at once. tell her not to wait. do you hear?" he still paced the floor until he heard a light _frou-frou_ in the hall, a light knock at the door. his daughter entered, her eyes still full of sleep, her attire no more than a loose peignoir caught up and thrown above her night garments. "what is it, father--are you ill?" "far from it, my child," said he, turning with head erect. "i am alive, well, and happier than i have been for months--years. i need you--come, sit here and listen to me." he caught her to him with a swift, paternal embrace--he loved no mortal being as he did his daughter--then pushed her tenderly into the deep seat near by the lamp, while he continued pacing up and down the room, voluble and persuasive, full of his great idea. the matters which he had but now discussed with the two foreign officials he placed before his daughter. he told her all--except the truth. and aaron burr knew how to gild falsehood itself until it seemed the truth. "now you have it, my dear," said he. "you see, my ambition to found a country of my own, where a man may have a real ambition. this dirty village here is too narrow a field for talents like yours or mine. let me tell you, napoleon has played a great jest with mr. jefferson. there is nothing in the constitution of the united states--i am lawyer enough to know that--which will make it possible for congress to ratify the purchase of louisiana. we cannot carve new states from that country--it is already settled by the subjects of another government. hence the expedition of mr. lewis must fail--it must surely fall of its own weight. it is based upon an absurdity. not even mr. jefferson can fly in the face of the supreme laws of the land. "but as to the mississippi valley, matters are entirely different. there is no law against that country's organizing for a better government. there is every natural reason for that. as these states on the east confederated in the cause against oppression, so can those yonder. there will be more opportunity for strong men there when that game is on the board--men like captain lewis, for instance. should one ally one's self with a foredoomed failure? not at all. i prefer rather success--station, rank, power, money, for myself, if you please. with us--a million dollars for the founding of our new country. with him--for the undertaking of yonder impracticable and chimerical expedition, twenty-five hundred dollars! which enterprise, think you, will win? "but, on the other hand, if that expedition of mr. jefferson's should succeed by virtue of accident, or of good leadership, all my plans must fail--that is plain. it comes, therefore, to this, theo, and i may tell you plainly--captain lewis must be seen--he must be stopped--we must hold a conference with him. it would be useless for me to undertake to arrange all that. there is only one person who can save your father's future--and that one, my daughter, is--you!" he caught theodosia's look of surprise, her start, the swift flush on her cheek--and laughed lightly. "let me explain. aaron burr and all his family--all his friends--will reach swift advancement in yonder new government. power, place--these are the things that strong men covet. that is what the game of politics means for strong men--that is why we fight so bitterly for office. i plan for myself some greater office than second fiddle in this tawdry republic along the atlantic. i want the first place, and in a greater field! i will take my friends with me. i want men who can lead other men. i want men like captain lewis." "it seems that you value him more now than once you did." "yes, that is true, theo, that is true. i did not favor his suit for your hand at that time. although he had a modest fortune in virginia lands, he could not offer you the future assured by mr. alston. i was rejoiced--i admit it frankly--when i learned that young captain lewis came just too late, for i feared you would have preferred him. and yet i saw his quality then--mr. jefferson sees it--he is a good chooser of men. but captain lewis must not advance beyond the ohio. that is a large task for a woman." "what woman, father?" a flush came to her pale cheek. her father turned to her directly, his own piercing gaze aflame. "there is but one woman on earth could do that, my daughter! that young man's fate was settled when he looked on that woman--when he looked on you!" she swiftly turned her head aside, not answering. "am i so engaged in affairs that i cannot see the obvious, my dear?" went on the vibrant voice. "had i no eyes for what went on at my side this very evening, at mr. jefferson's dinner-table? could i fail to observe his look to you--and, yes, am i not sensible to what your eyes said to him in reply?" "do you believe that of me--and you my father?" "i believe nothing dishonorable of you, my dear," said burr. "neither could i ask anything dishonorable. but i know what young blood will do. your eyes said no more than that for me. i know you wish him well--know you wish well for his ambition, his success--am sure you do not wish to see him doomed to failure. what? would you see his career blighted when it should be but begun?" "there would be prospects for him?" "all the prospects in the world! i would place him only second to myself, so highly do i value his talents in an enterprise such as this. alston's money, but lewis's brains and courage! they both love you--do i not know?" troubled, again she turned her gaze aside. "listen, my daughter. that young man is wise--he has no such vast belief in yonder expedition. he is going in desperation, to escape a memory! is it not true? tell me--and believe that i am not blind--is not captain lewis going into the missouri country in order to forget a certain woman? and do we not know, my daughter, who that woman is?" still her downcast eye gave him no reply. "meriwether lewis yonder among the savages is a failure. meriwether lewis with me is second only to the vice-regent of the lower louisiana country. texas, florida, much of mexico, will join with us, that is sure. we fight with the great nations of the world, not against them--we fight with the stars in their courses, and not against them. "now, you have two pictures, my dear--one of meriwether lewis, the wanderer, a broken and hopeless man, living among the savages, a log hut his home, a camp fire the only hearth he knows. picture that hopeless and broken man--condemned to that by yourself, my dear--and then picture that other figure whom you can see rescued, restored to the world, placed by your own hand in a station of dignity and power. then, indeed, he might forget--he might forgive. yonder he will forsake his manhood--he will relax his ideals, and go down, step by step, until he shall not think of you again. "there are two pictures, my daughter. which do you prefer--what do you decide to do? shall you condemn him, or shall you rescue him? forgive your father for having spoken thus plainly. i know your heart--i know your generosity as well as i know your loyalty and ambition. there is no reason, my dear, why, for the sake of your father, for the sake of yourself, _and for the sake of that young man yonder_, you should not go to him immediately and carry my message." "could it be possible," she began at length, half musing, "that i, who made captain lewis so unhappy, could aid a man like him to reach a higher and better place in life? could i save him from himself--and from myself?" "you speak like my own daughter! if that generous wish bore fruit, i think that in the later years of life, for both of you, the reflection would prove not unwelcome. i know, as well as i know anything, that no other woman will ever hold a place in the heart of meriwether lewis. there is a memory there which will shut out all other things on earth. we deal now in delicate matters, it is true; but i have been frank with you, because, knowing your loyalty and fairness, knowing your ambition, even-paced with mine, none the less i know your discretion and your generosity as well. you see, i have chosen the best messenger in all the world to advance my own ambition. indeed, i have chosen the only one in all the world who might undertake this errand with the slightest prospect of success." "what can i do, father?" "in the morning that young man will start. it is now two by the clock. we are late. he will start with the rising sun. it is doubtful if he will see his bed at all tonight." "you have called me for a strange errand, father," said theodosia alston, at length. "so far as my brain grasps these things, i go with you in your plans. i could plan no treachery against this country, nor could you--you are its sworn servant, its high official." "treachery? no, it is statesmanship, it is service to mankind!" "my consent to that, yes. but as to seeing captain lewis, there is, as you know, but one way. i go not as theodosia burr, but as mrs. alston of carolina. i am a woman of honor; he is a man of honor. no argument on earth would avail with him except such as might be based upon honor and loyalty. nor would any argument, even if offered by my father, avail otherwise with me." she turned upon him now the full gaze of her dark eyes, serious, luminous, yet tender, her love for him showing so clearly that he came to her softly, took her hands, caught her to his bosom, and kissed her tenderly. "theodosia," said he, "aid me! if the fire of my ambition has consumed me, i have come to you, because i know your love, because i know your loyalty! i have not slept tonight," he added, passing a hand across his forehead. "there will be no more sleep for me tonight," was her reply. "you will see him in the morning?" "yes." chapter viii the parting there were others in washington who did not sleep that night. a light burned until sunrise in the little office-room of thomas jefferson. spread upon his desk, covering its litter of unfinished business, lay a large map--a map which today would cause any schoolboy to smile, but which at that time represented the wisdom of the world regarding the interior of the great north american continent. it had served to afford anxious study for two men, these many hours. "yonder it lies, captain lewis!" said mr. jefferson at length. "how vast, how little known! we know our climate and soil here. it is but reasonable to suppose that they exist yonder as they do with us, in some part, at least. if so, yonder are homes for millions now unborn. had general bonaparte known the value of that land, he would have fought the world rather than alienate such a region." the president tapped a long forefinger on the map. "this, then," he went on, "is your country. find it out--bring back to me examples of its soil, its products, its vegetable and animal life. espy out especially for us any strange animals there may be of which science has not yet account. i hold it probable that there may be yonder living examples of the mastodon, whose bones we have found in kentucky. you yourself may see those enormous creatures yet alive." meriwether lewis listened in silence. mr. jefferson turned to another branch of his theme. "i fancy that some time there will be a canal built across the isthmus that binds this continent to the one below--a canal which shall connect the two great oceans. but that is far in the future. it is for you to spy out the way now, across the country itself. explore it--discover it--it is our new world. "a few must think for the many," he went on. "i had to smuggle this appropriation through congress--twenty-five hundred dollars--the price of a poor virginia farm! i have tampered with the constitution itself in order to make this purchase of a country not included in our original territorial lines. i have taken my own chances--just as you must take yours now. the finger of god will be your guide and your protector. are you ready, captain lewis? it is late." indeed, the sun was rising over washington, the mists of morning were reeking along the banks of the potomac. "i can start in half an hour," replied meriwether lewis. "are your men ready, your supplies gathered together?" "the rendezvous is at harper's ferry, up the river. the wagons with the supplies are ready there. i will take boat from here myself with a few of the men. not later than tomorrow afternoon i promise that we will be on our way. we burn the bridges behind us, and cross none until we come to them." "spoken like a soldier! it is in your hands. go then!" there was one look, one handclasp. the two men parted; nor did they meet again for years. mr. jefferson did not look from his window to see the departure of his young friend, nor did the latter again call at the door to say good-by. theirs was indeed a warrior-like simplicity. the sun still was young when meriwether lewis at length descended the steps of the executive mansion. he was clad now for his journey, not in buckskin hunting-garb, but with regard for the conventions of a country by no means free of convention. his jacket was of close wool, belted; his boots were high and suitable for riding. his stock, snowy white--for always meriwether lewis was immaculate--rose high around his throat, in spite of the hot summer season, and his hands were gloved. he seemed soldier, leader, officer, and gentleman. no retinue, however, attended him; no servant was at his side. he went afoot, and carried with him his most precious luggage--the long rifle which he never entrusted to any hands save his own. close wrapped around the stock, on the crook of his arm, and not yet slung over his shoulder, was a soiled buckskin pouch, which went always with the rifle--the "possible sack" of the wilderness hunter of that time. it contained his bullets, bullet-molds, flints, a bar or two of lead, some tinder for priming, a set of awls. such was the leader of one of the great expeditions of the world. meriwether lewis had few good-bys to say. he had written but one letter--to his mother--late the previous morning. it was worded thus: the day after tomorrow i shall set out for the western country. i had calculated on the pleasure of visiting you before i started, but circumstances have rendered it impossible. my absence will probably be equal to fifteen or eighteen months. the nature of this expedition is by no means dangerous. my route will be altogether through tribes of indians friendly to the united states, therefore i consider the chances of life just as much in my favor as i should conceive them were i to remain at home. the charge of this expedition is honorable to myself, as it is important to my country. for its fatigues i feel myself perfectly prepared, nor do i doubt my health and strength of constitution to bear me through it. i go with the most perfect preconviction in my own mind of returning safe, and hope, therefore that you will not suffer yourself to indulge in any anxiety for my safety. i will write again on my arrival at pittsburgh. adieu, and believe me your affectionate son. no regrets, no weak reflections for this man with a warrior's weapon on his arm--where no other burden might lie in all his years. his were to be the comforts of the trail, the rude associations with common men, the terrors of the desert and the mountain; his fireside only that of the camp. yet he advanced to his future steadily, his head high, his eye on ahead--a splendid figure of a man. he did not at first hear the gallop of hoofs on the street behind him as at last, a mile or more from the white house gate, he turned toward the river front. he was looking at the dull flood of the potomac, now visible below him; but he paused, something appealing to the strange sixth sense of the hunter, and turned. a rider, a mounted servant, was beckoning to him. behind the horseman, driven at a stiff gait, came a carriage which seemed to have but a single occupant. captain lewis halted, gazed, then hastened forward, hat in his hand. "mrs. alston!" he exclaimed, as the carriage came up. "why are you here? is there any news?" "yes, else i could not have come." "but why have you come? tell me!" he motioned the outrider aside, sprang into the vehicle and told the driver to draw a little apart from the more public street. here he caught up the reins himself, and, ordering the driver to join the footman at the edge of the roadway they had left, turned to the woman at his side. "pardon me," said he, and his voice was cold; "i thought i had cut all ties." "knit them again for my sake, then, meriwether lewis! i have brought you a summons to return." "a summons? from whom?" "my father--mr. merry--señor yrujo. they were at our home all night. we could not--they could not--i could not--bear to see you sacrifice yourself. this expedition can only fail! i implore you not to go upon it! do not let your man's pride drive you!" she was excited, half sobbing. "it does drive me, indeed," said he simply. "i am under orders--i am the leader of this expedition of my government. i do not understand----" "at this hour--on this errand--only one motive could have brought me! it is your interest. oh, it is not for myself--it is for your future." "why did you come thus, unattended? there is something you are concealing. tell me!" "ah, you are harsh--you have no sympathy, no compassion, no gratitude! but listen, and i will tell you. my father, mr. merry, the spanish minister, are all men of affairs. they have watched the planning of this expedition. why fly in the face of prophecy and of providence? that is what my father says. he says that country can never be of benefit to our union--that no new states can be made from it. he says the people will pass down the mississippi river, but not beyond it; that it is the natural line of our expansion--that men who are actual settlers are bound not into the unknown west, but into the well-known south. he begs of you to follow the course of events, and not to fly in the face of providence." "you speak well! go on." "england is with us, and spain--they back my father's plans." he turned now and raised a hand. "plans? what plans? i must warn you, i am pledged to my own country's service." "is not my father also? he is one of the highest officers in the government of this country." "you may tell me more or not, as you like." "there is little more to tell," said she. "these gentlemen have made certain plans of which i know little. my father said to me that thomas jefferson himself knows that this purchase from napoleon cannot be made under the constitution of the united states--that, given time for reflection, mr. jefferson himself will admit that the louisiana purchase was but a national folly from which this country cannot benefit. why not turn, then, to a future which offers certainties? why not come with us, and not attempt the impossible? that is what he said. and he asked me to implore you to pause." he sat motionless, looking straight ahead, as she went on. "he only besought me to induce you, if i could, either to abandon your expedition wholly as soon as you honorably might do so, or to go on with it only to such point as will prove it unfeasible and impracticable. not wishing you to prove traitorous to a trust, these gentlemen wish you to know that they would value your association--that they would give you splendid opportunity. with men such as these, that means a swift future of success for one--for one--whom i shall always cherish warmly in my heart." the color was full in her face. he turned toward her suddenly, his eye clouded. "it is an extraordinary matter in every way which you bring for me," he said slowly; "extraordinary that foreigners, not friends of this country, should call themselves the friends of an officer sworn to the service of the republic! i confess i do not understand it. and why send you?" "it is difficult for me to tell you. but my father knew the antagonism between mr. jefferson and himself, and knew your friendship for mr. jefferson. he knew also the respect, the pity--oh, what shall i say?--which i have always felt for you--the regard----" "regard! what do you mean?" "i did not mean regard, but the--the wish to see you succeed, to help you, if i could, to take your place among men. i told you that but yesterday." she was all confusion now. he seemed pitiless. "i have listened long enough to have my curiosity aroused. i shall have somewhat to ponder--on the trail to the west." "then you mean that you will go on?" "yes!" "you do not understand----" "no! i understand only that mr. jefferson has never abandoned a plan or a promise or a friend. shall i, then, who have been his scholar and his friend?" "ah, you two! what manner of men are you that you will not listen to reason? he is high in power. will you not also listen to the call of your own ambition? why, in that country below, you might hold a station as proud as that of mr. jefferson himself. will you throw that away, for the sake of a few dried skins and flowers? you speak of being devoted to your country. what is devotion--what is your country? you have no heart--that i know well; but i credited you with the brain and the ambition of a man!" he sat motionless under the sting of her reproaches; and as some reflection came to her upon the savagery of her own words, she laughed bitterly. "think you that i would have come here for any other man?" she demanded. "think you that i would ask of you anything to my own dishonor, or to your dishonor? but now you do not listen. you will not come back--even for me!" in answer he simply bent and kissed her hand, stepped from the carriage, raised his hat. yet he hesitated for half an instant and turned back. "theodosia," said he, "it is hard for me not to do anything you ask of me--you do not know how hard; but surely you understand that i am a soldier and am under orders. i have no option. it seems to me that the plans of your father and his friends should be placed at once before mr. jefferson. it is strange they sent you, a woman, as their messenger! you have done all that a woman could. no other woman in the world could have done as much with me. but--my men are waiting for me." this time he did not turn back again. * * * * * colonel burr's carriage returned more slowly than it had come. it was a dejected occupant who at last made her way, still at an early hour, to the door of her father's house. burr met her at the door. his keen eye read the answer at once. "you have failed!" said he. she raised her dark eyes to his, herself silent, mournful. "what did he say?" demanded burr. "said he was under orders--said you should go to mr. jefferson with your plan--said mr. jefferson alone could stop him. failed? yes, i failed!" "you failed," said burr, "because you did not use the right argument with him. the next time _you must not fail_. you must use better arguments!" theodosia stood motionless for an instant, looking at her father, then passed back into the house. "listen, my daughter," said burr at length, in his eye a light that she never had known before. "you _must_ see that man again, and bring him back into our camp! we need him. without him i cannot handle merry, and without merry i cannot handle yrujo. without them my plan is doomed. if it fails, your husband has lost fifty thousand dollars and all the moneys to which he is pledged beyond that. you and i will be bankrupt--penniless upon the streets, do you hear?--unless you bring that man back. granted that all goes well, it means half a million dollars pledged for my future by great britain herself, half as much pledged by spain, success and future honor and power for you and me--and him. he _must_ come back! that expedition must not go beyond the mississippi. you ask me what to tell him? ask him no longer to return to us and opportunity. _ask him to come back to theodosia burr and happiness_--do you understand?" "sir," said his daughter, "i think--i think i do not understand!" he seemed not to hear her--or to toss her answer aside. "you must try again," said he, "and with the right weapons--the old ones, my dear--the old weapons of a woman!" chapter ix mr. thomas jefferson not in fifty years, said thomas jefferson in the last days of his life, had the sun caught him in bed. on this morning, having said good-by to the man to whose hands he had entrusted the dearest enterprise of all his life, he turned back to his desk in the little office-room, and throughout the long and heated day, following a night spent wholly without sleep, he remained engaged in his usual labors, which were the heavier in his secretary's absence. he was an old man now, but a giant in frame, a giant in mind, a giant in industry as well. he sat at his desk absorbed, sleepless, with that steady application which made possible the enormous total of his life's work. he was writing in a fine, delicate hand--legible to this day--certain of those thousands of letters and papers which have been given to us as the record of his career. in what labor was the president of the united states engaged on this particularly eventful day? it seems he found more to do with household matters than with affairs of state. he was making careful accounts of his french cook, his irish coachman, his black servants still remaining at his country house in virginia. all his life thomas jefferson kept itemized in absolute faithfulness a list of all his personal expenses--even to the gratuities he expended in traveling and entertainment. we find, for instance, that "john cramer is to go into the service of mr. jefferson at twelve dollars a month and twopence for drink, two suits of clothes and a pair of boots." it seems that he bought a bootjack for three shillings; and the cost of countless other household items is as carefully set down. we may learn from records of this date that in the past year mr. jefferson had expended in charity $ , . . he tells us that in the first three months of his presidency his expenses were $ . --and he was wrong ten cents in his addition of the total! in his own hand he sets down "a view of the consumption of butchers' meat from september , , to june , ." he knew perfectly well, indeed, what all his household expenses were, also what it cost him to maintain his stables. he did all this bookkeeping himself, and at the end of each year was able to tell precisely where his funds had gone. we may note one such annual statement, that of the year ended five months previous to the time when captain lewis set forth into the west: provisions $ , . wines , . groceries , . fuel . secretary . servants , . miscellaneous . stable . dress . charities , . pres. house . books . household expenses . monticello--plantation , . " --family , . loans . debts . asquisitions--lands bought , . " --buildings , . " --carriages . " --furniture . total $ , . mr. jefferson says in rather shamefaced fashion to his diary: i ought by this statement to have cash in hand $ . but i actually have in hand . so that the errors of this statement amt to . the whole of the nails used for monticello and smithwork are omitted, because no account was kept of them. this makes part of the error, and the article of nails has been extraordinary this year. there was a curious accuracy in the analytical tests which mr. jefferson applied to all the ordinary transactions of life. it was not enough for him to know exactly how many dollars and cents he had expended; he must know what should be the average result of such expenditures. in the middle of a life of tremendous and marvelously varied activities he finds time to leave for us such records as these: mr. remsen tells me that six cord of hickory last a fireplace well the winter. myrtle candles of last year out. pd farren an impudent surcharge for venetn blinds, . . borrowed of mr. maddison order on bank for d. enclosed to d. rittenhouse, lieper's note of . d, out of which he is to pay for equatorial instrument for me. hitzeimer says that a horse well fed with grain requires lb. of hay, and without grain lb. t. n. randolph has had galls. whisky for his harvest. my first pipe of termo is out--begun soon after i came home to live from philadelphia. agreed with robt. chuning to serve me as overseer at monticello for £ and lb. pork. he is to come dec. . agreed with ---- bohlen to give _livres tournois_ for my bust made by ceracchi, if he shall agree to take that sum. my daughter maria married this day. march --the first shad at this market today. march --the weeping willow shows the green leaf. april --asparagus come to table. april --apricots blossom. april --genl. thaddeus kosciusko puts into my hands a warrant of the treasury for , . d to have bills of exchange bought for him. may --tea out, the pound has lasted exactly weeks, used times a week; this is - or . of an oz. a time for a single person. a pound of tea making cups costs d, cups or ounces of coffee-- lb. cost . . may --on trial it takes dwt. troy of double refined maple sugar to a dish of coffee, or lb. avoirdupois to . dishes, so that at cents per lb. it is mills per dish. an ounce of coffee at cents per lb. is . mills, so that sugar and coffee of a dish is worth cents. as to the code of official etiquette which we have seen to exist in washington, the president himself was responsible for it, for we have, written out in his own delicate hand, the following explicit instructions: the families of foreign ministers, arriving at the seat of government, receive the first visit from those of the national ministers, as from all other residents. members of the legislature and of the judiciary, independent of their offices, have a right as strangers to receive the first visit. no title being admitted here, those of foreigners give no precedence. difference of grade among the diplomatic members gives no precedence. at public ceremonies the government invites the presence of foreign ministers and their families. a convenient seat or station will be provided for them, with any other strangers invited, and the families of the national ministers, each taking place as they arrive, and without any precedence. to maintain the principle of equality, or of pell-mell, and prevent the growth of precedence out of courtesy, the members of the executive will practise at their own houses, and recommend an adherence to the ancient usages of the country of gentlemen in mass giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in passing from one apartment where they are assembled into another. and so on, through reams and reams of a strange man's life records. why should we care to note his curious concern over details? the answer to that question is this--obviously, thomas jefferson's estimate of a man must also in all likelihood have been curiously exact. he did not make public to the world his judgment of colonel aaron burr, at that time vice-president of the united states; but in his diary, written in frankness by himself for himself, he put down the following: i have never seen colonel burr till he became a member of the senate. his conduct very soon inspired me with distrust. i habitually cautioned mr. madison against trusting him too much. i saw that under general w. and mr. adams, where a great military appointment or a diplomatic one was to be made, he came post to philadelphia to show himself, and in fact he was always in the market if they wanted him. he was indeed told by dayton in that he might be secretary at war, but this bid was too late. his election as vice-president was then foreseen. with these impressions of colonel burr, there never has been any intimacy between us, and but little association. a certain plan of this same colonel burr's now went forward in such fashion as involved the loyalty of meriwether lewis, the man to whom, of all others of his acquaintance, thomas jefferson gave first place in trust and confidence and friendship--the young man who but now was making his unostentatious departure on the great adventure that they two had planned. his garb ill cared-for, his hair unkempt, his face a trifle haggard, working on into the day whose dawn he had seen arise, the tall, gaunt old man set aside first one minor matter, then another, leaving them all exactly finished. at last he wrote down, for later forwarding, the last item of his own knowledge regarding the new country into which he had sent his young friend. i have received word from paris that mr. broughton, one of the companions of captain vancouver, went up the columbia river one hundred miles in december, . he stopped at a point he named vancouver. here the river columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide. from this point mount hood is seen about twenty leagues distant, which is probably a dependency of the stony mountains. accept my affectionate salutations. this was the last word meriwether lewis received from his chief. as the latter finished it, he sat looking out of the window toward that west which meant so much to him. he did not at first note the interruption of his reverie. long ago he had made public his announcement that the time of thomas jefferson belonged to the public, and that he might be seen at any time by any man. he hesitated now but a moment, therefore, when old henry, his faithful black, threw open the door and stated simply that there was "a lady wantin' to see mistah jeffahson." "who is she, henry?" inquired the president of the united states mildly. "i am somewhat busy today." "'tain't no diff'rence, she say--she sho'ly want see mistah jeffahson." the tired old man smiled and shrugged his shoulders. a moment later the persistent caller was ushered into the office of the nation's chief executive. he rose courteously to meet her. it was theodosia alston, whom he had known from her childhood. mr. jefferson greeted her with his hand outstretched, and, her arm still in his, led her to a seat. "my dear," said he, "you will pardon our confusion here, i am sure. there are many matters----" "i know it is an intrusion, mr. jefferson," began theodosia alston again, her face flushing swiftly. "but you are so good, so kind, so great in your patience that we all take advantage of you. and yet you are so tired," she added impulsively, as she caught sight of his haggard face. "i was not so fortunate as to find time for sleep last night." he smiled again with humorous, half twisted mouth. "nor was i." "tut, tut! no, no, my dear, that sort of thing will not do." he looked at her in silence for some time. "perhaps, my dear," said he at last, "you come regarding captain lewis?" "how did you know?" she exclaimed, startled. "why should i not know?" he pushed his chair so close that he might lay a hand upon her arm. "listen, theo, my child. i am an old man, and i am your friend, and his also. i had need to be very blind had i not known long ago what i did know. i am, perhaps, the only confidant of captain lewis, and i repose in him confidences that i would venture to no other man; but he is not the sort to speak of such matters. it is only by virtue of exceptional circumstances, my dear, that i know the story of you two." she was looking straight into his face, her eyes mournful. "i was glad to send him away, sorely as i miss him. but then, you said, you come to me about him?" "yes, after he is gone--knowing all that you say--because i trust your great kindness and your chivalry. i come to ask you to call him back! oh, mr. jefferson, were it any other man in the world but yourself i had not dared come here; but you know my story and his. it is your right to believe that he and i were--that is to say, we might have been--ah, sir, how can i speak?" "you need not speak, my dear, i know." "i shall be faithful to my husband, mr. jefferson." the old man nodded. "captain lewis knows that also. he would be the last to wish it otherwise. but, since it was his misfortune to set his regard upon one so fair as yourself, and since fate goes so hard for a strong man like him, then i must admit it needed strong medicine for his case. i sent him away, yes. would you ask him back--for any cause?" in turn she laid a small hand upon the president's arm. "only for himself--for that reason alone, mr. jefferson, and not to change your plans--for himself, because you love him. oh, sir, even the greatest courts sometimes arrest their judgment if there is new evidence to be introduced. at the last moment justice gives a condemned man one more chance." "what is it, theodosia?" he said quietly. "i do not grasp all this." "able men say that this government cannot take advantage of the sale of louisiana to us by napoleon--that our constitution prevents our taking over a foreign territory already populated to make into new states of our own----" "good, my learned counsel--say on!" "forgive my weak wit--i only try to say this as i heard it, well and plainly." "as well as any man, my dear! go on." "therefore, even if captain lewis does go forward, he can only fail at the last. this is what is said by the federalists, by your enemies." "and perhaps by certain of my own party not federalists--by colonel aaron burr, for instance!" thomas jefferson smiled grimly. "yes!" she spoke firmly and with courage. "i cannot pause to inquire what my enemies say, my dear lady. but in what way could this effect our friend, captain lewis? he is under orders, on my errand." "i saw him this very morning--i took my reputation in my hands--i followed him--i urged him, i implored him to stop!" "yes? and did he?" "not for an instant. ah, i see you smile! i might have known he would not. he said that nothing but word from you could induce him to hesitate for a moment." "my dear young lady, i said to captain lewis that no report from any source would cause me for an instant to doubt his loyalty to me. if anything could shake him in his loyalty, it would be his regard for you yourself; but since i trust his honor and your own, i do not fear that such a conflict can ever occur!" she did not reply. after a time the president went on gently: "my dear, would you wish him to come back--would you condemn him further to the tortures of the damned? and would you halt him while he is trying to do his duty as a man and a soldier? what benefit to you?" she drew up proudly. "what benefit, indeed, to me? do you think i would ask this for myself? no, it was for _him_--it was for _his_ welfare only that i dared to come to you. and you will not hear new evidence?" but now she was speaking to thomas jefferson, the president of the united states, man of affairs as well, man of firm will and clear-cut decision. "madam," said he, coldly, "in this office we do a thing but once. had i condemned yonder young man to his death--and perhaps i have--i would not now reconsider that decision. i would not speak so long as this over it, did i not know and love you both--yes, and grieve over you both; but what is written is written." his giant hand fell lightly, but with firmness, on the desk at his side. the inexorableness of a great will was present in the room as an actual thing. tears swam in her eyes. "you would not hear what was the actual cause of my wish for him----" "no, my dear! we have made our plans." "there are other plans afoot these days, mr. jefferson." "tut, tut! are you my enemy, too? oh, yes, i know there are enemies enough in wait for me and my administration on every side. yes, i know a plan--i know of many such. but one thing also i do know, madam, and it is this--not all the enemies on this earth can alter me one iota in this undertaking on which i have sent captain lewis. as against that magnificent adventure there is nothing can be offered as an offset, nothing that can halt it for an instant. no reward to him or me--nay, no reward to any other human being--shall stop his advancement in that purpose which he shares with me. if he fails, i fail with him--and all my life as well!" she rose now, calm before the imperious quality of his nature, so unlike his former gentleness. "you refuse, then, mr. jefferson? you will not reopen this case?" "i refuse nothing to you gladly, my dear lady. but you have seen him--you have tested him. did he turn back? shall i, his friend and his chief, halt him at such a time? now that were the worst kindness to him in the world. and i am convinced that you and i both plan only kindness for him." suddenly he saw the tears in her eyes. at once he was back again, the courteous gentleman. "do not weep, theodosia, my child," said he. "let me kiss you, as your father or your grandfather would--one who holds you tenderly in his heart. forgive me that i pass sentence on you both, but you must part--you must not ask him back. there now, my dear, do not weep, or you will make me weep. let me kiss you for him--and let us all go on about our duties in the world. my dear, good-by! you must go." chapter x the threshold of the west meriwether lewis, having put behind him one set of duties, now addressed himself to another, and did so with care and thoroughness. a few of his men, a part of his outfitting, he found already assembled at harper's ferry, up the potomac. before sunset of the first day the little band knew they had a leader. there was not a knife or a tomahawk of the entire equipment which he himself did not examine--not a rifle which he himself did not personally test. he went over the boxes and bales which had been gathered here, and saw to their arrangement in the transport-wagons. he did all this without bluster or officiousness, but with the quiet care and thoroughness of the natural leader of men. in two days they were on their way across the alleghanies. a few days more of steady travel sufficed to bring them to pittsburgh, the head of navigation on the ohio river, and at that time the american capital in the upper valley of the west. at pittsburgh captain lewis was to build his boats, to complete the details of his equipment, to take on additional men for his party--now to be officially styled the volunteers for the discovery of the west. he lost no time in urging forward the necessary work. the young adventurer found this inland town half maritime in its look. its shores were lined with commerce suited to a seaport. schooners of considerable tonnage lay at the wharfs, others were building in the busy shipyards. the destination of these craft obviously was down the mississippi, to the sea. here were vessels bound for the west indies, bound for philadelphia, for new york, for boston--carrying the products of this distant and little-known interior. as he looked at this commerce of the great west, pondered its limitations, saw its trend with the down-slant of the perpetual roadway to the sea, there came to the young officer's mind with greater force certain arguments that had been advanced to him. he saw that here was the heart of america, realized how natural was the insistence of all these hardy western men upon the free use of the mississippi and its tributaries. he easily could agree with aaron burr that, had the fleet of napoleon ever sailed from haiti--had napoleon ever done otherwise than to cede louisiana to us--then these boats from the ohio and the mississippi would at this very moment, perhaps, be carrying armed men down to take new orleans, as so often they had threatened. there came, however, to his mind not the slightest thought of alteration in his own plans. with him it was no question of what might have been, but of what actually was. the cession by napoleon had been made, and louisiana was ours. it was time to plot for expeditions, not down the great river, but across it, beyond it, into that great and unknown country that lay toward the farther sea. the keen zest of this vast enterprise came to him as a stimulus--the feel of the new country was as the breath of his nostrils. his bosom swelled with joy as he looked out toward that west which had so long allured him--that west of which he was to be the discoverer. the carousing riffraff of the wharfs, the flotsam and jetsam of the river trade, were to him but passing phenomena. he shouldered his way among them indifferently. he walked with a larger vision before his eyes. now, too, he had news--good news, fortunate news, joyous news--none less than the long-delayed answer of his friend, captain william clark, to his proposal that he should associate himself with the volunteers for the discovery of the west. misspelled, scrawled, done in the hieroglyphics which marked that remarkable gentleman, william clark's letter carried joy to the heart of meriwether lewis. it cemented one of the most astonishing partnerships ever known among men, one of the most beautiful friendships of which history leaves note. let us give the strange epistle in clark's own spelling: dear merne: yours to hand touching uppon the expedishon into the missourie country, & i send this by special bote up the river to mete you at pts'brgh, at the foarks. you convey a moast welcome and appreciated invitation to join you in an enterprise conjenial to my every thought and desire. it will in all likelyhood require at least a year to make the journey out and return, but although that means certain sacrifises of a personal sort, i hold such far less than the pleasure to enlist with you, wh. indeed i hold to be my duty allso. i need not say how content i am to be associated with the man moast of all my acquaintance apt to achieve success in an undertaking of so difficult and perlous nature. as you know, it is in the wilderness men are moast sevearly tried, and there we know a man. i have seen you so tried, and i know what you are. i am proud that you apeare to hold me and my own qualities in like confident trust and belief, and i shall hope to merit no alteration in your judgment. there is no other man i would go with on such an undertaking, nor consider it seriously, although the concern of my family largely has been with things military and adventurous, and we are not new to life among savidges. too well i know the dangers of bad leadership in such affairs, yes and my brother, the general, also, as the story of detroit and the upper ohio country could prove. all of that country should have been ours from the first, and only lack of courage lost it so long to us. you are so kind as to offer me a place equal in command with you--i accept not because of the rank, which is no moving consideration, eather for you or for me--but because i see in the jenerosity of the man proposing such a division of his own honors, the best assurance of success. you will find me at or near the falls of the ohio awaiting the arrival of your party, which i taik it will be in early august or the midel of that month. pray convey to mr. jefferson my humble and obedient respects, and thanks for this honor wh. i shall endeavor to merit as best lies within my powers. with all affec'n, i remain, your friend, wm. clark. p. s.--god alone knows how mutch this all may mean to you and me, merne--will. clark, then, was to meet him at the falls of the ohio, and he, too, counseled haste. lewis drove his drunken, lazy workmen in the shipyards as hard as he might, week after week, yet found six weeks elapsed before at last he was in any wise fitted to set forth. the delay fretted him, even though he received word from his chief bidding him not to grieve over the possible loss of a season in his start, but to do what he might and to possess his soul in patience and in confidence. recruits of proper sort for his purposes did not grow on trees, he found, but he added a few men to his party now and then, picking them slowly, carefully. one morning, while engaged in his duties of supervising the work in progress at the shipyards, he had his attention attracted to a youth of some seventeen or eighteen years, who stood, cap in hand, at a little distance, apparently too timid to accost him. "what is it, my son?" said he. "did you wish to see me?" the boy advanced, smiling. "you do not know me, sir. my name is shannon--george shannon. i used to know you when you were stationed here with the army. i was a boy then." "you are right--i remember you perfectly. so you are grown into a strapping young man, i see!" the boy twirled his cap in his hands. "i want to go along with you, captain," said he shyly. "what? you would go with me--do you know what is our journey?" "no. i only hear that you are going up the missouri, beyond st. louis, into new country. they say there are buffalo there, and indians. 'tis too quiet here for me--i want to see the world with you." the young leader, after his fashion, stood silently regarding the other for a time. an instant served him. "very well, george," said he. "if your parents consent, you shall go with me. your pay will be such that you can save somewhat, and i trust you will use it to complete your schooling after your return. there will be adventure and a certain honor in our undertaking. if we come back successful, i am persuaded that our country will not forget us." and so that matter was completed. strangely enough, as the future proved, were the fortunes of these two to intermingle. from the first, shannon attached himself to his captain almost in the capacity of personal attendant. at last the great bateau lay ready, launched from the docks and moored alongside the wharf. fifty feet long it was, with mast, tholes and walking-boards for the arduous upstream work. it had received a part of its cargo, and soon all was in readiness to start. on the evening of that day lewis sat down to pen a last letter to his chief. he wrote in the little office-room of the inn where he was stopping, and for a time he did not note the presence of young shannon, who stood, as usual, silent until his leader might address him. "what, is it, george?" he asked at length, looking up. "someone waiting to see you, sir--they are in the parlor. they sent me----" "they? who are they?" "i don't know, sir. she asked me to come for you." "she. who is she?" "i don't know, sir. she spoke to her father. they are in the room just across the hall, sir." the face of meriwether lewis was pale when presently he opened the door leading to the apartment which had been indicated. he knew, or thought he knew, who this must be. but why--why? the interior was dim. a single lamp of the inefficient sort then in use served only to lessen the gloom. presently, however, he saw awaiting him the figure he had anticipated. yes, it was she herself. almost his heart stood still. theodosia alston arose from the spot where she sat in the deeper shadows, and came forward to him. he met her, his hands outstretched, his pulse leaping eagerly in spite of his reproofs. he dreaded, yet rejoiced. "why are you here?" he asked at length. "my father and i are on a journey down the river to visit mr. blennerhasset on his island. you know his castle there?" "why is it that you always come to torment me the more? another day and i should have been gone!" "torment you, sir?" "you rebuke me properly. i presume i should have courage to meet you always--to speak with you--to look into your eyes--to take your hands in mine. but i find it hard, terribly hard! each time it is worse--because each time i must leave you. why did you not wait one day?" she made no reply. he fought for his self-control. "mr. jefferson, how is he?" he demanded at length. "you left him well?" "unchangeable as flint. you said that only the order of your chief could change your plans. i sought to gain that order--i went myself to see mr. jefferson, that very day you started. he said that nothing could alter his faith in you, and that nothing could alter the plan you both had made. he would not call you back. he ordered me not to attempt to do so; but i have broken the president's command. you find it hard! do you think this is not hard for me also?" "these are strange words. what is your motive? what is it that you plan? why should you seek to stop me when i am trying to blot your face out of my mind? strange labor is that--to try to forget what i hold most dear!" "you shall not leave my face behind you, captain lewis!" she said suddenly. "what do you mean, theodosia? what is it?" "you shall see me every night under the stars, meriwether lewis. i will not let you go. i will not relinquish you!" he turned swiftly toward her, but paused as if caught back by some mighty hand. "what is it?" he said once more, half in a whisper. "what do you mean? would you ruin me? would you see me go to ruin?" "no! to the contrary, shall i allow you to hasten into the usual ruin of a man? if you go yonder, what will be the fate of meriwether lewis? you have spoken beautifully to me at times--you have awakened some feeling of what images a woman may make in a man's heart. i have been no more to you than any woman is to any man--the image of a dream. but, that being so beautiful, ought i to allow you to turn it to ruin? shall i let you go down in savagery? ah, if i thought i were relinquishing you to that, this would be a heavy day for me!" "can you fancy what all this means to me?" he broke out hoarsely. "yes, i can fancy. and what for me? so much my feeling for you has been--oh, call it what you like--admiration, affection, maternal tenderness--i do not know what--but so much have i wished, so much have i planned for your future in return for what you have given me--ah, i do not dare tell you. i could not dare come here if i did not know that i was never to see or speak to you again. it tears my heart from my bosom that i must say these things to you. i have risked all my honor in your hands. is there no reward for that? is my recompense to be only your assertion that i torment you, that i torture you? what! is there no torture for me as well? the thought that i have done this covertly, secretly--what do you think that costs me?" "your secret is absolutely safe with me, theodosia. no, it is not a secret! we have sworn that neither of us would lay a secret upon the other. i swear that to you once more." "and yet you upbraid me when i say i cannot give you up to any fate but that of happiness and success--oh, not with me, for that is beyond us two--it is past forever. but happiness----" "there are some words that burn deep," he said slowly. "i know that i was not made for happiness." "does a woman's wish mean nothing to you? have i no appeal for you?" something like a sob was torn from his bosom. "you can speak thus with me?" he said huskily. "if you cannot leave me happiness, can you not at least leave me partial peace of mind?" she stood slightly swaying, silent. "and you say you will not relinquish me, you will not let me go to that fate which surely is mine? you say you will not let me be savage? i say i am too nearly savage now. let me go--let me go yonder into the wilderness, where i may be a gentleman!" he saw her movement as she turned, heard her sigh. "sometimes," she said, "i have thought it worth a woman's life thrown away that a strong man may succeed. failure and sacrifice a woman may offer--not much more. but it is as my father told me!" "he told you what?" "that only chivalry would ever make you forget your duty--that you never could be approached through your weakness, but only through your strength, through your honor. i cannot approach you through your strength, and i would not approach you through your weakness, even if i could. no! wait. perhaps some day it will all be made clear for both of us, so that we may understand. yes, this is torture for us both!" he heard the soft rustle of her gown, her light footfall as she passed; and once more he was alone. chapter xi the taming of patrick gass "shannon, go get the men!" it was midnight. for more than an hour meriwether lewis had sat, his head drooped, in silence. "we are going to start?" shannon's face lightened eagerly. "we'll be off at sunup?" "before that. get the men--we'll start now! i'll meet you at the wharf." eager enough, shannon hastened away on his midnight errand. within an hour every man of the little party was at the water front, ready for departure. they found their leader walking up and down, his head bent, his hands behind him. it was short work enough, the completion of such plans as remained unfinished. the great keel-boat lay completed and equipped at the wharf. the men lost little time in stowing such casks and bales as remained unshipped. shannon stepped to his chief. "all's aboard, sir," said he. "shall we cast off?" without a word lewis nodded and made his way to his place in the boat. in the darkness, without a shout or a cheer to mark its passing, the expedition was launched on its long journey. slowly the boat passed along the waterfront of pittsburgh town. here rose gauntly, in the glare of torch or camp fire, the mast of some half-built schooner. houseboats were drawn up or anchored alongshore, long pirogues lay moored or beached, or now and again a giant broadhorn, already partially loaded with household goods, common carrier for that human flood passing down the great waterway, stood out blacker than the shadows in which it lay. here and there camp fires flickered, each the center of a ribald group of the hardy rivermen. through the night came sounds of roistering, songs, shouts. arrested, pent, dammed up, the lusty life of that great waterway leading into the west and south scarce took time for sleep. the boat slipped on down, now crossing a shaft of light flung on the water from some lamp or fire, now blending with the ghostlike shadows which lay in the moonless night. it passed out of the town itself, and edged into the shade of the forest that swept continuously for so many leagues on ahead. "hello, there!" called a voice through the darkness, after a time. "who goes there?" the splash of a sweep had attracted the attention of someone on shore. the light of a camp fire showed. every one in the boat looked at the leader, but none vouchsafed a reply to the hail. "ahoy there, the boat!" insisted the same voice. "shall i fire on yez to make yez answer a civil question? come ashore wance--i can lick the best of yez in three minutes, or me name's not patrick gass!" the captain of the boat turned slowly in his seat, casting a glance over his silent crew. "set in!" said he, sharply and shortly. without a word they obeyed, and with oar and steering-sweep the great craft slowly swung inshore. lewis stepped from the boat, and, not waiting to see whether he was followed--as he was by all of his men--strode on up the bank into the circle of light made by the camp fire. about the fire lay a dozen or more men of the hardest of the river type, which was saying quite enough; for of all the lawless and desperate characters of the frontier, none have ever surpassed in reckless audacity and truculence the men of the old boat trade of the ohio and the mississippi. these fellows lay idly looking at lewis as he entered the light, not troubling to accost him. "who hailed us?" demanded the latter shortly. "begorrah, 'twas me," said a short, strongly built man, stepping forward from the other side of the fire. clad in loose shirt and trousers, like most of his comrades, he showed a powerful man, a shock of reddish hair falling over his eyes, a bull-like neck rising above his open shirt in such fashion that the size of his shoulder muscles might easily be seen. "'twas me hailed yez, and what of it?" "that is what i came ashore to learn," said meriwether lewis. "we are about our business. what concern is that of yours? i am here to learn." "yez can learn, if ye're so anxious," replied the other. "'tis me have got three drinks of monongahaly in me that says i can whip you or anny man of your boat. and if that aint cause for ye to come ashore, 'tis no fighting man ye are, an' i'll say that to your face!" it was the accepted fashion of challenge known anywhere along two thousand miles of waterway at that time, in a country where physical prowess and readiness to fight were the sole tests of distinction. woe to the man who evaded such an issue, once it was offered to him! the speaker had stepped close to lewis--so close that the latter did not need to advance a foot. instead, he held his ground, and the challenger, accepting this as a sign of willingness for battle, rushed at him, with the evident intent of a rough-and-tumble grapple after the fashion of his kind. to his surprise, he was held off by the leveled forearm of his opponent, rigid as a bar against his throat. at this rebuff he roared like a bull, and breaking back rushed in once more, his giant arms flailing. lewis swung back half a step, and then, so quickly that none saw the blow, but only its result was visible, he shifted on his feet, leaned into his thrust, and smote the joyous challenger so fell a stroke in the throat as laid him quivering and helpless. the brief fight was ended all too soon to suit the wishes of the spectators, used to more prolonged and bloodier encounters. a sort of gasp, a half roar of surprise and anger, came from the group upon the ground. some of the party rose to their feet menacingly. they met the silent front of the boat party, the clicking of whose well-oiled rifle-locks offered the most serious of warnings. the sudden appearance of these visitors, so silent and so prompt--the swift act of their leader, without threat, without warning--the instant readiness of the others to back their leader's initiative--caught every one of these rude fighting men in the sudden grip of surprise. they hesitated. "i am no fighting man," said meriwether lewis, turning to them; "yet neither may i be insulted by any lout who chooses to call me ashore to thrash him. do you think that an officer of the army has no better business than that? who are you that would stop us?" the group fell back muttering, lacking concerted action. what might have occurred in case they had reached their arms was prevented by the action of the party of the first part in this _rencontre_--of the second part, perhaps, he might better have been called. the fallen warrior sat up, rubbing his throat; he struggled to his knees, and at length stood. there was something of rude river chivalry about him, after all. "an officer, did ye say?" said he. "oh, wirra! what have i done now, and me a soldier! but ye done it fair! and ye niver wance gouged me nor jumped on me whin i was down! begorrah, i felt both me eyes to see if they was in! ye done it fair, and ye're an officer and a gintleman, whoever ye be. i'd like to shake hands with ye!" "i am not shaking hands with ruffians who insult travelers," captain lewis sternly rejoined; but he saw the crestfallen look which swept over the strong face of the other. "there, man," said he, "since you seem to mean well!" he shook hands with his opponent, who, stung by the rebuke, now began to sniffle. "sor," said he, "i am no ruffian. i am a soldier meself, and on me way to join me company at kaskasky, down below. me time was out awhile back, and i came east to the states to have a bit av a fling before i enlisted again. now, what money i haven't give to me parents i've spint like a man. i have had me fling for awhile, and i'm goin' back to sign on again. sor, i am a sergeant and a good wan, though i do say it. me record is clean. i am patrick gass, first sergeant of the tinth dragoons, the same now stationed at kaskasky. though ye are not in uniform, i know well enough ye are an officer. sor, i ask yer pardon--'twas only the whisky made me feel sportin' like at the time, do ye mind?" "gass, patrick gass, you said?" "yis, sor, of the tinth. barrin' me love for fightin' i am a good soldier. there are stripes on me sleeves be rights, but me old coat's hangin' in the barracks down below." lewis stood looking curiously at the man before him, the power of whose grip he had felt in his own. he cast an eye over his erect figure, his easy and natural dropping into the position of a soldier. "you say the tenth?" said he briefly. "you have been with the colors? look here, my man, do you want to serve?" "i am going right back to kaskasky for it, sor." "why not enlist with us? i need men. we are off for the west, up the missouri--for a long trip, like enough. you seem a well-built man, and you have seen service. i know men when i see them. i want men of courage and good temper. will you go?" "i could not say, sor. i would have to ask leave at kaskasky. i gave me word i'd come back after i'd had me fling here in the east, ye see." "i'll take care of that. i have full authority to recruit among enlisted men." "excuse me, sor, ye are sayin' ye are goin' up the missouri? then i know yez--yez are the captain lewis that has been buildin' the big boat the last two months up at the yards--captain lewis from washington." "yes, and from the ohio country before then--and kentucky, too. i am to join captain clark at the point of rocks on the ohio. i need another oar. come, my man, we are on our way. two minutes ought to be enough for you to decide." "i'll need not the half of two!" rejoined patrick gass promptly. "give me leave of my captain, and i am with yez! there is nothin' in the world i'd liever see than the great plains and the buffalo. 'tis fond of travel i am, and i'd like to see the ind of the world before i die." "you will come as near seeing the end of it with us as anywhere else i know," rejoined lewis quietly. "get your war-bag and come aboard." in this curious fashion patrick gass of the army--later one of the journalists of the expedition, and always one of its most faithful and efficient members--signed his name on the rolls of the lewis and clark expedition. there was not one of the frontiersmen in the boat who had any comment to make upon any phase of the transaction; indeed, it seemed much in the day's work to them. but from that instant every man in the boat knew he had a leader who could be depended upon for prompt and efficient action in any emergency; and from that moment, also, their leader knew he could depend on his men. "i have nothing to complain of," said patrick gass, addressing his new friends impartially, as he shifted his belongings to suit him and took his place at a rowing seat. "i have nothing to complain of. i've been sayin' i would like to have one more rale fight before i enlisted--the army is too tame for a fellow of rale spirit. none o' thim at the camp yonder, where i was two days, would take it on with me after the first day. i was fair longin' for something to interest me--and be jabers, i found it! now i am continted to ind me vacation and come back to the monothony of business life." the boat advanced steadily enough thereafter throughout the night. they pulled ashore at dawn, and, after the fashion of experienced travelers, were soon about the business of the morning meal. the leader of the party drew apart for the morning plunge which was his custom. cover lacking on the bare bar where they had landed, he was not fully out of sight when at length, freshened by his plunge, he stood drying himself for dressing. unconsciously, his arm extended, he looked for all the world the very statue of the young apoxyomenos of the vatican--the finest figure of a man that the art of antiquity has handed down to us. as that smiling youth out of the past stood, scraper in hand, drying himself after the games, so now stood this young american, type of a new race, splendid as the greeks themselves in the immortal beauty of life. his white body shining in the sun, every rolling muscle plainly visible--even that rare muscle over the hip beloved of the ancients, but now forgotten of sculptors, because rarely seen on a man today--so comely was he, so like a god in his clean youth, that patrick gass, unhampered by backwardness himself, turned to his new companions, whom already he addressed each by his first name. "george," said he to young shannon, "george, saw ye ever the like of yon? what a man! lave i had knowed he could strip like yon, niver would i have taken the chance i did last night. 'tis wonder he didn't kill me--in which case i'd niver have had me job. the lord loves us irish, anny way you fix it!" chapter xii captain william clark "will!" "merne!" the two young men gripped hands as the great bateau swung inshore at the point of rocks on the kentucky side of the ohio. they needed not to do more, these two. the face of each told the other what he felt. their mutual devotion, their generosity and unselfishness, their unflagging unity of purpose, their perfect manly comradeship--what wonder so many have called the story of these two more romantic than romance itself? "it has been long since we met, will," said meriwether lewis. "i have been eating my heart out up at pittsburgh. i got your letter, and glad enough i was to have it. i had been fearing that i would have to go on alone. now i feel as if we already had succeeded. i cannot tell you--but i don't need to try." "and you, merne," rejoined william clark--captain william clark, if you please, border fighter, leader of men, one of a family of leaders of men, tall, gaunt, red-headed, blue-eyed, smiling, himself a splendid figure of a man--"you, merne, are a great man now, famous there in washington! mr. jefferson's right-hand man--we hear of you often across the mountains. i have been waiting for you here, as anxious as yourself." "the water is low," complained lewis, "and a thousand things have delayed us. are you ready to start?" "in ten minutes--in five minutes. i will have my boy york go up and get my rifle and my bags." "your brother, general clark, how is he?" william clark shrugged with a smile which had half as much sorrow as mirth in it. "the truth is, merne, the general's heart is broken. he thinks that his country has forgotten him." "forgotten him? from detroit to new orleans--we owe it all to george rogers clark. it was he who opened the river from pittsburgh to new orleans. he'll not need, now, to be an ally of france again. once more a member of your family will be in at the finding of a vast new country!" "merne, i've sold my farm. i got ten thousand dollars for my place--and so i am off with you, not with much of it left in my pockets, but with a clean bill and a good conscience, and some of the family debts paid. i care not how far we go, or when we come back. i thank mr. jefferson for taking me on with you. 'tis the gladdest time in all my life!" "we are share and share alike, will," said his friend lewis, soberly. "tell me, can we get beyond the mississippi this fall, do you think?" "doubtful," said clark. "the spanish of the valley are not very well reconciled to this louisiana sale, and neither are the french. they have been holding all that country in partnership, each people afraid of the other, and both showing their teeth to us. but i hear the commission is doing well at st. louis, and i presume the transfer will be made this fall or winter. after that they cannot stop us from going on. tell me, have you heard anything of colonel burr's plan? there have come new rumors of the old attempt to separate the west from the government at washington, and he is said to have agents scattered from st. louis to new orleans." he did not note the sudden flush on his friend's face--indeed, gave him no time to answer, but went on, absorbed in his own executive details. "what sort of men have you in your party, merne?" "only good ones, i think. young shannon and an army sergeant by the name of gass, patrick gass--they should be very good men. i brought on collins from maryland and pete weiser from pennsylvania, also good stuff, i think. mcneal, potts, gibson--i got those around carlisle. we need more men." "i have picked out a few here," said clark. "you know kentucky breeds explorers. i have a good blacksmith, shields, and bill bratton is another blacksmith--either can tinker a gun if need be. then i have john coalter, an active, strapping chap, and the two fields boys, whom i know to be good men; and charlie floyd, nate pryor, and a couple of others--warner and whitehouse. we should get the rest at the forts around st. louis. i want to take my boy york along--a negro is always good-natured under hardship, and a laugh now and then will not hurt any of us." lewis nodded assent. "your judgment of men is as good as mine, will. but come, it is september, and the leaves are falling. all my men have the fall hunt in their blood--they will start for any place at any moment. let us move. suppose you take the boat on down, and let me go across, horseback, to kaskaskia. i have some business there, and i will try for a few more recruits. we must have fifty men." "nothing shall stop us, merne, and we cannot start too soon. i want to see fresh grass every night for a year. but you--how can you be content to punish yourself for so long? for me, i am half indian; but i expected to have heard long ago that you were married and settled down as a virginia squire, raising tobacco and negroes, like anyone else. tell me, how about that old affair of which you once used to confide to me when we were soldiering together here, years back? 'twas a fair new york maid, was it not? from what you said i fancied her quite without comparison, in your estimate, at least. yet here you are, vagabonding out into a country where you may be gone for years--or never come back at all, for all we know. have a care, man--pretty girls do not wait!" as he spoke, so strange a look passed over his friend's face that william clark swiftly put out a hand. "what is it, merne? pardon me! did she--not wait?" his companion looked at him gravely. "she married, something like three years ago. she is the wife of mr. alston, a wealthy planter of the carolinas, a friend of her father and a man of station. a good marriage for her--for him--for both." the sadness of his face spoke more than his words to his warmest friend, and left them both silent for a time. william clark ceased breaking bark between his fingers and flipping away the pieces. "well, in my own case," said he at length, "i have no ties to cut. 'tis as well--we shall have no faces of women to trouble us on our trails out yonder. they don't belong there, merne--the ways of the trappers are best. but we must not talk too much of this," he added. "i'll see you yet well settled down as a virginia squire--your white hair hanging down on your shoulders and a score of grandchildren about your knees to hamper you." william clark meant well--his friend knew that; so now he smiled, or tried to smile. "merne," the red-headed one went on, throwing an arm across his friend's shoulders, "pass over this affair--cut it out of your heart. believe me, believe me, the friendship of men is the only one that lasts. we two have eaten from the same pannikin, slept under the same bear-robe before now--we still may do so. and look at the adventures before us!" "you are a boy, will," said meriwether lewis, actually smiling now, "and i am glad you are and always will be; because, will, i never was a boy--i was born old. but now," he added sharply, as he rose, "a pleasant journey to us both--and the longer the better!" chapter xiii under three flags the day was but beginning for the young american republic. all the air was vibrant with the passion of youth and romance. yonder in the west there might be fame and fortune for any man with courage to adventure. the world had not yet settled down to inexorable grooves of life, from which no human soul might fight its way out save at cost of sweetness and content and hope. the chance of one man might still equal that of another--yonder, in that vast new world along the mississippi, beyond the mississippi, more than a hundred years ago. into that world there now pressed a flowing, seething, restless mass, a new population seeking new avenues of hope and life, of adventure and opportunity. riflemen, axmen, fighting men, riding men, boatmen, plowmen--they made ever out and on, laughing the cossack laugh at the mere thought of any man or thing withstanding them. over this new world, alert, restless, full of homeric youth, full of the lust of life and adventure, floated three flags. the old war of france and spain still smoldered along the great waterway into the south. the flag of great britain had withdrawn itself to the north. the flag of our republic had not yet advanced. those who made the western population at that time cared little enough about flags or treaty rights. they concerned themselves rather with possession. let any who liked observe the laws. the strong made their own laws from day to day, and wrote them in one general codex of adventure and full-blooded, roistering life. the world was young. buy land? no, why buy it, when taking it was so much more simple and delightful? based on this general lust of conquest, this saxon zeal for new territories, must have been that inspiration of thomas jefferson in his venture of the far northwest. he saw there the splendid vision of his ideal republic. he saw there a citizenry no longer riotous and roistering, not yet frenzied or hysterical, but strong, sober, and constant. his was a glorious vision. would god we had fully realized his dream! there were three flags afloat here or there in the western country then, and none knew what land rightly belonged under any of the three. indeed, over the heart of that region now floated all the three banners at the same time--that of spain, passing but still proud, for a generation actual governor if not actual owner of all the country beyond the mississippi, so far as it had any government at all; that of france, owner of the one great seaport, new orleans, settler of the valley for a generation; and that of the new republic only just arriving into the respect of men either of the east or the west--a republic which had till recently exacted respect chiefly through the stark deadliness of its fighting and marching men. it was a splendid game in which these two boys, meriwether lewis and william clark--they scarcely were more than boys--now were entering. and with the superb unconsciousness and self-trust of youth, they played it with dash and confidence, never doubting their success. the prediction of william clark none the less came true. in this matter of flags, autocratic spain was not disposed to yield. de lassus, spanish commandant for so many years, would not let the young travelers go beyond st. louis, even so far as charette. he must be sure that his country--which, by right or not, he had ruled so long--had not only been sold by spain to france, but that the cession had been duly confirmed; and, furthermore, he must be sure that the cession by france to the united states had also been concluded formally. traders and trappers had been passing through from the plains country, yes--but this was a different matter. here was a flotilla under a third flag--it must not pass. spanish official dignity was not thus to be shaken, not to be hurried. all must wait until the formalities had been concluded. this delay meant the loss of the entire winter. the two young leaders of the expedition were obliged to make the best of it they could. clark formed an encampment in the timbered country across the mississippi from st. louis, and soon had his men comfortably ensconced in cabins of their own building. meanwhile he picked up more men around the adjacent military posts--ordway and howard and frazer of the new england regiment; cruzatte, labiche, lajeunesse, drouillard and other voyageurs for watermen. they made a hardy and efficient band. upon captain lewis devolved most of the scientific work of the expedition. it was necessary for him to spend much time in st. louis, to complete his store of instruments, to extend his own studies in scientific matters. perhaps, after all, the success of the expedition was furthered by this delay upon the border. twenty-nine men they had on the expedition rolls by spring--forty-five in all, counting assistants who were not officially enrolled. their equipment for the entire journey out and back, of more than two years in duration, was to cost them not more than twenty-five hundred dollars. a tiny army, a meager equipment, for the taking of the richest empire of the world! but now this army of a score and a half of men was to witness the lowering before it of two of the greatest flags then known to the world. it already had seen the retirement of that of great britain. the wedge which burr and merry and yrujo had so dreaded was now about to be driven home. the country must split apart--great britain must fall back to the north--these other powers, france and spain, must make way to the south and west. the army of the new republic, under two loyal boys for leaders, pressed forward, not with drums or banners, not with the roll of kettledrums, not with the pride and circumstance of glorious war. the soldiers of its ranks had not even a uniform--they were clad in buckskin and linsey, leather and fur. they had no trained fashion of march, yet stood shoulder and shoulder together well enough. they were not drilled into the perfection of trained soldiers, perhaps, but each could use his rifle, and knew how far was one hundred yards. the boats were coming down with furs from the great west--from the omahas, the kaws, the osages. keel boats came up from the lower river, mastering a thousand miles and more of that heavy flood to bring back news from new orleans. broadhorns and keel-boats and sailboats and river pirogues passed down. the strange, colorful life of the little capital of the west went on eagerly. st. louis was happy; detroit was glum--the fur trade had been split in half. great britain had lost--the furs now went out down the mississippi instead of down the st. lawrence. a world was in the making and remaking; and over that disturbed and divided world there still floated the three rival flags. five days before christmas of , the flag of france fluttered down in the old city of new orleans. they had dreaded the fleet of great britain at new orleans--had hoped for the fleet of france. they got a fleet of americans in flatboats--rude men with long rifles and leathern garments, who came under paddle and oar, and not under sail. laussat was the last french commandant in the valley. de lassus, the spaniard, holding onto his dignity up the missouri river beyond st. louis, still clung to the sovereignty that spain had deserted. and across the river, in a little row of log cabins, lay the new army with the new flag--an army of twenty-nine men, backed by twenty-five hundred dollars of a nation's hoarded war gold! it was a time for hope or for despair--a time for success or failure--a time for loyalty or for treason. and that army of twenty-nine men in buckskin altered the map of the world, the history of a vast continent. while meriwether lewis gravely went about his scientific studies, and william clark merrily went about his dancing with the gay st. louis belles, when not engaged in drilling his men beyond the river, the winter passed. spring came. the ice ceased to run in the river, the geese honked northward in millions, the grass showed green betimes. the men in clark's encampment were almost mutinous with lust for travel. but still the authorities had not completed their formalities; still the flag of spain floated over the crossbars of the gate of the stone fortress, last stronghold of spain in the valley of our great river. march passed, and april. not until the th of may, in the year , were matters concluded to suit the punctilio of france and spain alike. now came the assured word that the republic of the united states intended to stand on the louisiana purchase, constitution or no constitution--that the government purposed to take over the land which it had bought. on this point mr. jefferson was firm. de lassus yielded now. on that may morning the soldiers of spain manning the fortifications of the old post stood at parade when the drums of the americans were heard. one company of troops, under command of captain stoddard, represented our army of occupation. our real army of invasion was that in buckskin and linsey and leather--twenty-nine men; whose captain, meriwether lewis, was to be our official representative at the ceremony of transfer. de lassus choked with emotion as he handed over the keys and the archives which so long had been under his charge. "sir," said he, addressing the commander, "i speak for france as well as for spain. i hand over to you the title from france, as i hand over to you the rule from spain. henceforth both are for you. i salute you, gentlemen!" with the ruffle of the few american drums the transfer was gravely acknowledged. the flag of spain slowly dropped from the staff where it had floated. that of france took its place, and for one day floated by courtesy over old st. louis. on the morrow arose a strange new flag--the flag of the united states. it was supported by one company of regulars and by the little army of joint command--the army of lewis and clark--twenty-nine enlisted men in leather! "time now, at last!" said william clark to his friend. "time for us to say farewell! boats--three of them--are waiting, and my men are itching to see the buffalo plains. what is the latest news in the village, merne?" he added. "i've not been across there for two weeks." "news enough," said meriwether lewis gravely. "i just have word of the arrival in town of none other than colonel aaron burr." "the vice-president of the united states! what does he here? tell me, is he bound down the river? is there anything in all this talk i have heard about colonel burr? is he alone?" "no. i wish he were alone. will, she is with him--his daughter, mrs. alston!" "well, what of that? oh, i know--i know, but why should you meet?" "how can we help meeting here in the society of this little town, whose people are like one family? they have been invited by mr. chouteau to come to his house--i also am a guest there. will, what shall i do? it torments me!" "oh, tut, tut!" said light-hearted william clark. "what shall you do? why, in the first place, pull the frown from your face, merne. now, this young lady forsakes her husband, travels--with her father, to be sure, but none the less she travels--along the same trail taken by a certain young man down the ohio, up the mississippi, here to st. louis. should you call that a torment? not i! i should flatter myself over it. a torment? should you call the flowers that change in sweetness as we ride along through the wood a torment? let them beware of me! i am no respecter of fortune when it comes to a pretty face, my friend. it is mine if it is here, and if i may kiss it--don't rebuke me, merne! i am full of the joy of life. woman--the nearest woman--to call her a torment! and you a soldier! i don't blame them. torment you? yes, they will, so long as you allow it. then don't allow it!" "you preach very well, will. of course, i know you don't practise what you preach--who does?" "well, perhaps! but, seriously, why take life so hard, merne? why don't you relax--why don't you swim with the current for a time? we live but once. tell me, do you think there was but one woman made for each of us men in all the world? my faith, if that be true, i have had more than my share, i fear, as i have passed along! but even when it comes to marrying and settling down to hoeing an acre of corn-land and raising a shoat or two for the family--tell me, merne, what woman does a man marry? doesn't he marry the one at hand--the one that is ready and waiting? do you think fortune would always place the one woman in the world ready for the one man at the one time, just when the hoeing and the shoat-raising was to the fore? it is absurd, man! nature dares not take such chances--and does not." lewis did not answer his friend's jesting argument. "listen, merne," clark went on. "the memory of a kiss is better than the memory of a tear. no, listen, merne! the print of a kiss is sweet as water of a spring when you are athirst. and the spring shows none the worse for the taste of heaven it gave you. lips and water alike--they tell no tales. they are goods the gods gave us as part of life. but the great thirst--the great thirst of a man for power, for deeds, for danger, for adventure, for accomplishment--ah, that is ours, and that is harder to slake, i am thinking! a man's deeds are his life. they tell the tale." "his deeds! yes, you are right, they do, indeed, tell the tale. let us hope the reckoning will stand clean at last." "merne, you are a soldier, not a preacher." "will, you are neither--you are only a boy!" chapter xiv the rent in the armor aaron burr came to st. louis in the spring of as much in desperation as with definite plans. matters were going none too well for him. all the time he was getting advices from the lower country, where lay the center of his own audacious plans; but the thought of the people was directed westward, up the missouri. the fame of the lewis and clark expedition now had gathered volume. constitution or no constitution, the purchase of louisiana had been completed, the transfer had been formally made. the american wedge was driving on through. if ever he was to do anything for his own enterprise, it was now high time. burr's was a mind to see to the core of any problem in statecraft. he knew what this sudden access of interest in the west indicated, so far as his plans were concerned. it must be stopped--else it would be too late for any dream of aaron burr for an empire of his own. his resources were dwindling. he needed funds for the many secret agents in his employ--needed yet more funds for the purchase and support of his lands in the south. and the minister of great britain had given plain warning that unless this expedition up the missouri could be stopped, no further aid need be expected from him. little by little burr saw hope slip away from him. true, captain lewis was still detained by his duties among the osage indians, a little way out from the city; but the main expedition had actually started. william clark, occupied with the final details, did not finally get his party under way until five days after the formal transfer of the new territory of louisiana to our flag, and three days after burr's arrival. at last, however, on the th of may, the three boats had left st. louis wharf, with their full complement of men and the last of the supplies aboard for the great voyage. captain clark, ever light-hearted and careless of his spelling-book, if not of his rifle, says it was "a jentle brease" which aided the oars and the square-sail as they started up the river. assuredly the bark of aaron burr was sailing under no propitious following wind. distracted, he paced up and down his apartment in the home where he was a guest, preoccupied, absorbed, almost ready to despair. he spoke but little, but time and again he cast an estimating eye upon the young woman who accompanied him. "you are ill, theodosia!" he exclaimed at last "come, come, my daughter, this will not do! have you no arts of the toilet that can overcome the story of your megrims? shall i get you some sort of bitter herbs? you need your brightest face, your best apparel now. these folk of st. louis must see us at our best, my dear, our very best. besides----" he needed not to complete the sentence. theodosia alston knew well enough what was in her father's mind--knew well enough why they both were here. it was because she would not have come alone. and she knew that the burden of the work they had at heart must once more lie upon her shoulders. she once more must see captain meriwether lewis--and it must be soon, if ever. he was reported as being ready to leave town at once upon his return from the osage indians. but courtesy did not fail the young virginian, and at last--although with dread in his own heart--within an hour of his actual departure, he called to pay his compliments to guests so distinguished as these, to a man so high in rank under the government which he himself served. he found it necessary to apologize for his garb, suited rather to the trail than to the drawing-room. he stood in the hall of the chouteau home, a picture of the soldier of the frontier rather than the courtier of the capital. his three-cornered military hat, his blue uniform coat--these made the sole formality of his attire, for his feet were moccasined, his limbs were clad in tight-fitting buckskins, and his shirt was of rough linsey, suitable for the work ahead. "i ask your pardon, colonel burr," said he, "for coming to you as i am, but the moment for my start is now directly at hand. i could not leave without coming to present my duties to you and mrs. alston. indeed, i have done so at once upon my return to town. i pray you carry back to mr. jefferson my sincerest compliments. say to him, if you will, that we are setting forth with high hopes of success." formal, cold, polite--it was the one wish of captain lewis to end this interview as soon as he might, and to leave all sleeping dogs lying as they were. but aaron burr planned otherwise. his low, deep voice was never more persuasive, his dark eye never more compelling--nor was his bold heart ever more in trepidation than now, as he made excuse for delay--delay--delay. "my daughter, mrs. alston, will join us presently," he said. "so you are ready, captain lewis?" "we are quite prepared, colonel burr. my men are on ahead two days' journey, camped at st. charles, and waiting for me to overtake them. dr. saugrain, mr. chouteau, mr. labadie--one or two others of the gentlemen in the city--are so kind as to offer me a convoy of honor so far as st. charles. we are quite flattered. so now we start--they are waiting for me at the wharf now, and i must go. all bridges are burned behind me!" "_all bridges burned?_" the deep voice of aaron burr almost trembled. his keen eye searched the face of the young man before him. "every one," replied the young virginian. "i do not know how or when i may return. perhaps mr. clark or myself may come back by sea--should we ever reach the sea. we can only trust to providence." he was bowing and extending his own hand in farewell, with polite excuses as to his haste--relieved that his last ordeal had been spared him. he turned, as he felt rather than heard the approach of another, whose coming caused his heart almost to stop beating--the woman dreaded and demanded by every fiber of his being. "oh, not so fast, not so fast!" laughed theodosia alston as she came into the room, offering her hand. "i heard you talking, and have been hurrying to pretty myself up for captain lewis. what? were you trying to run away without ever saying good-by to me? and how you are prettied up!" her gaze, following her light speech, resolved itself into one of admiration. theodosia alston, as she looked, found him a goodly picture as he stood ready for the trail. "i was just going, yes," stammered meriwether lewis. "i had hoped----" but what he had hoped he did not say. "why might we not walk down with you to the wharf, if you are so soon to go?" she demanded--her own self-control concealing any disappointment she may have felt at her cavalier reception. "an excellent idea!" said aaron burr, backing his daughter's hand, and trusting to her to have some plan. "a warrior must spend his last word with some woman, captain! go you on ahead--i surrender my daughter to you, and i shall follow presently to bid you a last godspeed. you said those other gentlemen were to join you there?" meriwether lewis found himself walking down the narrow street of the frontier settlement between the lines of hollyhocks and budding roses which fronted many of the little residences. it was spring, the air was soft. he was young. the woman at his side was very beautiful. so far as he could see they were alone. they passed along the street, turned, made their way down the rock-faced bluff to the water front; but still they were alone. all st. louis was at the farther end of the wharf, waiting for a last look at the idol of the town. theodosia sighed. "and so captain lewis is going to have his way as usual? and he was going--in spite of all--even without saying good-by to me!" "yes, i would have preferred that." "captain lewis is mad. look at that river! they say that when the boat started last week it took them an hour to make a quarter of a mile, when they struck into the missouri. how many thousands of hours will it take to ascend to the mountains? how will you get your boats across the mountains? what cascades and rapids lie on ahead? your men will mutiny and destroy you. you cannot succeed--you will fail!" "i thank you, madam!" "oh, you must start now, i presume--in fact, you have started; but i want you to come back before your obstinacy has driven you too far." "just what do you mean?" "listen. you have given me no time, unkind as you are--not a moment--at an hour like this! in these unsettled times, who knows what may happen? in that very unsettlement lies the probable success of the plan which my father and i have put before you so often. we need you to help us. when are you going to come back to us, merne?" as she spoke, they were approaching the long wharf along the water front, lined with rude craft which plied the rivers at that time--flatboats, keel-boats, pirogues, canoes--and, far off at the extremity of the line, the boat which lewis and his friends were to take. a party of idlers and observers stood about it even now. the gaze of the young leader was fixed in that direction. he did not make any immediate sign that he had heard her speech. "i told shannon, my aide, to meet me here," he said at last. "he was to fetch my long spyglass. there are certain little articles of my equipment over yonder in the wharf shed. would you excuse me for just a moment?" he stooped at the low door and entered. but she followed him--followed after him unconsciously, without plan, feeling only that he must not go, that she could not let him away from her. she saw the light floating through the door fall on his dense hair, long, loosely bagged in its cue. she saw the quality of his strong figure, in all the fittings of a frontiersman, saw his stern face, his troubled eye, saw the unconscious strength which marked his every movement as he strode about, eager, as it seemed to her, only to be done with his last errands, and away on that trail which so long had beckoned to him. the strength of the man, the strength of his purpose--the sudden and full realization of both--this caught her like a tangible thing, and left her no more than the old, blind, unformed protest. he must not go! she could not let him go! but the words she had spoken had caught him, after all. he had been pondering--had been trying to set them aside as if unheard. "coming back?" he began, and stopped short once more. they were now both within the shelter of the old building. "yes, merne!" she broke out suddenly. "when are you coming back to me, merne?" he stood icy silent, motionless, for just a moment. it seemed to her as if he was made of stone. then he spoke very slowly, deliberately. "coming back to _you_? and you call me by that name? only my mother, mr. jefferson and will clark ever did so." "oh, stiff-necked man! it is so hard to be kind with you! and all i have ever done--every time i have followed you in this way, each time i have humiliated myself thus--it always was only in kindness for you!" he made no reply. "fate ran against us, merne," she went on tremblingly. "we have both accepted fate. but in a woman's heart are many mansions. is there none in a man's--in yours--for me? can't i ask a place in a good man's heart--an innocent, clean place? oh, think not you have had all the unhappiness in your own heart! is all the world's misery yours? i don't want you to go away, merne, but if you do--if you must--won't you come back? oh, won't you, merne?" her voice was trembling, her hand half raised, her eyes sought after him. she stood partly in shadow, the flare of light from the open door falling over her face. she might have been some saint of old in pictured guise; but she was a woman, alive, beautiful, delectable, alluring--especially now, with this tone in her voice, this strangely beseeching look in her eyes. her hands were almost lifted to be held out to him. she stood almost inclined to him, wholly unconscious of her attitude, forgetting that her words were imploring, remembering only that he was going. he seemed not to hear her voice as he stood there, but somewhere as if out of some savage past, a voice did speak to him, saying that when a man is sore athirst, then a man may drink--that the well-spring would not miss the draft, and would tell no tale of it! he stood, as many another man has stood, and fought the fight many another man has fought--the fight between man the primitive and man the gentleman, chivalry contending with impulse, blood warring with breeding. [illustration: "'oh, theo, what have i done?'"] "yes!" so said the voice in his ear. "why should the spring grudge a draft to a soul aflame with an undying thirst? vows? what have vows to do with this? duty? what is duty to a man perishing?--i know not what it was. i heard it. i felt it. forgive me, it was not i myself! oh, theo, what have i done?" she could not speak, could not even sob. neither horror nor resentment was possible for her, nor any protest, save the tears which welled silently, terribly. unable longer to endure this, meriwether lewis turned to leave behind him his last hope of happiness, and to face alone what he now felt to be the impenetrable night of his own destiny. he never knew when his hands fell from theodosia alston's face, or when he turned away; but at last he felt himself walking, forcing his head upright, his face forward. he passed, a tall, proud man in his half-savage trappings--a man in full ownership of splendid physical powers; but as he walked his feet were lead, his heart was worse than lead. and though his face was turned away from her, he knew that always he would see what he had left--this picture of theodosia weeping--this picture of a saint mocked, of an altar desecrated. she wept, and it was because of him! the dumb cry of his remorse, his despair, must have struck back to where she still stood, her hands on her bosom, staring at him as he passed: "theo! theo! what have i done? what have i done?" part ii chapter i under one flag what do you bring, oh, mighty river--and what tidings do you carry from the great mountains yonder in the unknown lands? in what region grew this great pine which swims with you to the sea? what fat lands reared this heavy trunk, which sinks at last, to be buried in the sands? what jewels lie under your flood? what rich minerals float impalpably in your tawny waters? across what wide prairies did you come--among what hills--through what vast forests? how long, great river, was your journey, sufficient to afford so tremendous a gathering of the waters? a hundred years ago the great missouri made no answer to these questions. it was open highway only for those who dared. the man who asked its secrets must read them for himself. what a time and place for adventure! what a time and place for men! from sea to sea, across an unknown, fabled mountain range, lay our wilderness, now swiftly trebled by a miracle in statecraft. the flag which floated over the last stockade of spain, the furthest outpost of france, now was advancing step by step, inch by inch, up the giant flood of the missouri, borne on the flagship of a flotilla consisting of one flatboat and two skiffs, carrying an army whose guns were one swivel piece and thirty rifles. not without toil and danger was this enterprise to advance. when at length the last smoke of a settler's cabin had died away over the lowland forest, the great river began in earnest to exact its toll. continually the boats, heavily laden as they were, ran upon shifting bars of sand, or made long détours to avoid some _chevaux de frise_ of white-headed snags sunk in the current with giant uptossing limbs. floating trees came down resistlessly on the spring rise, demanding that all craft should beware of them; caving banks, in turn, warned the boats to keep off; and always the mad current of the stream, never relaxing in vehemence, laid on the laboring boats the added weight of its mountain of waters, gaining in volume for nearly three thousand miles. the square sail at times aided the great bateau when the wind came upstream, but no sail could serve for long on so tortuous a water. the great oars, twenty-two in all, did their work in lusty hands, hour after hour, but sometimes they could hardly hold the boats against the power of the june rise. the setting poles could not always find good bottom, but sometimes the men used these in the old keel boat fashion, traveling along the walking-boards on the sides of the craft, head down, bowed over the setting-poles--the same manner of locomotion that had conquered the mississippi. when sail and oar and setting-pole proved unavailing, the men were out and overboard, running the banks with the cordelle. as they labored thus on the line, like so many yoked cattle, using each ounce of weight and straining muscle to hold the heavy boat against the current, snags would catch the line, stumps would foul it, trees growing close to the bank's edge would arrest it. sometimes the great boat, swung sidewise in the current in spite of the last art of the steersmen, would tauten the line like a tense fiddle-string, flipping the men, like so many insects, from their footing, and casting them into the river, to emerge as best they might. cruzatte, labiche, drouillard--all the french voyageurs--with the infinite french patience smiled and sweated their way through. the new englanders grew grim; the kentuckians fumed and swore. but little by little, inch by inch, creeping, creeping, paying the toll exacted, they went on day by day, leaving the old world behind them, morning by morning advancing farther into the new. the sun blistered them by day; clouds of pests tormented them by night; miasmatic lowlands threatened them both night and day. but they went on. the immensity of the river itself was an appalling thing; its bends swept miles long in giant arcs. but bend after bend they spanned, bar after bar they skirted, bank after bank they conquered--and went on. in the water as much as out of it, drenched, baked, gaunt, ragged, grim, they paid the toll. a month passed, and more. the hunters exulted that game was so easy to get, for they must depend in large part on the game killed by the way. at the mouth of the kansas river, near where a great city one day was to stand, they halted on the twenty-sixth of june. deer, turkeys, bear, geese, many "goslins," as quaint will clark called them, rewarded their quest. july came and well-nigh passed. they reached the mouth of the great platte river, far out into the indian country. over this unmapped country ranged the otoes, the omahas, the pawnees, the kansas, the osages, the rees, the sioux. this was the buffalo range where the tribes had fought immemorially. it was part of the mission of captain lewis's little army to carry peace among these warring tribes. the nature of the expedition was explained to their chiefs. at the great council bluffs many of the otoes came and promised to lay down the hatchet and cease to make war against the omahas. the omahas, in turn, swore allegiance to the new flag. on ahead somewhere lay the powerful sioux nation, doubt and dread of all the traders who had ever passed up the missouri. dorion, the interpreter, married among them, admitted that even he could not tell what the sioux might do. the expedition struck camp at last, high up on the great river, in the country of the yanktonnais. the sioux long had marked its coming, and were ready for its landing. their signal fires called in the villages to meet the boats of the white men. they came riding down in bands, whooping and shouting, painted and half naked, well armed--splendid savages, fearing no man, proud, capricious, blood-thirsty. they were curious as to the errand of these new men who came carrying a new flag--these men who could make the thunder speak. for now the heavy piece on the bow of the great barge spoke in no uncertain terms so that its echoes ran back along the river shores. no such boat, no such gun as this, had ever been seen in that country before. "tell them to make a council, dorion," said lewis. "take this officer's coat to their head man. tell him that the great father sends it to him. give him this hat with lace on it. tell him that when we are ready we may come to their council to meet their chiefs. say that only their real chiefs must come, for we will not treat with any but their head men. if they wish to see us soon, let them come to our village here." "you are chiefs!" said dorion. "have i not seen it? i will tell them so." but dorion had been gone but a short time when he came hurrying back from the indian village. "the runners say plenty buffalo close by," he reported. "the chief, she'll call the people to hunt the buffalo." william clark turned to his companion. "you hear that, merne?" said he. "why should we not go also?" "agreed!" said meriwether lewis. "but stay, i have a thought. we will go as they go and hunt as they do. to impress an indian, beat him at his own game. you and i must ride this day, will!" "yes, and without saddles, too! very well, i learned that of my brother, who learned it of the indians themselves. and i know you and i both can shoot the bow as well as most indians--that was part of our early education. i might better have been in school sometimes, when i was learning the bow." "dorion," said lewis to the interpreter, "go back to the village and tell their chief to send two bows with plenty of arrows. tell them that we scorn to waste any powder on so small a game as the buffalo. on ahead are animals each one of which is as big as twenty buffalo--we keep our great gun for those. as for buffalo, we kill them as the indians do, with the bow and with the spear. we shall want the stiffest bows, with sinewed backs. our arms are very strong." swift and wide spread the word among the sioux that the white chiefs would run the buffalo with their own warriors. exclamations of amusement, surprise, satisfaction, were heard. the white men should see how the sioux could ride. but weucha, the head man, sent a messenger with two bows and plenty of arrows--short, keen-pointed arrows, suitable for the buffalo hunt, when driven by the stiff bows of the sioux. "strip, will," said meriwether lewis. "if we ride as savages, it must be in full keeping." they did strip to the waist, as the savages always did when running the buffalo--sternest of all savage sport or labor, and one of the boldest games ever played by man, red or white. clad only in leggings and moccasins, their long hair tied in firm cues, when weucha met them he exclaimed in admiration. the village turned out in wonder to see these two men whose skins were white, whose hair was not black, but some strange new color--one whose hair was red. the two young officers were not content with this. york, captain clark's servant, rolling his eyes, showing his white teeth, was ordered to strip up the sleeve of his shirt to show that his hide was neither red nor white, but black--another wonder in that land! "now, york, you rascal," commanded william clark, "do as i tell you!" "yessah, massa captain, i suttinly will!" "when i raise this flag, do you drop on the ground and knock your forehead three times. groan loud--groan as if you had religion, york! do you understand?" "yassah, massa captain!" york grinned his enjoyment; and when he had duly executed the maneuver, the sioux greeted the white men with much acclamation. "i see that you are chiefs!" exclaimed weucha. "you have many colors, and your medicine is strong. take, then, these two horses of mine--they are good runners for buffalo--perhaps yours are not so fast." thus dorion interpreted. "now," said clark, "suppose i take the lance, merne, and you handle the bow. i never have tried the trick, but i believe i can handle this tool." he picked up and shook in his hand the short lance, steel-tipped, which weucha was carrying. the latter grinned and nodded his assent, handing the weapon to the red-haired leader. "now we shall serve!" said lewis an instant later; for they brought out two handsome horses, one coal-black, the other piebald, both mettlesome and high-strung. that the young men were riders they now proved, for they mounted alone, barebacked, and managed to control their mounts with nothing but the twisted hide rope about the lower jaw--the only bridle known among the tribes of the great plains. the crier now passed down the village street, marshaling all the riders for the chase. weucha gave the signal to advance, himself riding at the head of the cavalcade, with the two white captains at his side--a picture such as any painter might have envied. others of the expedition followed on as might be--shannon, gass, the two fields boys, others of the better hunters of the kentuckians. even york, not to be denied, sneaked in at the rear. they all rode quietly at first, with no outcry, no sound save the steady tramp of the horses. their course was laid back into the prairie for a mile or two before a halt was called. then the chief disposed his forces. the herd was supposed to be not far away, beyond a low rim of hills. on this side the men were ranged in line. a blanket waved from a point visible to all was to be the signal for the charge. dorion, also stripped to the waist, a kerchief bound about his head, carrying a short carbine against his thigh, now rode alongside. "he say weucha show you how sioux can ride," he interpreted. "tell him it is good, dorion," rejoined lewis. "we will show him also that we can ride!" a shout came from the far edge of the restless ranks. a half-naked rider waved a blanket. with shrill shouts the entire line broke at top speed for the ridge. neither of the two young americans had ever engaged in the sport of running the buffalo; yet now the excitement of the scene caused both to forget all else. they urged on their horses, mingling with the savage riders. the buffalo had been feeding less than a quarter of a mile away; the wind was favorable, and they had not yet got scent of the approach; but now, as the line of horsemen broke across the crest, the herd streamed out and away from them--crude, huge, formless creatures, with shaggy heads held low, their vast bulk making them seem almost like prehistoric things. the dust of their going arose in a blinding cloud, the thunder of their hoofs left inaudible even the shrill cries of the riding warriors as they closed in. the chase passed outward into an open plain, which lay white in alkali. in a few moments the swift horses had carried the best of the riders deep into the dust-cloud which arose. each man followed some chosen animal, doing his best to keep it in sight as the herd plowed onward in the biting dust. here and there the vast, solid surface of a sea of rolling backs could be glimpsed; again an opening into it might be seen close at hand. it was bold work, and any who engaged in it took his chances. lewis found his horse, the black runner that weucha had given him, as swift as the best, and able to lay him promptly alongside his quarry. at a distance of a few feet he drew back the sinewy string of the tough sioux bow, gripping his horse with his knees, swaying his body out to the bow, as he well knew how. the shaft, discharged at a distance of but half a dozen feet, sank home with a soft _zut_. the stricken animal swerved quickly toward him, but his wary horse leaped aside and went on. such as the work had been, it was done for that buffalo at least, and lewis knew that he had caught the trick. the black runner singled out another and yet another; and again and again lewis shot--until at last, his arrows nearly exhausted, after two or three miles of mad speed, he pulled out of the herd and waited. in the white dust-cloud, lifted now and then, he could see naked forms swaying, bending forward, plying their weapons. somewhere in the midst of it, out in the ruck of hoof and horn, his friend was riding, forgetting all else but the excitement of the chase. what if accident had befallen either of them? lewis could not avoid asking himself that question. now the riders edged through the herd, outward, around its flank--turned it, were crowding it back, milling and confused. out of the dust emerged two figures, naked, leaning forward to the leaping of their horses. one was an indian, his black locks flowing, his eyes gleaming, his hand flogging his horse as he rode. the other was a white man, his tall white body splashed with blood, his long red hair, broken from his cue, on his shoulders. the two were pursuing the same animal--a young bull, which thus far had kept his distance some fifty yards or so ahead. but as lewis looked, both riders urged their horses to yet more speed. the piebald of william clark, well ridden, sprang away in advance and laid him alongside of the quarry. lewis himself saw the poised spear--saw it plunge--saw the buffalo stumble in its stride--and saw his companion pass on, whooping in exultation at weucha, who came up an instant later, defeated, but grinning and offering his hand. now came dorion also, out of ammunition, yet not out of speech, excited, jabbering as usual. "four nice cow i'll kill!" gabbled he. "i'll kill him four tam, bang, bang! plenty meat for my lodge now. how many you'll shot, captain?" he asked of lewis. "plenty--you will find them back there." weucha, who came up after magnanimously shaking the hand of william clark, peered with curiosity into lewis's almost empty quiver. he smiled again, for that the white men had ridden well was obvious enough. he called a young man to him, showed him the arrow-mark, and sent him back to see how many of the dead buffalo showed arrows with similar marks. in time the messenger came back carrying a sheaf of arrows. grinning, he held up the fingers of two hands. "tell him that is nothing, dorion," said lewis. "we could have killed many more if we had wished. we see that the sioux can ride. now, let us see if they can talk at the council fire!" the two leaders hastened to their own encampment to remove all traces of the hunt. an hour later they emerged from their tents clad as officers of the army, each in cocked hat and full uniform, with sword at side. with the fall of the sun, the drums sounded in the indian village. the criers passed along the street summoning the people to the feast, summoning also the chiefs to the council lodge. here the head men of the village gathered, sitting about the little fire, the peace pipe resting on a forked stick before them, waiting for the arrival of the white chiefs--who could make the thunder come, who could make a strong chief of black skin beat his head upon the ground; and who, moreover, could ride stripped and strike the buffalo even as the sioux. the white leaders were in no haste to show themselves. they demanded the full dignity of their station; but they came at last, their own drum beating as they marched at the head of their men, all of whom were in the uniform of the frontier. york, selected as standard-bearer, bore the flag at the head of the little band. meriwether lewis took it from him as they reached the door of the council lodge, and thrust the staff into the soil, so that it stood erect beside the lance and shield of weucha, chief of the yanktonnais. then, leaving their own men on guard without, the two white chiefs stepped into the lodge, and, with not too much attention to the chiefs sitting and waiting for them, took their own places in the seat of honor. they removed their hats, shook free their hair--which had been loosened from the cues; and so, in dignified silence, not looking about them, they sat, their long locks spread out on their shoulders. exclamations of excitement broke even from the dignified sioux chiefs. clearly the appearance and the conduct of the two officers had made a good impression. the circle eyed them with respect. at length meriwether lewis, holding in his hand the great peace pipe that he had brought, arose. "weucha," said he, dorion interpreting for him, "you are head man of the yanktonnais. i offer you this pipe. let us smoke. we are at peace. we are children of the great father, and i do not bring war. i have put a flag outside the lodge. it is your flag. you must keep it. each night you must take it down, roll it up, and put it in a parfleche, so that it will not be torn or soiled. whenever you have a great feast, or meet other peoples, let it fly at your door. it is because you are a chief that i give you this flag. i gave one to the omahas, another to the otoes. let there be no more war between you. you are under one flag now. "i give you this medal, weucha, this picture on white iron. see, it has the picture of the great father himself, my chief, who lives where the sun rises. i also give you this writing, where i have made my sign, and where the red-headed chief, my brother, has made his sign. keep these things, so that any who come here may know that you are our friends, that you are the children of the great father. "weucha, they told us that the sioux were bad in heart, that you would say we could not go up the river. our great father has sent us up the river, and we must go. tomorrow our boats must be on their course. if the great father has such medicine as this i give you, do you think we could go back to him and say the sioux would not let us pass? you have seen that we are not afraid, that we are chiefs--we can do what you can do. can you do what we can? can you make the thunder come? is there any among you who has a black skin, like the man with us? are any of your men able to strike the eye of a deer, the head of a grouse, at fifty paces with the rifle? all of my men can do that. "i give you these presents--these lace coats for your great men, these hats also, such as we wear, because you are our brothers, and are chiefs. a little powder, a few balls, i give you, because we think you want them. i give you a little tobacco for your pipes. if my words sound good in your ears, i will send a talking paper to the great father, and tell him that you are his children." deep-throated exclamations of approval met this speech. weucha took the pipe. he arose himself, a tall and powerful man, splendidly clad in savage fashion, and spoke as the born leader that he also was. he pledged the loyalty of the sioux and the freedom of the river. "i give you the horse you rode this morning," said weucha to lewis, "the black runner. to you, red-haired chief, i give the white-and-black horse that you rode. it is well that chiefs like you should have good horses. "tomorrow our people will go a little way with you up the river. we want you for our friends, for we know your medicine is strong. we know that when we show this flag to other tribes--to the otoes, the omahas, the osages--they will fall on the ground and knock their heads on the ground, as the black man did when the red-headed chief raised it above him. "the great father has sent us two chiefs who are young but very wise. they can strike the buffalo. they can speak at the council. weucha, the yanktonnais, says that they may go on. we know you will not lose the trail. we know that you will come back. you are chiefs!" chapter ii the mysterious letter late in the night the yanktonnais drums still sounded, long after a dozen sioux had spoken, and after the two white chieftains had arisen and left the council fire. the people of the village were feasting around half a hundred fires. the village was joyous, light-hearted, and free of care. the hunt had been successful. "look at them, will," said meriwether lewis, as they paused at the edge of the bluff and turned back for a last glimpse at the savage scene. "they are like children. i swear, i almost believe their lot in life is happier than our own!" "tut, tut, merne--moralizing again?" laughed william clark, the light-hearted. "come now, help me get my eelskin about my hair. we may need this red mane of mine further up the river. i trust to take it back home with me, after all, now that we seem safe to pass these sioux without a fight. i am happy enough that our business today has come out so well. i am a bit tired, and an old bull gave me a smash with his horn this morning; so i am ready to turn into my blankets. are all the men on the roll tonight?" "sergeant ordway reports shannon still absent. it seems he went out on the hunt this morning, and has not yet come back. i'll wait up a time, i think, will, to see if he comes in. it is rather a wild business for a boy to lie out all night in such a country, with only the wolves for company. go you to your blankets, as you say. for me, i might be a better sleeper than i am." "yes, that is true," rejoined will clark, rubbing his bruised leg. "it is beginning to show on you, too, merne. isn't it enough to be astronomer and doctor and bookkeeper and record-keeper and all that? no, you think not--you must sit up all night by your little fire under the stars and think and think. oh, i have seen you, merne! i have seen you sitting there when you should have been sleeping. do you call that leadership, captain lewis? the men are under you, and if the leader is not fit, the men are not. now, a human body will stand only so much--or a human mind, either, merne. there is a limit to effort and endurance." his friend turned to him seriously. "you are right, will," said he. "i owe duty to many besides myself." "you take things too hard, merne. you cannot carry the whole world on your shoulders. look now, i have not been so blind as not to see that something is going wrong with you. merne, you are ill, or will be. something is wrong!" his companion made no reply. they marched on to their own part of the encampment, and seated themselves at the little fire which had been left burning for them.[ ] [footnote : the original journals of these two astonishing young men--one of them just thirty years old, the other thirty-four--should rank among the epic literature of the world. battered about, scattered, separated, lost, hawked from hand to hand, handed down as unvalued heritages, "edited" first by this and then by that little man, sometimes to the extent of actual mutilation or alteration of their text--the journals of meriwether lewis and william clark hold their ineffacable clarity in spite of all. their most curious quality is the strange blending of two large souls which they show. it was only by studying closely the individual differences of handwriting, style, and spelling, that it could be determined what was the work of lewis, which that done by clark. and what a labor! after long days of toil and danger, under unvarying hardships, in conditions of extremest discomfort and inconvenience for such work, the two young leaders set down with unflagging faithfulness countless thousands of details, all in such fashion as showed the keenest and most exact powers of observation. botanists, naturalists, geographers, map-makers, builders, engineers, hunters, journalists, they brought back in their notebooks a mass of information never equaled by the records of any other party of explorers. we cannot overestimate the sum of labor which all this meant, day after day, month after month; nor should we underestimate the qualities of mind and education demanded of them, nor the varied experience of life in primitive surroundings which needed to be part of their requisite equipment. it was indeed as if the two friends were fitted by the plan of providence for this great enterprise which they concluded in such simple, unpretending, yet minutely thorough fashion. neither thought himself a hero, therefore each was one. the largest glory to be accorded them is that they found their ambition and their content in the day's work well done.] william clark went on with his reproving. "tell me, merne, what are you thinking of? it is not that woman?" he seemed to feel the sudden shrinking of the tall figure at his side. "i have touched you on the raw once more, haven't i, merne?" he exclaimed. "i never meant to. i only want to see you happy." "you must not be too uneasy, will," returned meriwether lewis, at last. "it is only that sometimes at night i lie awake and ponder over things. and the nights themselves are wonderful!" "saw you ever such nights, merne, in all your life? breathed you ever such air as these plains carry in the nighttime? why do you not exult--what is it you cannot forget? you don't really deceive me, merne. what is it that you _see_ when you lie awake at night under the stars? some face, eh? what, merne? you mean to tell me you are still so foolish? we left three months ago. i gave you two months for forgetting her--and that is enough! come, now, perhaps some maid of the mandans, on ahead, will prove fair enough to pipe to you, or to touch the bull-hide tambourine in such fashion as to charm you from your sorrows! no, don't be offended--it is only that i want to tell you not to take that old affair too hard. and now, it is time for you to turn in." william clark himself arose and strolled to his own blanket-roll, spread it out, and lay down beneath the sky to sleep. meriwether lewis sought to follow his example, and spread open his robe and blankets close to the fire. as he leaned back, he felt something hard and crackling under his hand, and looked down. it was his custom to carry in his blankets, for safekeeping, his long spyglass, a pair of dry moccasins and a buckskin tunic. these articles were here, as he expected to find them. yet here among them was a folded and sealed envelope--a letter! he had not placed it here; yet here it was. he caught it up in his hand, looked at it wonderingly, kicked the ends of the embers together so that they flamed up, bent forward to read the superscription--and paused in amazement. well enough he knew the firm, upright, characterful hand which addressed this missive to him: to captain meriwether lewis.--on the trail in the west. a feeling somewhat akin to awe fell upon meriwether lewis. he felt a cold prickling along his spine. it was for him, yes--but whence had it come? there had been no messenger from outside the camp. for one brief instant it seemed, indeed, as if this bit of paper--which of all possible gifts of the gods he would most have coveted--had dropped from the heavens themselves at his feet here in the savage wilderness. his heart had been on the point of breaking, it seemed to him--and it had come to comfort him! it was from her. it ran thus: dear sir and friend: greetings to you, wherever you may be when this shall find you. are you among the gauls, the goths, the visigoths, the huns, the vandals, or the cimbri? wherever you be, our hopes and faith go with you. you are, as i fancy, in a desert, a wilderness, worth no man's owning. life passes meantime. to what end, my friend? i fancy you in the deluge, in the hurricane, in the blaze of the sun, or in the bleak winds, alone, cheerless, perhaps athirst, perhaps knowing hunger. i know that you will meet these things like a man. but to what end--what is the purpose of all this? you have left behind you all that makes life worth while--fortune, fame, life, ambition, honor--to go away into the desert. at what time are you going to turn back and come to us once more? oh, if only i had the right--if only i dared--if only i were in a position to lay some command on you to bring you back! methinks then i would. you could do so much for us all--so much for me. it would mean so much to my own happiness if you were here. meriwether lewis, come back! you have gone far enough. on ahead are only cruel hardship and continual failure. here are fortune, fame, wealth, ambition, honor--and more. i told you one time i would lay my hand upon your shoulder out yonder, no matter where you were. i said that you should look into my face yonder when you sat alone beside your fire under the stars. you said that it would be torment. i said that none the less i would not let you go. i said my face still should stay with you, until you were willing to turn back. turn back _now_, meriwether lewis! come back! the letter was not signed, and needed not to be. meriwether lewis sat staring at the paper clutched in his hand. her face! ah, did he not see it now? was it not true what she had said? he saw her face now--but not smiling, happy, contented, as it once had been. no, he saw it pale and in distress. he saw tears in her eyes. and she had written him: oh, if only i had the right to lay some command on you! was not he, who had forgotten honor, subject now to any command that she might give him? "will, will!" exclaimed meriwether lewis, sharply, imperatively, to his friend, whom he could see dimly at a little distance as he lay. the long figure in its robes straightened quickly, for by day or night william clark was instantly ready for any sudden alarm. he started up on his robe, with his hand on his rifle. "who calls there? who goes?" he cried, half awake. "it is i, will," said meriwether lewis, advancing toward him. "listen--tell me, will, why did you do this?" "why did i do what? merne, what is wrong?" clark was now on his feet, and lewis held out the letter to him. he took it in his hand, looked at it wonderingly. "this letter----" began meriwether lewis. "certainly you carried it for me--why did you not bring it to me long ago?" "what letter? whose letter is it, merne? i never saw it before. what is it you are saying? are you mad?" "i think so," said lewis, "i think i must be. here is a letter--i found it but now in my bed. i thought perhaps you had had it for me a long time, and placed it there as a surprise." "who sends it, merne. what does it say?" "it is from the woman whose face i have seen at night, will. she asks me to come back!" "burn it--throw it in the fire!" said william clark sharply. "go back? what, forsake mr. jefferson--leave me?" "god forgive me, will, but you search my very heart! for one moment i was on the point of declaring myself too ill to finish this journey--on the point of letting you have all the honor of it. i was going to surrender my place to you." "you cannot desert us, merne! you shall not! go back to bed! give me the letter! bah! it is some counterfeit, some trick of one of the men!" "it would be worth any man's life to try a jest like that," said meriwether lewis. "it is no counterfeit. i know it too well. this letter was written before we left st. louis. how it came here i know not, but i know who wrote it." "she had no right----" "ah, but that is the cruelty of it--she _did_ have the right!" "there are some things which a man must work out for himself," said william clark slowly, after a time. "i don't think i'll ask any questions. if there is any place where i can take half your burden, you know what i will do. we've worked share and share alike, but perhaps some things cannot be shared, even by you and me. it is for you to tell me if i can help you now. if not, then you must decide." even as he spoke, his beloved friend was turning away from him. meriwether lewis walked out alone into the night. stumbling, he passed on out among the shadows, under the starlight. without much plan, he found himself on a little eminence of the bluff near by. he sat down, his blanket drawn over his head, like an indian, motionless, thinking, fighting out his own fight, as sometimes a man must, alone. he did not know that william clark, most faithful of friends, himself silent as a sioux, had followed, and sat a little distance apart, his eyes fixed on the motionless figure outlined against the sky. the dawn came at last and kindled a red band along the east. the gray light at length grew more clear. a coyote on the bluff raised a long and quavering cry, like some soul in torture. as if it were his own voice, meriwether lewis stirred, rose, drew back the blanket from his shoulders, and turned down the hill. he saw his friend rising and advancing to him. once more their hands gripped, as they had when the two first met on the ohio, almost a year ago, at the beginning of their journey. lewis frowned heavily. he could not speak for a time. "give the orders to the men to roll out, captain clark," said he at length. "which way, captain lewis--upstream or down?" "the expedition will go forward, captain clark." "god bless you, merne!" said the red-headed one. chapter iii the day's work "roll out, men, roll out!" the sleeping men stirred under their robes and blankets and turned out, quickly awake, after the fashion of the wilderness. the sentinel came in, his moccasins wet, his tunic girded tight against the cool of the morning, which even at that season was chill upon the high plains. soon the fires were alight and the odors of roasting meat arose. the hour was scarce yet dawn. "ordway! gass! pryor!" lewis called in the sergeants in charge of the three messes. "the boy shannon has not returned. which of your men, ordway, will best serve to find shannon and meet us up the river?" "myself, sir," said ordway, "if you please." "no, 'tis meself, sor," interrupted patrick gass. pryor, with hand outstretched, also claimed the honor of the difficult undertaking. "you three are needed in the boats," said the leader. "no, i think it will be better to send drouillard and the two fields boys. but tell me, sergeant ordway----" "yes, sir!" "has any boat passed up the river within the last day--for instance, while we were away at the hunt?" "i think not, sir. surely any one coming up the river would have turned in at our camp." lewis turned to gass, to pryor; but both agreed that no boat could have gone by unnoticed. "and no man has come into the camp from below--no horseman?" they all shook their heads. their leader looked from one to the other keenly, trying to see if anything was concealed from him; but the honest faces of his men showed no suspicion of his own doubts. he dismissed them, feeling it beneath his dignity to make inquiry as to the bearer of the mysterious letter; nor did he mention it again to william clark. he knew only that some one of his men had a secret from his commander. "the men will find shannon and bring him in ahead--we can't afford to wait here for them. the water is falling now," said clark. "we are doing our twenty miles daily. the men laugh on the line, for the bars are exposed, and they can track along shore easily. suppose shannon were out three days--that would make it sixty miles upstream--or less, for him, for he could cut the bends. i make no doubt that when he found himself out for the night he started up the river; even before this time. _en avant_, cruzatte!" he called. "you shall lead the line for the first draw. make it lively for an hour! sing some song, cruzatte, if you can--some song of old kaskaskia." "sure, the frenchmans, she'll lead on the line this morning, _capitaine_! i'll put nine, seven frenchmans on the line, and she'll run on the bank on her bare feet two hour--one hour. this buffalo meat, she make frenchmans strong like nothing!" "go on, frenchy!" said patrick gass, cruzatte's sergeant, who stood near by. "wait until time comes for my squad on the line--'tis thin we'll make the elkhide hum! there's a few of the irish along." "ho!" said ordway, usually silent. "wait rather for us yankees--we'll show you what old vermont can do!" "as to that," said pryor, "belike the ohio and kentucky men could serve a turn as well as the irish or the french. old kaintuck has to help out the others, the way she did in the french and indian war!" "well," broke in peter weiser, joining them as they argued, "i am from pennsylvania; but i am half virginian, and there are some others from the old dominion. when you are all done, call on us--ole virginny never tires!" the contagion of their light-heartedness, their loyalty and devotion, came as solace to the heart of meriwether lewis. he smiled in spite of himself, his eye kindling with confidence and admiration as he looked over his men. they were stripping for their day's work, ready for mud or water or sun, as the case might be. amidships, on the highest locker on the barge, one of the kentuckians was flapping his arms lustily and giving the cockcrow, the river challenge of frontier days. others seated themselves at the long sweeps of the barge, while yet others were manning the pirogues. a few moments later, with joyous shouts, they were on their way once more--and not setting their faces toward home. in an hour they were above the first long bend. the wilderness had closed behind them. no trace of the indian village was left, no sight of the lingering smoke of their last camp fires. faithfully, patiently, day by day, they held their way, sustained by the renewed fascination of adventure, hardened and inured to risk and toil alike. the distance behind them lengthened so enormously that they began to figure upon the unknown rather than the known. "we surely must be almost across now!" said some of the men. all of them were sore distressed over the loss of shannon. two weeks had passed since they left the yankton sioux, and four times the faithful trailers had come back to the boats with no trace of the missing one. "it certainly is in the off chance now," assented william clark seriously, one day as they lay in the noon encampment. "but perhaps he may be among the natives somewhere, and we may hear of him when we come back--if ever we do." "if he got by the teton sioux, and kept on up the river, in time he would find us somewhere among the mandans," said meriwether lewis. "but we will try once more before we give him up. send a man to the top of the bluff with my spyglass." busy in their labors over their maps, and in the recording of their compass bearings, for half an hour they forgot their messenger, until a shout called their attention. he was waving his hands, wildly beckoning. yonder, alone in the plains, bewildered, hopeless, wandering, was the lost man, who did not even know that the river was close at hand! shannon's escape from a miserable fate was but one more instance of the almost miraculous good fortune which seemed to attend the expedition. "and she was lucky man, too!" said drouillard, a half-hour later, nodding toward the opposite shore. "suppose he is on that side, she'll not go in today!" "two weeks on his foot!" they looked where he pointed. red men, mounted, were visible, a dozen of them, motionless, on the rim of the farther bank, watching the explorers as they began to make ready for their journey. lewis turned his great field glass in that direction. "sioux!" said he. "they are painted, too. i fancy," he added, as he turned toward his associates, "that this must be black buffalo's band of tetons you've told us about, drouillard." "_oui, oui_, the teton!" exclaimed drouillard. "i'll not spoke his language, me; but she'll be bad sioux. _prenez garde, capitaine, prenez garde pour ces sauvages, les sioux!_" and indeed this warning proved well founded. more indians gathered in toward the shore that afternoon, riding along, parallel with the course of the boats, whooping, shouting to the boatmen. at nightfall there were a hundred of them assembled--painted warriors, decked in all their savage finery, bold men, showing no fear of the newcomers. the white men went about their camp duties in a mingling of figures, white and red. lewis lined up his men, beat his drums, fired the great swivel piece to impress the savages. "bring out the flag, will," said he. "put up our council awning. i'll have a parley with their head man. can you make him out, drouillard?" "he'll said he was black buffalo," replied the frenchman. "i don't understand him very good." "take him these things, drouillard," said lewis. "give him a lace coat and hat, a red feather, some tobacco, and this medal. tell him that when we get ready we'll make a talk with him." but black buffalo and his men were not in the mood to wait for their parley. they crowded down to the bank angrily, excitedly, even after they had received the presents sent them. lewis, busy about the barge, which had not yet found a good landing-place, turned at the sound of his friend's voice, to see clark struggling in the grasp of two or three of the sioux, among them the teton chief. a savage had his hand flung about the mast of the pirogue, others laid hold upon the painter. clark, flushed and angry at the touch of another man's hand, had whipped out his sword, and the indians were drawing their bows from their cases. at that moment lewis gave a loud order, which arrested them all. the sioux turned toward the barge, to see the black mouth of the great swivel gun pointing at them--the gun whose thunder voice they had heard. "big medicine!" called out black buffalo in terror, and ordered his men back. clark offered his hand to black buffalo, but it was refused. angry, he sprang into the pirogue and pushed off for the barge. three of the indians stepped into the pirogue with him, jabbering excitedly, and, with clark, went aboard the barge, where they made themselves very much at home. "_croyez moi!_" ejaculated drouillard. "these hinjun, she'll think he own this country!" here, then, they were, in the teton country. no sleep that night for either of the leaders, nor for any of the men. they pulled the pirogues alongside the barge and sat, barricaded behind their goods, rifle in hand. they kept their visitors prisoners all that night, and whatever might have been the construction the tetons placed on their act, they themselves by dawn were far more placable. continually they motioned that the whites should come ashore, that they must stop, that they must not go on further up the river. but when all was prepared for the start on the following morning, lewis ordered the great cable of the barge cast off. black buffalo in turn ordered his men to lay hold upon it and retain the boat. once more the indians began to draw their bows. once more lewis turned upon them the muzzle of his cannon. his men shook the priming into their pieces, and made ready to fire. an instant, and much blood might have been shed. "black buffalo," said lewis, as best he might through his interpreter, "i heard you were a chief. you are not black buffalo, but some squaw! we are going to see if we can find black buffalo, the real chief. if he were here, he would accept our tobacco. the geese are flying down the river. soon the snow will come. we cannot wait. see, i give you this tobacco on the prairie. go and see if you can find black buffalo, the real chief!" "ha!" exclaimed the teton leader, his dignity outraged. "you say i am not black buffalo--that i am not a chief. i will show you!" he caught the twists of good black virginia tobacco tossed to him, and cast the rope far from him upon the tawny flood of the missouri. an instant later the oars had caught the water and cruzatte had spread the bowsail of the barge. so they won through one more of the most dangerous of the tribes against whom they had been warned. "a near thing, merne!" said will clark after a time. "there is some mighty hand that seems to guide us--is it not the truth?" chapter iv the crossroads of the west the geese were now indeed flying down the river, coming in long, dark lines out of the icy north. sometimes the sky was overcast hours at a stretch. a new note came into the voice of the wind. the nights grew colder. autumn was at hand. soon it would be winter--winter on the plains. it was late in october, more than five months out from st. louis, when mr. jefferson's "volunteers for the discovery of the west" arrived in the mandan country. long ago war and disease wiped out the gentle mandan people. today two cities stand where their green fields once showed the first broken soil north of the platte river. but a century ago that region, although little known to our government at washington, was not unknown to others. the mandan villages lay at a great wilderness crossroads, or rather at the apex of a triangle, beyond which none had gone. hereabout the sieur de la verendrye had crossed on his own journey of exploration two generations earlier. more lately the emissaries of the great british companies, although privately warring with one another, had pushed west over the assiniboine. traders had been among the mandans now for a decade. thus far came the western trail from canada, and halted. the path of the missouri also led thus far, but here, at the intersection, ended all the trails of trading or traveling white men. therefore, lewis and clark found white men located here before them--mccracken, an irishman; jussaume, a frenchman; henderson, an englishman; la roque, another frenchman--all over from the assiniboine country; and all, it hardly need be said, excited and anxious over this wholly unexpected arrival of white strangers in their own trading-limits. big white, chief of the mandans, welcomed the new party as friends, for he was quick to grasp the advantage the white men's goods gave his people over the neighboring tribes, and also quick to understand the virtue of competition. "brothers," said he, "you have come for our beaver and our robes. as for us, we want powder and ball and more iron hatchets and knives. we have traded with the assiniboines, who are foolish people, and have taken all their goods away from them. we have killed the rees until we are tired of killing them. the sioux will not trouble us if we have plenty of powder and ball. we know that you have come to trade with us. see, the snow is here. light your lodge fires with the mandans. stay here until the grass comes once more!" "we open our ears to what big white has said," replied lewis--speaking through jussaume, the frenchman, who soon was added as interpreter to the party. "we are the children of a great father in the east, who gives you this medal with his picture on it. he sends you this coat, this hat of a chief. he gives you this hatchet, this case of tobacco. there are other hatchets and more tobacco for your people." "what great father is that?" demanded big white. "it seems there are many great fathers in these days! who are you strangers, who come from so far?" "you yourself shall judge, big white. when the geese fly up the river and the grass is green, our great boat here is going back down the river. the great father is curious to know his children, the mandans. if you, big white, wish to go to see him when the grass is green, you shall sit yonder in that boat and go all the way with some of my men. you shall shake his hand. when you come back, you can tell the story to your own people. then all the tribes will cease to wage war. your women once more may take off their moccasins at night when they sleep." "it is good," said the mandan. "_ahaie!_ come and stay with us until the grass is green, and i will make medicine over what you say. we will open our lodges to you, and will not harm you. our young women will carry you corn which they have saved for the winter. our squaws will feed your horses. go no farther, for the snow and ice are coming fast. even the buffalo will be thin, and the elk will grow so lean that they will not be good to eat. this is as far as the white men ever come when the grass is green. beyond this, no man knows the trails." "when the grass is green," said lewis, "i shall lead my young men toward the setting sun. we shall make new trails." jussaume, mccracken, and all the others held their own council with the leaders of the expedition. "what are you doing here?" they demanded. "the missouri has always belonged to the british traders." the face of meriwether lewis flushed with anger. "we are about the business of our government," he said. "it is our purpose to discover the west beyond here, all of it. it is our own country that we are discovering. we have bought it and paid for it, and will hold it. we carry the news of the great purchase to the natives." "purchase? what purchase?" demanded mccracken. and then the face of lewis lightened, for he knew that they had outrun all the news of the world! "the louisiana purchase--the purchase of all this western country from the mississippi to the pacific, across the stony mountains. we bought it from napoleon, who had it from spain. we are the wedge to split the british from the south--the missouri is our own pathway into our own country. that is our business here!" "you must go back!" said the hot-headed irishman. "i shall tell my factor, chaboillez, at fort assiniboine. we want no more traders here. this is our country!" "we do not come to trade," said meriwether lewis. "we play a larger game. i know that the men of the northwest company have found the arctic ocean--you are welcome to it until we want it--we do not want it now. i know you have found the pacific somewhere above the columbia--we do not want what we have not bought or found for ourselves, and you are welcome to that. but when you ask us to turn back on our own trail, it is a different matter. we are on our own soil now, and we will not turn for any order in the world but that of the president of the united states!" mccracken, irritated, turned away from the talk. "it is a fine fairy tale they tell us!" said he to his fellows. drouillard came a moment later to his chief. "those men she'll take her dog-team for assiniboine now--maybe so one hundred and fifty miles that way. he'll told his factor now, on the assiniboine post." lewis smiled. "tell him to take this letter to his factor, drouillard," said he. "it is a passport given me by mr. thompson, representing mr. merry, of the british legation at washington. i have fifty other passports, better ones, each good at a hundred yards. if mr. chaboillez wishes to find us, he can do so. if we have gone, let him come after us in the spring." "my faith," said jussaume, the frenchman, "you come a long way! why you want to go more farther west? but, listen, _monsieur capitaine_--the englishman, he'll go to make trouble for you. he is going for send word to rocheblave, the most boss trader on lake superior, on fort william. they are going for send a man to beat you over the mountain--i know!" "'tis a long road from here to the middle of lake superior's north shore," said meriwether lewis. "it will be a long way back from there in the spring. while they are planning to start, already we shall be on our way." "i know the man they'll send," went on jussaume. "simon fraser--i know him. long time he'll want to go up the saskatchewan and over the mountain on the ocean." "we'll race mr. fraser to the ocean," said meriwether lewis; "him or any other man. while he plans, we shall be on our way!" well enough the northern traders knew the meaning of this american expedition into the west. if it went on, all the lower trade was lost to great britain forever. the british minister, merry, had known it. aaron burr had known it. this expedition must be stopped! that was the word which must go back to montreal, back to london, along the trail which ended here at the crossroads of the missouri. "the red-headed young man is not so bad," said one of the white news-bearers at the assiniboine post. "he is willing to parley, and he seems disposed to be amiable. but the other, the one named lewis--i can do nothing with him. for some reason he seems to be hostile to the british interests. he speaks well, and is a man of presence and education, but he is bitter against us, and i cannot handle him. we must use force to stop that man!" "agreed, then!" said his master, laughing lustily, for, safe in his own sanctuary, he had not seen these men himself. "we shall use force, as we have before. we will excite the savages against them this winter. if they will listen to us, and turn back in the spring--all of them, not part of them--very well. if they will not listen to reason, then we shall use such means as we need to stop them." of this conversation the two young american officers, one of virginia, the other of kentucky, knew nothing at all. but they held council of their own, as was their fashion--a council of two, sitting by their camp fire; and while others talked, they acted. before november was a week old, the axes were ringing among the cottonwoods. the men were carrying big logs toward the cleared space shown to them, and while meriwether lewis worked at his journal and his scientific records, william clark, born soldier and born engineer, was going forward with his little fortress. trenches were cut, the logs were ended up--taller pickets than any one of that country ever had seen before. a double row of cabins was built inside the stockade. a great gate was furnished, proof against assault. a bastion was erected in one corner, mounting the swivel piece so that it might be fired above the top of the wall. a little more work of chinking the walls, of flooring the cabins, of making chimneys of wattle and clay--and _presto_, before the winter had well settled down, the white explorers were housed and fortified and ready for what might come. the mandans sat and watched them in wonder. jussaume, the french trader, shook his head. in all his experience on the trail he had seen nothing savoring quite so much of preparedness and celerity. among all the posts to the northward and eastward the word went out, carried by dog runners. "they have built a great house of tall logs," said the indians. "they have put the thing that thunders on top of the wall. they never sleep. each day they exercise with their rifles under their arms. they have long knives on their belts. they carry hatchets that are sharp enough to shave bark. their medicine is strong! "they write down the words of the mandans and the minnetarees in their books. they are taking skins of the antelope and the bighorn and the deer, even skins of the prairie-grouse and the badger and the prairie-dog--everything they can get. they dry these, to make some sort of medicine of them. they cut off pieces of wood and bark. they put the dirt which burns in little sacks. they make pictures and make the talking papers--all the time they work at something, the two chiefs. they have a black man with them who cannot be washed white--they have stained him with some medicine of their own. he makes sounds like a buffalo, and he says that the white man made him as he is and will do us that way. we would like to kill them, but they have made their house too strong! "they never sleep. in the daytime and in the nighttime, no matter how cold it is, one man, two men, walk up and down inside the wall. they have carried their boats up out of the water--two boats, a great one and two small. all through the woods they are cutting down the largest trees, and out of the straight logs they are making more boats, more boats, as many as there are fingers on one hand. they have axes that cast much larger chips than any we ever saw. we fear these men, because they do not fear us. we do not know what to think. they are men who never sleep. before the sun is up we find them writing or making large chips with their axes, or hunting in the woods--not a day goes by that their hunters do not bring in elk and deer and buffalo. they do not fear us. "we have seen no men like these. they are chiefs, and their medicine is strong!" chapter v the appeal "well done, will clark!" said meriwether lewis, when, at length, one cold winter morning, they stood within the walls of the completed fortress. "now we can have our own fireplace and go on with our work in comfort. the collection is growing splendidly!" "yes, mr. jefferson will find that we have been busy," rejoined clark. "the barge will go down well loaded in the spring. they'll have the best of it--downhill, and over country they have crossed." "true," mused lewis. "we are at a blank wall here. we lack a guide now, that is sure. two interpreters we have, who may or may not be of use, but no one knows the country. but now--you know our other new interpreter, the sullen chap, charbonneau--that polygamous scamp with two or three indian wives?" "yes, and a surly brute he is!" "well, it seems that last summer charbonneau married still another wife, a girl not over sixteen years of age, i should judge. he bought her--she was a slave, a captive brought down from somewhere up the river by a war-party. she is a pleasant girl, and always smiles. she seems friendly to us--see the moccasins she made for me but now. and i only had to knock her husband down once for beating her!" "lucky man!" grinned william clark. "i have knocked him down half a dozen times, and she has made me no moccasins at all. but what then?" "so far as i can learn, that indian girl is the only human being here who has ever seen the stony mountains. the girl says that she was taken captive years ago somewhere near the summit of the stony mountains. above here a great river comes in, which they call the yellow rock river--the 'ro'jaune,' jussaume calls it. very well. many days' or weeks' journey toward the west, this river comes again within a half-day's march of the missouri. that is near the summit of the mountains; and this girl's people live there." "by the lord, merne, you're a genius for getting over new country!" "wait. i find the child very bright--very clear of mind. and listen, will--the mind of a woman is better for small things than that of a man. they pick up trifles and hang on to them. i'd as soon trust that girl for a guide out yonder as any horse-stealing warrior in a hurry to get into a country and in a hurry to get out of it again. raiding parties cling to the river-courses, which they know; but she and her people must have been far to the west of any place these adventurers of the minnetarees ever saw. sacajawea she calls herself--the 'bird woman.' i swear i look upon that name itself as a good omen! she has come back like a dove to the ark, this bird woman. william clark, we shall reach the sea--or, at least, you will do so, will," he concluded. "what do you mean, merne? surely, if i do, you will also!" "i cannot be sure." the florid face of william clark showed a frown of displeasure. "you are not as well as you should be--you work too much. that is not just to mr. jefferson, merne, nor to our men, nor to me." "it was for that reason i took you on. doesn't a man have two lungs, two arms, two limbs, two eyes? we are those for mr. jefferson--even crippled, the expedition will live. you are as my own other hand. i exult to see you every morning smiling out of your blankets, hopeful and hungry!" meriwether lewis turned to his colleague with the sweet smile which sometimes his friends saw. "you see, i am a fatalist," he went on. "ah, you laugh at me! my people must have been owners of the second sight, i have often told you. humor me, will, bear with me. don't question me too deep. your flag, will, i know will be planted on the last parapet of life--you were born to succeed. for myself, i still must remember what my mother told me--something about the burden which would be too heavy, the trail which would be long. at times i doubt." "confound it, merne, you have not been yourself since you got that accursed letter in the night last summer!" "it was unsettling, i don't deny." "i pray heaven you'll never get another!" said william clark. "from a married woman, too! thank god i've no such affair on my mind!" "it is taboo, will--that one thing!" and clark, growling anathemas on all women, stalked away to find his axmen. the snows had come soft and deep, blown on the icy winds. the horses of the mandans were housed in the lodges, and lived on cottonwood instead of grass. when the vast herds of buffalo came down from the broken hills into the shelter of the flats, the men returned frostbitten with their loads of meat. the sky was dark. the days were short. to improve the morale of their men, the leaders now planned certain festivities for them. on christmas eve each man had his stocking well stuffed with such delicacies as the company stores afforded--pepper, salt, dried fruits long cherished in the commissary, such other knickknacks as might be spared. on christmas day drouillard brought out a fiddle. a dance was ordered, and went on all day long on the puncheon floor of the main cabin. in moccasins and leggings, with hair long and tunics belted close to their lean waists, the white men danced to the tunes of their own land--the reels and hoedowns of old virginia and kentucky. the sounds of revelry were heard by the mandans who came up to the gate. "white men make a medicine dance," they said, and knocked for entrance. two women only were present--the wife of jussaume, the squaw man, and sacajawea, the girl wife of charbonneau, the interpreter of the mandans. these two had many presents. the face of sacajawea was wreathed in smiles. always her eyes followed the tall form of meriwether lewis wherever he went. her own husband was but her husband, and already she had elected meriwether lewis as her deity. when her husband thrashed her, always he thrashed her husband. in her simple child's soul she consecrated herself to the task which he had assigned her. yes, when the grass came she would take these white men to her own people. if they wanted to see the salt waters far to the west--her people had heard of that--then they should go there also. the bird woman was very happy that christmas day. the chief had thrashed charbonneau and had given her wonderful presents! all the men danced but one--the youth shannon, who once more had met misfortune. while hewing with the broadax at one of the canoes, he had had the misfortune to slash his foot, so must lie in his bunk and watch the others. "keep the men going, will," said meriwether lewis. "i'll go to my room and get forward some letters which i want to write--to my mother and to mr. jefferson. at least i can date them christmas day, although providence alone knows when they may be despatched or received!" he returned to his own quarters, where he had erected a little desk at which he sometimes worked, and sat down. for a moment he remained in thought, as the sound of the dancing still came to him, glad to find his men so happy. at length he spread open the back of his little leather writing-case, unscrewed his ink-horn and set it safe, drew his keen hunting-knife, and put a point upon a goose-quill pen. then he put away the many written pages which still lay in the portfolio, the product of his daily labors. searching for fair white paper, his eye caught sight of a sealed and folded letter, apparently long unnoticed here among the written and unwritten sheets. in a flash he knew what it was! once more the blood in his veins seemed to stop short. to captain meriwether lewis, in charge of the volunteers for the discovery of the west.--on the trail. he knew what hand had written the words. for one short instant he had a mad impulse to cast the letter into the fire. then there came over him once more the feeling which oppressed him all his life--that he was a helpless instrument in the hands of fate. he broke the seal--not noticing as he did so that it had a number scratched into the wax--and read the letter, which ran thus: sir and friend: i know not where these presents may find you, or in what case. once more i keep my promise not to let you go. once more you shall see my face--see, it is looking up at you from the page! tell me, do you see me now before you? are other faces of women in your mind? have they lost themselves as women's faces so often--so soon--are lost from a man's mind? can you see me, meriwether lewis, your childhood friend? do you remember the time you saved me from the cows in the lane at your father's farm, when i was but a child, on my first visit to far-off virginia? you kissed me then, to dry my tears. you were a boy; i was a child yet younger. can you forget that time--can you forget what you said? "i will always be there, theodosia," you said, "when you are in trouble!" you said it stoutly, and i believed it, as a child. i believed you then--i believe you now. i still have the same child's faith in you. my mother died while i was young; my father has always been so busy--i scarcely have been a girl, as you say you never were a boy. you know my husband--he has his own affairs. but you always were my friend, in so many ways! it is true that i am laying a secret on your heart--one which you must observe all your life. my letter is for you, and for no other eyes. but now i come once more to you to hold you to your promise. _meriwether lewis, come back to us!_ by this time the trail surely is long enough! we are counting absolutely on your return. i heard mr. merry tell my father--and i may tell it to you--that on your recall rested all hope of the success of our own cause on the lower mississippi--for ourselves and for you. if you do not come back to us, as early as you can, you condemn us to failure--myself--my life--that of my father--yourself also. perhaps your delay may mean even more, meriwether lewis. i have to tell you that times are threatening for this republic. relations between our country and great britain are strained to the breaking-point. mr. merry says that if our cause on the lower mississippi shall not prevail, his own country, as soon as it can finish with napoleon, will come against this republic once more--both on the great lakes and at the mouth of the mississippi. he says that your expedition into the west will split the country, if it goes on. it must be withdrawn or the gap must be mended by war. you see, then, one of the sure results of this mad folly of thomas jefferson. go on, therefore, if you would ruin me, my father--your own future; but will you go on if you face possible ruin _for your own country_ by so doing? this i leave for you to say. surely by now the main object of your expedition will have been accomplished--surely you may return with all practical results of your labors in your hands. were that not a wiser thing? does not your duty lie toward the east, and not further toward the west? there is a limit beyond which not even a forlorn hope is asked to go when it assails a citadel. not every general is dishonored, though he does not complete the campaign laid out for him. expeditions have failed, and will fail, with honor. leaders of men have failed, will fail, with honor. i do not call it failure for you to return to us and let the expedition go on. there is a limit to what may be asked of a man. there are two of you for mr. jefferson; but for us there is only one--it is captain lewis. and--how shall i say it and not be misunderstood?--there is but one for her whose face you see, i hope, on this page. what limit is there to the generosity of a man like you--what limit to his desire to pay each duty, to keep each promise that he has made in all his life? will such a man forget his promise always to kiss away the tears of that companion to whom he has come in rescue? i am in trouble. tears are in my eyes as i write. do you forget that promise? do you wish to make yet happier the woman whom you have so many times made happy--who has cherished so much ambition for you? meriwether lewis, my friend--you who would have been my lover--for whom there is no hope, since fate has been so unkind--come back to us in your generosity! come back to me, even in your hopelessness! will you always see me with tears in my eyes? do you see me now? i swear tears fall even as i write. and you promised always to kiss my tears away! farewell until i see you again. may good fortune attend you always, wherever you go--in whatever direction you may travel--from us or toward us--from me or with me! meriwether lewis sat, his face between his hands, staring down at what he saw. should he go on, or should he hand over all to william clark and return--return to keep his promise--return to comfort, as best he might, with the gift of all his life, that face which indeed he had left in tears by an unpardonable act of his own? he owed her everything she could ask of him. what must she think of him now--that he was not only a dishonorable man, but also a coward running away from the responsibility of what he had done? no blow from the hands of fate could have given him more exquisite agony than this. for a long time--he never knew how long--he sat thus, staring, pondering, but at length with sudden energy he rose and flung open the door of the dancing-room. "will!" he called to his companion. when william clark joined his friend in the outer air, he saw the open letter in lewis's hand--saw also the distress upon his countenance. "merne, it's another letter from that woman! i wish i had her here, that i might wring her neck!" said william clark viciously. "who brought it?" "i don't know." meriwether lewis was folding up the letter. he placed it in the pocket of his coat with its fellow, received months ago. "will," said he at length, "don't you recall what i was telling you this very morning? i felt something coming--i felt that fate had something more for me. you know i spoke in doubt." "listen, merne!" replied william clark. "there is no woman in the world worth the misery this one has put on you. it is a thing execrable, unspeakable!" his friend looked him steadily in the eyes. "rebuke not her, but me!" he said. "this letter asks me to come back to kiss away a woman's tears. will, i was the cause of those tears. i can tell you no more. what _i_ did was a thing execrable, unspeakable--i, your friend, did that!" william clark, more genuinely troubled than ever in his life before, was dumb. "my future is forfeited, will," went on the same even, dull voice, which clark could scarcely recognize; "but i have decided to go on through with you." chapter vi which way? "which way, will?" asked meriwether lewis. "which is the river? if we miss many guesses, the british will beat us through. which is our river here?" they stood at the junction of the yellowstone with the missouri, and faced one of the first of their great problems. it was spring once more. the geese were flying northward again; the grass was green. three weeks ago the ice had run clear, and they had left their winter quarters among the mandans. five months they had spent at the mandan village; for five months they had labored to reach that place; for five months, or more, they had lain at st. louis. time was passing. as meriwether lewis said, few wrong guesses could be afforded. early in april the great barge, manned by ten men, had set out down stream, carrying with it the proof of the success of the expedition. it bore many new things, precious things, things unknown to civilization. among these were sixty specimens of plants, as many of minerals and earth, weapons of the indians, examples of their clothing, specimens of the corn and other vegetables which they raised, horns of the bighorn and the antelope--both animals then new to science--antlers of the deer and elk, stuffed specimens, dried skins, herbs, fruits, flowers; and with all these the broken story of a new geography--the greatest story ever sent out for publication by any man or men; and all done in homeric simplicity. as the great barge had started down the river, the two pirogues which had come so far, joined by the cottonwood dugouts laboriously fabricated during the winter months, had started up the river, manned by thirty-one men. with the pick of the original party, there had come but one woman, the girl sacajawea, with her little baby, born that winter at the mandan fortress. sacajawea now had her place in the camp; she and her infant were the pets of all. she sat in the sunlight, her baby in her lap, by her side an indian dog, a waif which lewis had found abandoned in an indian encampment, and which had attached itself to him. sacajawea smiled as the tall form of the captain came toward her. she had already learned some of the words of his tongue, he some of hers. "which way, sacajawea?" asked meriwether lewis. "what river is this which goes on to the left?" "him ro'shone," replied the girl. "my man call him that. no good! _him_--big river"; and she pointed toward the right-hand stream. "as i thought, will," said lewis, nodding; and again, to the indian girl: "do you remember this place?" she nodded her head vigorously and smiled. "see!" with a pointed stick she began to sketch a map on the sand of the river bar, showing how the yellowstone flowed from the south--how, far on ahead, its upper course bent toward the missouri, with a march of not more than a day between the two. the maps of this new world that first came back to civilization were copies of indians' drawings made with a pointed stick upon the earth, or with a coal on a whitened hide. "she knows, will!" said lewis. "see, this place she marks near the mountain summit, where the two streams are close--some time we must explore that crossing!" "i'm sure i'd rather trust her map than this one, here, of old jonathan carver," answered clark, the map-maker. "his idea of this country is that four great rivers head about where we are now. he marks the river bourbon--which i never heard of--as running north to hudson bay, but he has the st. lawrence rising near here, too--and it must be fifteen hundred or two thousand miles off to the east! the mississippi, too, he thinks heads about here, at the mouth of the yellowstone, and yonder runs the oregon river, which i presume is the columbia. 'tis all very simple, on carver's maps, but perhaps not quite so easy, if we follow that of sacajawea. this country is wider than any of us ever dreamed." "and greater, and more beautiful in every way," assented his companion. they stood and gazed about them at the scene of wild beauty. the river ran in long curves between bold and sculptured bluffs, among groves of native trees, now softly green. above, on the prairies, lay a carpet of the shy wild rose, most beautiful of the prairie blossoms. all about were shrubs and flowers, now putting forth their claims in the renewed life of spring. on the plains fed the buffalo, far as the eye could reach. antelope, deer, the shy bighorn, all these might be seen, and the footprints of the giant bears along the beaches. it was the wilderness, and it was theirs--they owned it all! thus far they had seen no sign of any human occupancy. they did not meet a single human being, red or white, all that summer. a vast, silent, unclaimed land, beautiful and abounding, lay waiting for occupancy. there was no map of it--none save that written on the soil now and then by an indian girl sixteen years of age. they plodded on now, taking the right-hand stream, with full confidence in their guidance, forging onward a little every day, between the high banks of the swift river that came down from the great mountains. april passed, and may. "soon we see the mountains!" insisted sacajawea. and at last, two months out from the mandans, lewis looked westward from a little eminence and saw a low, broken line, white in spots, not to be confused with the lesser eminences of the near by landscape. "it is the mountains!" he exclaimed. "there lie the stonies. they do exist! we shall surely reach them! we have won!" not yet had they won. these shining mountains lay a long distance to the westward; and yet other questions were to be settled ere they might be reached. within a week they came to yet another forking of the stream. a strong river came boiling down from the north, of color and depth much similar to that of the missouri they had known. on the left ran a less turbulent and clearer stream. which was the way? "the north wan, she'll be the right wan, _capitaine_," said cruzatte, himself a good voyageur. most of the men agreed with him. the leaders recalled that the mandans had said that the missouri after a time grew clear in color, and that it would lead to the mountains. which, now, was the missouri? they found the moccasin of an indian not far from here. "blackfoot!" said sacajawea, and pointed to the north, shaking her head. she insisted that the left-hand river was the right one; but, unwilling as yet to rely on her fully, the leaders called a council of the men, and listened to their arguments. they knew well enough that a wrong choice here might mean the failure of their expedition. cruzatte had many adherents. the men began to mutter. "if we go up that left-hand stream we shall be lost among the mountains," one said. "we shall perish when the winter comes!" "we will go both ways," said meriwether lewis at length. "captain clark will explore the lower fork, while i go up the right-hand stream. we will meet here when we know the truth." so lewis traveled two days' journey up the right-hand fork before he turned back, thoughtful. "i have decided," said he to the men who accompanied him. "this stream will lead us far to the north, into the british country. it cannot be the true missouri. i shall call this maria's river, after my cousin in virginia, maria woods. i shall not call it the missouri." he met clark at the fork of the river, and again they held a council. the men were still dissatisfied. clark had advanced some distance up the left-hand stream. "we must prove it yet further," said meriwether lewis. "captain clark, do you remain here, while i go on ahead far enough to know absolutely whether we are right or wrong. if we are not right in our choice, it is as the men say--we shall fail! but where is sacajawea?" he added. "i will ask her once more." sacajawea was ill; she was in a fever. she could not talk to her husband; but to lewis she talked, and always she said, "that way! by and by, big falls--um-m-m, um-m-m!" "guard her well," said lewis anxiously. "much depends on her. i must go on ahead." he took the french interpreter, drouillard, and three of the kentuckians, and started on up the left-hand stream with one boat. the current of the river seemed to stiffen. it cost continually increasing toil to get the boat upstream. they were gone for several days, and no word came back from them. meantime, at the river forks, william clark was busy. it was obvious that the explorers must lighten the loads of their boats. they began to cache all the heavy goods with which they could dispense--their tools, the extra lead and powder-tins, some of the flour, all the heavy stuff which would encumber them most seriously. here, too, was the end of the journey of the red pirogue from st. louis--they hid it in the willows of an island near the mouth of maria's river. lewis himself, weak from toil, fell ill on the way, but still he would not stop. he came to a point from which he could see the mountains plainly on ahead. the river was narrow, flowing through a cañon. the next day they came to the foot of the great falls of the missouri, alone, majestic here in the wilderness, soundless save for their own dashing--those wonderful cascades, now so well known in industry, so nearly forgotten in history. "the girl was right--this is the river!" said lewis to his men. "it comes from the mountains. we are right!" cascade after cascade, rapid after rapid, he pushed on to the head of the great drop of the missouri, where it plunges down from its upper valley for its long journey through the vast plains. now word went down to the mouth of maria's river; but the messenger met clark already toiling upward with his boats, for he had guessed the cause of delay, and at last believed sacajawea. "make some boat-trucks, will," said lewis, when at last they were all encamped at the foot of the falls. "we shall have to portage twenty miles of falls and rapids." and william clark, the ever-ready engineer, who always had a solution for any problem in mechanics or in geography, went to work upon the hardest task in transportation they yet had had. "we must leave more plunder here, merne," said he. "we can't get into the mountains with all this." so again they cached some of their stores. they buried here the great swivel piece which had "made the thunder" among so many savage tribes. also there were stored here the spring's collection of animals and minerals, certain books and maps not needed, and the great grindstone which had come all the way from harper's ferry. they were stripping for their race. it took the party a full month to make the portage. they were worn to the bone by the hard labor, scorched by the sun, and frozen by the night winds. "we must go on!" was always the cry. all felt that the summer was going; none knew what might be on ahead. at the cost of greater and greater toil they pushed on up their river above the falls, until presently its course bent off to the south again. they passed through a country of such wealth as none of them had ever dreamed of, but they did not suspect the hidden treasures of gold and silver which lay so close to them on the floor of the mountain valleys. what interested them more was the excitement of sacajawea, who from time to time pointed out traces of human occupancy. "my people here!" said she, and pointed to camp-fires. "plenty people come here. heap hunt buffalo!" she pointed out the trails made by the lodge-poles. "she knows, will!" said lewis, once more. "we have a guide even here. we are the luckiest of men!" "soon we come where three rivers," said sacajawea one day. they had passed to the south and west through the first range of mountains--through that gate of the mountains near to the rich gold fields of the future state of montana. "by and by, three rivers--i know!" and it was as she had said. the men, wearied to the limit by the toil of getting the boats upstream by line and setting pole, at last found their mountain river broken into three separate streams. "we will camp here," said the leader. "we are tired, we have worked long and hard!" "my people come here," said sacajawea, "plenty time. here the minnetarees struck my people--five snows ago that was. they caught me and took me with them, so i find charbonneau among the mandans. here my people live!" without hesitation she pointed out that one of the three forks of the missouri which led off to the westward--the one that meriwether lewis called the jefferson. and now every man in the party felt that they were on the right path as they turned into that stream; but at the beaver head rock--well known to all the indians--they went into camp once more. "captains make medicine now," said sacajawea to charbonneau, her husband. for once more the captains hesitated. there were many passes, many valleys, many trails. which was the way? the men grew sullen again. they lay in camp for days, sending out parties, feeling out the way; but the explorers always came back uncertain. it was clark who led these scouting parties now, for lewis was well-nigh broken down in health. one night, alone, the leader sat by his little fire, thinking, thinking, as so often he did now. the stars, unspeakably brilliant, lit up the wild scene about him. this was the wilderness! he had sought it all his life. all his life it had called to him aloud. what had it done for him, after all? had it taught him to forget? two years now had passed, and still he saw a face which would not go away. still there arose before him the same questions whose debate had torn his soul, worn out his body, through these weary months. "you will be cold, sir," said one of the men solicitously, as he passed on his way to guard mount. "shall i fetch your coat?" lewis thanked him, and the man brought from his tent the captain's uniform coat, which he had forgotten. absently he sought to put it on, and felt something crinkling in the sleeve. it was a bit of paper. he halted, the old presentiment coming to his mind. "is shannon here?" he asked of the man who had handed him the coat. "he was to get my moccasins mended for me." "no, captain, he is out with captain clark," replied fields, the kentuckian. "very well--that will do, fields." meriwether lewis sat down again by his little fire, his last letter in his hand. gently he ran a finger along the seal--stooped over, kicked together the embers of the fire, and saw scratched in the wax a number. this was number three! he did not open it for a time. he looked at it--no longer in dread, but in eagerness. it seemed to him, indeed, as if the letter had come in response to the outcry of his soul--that it really had dropped from the sky, manna for a hungry heart. it was the absence of this which had worn him thin, left him the shadow of the man he should have been. here, as he knew well, was one more summons to what seemed to him to be a duty. and off to the west, shining cold in the night under the stars, stood the mountains, beckoning. which was the way? he broke the seal slowly, with no haste, knowing that whatever the letter said it could mean only more unhappiness to him. yet he was hungry for it as one who longs for a soothing drug. he pushed together yet more closely the burning sticks of his little fire and bent over to read. it was very little that he saw written, but it spoke to him like a voice in the night: come back to me--ah, come back! i need you. i implore you to return! there was no address, no date, no signature. there was no means of telling whence or how this letter had come to him, more than any of the others. go back to her--how could he, now? it was more than a year since these words had been written! what avail now, if he did return? no, he had delayed, he had gone on, and he had cost her--what? perhaps her happiness as well as his own, perhaps the success of herself and of many others, perhaps his own success in life. against that, what could he measure? the white mountains on ahead made no reply to him. the stars glowed cold and white above him, but they seemed like a thousand facets of pitiless light turned upon his soul. the quavering howl of a wolf on a near by eminence sounded like a voice to him, mocking, taunting, fiendish. never, it seemed to him, had any man been thus unhappy. even the wilderness had failed him! in a land of desolation he sat, a desolate soul. chapter vii the mountains when william clark returned from his three days' scouting trip, his forehead was furrowed with anxiety. his men were silent as they filed into camp and cast down their knapsacks. "it's no use, merne," said clark, "we are in a pocket here. the other two forks, which we called the madison and the gallatin, both come from the southeast, entirely out of our course. the divide seems to face around south of us and bend up again on the west. who knows the way across? our river valley is gone. the only sure way seems back--downstream." "what do you mean?" demanded meriwether lewis quietly. "i scarce know. i am worn out, merne. my men have been driven hard." "and why not?" his companion remained silent under the apparent rebuke. "you don't mean that we should return?" lewis went on. "why not, merne?" said william clark, sighing. "our men are exhausted. there are other years than this." meriwether lewis turned upon his friend with the one flash of wrath which ever was known between them. "good heavens, captain clark," said he, "there is _not_ any other year than this! there is not any other month, or week, or day but this! it is not for you or me to hesitate--within the hour i shall go on. we'll cross over, or we'll leave the bones of every man of the expedition here--this year--now!" clark's florid face flushed under the sting of his comrade's words; but his response was manful and just. "you are right," said he at length. "forgive me if for a moment--just a moment--i seemed to question the possibility of going forward. give me a night to sleep. as i said, i am worn out. if i ever see mr. jefferson again, i shall tell him that all the credit for this expedition rests with you. i shall say that once i wavered, and that i had no cause. you do not waver--yet i know what excuse you would have for it." "you are only weary, will. it is my turn now," said meriwether lewis; and he never told his friend of this last letter. a moment later he had called one of his men. "mcneal," said he, "get reuben fields, whitehouse, and goodrich. make light packs. we are going into the mountains!" the four men shortly appeared, but they were silent, morose, moody. those who were to remain in the camp shared their silence. sacajawea alone smiled as they departed. "that way!" said she, pointing; and she knew that her chief would find the path. may we not wonder, in these later days, if any of us, who reap so carelessly and so selfishly where others have plowed and sown, reflect as we should upon the first cost of what we call our own? the fifteen million dollars paid for the vast empire which these men were exploring--that was little--that was naught. but ah, the cost in blood and toil and weariness, in love and loyalty and faith, in daring and suffering and heartbreak of those who went ahead! it was a few brave leaders who furnished the stark, unflinching courage for us all. sergeant ordway, with pryor and gass, met in one of the many little ominous groups that now began to form among the men in camp. captain clark was sleeping, exhausted. "it stands to reason," said ordway, usually so silent, "that the way across the range is up one valley to the divide and down the next creek on the opposite side. that is the way we crossed the alleghanies." pryor nodded his head. "sure," said he, "and all the game-trails break off to the south and southwest. follow the elk!" "is it so?" exclaimed patrick gass. "you think it aisy to find a way across yonder range? and how d'ye know jist how the alleghanies was crossed first? did they make it the first toime they thried? things is aisy enough after they've been done _wance_--but it's the first toime that counts!" "there is no other way, pat," argued ordway. "'tis the rivers that make passes in any mountain range." "which is the roight river, then?" rejoined gass. "we're lookin' for wan that mebbe is nowhere near here. s'pose we go to the top yonder and take a creek down, and s'pose that creek don't run the roight way at all, but comes out a thousand miles to the southwest--where are you then, i'd like to know? the throuble with us is we're the first wans to cross here, and not comin' along after some one else has done the thrick for us." pryor was willing to argue further. "all the injuns have said the big river was over there somewhere." "'somewhere'!" exclaimed patrick gass. "'somewhere' is a mighty long ways when we're lost and hungry!" "which is just what we are now," rejoined pryor. "the sooner we start back the quicker we'll be out of this." "pryor!" the square face of the irishman hardened at once. "listen to me. ye're my bunkmate and friend, but i warn ye not to say that agin! if ye said it where he could hear ye--that man ahead--do you know what he would do to you?" "i ain't particular. 'tis time we took this thing into our own hands." "it's where we're takin' it _now_, pryor!" said gass ominously. "a coort martial has set for less than that ye've said!" "mebbe you couldn't call one--i don't know." "mebbe we couldn't, eh? i mind me of a little settlement i had with that man wance--no coort martial at all--me not enlisted at the toime, and not responsible under the arthicles of war. i said to his face i was of the belief i could lick him. i said it kindly, and meant no harm, because at the time it seemed to me i could, and 'twould be a pleasure to me. but boys, he hit me wan time, and when i came to i was careless whether it was the arthicles of war or not had hit me. listen to me now, pryor--and you, too, ordway--a man like that is liable to have judgment in his head as well as a punch in his arm. we're safer to folly him than to folly ourselves. moreover, i want you to say to your men that we will not have thim foregatherin' around and talkin' any disrespect to their shuperiors. if we're in a bad place, let us fight our ways out. let's not turn back until we are forced. i never did loike any rooster in the ring that would either squawk or run away. that man yonder, on ahead, naded mighty little persuadin' to fight. i'm with him!" "well, maybe you are right, pat," said ordway after a time. and so the mutiny once more halted. the tide changed quickly when it began to set the other way. lewis led an advance party across the range. one day, deep in the mountains, he was sweeping the country with his spyglass, as was his custom. he gave a sudden exclamation. "what is it, captain?" asked hugh mcneal. "some game?" "no, a man--an indian! riding a good horse, too--that means he has more horses somewhere. come, we will call to him!" the wild rider, however, had nothing but suspicion for the newcomers. staring at them, he wheeled at length and was away at top speed. once more they were alone, and none the better off. "his people are that way," said lewis. "come!" but all that day passed, and that night, and still they found none of the natives. but they began to see signs of indians now, fresh tracks, hoofprints of many horses. and thus finally they came upon two indian women and a child, whom the white men surprised before they were able to escape. lewis took up the child, and showed the mother that he was a friend. "these are shoshones," said he to his men. "i can speak with them--i have learned some of their tongue from sacajawea. these are her people. we are safe!" sixty warriors met them, all mounted, all gorgeously clad. again the great peace pipe, again the spread blanket inviting the council. the shoshones showed no signs of hostility--the few words of their tongue which lewis was able to speak gave them assurance. "mcneal," said lewis, "go back now across the range, and tell captain clark to bring up the men." william clark, given one night's sleep, was his energetic self again, and not in mind to lie in camp. he had already ordered camp broken, more of the heavier articles cached, the canoes concealed here and there along the stream and had pushed on after lewis. he met mcneal coming down, bearing the tidings. sacajawea ran on ahead in glee. "my people! my people!" she cried. they were indeed safe now. sacajawea found her brother, the chief of this band of shoshones, and was made welcome. she found many friends of her girlhood, who had long mourned her as dead. the girls and younger women laughed and wept in turn as they welcomed her and her baby. she was a great person. never had such news as this come among the shoshones.[ ] [footnote : cam-e-ah-wit was the name of sacajawea's brother, the shoshone chief. the country where lewis met him is remote from any large city today. pass through the gate of the mountains, not far from helena, montana, and ascend the upper valley of the missouri, as it sweeps west of what is now the yellowstone park, and one may follow with a certain degree of comfort the trail of the early explorers. if one should then follow the jefferson fork of the great river up to its last narrowing, one would reach the country of cam-e-ah-wit. here is the crest of the continental divide, where it sweeps up from the south, after walling in, as if in a vast cup, the three main sources of the great river. much of that valley country is in fertile farms today. lewis and clark passed within twelve miles of alder gulch, which wrote roaring history in the early sixties--the wild placer days of gold-mining in montana. as for sacajawea, she has a monument--a very poor and inadequate one--in the city of portland, oregon. the crest of the great divide, where she met her brother, would have been a better place. it was here, in effect, that she ended that extraordinary guidance--some call it nothing less than providential--which brought the white men through in safety. trace this indian girl's birth and childhood, here among the shoshones, who had fled to the mountains to escape the guns of the blackfeet. recall her capture here by the minnetarees from the dakota country. picture her long journey thence to the east, on foot, by horse, in bull-hide canoes, many hundreds of miles, to the mandan villages. it is something of a journey, even now. reverse that journey, go against the swift current of the waters, beyond the great falls, past helena, west of the yellowstone park, and up to the continental divide, where she met her brother. you will find that that is still more of a journey, even today, with roads, and towns, and maps to guide you. meriwether lewis could not have made it without her. while he was studying the courses of the stars, at philadelphia, preparing to lead his expedition, sacajawea was learning the story of nature also; and she was waiting to guide the white men when they reached the mandan villages. who guided her in such unbelievably strange fashion? the indians sometimes made long journeys, their war parties traveled far, and their captives also; but in all the history of the tribes there is no record of a journey made by any indian woman equal to that of sacajawea. why did she make it? what hand pointed out the way for her? a statue to her? she should have a thousand memorials along the old trail! her name should be known familiarly by every school child in america!] all were now content to lie for a few days at the shoshone village. a brisk trade in indian horses now sprang up--they would be footmen no more. "which way, sacajawea?" meriwether lewis once more asked the indian girl. but now she only shook her head. "not know," said she. "these my people. they say big river that way. not know which way." "now, merne," said william clark, "it's my turn again. we have got to learn the best way out from these mountains. if there is a big river below, some of these valleys must run down to it. their waters probably flow to the columbia. the indians talk of salmon and of white men--they have heard of goods which must have been made by white men. we are in touch with the pacific here. i'll get a guide and explore off to the southwest. it looks better there." "no good--no good!" insisted sacajawea. "that way no good. my brother say go that way." she pointed to the north, and insisted that the party should go in that direction. for a hundred miles clark scouted down the headwaters of the salmon river, and at last turned back, to report that neither horse nor boat ever could get through. at the shoshone village, uneasy, the men were waiting for him. "that way!" said sacajawea, still pointing north. the indian guide, who had served clark unwillingly, at length admitted that there was a trail leading across the mountains far up to the northward. "we will go north," said lewis. they cached under the ashes of their camp fire such remaining articles as they could leave behind them. they had now a band of fifty horses. partly mounted, mostly on foot, their half wild horses burdened, they set out once more under the guidance of an old shoshone, who said he knew the way. charbonneau wanted to remain with the shoshones, and to keep with him sacajawea, his wife, so recently reunited to her people. "no!" said sacajawea. "i no go back--i go with the white chief to the water that tastes salt!" and it was so ordered. their course lay along the eastern side of the lofty bitter root mountains. the going was rude enough, since no trail had ever been here; but mile after mile, day after day, they stumbled through to some point on ahead which none knew except the guide. they came on a new tribe of indians--flatheads, who were as amazed and curious as the shoshones had been at the coming of these white men. they received the explorers as friends--asked them to tarry, told them how dangerous it was to go into the mountains. but haste was the order of the day, and they left the flatheads, rejoicing that these also told of streams to the westward up which the salmon came. they had heard of white men, too, to the west, many years before. down the beautiful valley of the bitter root river, with splendid mountains on either side, they pressed on, and on the ninth of september, , they stopped at the mouth of a stream coming down from the heights to the west. their old guide pointed up this valley. "there is a trail," said he, "which comes across here. the indians come to reach the buffalo. on the farther side the water runs toward the sunset." they were at the eastern extremity of that ancient trail, later called the lolo trail, known immemorially to the tribes on both sides of the mountains. laboriously, always pressing forward, they ascended the eastern slopes of the great range, crossed the summit, found the clear waters on the west side, and so came to the kooskooskie or clearwater river, leading to the snake. and always the natives marveled at these white men, the first they ever had seen. the old indians still made maps on the sand for them, showing them how they would come to the great river where the salmon came. they were now among yet another people--the nez percés. with these also they smoked and counciled, and learned that it would be easy for boats to go all the way down to the great river which ran to the sea. "we will leave our horses here," said lewis. "we will take to the boats once more." so gass and bratton and shields and all the other artisans fell to fashioning dugouts from the tall pines and cedars, hewing and burning and shaping, until at length they had transports for their scanty store of goods. by the first week of october they were at the junction of their river with the snake. an old medicine man of the nez percés, twisted hair, a man who also could make maps, had drawn them charts on a white skin with a bit of charcoal. and on ahead, mounted runners of the indians rushed down to inform the tribes of the coming of these strange people. it was no longer an exploration, but a reception for them now. bands of red men, who welcomed them, had heard of white men coming up from the sea. white men had once lived by the tim-tim water, on the great river of the salmon--so they had been told; but never had any living indian heard of white men coming across the great mountains from the sunrise. "will," said lewis, "it is done--we are safe now! we shall be first across to the columbia. this--" he shook the nez percés' scrawled hide--"is the map of a new world!" chapter viii trail's end where lately had been gloom and despair there now reigned joy and confidence. with the great mountains behind them, and this new, pleasant and gentle land all around them, the spirits of the men rose buoyantly. they could float easily down the strong current of the great snake river, laboring but little, if at all. they made long hours every day, and by the middle of autumn they saw ahead of them a yet grander flood than that of the noble river which was bearing them. at last they had found the columbia! they had found what mackenzie never found, what fraser was not to find--that great river, now to be taken over with every right of double discovery by these messengers of the young republic. how swelled their hearts, when at last they knew this truth, unescapable, incontrovertible! it was theirs. they had won! the men had grown reckless now. cruzatte, labiche, drouillard--all the adventurers--sang as they traveled, gayer and more gay from day to day. always the landscape had fascinating interest for them in its repeated changes. they were in a different world. no one had seen the mountains which they saw. the rockies, the bitter roots--these they had passed; and now they must yet pass through another range, this time not by the toilsome process of foot or horse travel, but on the strong flood of the river. the columbia had made a trail for them through the cascades. down the stormy rapids they plunged exulting. mount hood, st. helen's, rainier, adams--all the lofty peaks of the great cascades, so named at a later date, appeared before them, around them, behind them, as they swung into the last lap of their wild journey and headed down toward the sea. cruzatte, labiche, drouillard--all you others--time now, indeed, for you to raise the song of the old voyageurs! none have come so far as you--your paddles are wrinkling new waters. you are brave men, every one, and yours is the reward of the brave! soon, so said the indians, they would come to ships--canoes with trees standing in them, on which teepees were hung. "me," said cruzatte, "i never in my whole life was seen a sheep! i will be glad for see wan now." but they found no ship anywhere in the lower columbia. all the shores were silent, deserted; no vessel lay at anchor. before them lay the empty river, wide as a sea, and told no tales of what had been. they were alone, in the third year out from home. thousands of leagues they had traveled, and must travel back again. here they saw many gulls. as to columbus these birds had meant land, to our discoverers they meant the sea. forty miles below the last village they saw it--rolling in solemn, white-topped waves beyond the bar. every paddle ceased at its work, and the boats lay tossing on the incoming waves. there was the end of the great trail. yonder lay the pacific! meriwether lewis turned and looked into the eyes of william clark, who sat at the bow of the next canoe. each friend nodded to the other. neither spoke. the lips of both were tight. "the big flag, sergeant gass!" said lewis. they turned ashore. there had been four mess fires at each encampment thus far--those of the three sergeants and that of the officers; but now, as they huddled on the wet beach on which they disembarked, the officers ordered the men to build but one fire, and that a large one. grouped about this they all stood, ragged, soaked, gaunt, unkempt, yet the happiest company of adventurers that ever followed a long trail to its end. "men," said meriwether lewis at length, "we have now arrived at the end of our journey. in my belief there has never been a party more loyal to the purpose on which it has been engaged. without your strength and courage we could not have reached the sea. it is my wish to thank you for mr. jefferson, the president of the united states, who sent us here. if at any time one of you has been disposed to doubt, or to resent conditions which necessarily were imposed, let all that be forgotten. we have done our work. here we must pass the winter. in the spring we will make quick time homeward." they gave him three cheers, and three for captain clark. york gave expression to his own emotions by walking about the beach on his hands. "and the confounded ships are all gone back to sea!" grumbled patrick gass. "i've been achin' for days to git here, in the hope of foindin' some sailor man i'd loike to thrash--and here is no one at all, at all!" "will," said meriwether lewis after a time, pulling out the inevitable map, "i wonder where it was that alexander mackenzie struck the pacific twelve years ago! it must have been far north of here. we have come around forty-seven degrees of longitude west from washington, and something like nine degrees north unite with france or spain on the south to known exploration by land. we have driven the wedge home! never again can great britain on the north unite with france or spain on the south to threaten our western frontier. if they dispute the title we purchased from napoleon, they can never deny our claim by right of discovery. this, i say, solidifies our republic! we have done the work given us to do." "yes," grinned william clark, standing on one leg and warming his wet moccasin sole at the fire; "and i wonder where that other gentleman, mr. simon fraser, is just now!" they could not know that fraser, the trader who was their rival in the great race to the pacific, was at that time snow-bound in the rockies more than one thousand miles north of them. three years after the time when this little band of adventurers stood in the rain at the mouth of the columbia, fraser, at the mouth of the river named after him, heard of white men who had come to the ocean somewhere far to the south. word had passed up the coast, among the native tribes, of men who had white skins, and who had with them a black man with curly hair. "that's lewis and clark!" said simon fraser. "they were at the mandan villages. we are beaten!" so now the largest flag left to lewis and clark floated by the side of a single fire on the wet beach on the north shore of the columbia. here a rude bivouac was pitched, while the leaders finished their first hasty investigation along the beach. "there is little to attract us here," said william clark. "on the south shore there is better shelter for our winter camp." so they headed their little boats across the wide flood of the columbia. it was now december of the year . fort clatsop, as they called their new stockade, was soon in process of erection--seven splendid cabins, built of the best-working wood these men ever had seen; a tall stockade with a gate, such as their forefathers had always built in any hostile country. while some worked, others hunted, finding the elk abundant. more than one hundred elk and many deer were killed. and having nothing better, they now set to work to tan the hides of elk and deer, and to make new clothing. as to civilized equipment they had little left. about four hundred pairs of moccasins they made that winter, sacajawea presiding over the moccasin-boards, and teaching the men to sew. clark, the indefatigable, a natural geographer, completed the remarkable series of maps which so fully established the accuracy of their observations and the usefulness of the voyage across the continent. lewis kept up his records and extended his journals. all were busy, all happier than they had been since their departure from the east. christmas was once more celebrated to the tune of the frenchman's fiddle. came new year's day also; and by that time the stockade was finished, the gate was up, the men were ready for any fortune which might occur. "pretty soon, by and by," said the voyageurs, "we will run on the river for home once more!" even sacajawea, having fulfilled her great ambition of looking out over the sea which tasted of salt, said that she, too, would be content to go back to her people. "we must leave a record, will," said lewis one day, looking up from his papers. "we must take no chances of the results of our exploration not reaching washington. should we be lost among the tribes east of here, perhaps some ship may take that word to mr. jefferson." so now, between them, they formulated that famous announcement to the world, which, one year after their safe arrival home overland, the ships brought around by cape horn, to advise the world that a transcontinental path had been blazed: the object of this list is that through the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the world that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the government of the united states to explore the interior of the continent of north america, did penetrate the same by the way of the missouri and columbia rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the pacific ocean, where they arrived on the th day of november, , and departed the rd day of march, , on their return trip to the united states by the same route by which they had come out. this, so soon as they knew their starting date, they signed, each of them, and copies were made for posting here and there in such places as naturally would be discovered by any mariners coming in. and today we--who can glibly list the names of the multimillionaires of america--cannot tell the names of more than two of those thirty-one men, each of whom should be an immortal. "boats now, will!" said meriwether lewis. "we must have boats against our start in the spring. these canoes which brought us down from the kooskooskie were well enough in their way, but will not serve for the upstream journey. again we must lift up the entire party against the current of a great river. get some of the indians' seagoing canoes, will--their lines are easier than those of our dugouts." need was for skilful trading now on the part of william clark, for, eager as the natives were for the white men's goods, scant store of them remained. all the fishhooks were gone, most of the beads, practically all the hats and coats which once had served so well. when at length clark announced that he had secured a fine chinook canoe, there remained for all the return voyage, thousands of miles among the indians, only a half-dozen blankets, a few little trinkets, a hat, and a uniform coat. "you could tie up all the rest in a couple of handkerchiefs," said william clark, laughing. "but such as it is, it must last us back to st. louis--or at least to our caches on the missouri." "how is your salt, will?" asked lewis. "and your powder?" "in fine shape," was the reply. "we have put the new-made salt in some of the empty canisters. there is plenty of powder and lead left, and we can pick up more as we reach our caches going eastward. with what dried meat we can lay up from the elk here, we ought to make a good start." thus they planned, these two extraordinary young men, facing a transcontinental journey of four thousand miles, with no better equipment than the rifles which had served them on their way out. as for their followers, all the discontent and doubt had given way to an implicit faith. all seemed well fed and content, save one--the man on whose shoulders had rested the gravest responsibility, the man in whose soul had been born the vision of this very scene. "what is the matter with you, merne?" grumbled his more buoyant companion. "are you still carrying all the weight of the entire world?" lewis turned upon his friend with the same patient smile. both were conscious that between them there was growing a thin, impermeable veil--something mysterious, the only barrier which ever had separated these two loyal souls. sacajawea, the indian girl, was as keen-eyed as the red-headed chief. in the new boldness that she had learned in her position as general pet of the expedition, she would sometimes talk to the chief reproachfully. "capt'in," she said one day, "what for you no laff? what for you no eat? what for you all time think, think, think? see," she extended a hand--"i make you some more moccasin. i got picture your foot--these fit plenty good." "thank you, bird woman," said lewis, rousing himself. "without you we would not be here today. what can i give you in return for all that--in return for these?" he took the pair of handsomely stitched moccasins, dangling them by the strings over one finger; but even as he did so, the old brooding melancholy fell upon him once more. he sat, forgetful of the girl's presence, staring moodily at the fire. sacajawea, grieving like a little child, stole silently away. why did meriwether lewis never laugh? why did he always think, think, think? why had there grown between him and his friend that thin, indefinable reserve? he was hungry--hungry for another message out of the sky--another gift of manna in the wilderness. who had brought those mysterious letters? whoever he was, why did he not bring another? were they all done--should he never hear from her again? chapter ix the summons the winter was wearing away. the wild fowl were passing northward, landward. the game had changed its haunts. march was coming, the month between the seasons for the tribes, the time of want, the leanest period of the year. meriwether lewis, alone one morning in the comfortable cabin which served as a house for himself and his friend, sat pondering on these things, as was his wont. his little indian dog, always his steady companion, had taken its place on the top of the flatted stump which served as a desk, near the maps and papers which lewis had pushed away. here the small creature sat, motionless, mute, its eyes fixed adoringly upon its master. the captain did not notice it. he did not at first hear the rap on the door, nor the footfall of the man who entered inquiringly. "yes, sergeant ordway?" said he presently, looking up. ordway saluted. "something for you, sir. it seems to be a letter." "a letter! how could that be?" "that is the puzzle, sir," said ordway, extending a folded and sealed bit of paper. "we do not know how it came. charbonneau's wife, the indian woman, found it in the baby's hammock just now. she brought it to me, and i saw it was addressed to you. it must have been overlooked by you some time." "possibly--possibly," said lewis. his face was growing pale. "that is all, i think, sergeant," he added. now alone, he turned toward the letter, which lay upon the table. his face lighted with a wondrous smile, though none might see it save the little dog which watched his every movement. for meriwether lewis had received once more the thing for which every fiber of his being clamored! he knew, without one look, that the number scratched in the wax of the seal would be the figure " ." he opened the letter slowly. there fell from it a square of stiff, white paper--all white, he thought, until he turned it over. then he saw it looking up at him--her face indeed! it was a little silhouette in black, done in that day before the camera, when small portraits were otherwise well-nigh impossible. the artist, skilled as were many in this curious form of portraiture, had done his work well. lewis gazed with a sudden leap of his pulses upon the features outlined before him--the profile so cleanly cut and lofty--the hair low over the forehead, the chin round and firm, yet delicate and womanly withal. here even the long lashes of her eyes were visible, just as in life. yes, it was her face! [illustration: "her face indeed!"] and now he read the letter, which covered many closely written sheets: meriwether lewis, i said to you that my face should come to you, wherever you might be. this time it has been long--i cannot tell how long. that is for my messenger to determine, not for you or me. but that it has been long i shall know, else long since there would have been no need of my adding this letter to the others. not one of them has served to bring you back! since you now have this one, let it advise you that she who wrote it is grieved that you gaze upon this little portrait, and not upon the face of her whom it represents. 'tis a monstrous good likeness, they tell me; but would you not rather it were myself? where are you? i cannot tell. what adversities have been yours? i cannot tell that. you cannot know what grief you have caused by your long absence. you cannot know how many hearts you have made sad. you cannot know how you have delayed--destroyed--plans made for you. we are in ignorance, each of the other, now. i do not know where you are--you do not know where i may be. a great wall arises between us. a great gulf is fixed. we cannot touch hands across it. as i know, this will not move you; but i cannot restrain this reproach. i cannot help telling you that you have made me suffer by your silence, by your absence. do i make you suffer by looking at you with reproach in my eyes--as i do now? you have forgotten your childhood friend! i may be dead as you read--would you care? i have been in need--yet you have not come to comfort me and to dry my tears. figure to yourself what has happened to all my plans and dreams for you. even i cannot tell of that, because, as i write, it all lies in the future--that future which is the present for you as you sit reading this. all i know is that as you read it my appeal has failed. i can but guess how or where these presents may find you; for how shall i know how wise or how faithful my messenger has been? are you on the prairie still, meriwether lewis? is it winter? does the snow lie deep? are the winds keen and biting? are you well fed? are you warm? have you bodily comforts? have you physical well-being? how can i answer all these questions? yet they come to my mind as i write. are you in the mountains? were there, after all, those great stony mountains of which men told fables? have you found the great unicorn or the mammoth or the mastadon which mr. jefferson said you were likely to meet? have you found the dinosaur or the dragon or the great serpents of a foregone day? suppose you have. what do they weigh with me--with you? are they so much to you as you thought they would be? is the taste of all your triumphs so sweet as you have dreamed, meriwether lewis? have you grown savage, my friend--have you come to be just a man like the others? tell me--no, i will not ask you! if i thought you could descend to the lawless standard of the wilderness--but no, i cannot think of that! in any case, 'tis too late now. you have not come back to me. you see, i am writing not so much to implore you to return as to reproach you for not returning. by the time this reaches you, it will be too late in our plans. we could not afford to wait months--three months, four, six--has it been so long as that since you left us? if so, it is too late now. if we have failed, why did we fail? they told me--my father and his friends--and i told you plainly, that if your expedition went on, then our plan must fail. but now i must presume that you have succeeded, or by this time are beyond the feeling of either success or failure. if you have failed, it is too late for us to succeed. if you have succeeded, then certainly we have failed. as you read this, you may be doing so with hope. i, who wrote it, will be sitting in despair. meriwether lewis, come back to me, even so! it will be too late for you to aid me. you will have ruined all our hopes. but yours still will be the task--the duty--to look me in the face and say whether you owe aught to me. can i forgive you? why, yes, i could never do aught else than forgive. no matter what you did, i fear i should forgive you. because, after all, my own wish in all this---- ah! let me write slowly here, and think very carefully! my greatest wish in this, greater than any ambition i had for myself or my family--_has been for you!_ see, i am writing those words--would i dare tell them to any other man in all the world? nay, surely not. but that i trust you, the very writing itself is proof. and i write this to you, who never can be to me what man must be to woman if either is to be happy--the man to whom i can never be what woman must be if she is to mean all to any man. apart forever! we are estranged by circumstance, sundered by that, if you please, weak as those words seem. and yet something takes your soul to mine. does something take mine to you, across all the wilderness, across all the miles, across all the long and bitter months? i say to you once more that in all this my demand upon you has not been for myself, nor wholly for my father. let me be careful here. this impassable gulf is fixed between us for all our lives. neither of us may cross it. but i have been desirous to see you stand among men, where you belong. do not ask me why i wished that--you must never ask me. i am mrs. alston, even as i write. and as for you? are you in rags as you read this? are you cold and hungry? are you alone, aloof, deserted, perhaps suffering, with none to comfort you? i cannot aid you. nay, i shall punish you once more, and say that it was your desire--that you brought this on yourself--that you would have it thus, in spite of all my intervention for you. moreover, you shall say to yourself always: "she asked and i refused her!" nay, nay! i shall not be so cruel. i shall not say that at all. let me mark that out! because, if i write that, you will think i wish to hurt you. and, my friend, let me admit the truth--the truth i ought not to lay upon you as any secret--_i could never wish to hurt you._ they say that men far away in the wilderness sometimes long for the sight of the face of a woman. see, now you have that! i look up at you! what is your impulse? i am alone with you--i am in your hands--treat me, therefore, with honor, i pray you! you must not raise my face to yours, must not bend yours to mine. see now, measure my trust in you, meriwether lewis! estimate the great confidence i hold in you as a gentleman because--do you not see?--a gentleman does not kiss the woman whom he has at a disadvantage--the woman who can never be his, who is another's. is it not true? happiness is not for us. we are so far apart. i am sad. good night, meriwether lewis! i, too, have your picture by me--the one you gave me years ago when i was in virginia. and it--good night, mr. meriwether lewis! place me apart--far from you in the room. let my face not look at you direct. but in your heart--your hard heart of a man, intent on dreams, forgetful of all else--please, please let there linger some small memory of her who dares to write these lines--and who hopes that you never may see them! chapter x the abyss the little indian dog sat on the table, silent, motionless, looking at its master, whose head was bowed upon his arms. now and then it had stooped as if it would have looked in his face, but dared not, if for very excess of love. it turned an inquiring eye to the door, which, after a time, opened. william clark, silent, stood once more at the side of his friend. he looked on the sad and haggard face which was turned toward him, and fell back. his eye caught sight of the folded paper crushed between lewis's fingers. he asked no questions, but he knew. "enough!" broke out meriwether lewis hoarsely. "no more of this--we must be gone! are the men ready? why do we delay? why are we not away for the journey home?" so impatient, so incoherent, did his speech seem that for a time clark almost feared lest his friend's reason might have been affected. but he only stood looking at lewis, ready to be of such aid as might be. "in two hours, merne," said he, "we will be on our way." it was now near the end of march. they dated and posted up their bulletins. they had done their task. they had found the great river, they had found the sea, they had mapped the way across the new continent. their glorious work had gloriously been done. such was their joy at starting home again, the boatmen disregarded the down-coming current of the great waters--they sang at the paddles, jested. only their leader was silent and unsmiling, and he drove them hard. short commons they knew often enough before they reached the mouth of the walla walla, where they found friendly indians who gave them horse meat--which seemed exceedingly good food. the nez percés, whose country was reached next beyond the walla wallas, offered guides across the bitter roots, but now the snow lay deep, the horses could not travel. for weeks they lay in camp on the kooskooskie, eating horse meat as the indians then were doing, waiting, fretting. it was the middle of june before they made the effort to pass the bitter roots. sixty horses they had now, with abundance of jerked horse meat, and a half-dozen nez percés guides. by the third of july--just three years from the date of the louisiana purchase as it was made known at mr. jefferson's simplicity dinner--they were across the bitter roots once more, in the pleasant valleys of the eastern slope. "that way," said sacajawea, pointing, "big falls!" she meant the short cut across the string of the bow, which would lead over the continental divide direct to the great falls of the missouri. both the leaders had pondered over this short cut, which the nez percés knew well. "we must part, will," said meriwether lewis. "it is our duty to learn all we can of this wonderful country. i will take the indian trail straight across. do you go on down the way we came. pick up our caches above the three forks of the missouri, and then cross over the mountains to the yellowstone. make boats there, and come on down to the mouth of that river. you should precede me there, perhaps, by some days. wait then until i come." with little more ado these self-reliant men parted in the middle of the vast mountain wilderness. they planned a later junction of their two parties at the mouth of a river which then was less known than the columbia had been, through a pass which none of them had ever seen. lewis had with him nine men, among them sergeant gass, the two fields boys, drouillard and cruzatte, the voyageurs. sacajawea, in spite of her protest, remained with the clark party, where her wonderful knowledge of the country again proved invaluable. this band advanced directly to the southward by easy and pleasant daily stages. "that way short path over mountains," said sacajawea at length, at one point of their journey. she pointed out the big hole trail and what was later known as clark's pass over the continental divide. they came to a new country, a beautiful valley where the grass was good; but sacajawea still pointed onward. "that way," said she, "find boat, find cache!" she showed them another gap in the hills, as yet unknown; and so led them out by a short cut directly to the caches on the jefferson! but they could not tarry long. boots and saddles again, pole and paddle also, for now some of the men must take to the boats while others brought on the horses. at the three forks rendezvous they made yet other changes, for here the boats must be left. captain clark must cross the mountain range to the eastward to find the yellowstone, of which the indian girl had told him. yonder, she said, not quite a full day's march through a notch in the lofty mountains, they would come to the river, which ran off to the east. not one of them had ever heard of that gap in the hills; there was no one to guide them through it except the indian girl, whose memory had hitherto been so positive and so trustworthy. they trusted her implicitly. "that way!" she said. always she pointed on ahead confidently; and always she was right. she was laying out the course of a railroad which one day should come up the yellowstone and cross here to the missouri. they found it to be no more than eighteen or twenty miles, sacajawea's extraordinary short cut between the missouri and the yellowstone. they struck the latter river below the mouth of its great cañon, found good timber, and soon were busy felling great cottonwoods to make dugout canoes. two of these, some thirty feet in length, when lashed side by side, served to carry all their goods and some of their party. the rest--pryor, shannon, hall and one or two others--were to come on down with the horses. the mounted men did well enough until one night the crows stole all their horses, and left them on foot in the middle of the wilderness. not daunted, they built themselves boats of bull hide, as they had seen indians do, and soon they followed on down the river, they could not tell how far, to the rear of the main boat party. with the marvelous good fortune which attended the entire expedition, they had no accident; and in time they met the other explorers at the mouth of the yellowstone, after traveling nine hundred miles on a separate voyage of original discovery! it was on the eighth of august that the last of clark's boats arrived at the yellowstone rendezvous. his men felt now as if they were almost at home. the mandan villages were not far below. as soon as captain lewis should come, they would be on their way, rejoicing. patient, hardy, uncomplaining, they did not know that they were heroes. what of lewis, then gone so long? he and his men were engaged in the yet more dangerous undertaking of exploring the country of the dreaded blackfeet, known to bear arms obtained from the northern traders. they reached the portage of the great falls without difficulty, and eagerly examined the caches which they had left there. now they were to divide their party. "sergeant gass," said captain lewis, "i am going to leave you here. you will get the baggage and the boats below the falls, and take passage on down the river. six of you can attend to that. i shall take drouillard and the fields boys with me, and strike off toward the north and east, where i fancy i shall find the upper portion of maria's river. when you come to the mouth of that river--which you will remember some of you held to be the real missouri--you will go into camp and wait for us. you will remain there until the first day of september. if by that time we have not returned, you will pass on down the missouri to captain clark's camp, at the mouth of the yellowstone, and go home with him. by that time it will have become evident that we shall not return. i plan to meet you at the mouth of maria's river somewhere about the beginning of august." they parted, and it was almost by a miracle that they ever met again; for now the perils of the wilderness asserted themselves even against the marvelous good fortune which had thus far attended them. hitherto, practically all the tribes met had been friendly, but now they were in the country of the dreaded blackfeet, who by instinct and training were hostile to all whites coming in from the south and east. a party of these warriors was met on the second day of their northbound journey from the missouri river. lewis gave the indians such presents as he could, and, as was his custom, told them of his purpose in traveling through the country. he showed no fear of them, although he saw his own men outnumbered ten to one. the two parties, the little band of white men and the far more numerous band of blackfeet, lay down to sleep that night in company. but the blackfeet were unable to resist the temptation to attain sudden wealth by seizing the horses and guns of these strangers. toward dawn lewis himself, confident in the integrity of his guests, and dozing for a time, felt the corner of his robe pulled, felt something spring on his face, heard a noise. his little dog was barking loudly, excitedly. he was more fully awakened by the sound of a shout, and then by a shot. springing from his robes, he saw drouillard and both of the fields boys on their feet, struggling with the savages, who were trying to wrench their rifles from them. "curse you, turn loose of me!" cried reuben fields. he fought for a time longer with his brawny antagonist, till he saw others coming. then his hand went to the long knife at his belt, and the next instant the blackfoot lay dead at his feet. drouillard wrenched his rifle free and stood off his man for a moment, shouting all the time to his leader that the indians were trying to get the horses. lewis saw the thieves tugging at the picket-ropes, and hastened into the fray, cursing himself for his own credulity. a giant blackfoot engaged him, bull-hide shield advanced, battle-ax whirling; but wresting himself free, lewis fired point-blank into his body, and another indian fell dead. the blackfeet found they had met their match. they dropped the picket-ropes and ran as fast as they could, jumped into the river, swam across, and so escaped, leaving the little party of whites unhurt, but much disturbed. "mount, men! hurry!" lewis ordered. as quickly as they could master the frightened horses, his men obeyed. with all thought of further exploration ended, they set out at top speed, and rode all that day and night as fast as the horses could travel. they had made probably one hundred and twenty miles when at length they came to the mouth of the maria's river, escaped from the most perilous adventure any of them had had. here again, by that strange good fortune which seemed to guide them, they arrived just in time to see the canoes of gass and his men coming down the missouri. these latter had made the grand portage at the falls, had taken up all the caches, and had brought the contents with them. the stars still fought for the volunteers for the discovery of the west. there was no time to wait. the blackfeet would be coming soon. lewis abandoned his horses here. the entire party took to the boats, and hurried down the river as fast as they could, paddling in relays, day and night. gaunt, eager, restless, moody, silent, their leader neither urged his men nor chided them, nor did he refer to the encounter with the blackfeet. he did not need to, with drouillard to describe it to them all a dozen times. at times it was necessary for the boats to stop for meat, usually a short errand in a country alive with game; and, as was his custom, lewis stepped ashore one evening to try for a shot at some near by game--elk, buffalo, antelope, whatever offered. he had with him cruzatte, the one-eyed frenchman. it was now that fortune frowned ominously almost for the first time. the two had not been gone more than a few minutes when the men remaining at the boat heard a shot--then a cry, and more shouting. cruzatte came running back to them through the bushes, calling out at the top of his voice: "the captain! i've keeled him--i've keeled the captain--i've shot him!" "what is that you're saying?" demanded patrick gass. "if you've done that, you would be better dead yourself!" he reached out, caught cruzatte's rifle, and flung it away from him. "where is he?" he demanded. cruzatte led the way back. "i see something move on the bushes," said he, "and i shoot. it was not elk--it was the captain. _mon dieu_, what shall we do?" they found captain lewis sitting up, propped against a clump of willows, his legging stripped to the thigh. he was critically examining the path of the bullet, which had passed through the limb. at seeing him still alive, his men gave a shout of joy, and cruzatte received a parting kick from his sergeant. there were actual tears in the eyes of some of the men as they gathered around their commander--tears which touched meriwether lewis deeply. "it is all right, men!" said he. "do not be alarmed. do not reprove the man too much. the sight of a little blood should not trouble you. we are all soldiers. this is only an accident of the trail, and in a short time it will be mended. see, the bone is not broken!" they aided him back to the boats and made a bed upon which he might lie, his head propped up so that he could see what lay ahead. other men completed the evening hunt, and the boats hurried on down the river. the next day found them fifty miles below the scene of the accident. "sergeant," said meriwether lewis, "the natural fever of my wound is coming on. give me my little war-sack yonder--i must see if i can find some medicine." gass handed him his bag of leather, and lewis sought in it for a moment. his hand encountered something that crinkled in the touch--crinkled familiarly! for one instant he stopped, his lips compressed as if in bodily pain. it was another of the mysterious letters! before he opened it, he looked at it, frowning, wondering. whence came these messages, and how, by whose hand? all of them must have been written before he left st. louis in may of . now it was august of . there was no human agency outside his own party that could have carried them. how had they reached him? what messenger had brought them? he forgot the fever of his wound in another and greater fever which arose in his blood. he was with his men now, their eyes were on him all the time. what should he do--cast this letter from him into the river? if he did so, he felt that it would follow him mysteriously, pointing to the _corpus delicti_ of his crime, still insistent on coming to the eye! his men, therefore, saw their leader casually open a bit of paper. they had seen him do such things a thousand times, since journals and maps were a part of the daily business of so many of them. what he did attracted no attention. captain lewis would have felt relieved had it attracted more. before he read any of the words that lay before him, in this same delicate handwriting that he knew so well, he cast a slow and searching gaze upon the face of every man that was turned toward him. in fact, he held the letter up to view rather ostentatiously, hoping that it would evoke some sign; but he saw none. he had not been in touch with the main party for more than a month. he had with him nine men. which of these had secretly carried the letter? was it gass, cruzatte, drouillard, reuben fields, or mcneal? he studied their faces alternately. not an eyelash flickered. the men who looked at him were anxious only for his comfort. there was no trace of guilty knowledge on any of these honest countenances before him, and he who sought such admitted his own failure. meriwether lewis lay back on his couch in the boat, as far as ever from his solution of the mystery. after all, mere curiosity as to the nature of that mystery was a small matter. it seemed of more worth to feel, as he did, that the woman who had planned this system of surprises for him was one of no ordinary mind. and it was no ordinary woman who had written the words that he now read: sir and my friend: almost i am in despair. this is my fifth letter; you receive it, perhaps, some months after your start. i think you would have come back before now, if that had been possible. i had no news of you, and now i dread news. should you still be gone a year from the time i write this, then i shall know that you were dead. dead? yes, i have written that word! the swift thought comes to me that you will never see this at all--that it may, it must, arrive too late. yet i must send it, even under that chance. i must write it, though it ruin all my happiness. shall it come to you too late, others will take it to my husband. then this secret--the one secret of my life--will be known. ah, i hope this may come to your eyes, your living eyes; but should it not, _none the less i must write it_. what matter? if it should be read by any after your death, that would be too late to make difference with you, or any difference for me. after that i should not care for anything--not even that then others would know what i would none might ever know save you and my creator, so long as we both still lived. this wilderness which you love, the wilderness to which you fled for your comfort--what has it done for you? have you found that lonely grave which is sometimes the reward of the adventurer thither? if so, do you sleep well? i shall envy you, if that is true. i swear i often would let that thought come to me--of the vast comfort of the plains, of the mountains--the sweep of the untiring winds, sweet in the trees and grasses--or the perpetual sound of water passing by, washing out, to the voice of its unending murmurs, all memory of our trials, of our sins. what need now to ask you to come back? what need to reproach you any further? how could i--how can i--with this terrible thought in my soul that i am writing to a man whose eyes cannot see, whose ears cannot hear? still, what difference, whether or not you be living? have not your eyes thus far been blind to me? have not your ears been deaf to me, even when i spoke to you direct? it was the call of your country as against my call. was ever thinking woman who could doubt what a strong man would do? i suppose i ought to have known. but oh, the longing of a woman to feel that she is something greater in a man's life even than his deeds and his ambitions--even than his labors--even than his patriotism! it is hard for us to feel that we are but puppets in the great game of life, of so small worth to any man. how can we women read their hearts--what do we know of men? i cannot say, though i am a married woman. my husband married me. we had our honeymoon--and he went away about the business of his plantations. does every girl dream of a continuous courtship and find a dull answer in the facts? i do not know. how freely i write to you, seeing that you are blind and deaf, of that wish of a woman to be the one grand passion of a strong man's life--above all--before even his country! what may once have been my own dream of my capacity to evoke such emotions in the soul of any man i have flung into the scrap-heap of my life. the man, the one man--no! what was i saying, meriwether lewis, to you but now, even though you were blind and deaf? i must not--i _must_ not! nay, let me dream no more! it is too late now. living or dead, you are deaf and blind to all that i could ever do for you. but if you be still living, if this shall meet your living eyes, however cold and clear they may be, please, please remember it was not for myself alone that i took on the large ambitions of which i have spoken to you, the large risks engaged with them. nay, do not reproach me; leave me my woman's right to make all the reproaches. i only wanted to do something for you. i have not written so freely to any man in all my life. i could not do so now did i not feel in some strange way that by this time--perhaps at this very time--you are either dead or in some extreme of peril. if i _knew_ that you would see this, i could not write it. as it is, it gives me some relief--it is my confessional. how often does a woman ever confess her own, her inner and real heart? never, i think, to any man--certainly not to any living, present man. i married; yes. it seemed the ordinary and natural thing to do, a useful, necessary, desirable thing to do. i should not complain--i did that with my eyes well opened and with full counsel of my father. my eyes well opened, but my heart well closed! i took on my duties as one of the species human, my duties as wife, as head of a household, as lady of a certain rank. i did all that, for it is what most women would do. it is the system of society. my husband is content. what am i writing now? arguing, justifying, defending? ah, were it possible that you would read this and come back to me, never, never, though it killed me, would i open my heart to you! i write only to a dead man, i say--to one who can never hear. i write once more to a man who set other things above all that i could have done. deeds, deeds, what you call your country--your own impulses--these were the things you placed above me. you placed above me this adventuring into the wilderness. yes, i know what are the real impulses in your man's life. i know what you valued above me. but you are dead! while you lived, i hoped your conscience was clean. i hope that never once have you descended to any conduct not belonging to meriwether lewis of virginia. i know that no matter what temptation was yours, you would remember that i was mrs. alston--and that you were meriwether lewis of virginia. nay, i _cannot_ stop! how can you mind my garrulous pen--my vain pen--my wicked, wicked, wicked, shameful pen--since you cannot see what it says? ah, i had so hoped once more to see you before it was too late! should this not reach you, and should it reach others, why, let it go to all the world that theodosia burr that was, mrs. alston of carolina that is, once ardently importuned a man to join her in certain plans for the betterment of his fortunes as well as her own; and that you did not care to share in those plans! so i failed. and further--let that also go out to the world--i glory in the truth _that i have failed_! yes, that at last is the truth at the bottom of my heart! i have searched it to the bottom, and i have found the truth. i glory in the truth that you have _not_ come back to me. there--have i not said all that a woman could say to a man, living or dead? just as strongly as i have urged you to return, just as strongly i have hoped that you would not return! in my soul i wanted to see you go on in your own fashion, following your own dreams and caring not for mine. that was the meriwether lewis i had pictured to myself. i shall glory in my own undoing, if it has meant your success. holding to your own ambition, keeping your own loyalty, holding your own counsel and your own speech to the end--pushing on through everything to what you have set out to do--that is the man i could have loved! deeds, deeds, high accomplishments--these in truth are the things which are to prevail. the selfish love of success as success--the love of ease, of money, of power--these are the things women covet _from_ a man--yes, but they are not the things a woman _loves in_ a man. no; it is the stiff-necked man, bound in his own ambition, whom women love, even as they swear they do not. _therefore, do not come back to me_, meriwether lewis! do not come--forget all that i have said to you before--do not return until you have done your work! do not come back to me until you can come content. do not come to me with your splendid will broken. let it triumph even over the will of a burr, not used to yielding, not easily giving up anything desired. this is almost the last letter i shall ever write to any man in all my life. i wonder who will read it--you, or all the world, perhaps! i wish it might rest with you at the last. oh, let this thought lie with you as you sleep--you did not come back to me, _and i rejoiced that you did not_! tell me, why is it that i think of you lying where the wind is sweet in the trees? why is it that i think of myself, too, lying at last, with all my doubts composed, all my restless ambitions ended, all my foolish dreams answered--in some place where the sound of the unceasing waters shall wash out from the memory of the world all my secrets and all my sins? always i hear myself crying: "i hope i shall not be unhappy, for i do not feel that i have been bad." adieu, meriwether lewis, adieu! i am glad you can never read this. i am glad that you have not come back. i am glad that i have failed! chapter xi the bee "captain, dear," said honest patrick gass, putting an arm under his wounded commander's shoulders as he eased his position in the boat, "ye are not the man ye was when ye hit me that punch back yonder on the ohio, three years ago. since ye're so weak now, i have a good mind to return it to ye, with me compliments. 'tis safer now!" gass chuckled at his own jest as his leader looked up at him. the boiling current of the great missouri, bend after bend, vista after vista, had carried them down until at length they had reached the mouth of the yellowstone, and had seen on ahead the curl of blue smoke on the beach--the encampment of their companions, who were waiting for them here. these wonderful young men, these extraordinary wilderness travelers, had performed one more miracle. separated by leagues of wild and unknown land, they met now casually, as though it were only what should be expected. their feat would be difficult even today. william clark, walking up and down along the bank, looking ever upstream for some sign of his friend, hurried down to meet the boats, and gazed anxiously at the figure lifted in the arms of the men. "what's wrong, merne?" he exclaimed. "tell me!" lewis waved a hand at him in reassurance, and smiled as his friend bent above him. "nothing at all, will," said he. "nothing at all--i was playing elk, and cruzatte thought it very lifelike! it is just a bullet through the thigh; the bone is safe, and the wound will soon heal. it is lucky that we are not on horseback now." by marvel, by miracle, the two friends were reunited once more; and surely around the camp fires there were stories for all to tell. sacajawea, the indian girl, sat listening but briefly to all these tales of adventure--tales not new to one of her birth and education. silently and without question, she took the place of nurse to the wounded commander. she had herbs of her own choosing, simple remedies which her people had found good for the treatment of wounds. as if the captain were her child--rather than the forsaken infant who lustily bemoaned his mother's absence from his tripod in the lodge--she took charge of the injured man, until at length he made protest that he was as well as ever, and that they must go on. again the paddles plied, again the bows of the canoes turned downstream. it seemed but a short distance thence to the mandan villages, and once among the mandans they felt almost as if they were at home. the mandans received them as beings back from the grave. the drums sounded, the feast-fires were lighted, and for a time the natives and their guests joined in rejoicing. but still lewis's restless soul was dissatisfied with delay. he would not wait. "we must get on!" said he. "we cannot delay." the boats must start down the last stretch of the great river. would any of the tribesmen like to go to the far east, to see the great father? big white, chief of the mandans, said his savage prayers. "i will go," said he. "i will go and tell him of my people. we are poor and weak. i will ask him to take pity on us and protect us against the sioux." so it was arranged that big white and his women, with jussaume, his wife, and one or two others, should accompany the brigade down the river. loud lamentations mingled with the preparations for the departure. sacajawea, what of her? her husband lived among the mandans. this was the end of the trail for her, and not the rudest man but was sad at the thought of going on without her. they knew well enough that in all likelihood, but for her, their expedition could never have attained success. beyond that, each man of them held memory of some personal kindness received at her hands. she had been the life and comfort of the party, as well as its guide and inspiration. "sacajawea," said meriwether lewis, when the hour for departure came, "i am now going to finish my trail. do you want to go part way with us? i can take you to the village where we started up this river--st. louis. you can stay there for one snow, until big white comes back from seeing the great father. we can take the baby, too, if you like." her face lighted up with a strange wistfulness. "yes, capt'in," said she, "i go with big white--and you." he smiled as he shook his head. "we go farther than that, many sleeps farther." "who shall make the fire? who shall mend your moccasins? see, there is no other woman in your party. who shall make tea? who shall spread down the robes? me--mrs. charbonneau!" she drew herself up proudly with this title; but still meriwether lewis looked at her sadly, as he stood, lean, gaunt, full-bearded, clad in his leather costume of the plains, supporting himself on his crutch. "sacajawea," said he, "i cannot take your husband with me. all my goods are gone--i cannot pay him; and now we do not need him to teach us the language of other peoples. from here we can go alone." "aw right!" said sacajawea, in paleface idiom. "him stay--me go!" meriwether lewis pondered for a time on what fashion of speech he must employ to make her understand. "bird woman," said he at length, "you are a good girl. it would pain my heart to see you unhappy. but if you came with me to my villages, women would say, 'who is that woman there? she has no lodge; she does not belong to any man.' they must not say that of sacajawea--she is a good woman. those are not the things your ears should hear. now i shall tell the great father that, but for sacajawea we should all have been lost; that we should never have come back again. his heart will be open to those words. he will send gifts to you. sometime, i believe, the great father's sons will build a picture of you in iron, out yonder at the parting of the rivers. it will show you pointing on ahead to show the way to the white men. sacajawea must never die--she has done too much to be forgotten. some day the children of the great father will take your baby, if you wish, and bring him up in the way of the white men. what we can do for you we will do. are my words good in your ears?" "your words are good," said sacajawea. "but i go, too! no want to stay here now. no can stay!" "but here is your village, sacajawea--this is your home, where you must live. you will be happier here. see now, when i sleep safe at night, i shall say, 'it was sacajawea showed me the way. we did not go astray--we went straight.' we will not forget who led us." "but," she still expostulated, looking up at him, "how can you cook? how can you make the lodge? one woman--she must help all time." a spasm of pain crossed lewis's face. "sacajawea," said he, "i told you that i had made medicine--that i had promised my dream never to have a lodge of my own. always i shall live upon the trail--no lodge fire in any village shall be the place for me. and i told you i had made a vow to my dream that no woman should light the lodge fire for me. you are a princess--the daughter of a chief, the sister of a chief, a great person; you know about a warrior's medicine. surely, then, you know that no one is allowed to ask about the vows of a chief! "by and by," he added gently, "a great many white men will come here, sacajawea. they will find you here. they will bring you gifts. you will live here long, and your baby will grow to be a man, and his children will live here long. but now i must go to my people." the unwonted tears of an indian woman were in the eyes which looked up at him. "ah!" said she, in reproach. "i went with you. i cooked in the lodges. i showed the way. i was as one of your people. now i say i go to your people, and you say no. you need me once--you no need me now! you say to me, your people are not my people--you not need sacajawea any more!" the indian has no word for good-by. the faithful--nay, loving--girl simply turned away and passed from him; nor did he ever see her more. alone, apart from her people, she seated herself on the brink of the bluff, below which lay the boats, ready to depart. she drew her blanket over her head. when at length the voyage had begun, she did not look out once to watch them pass. they saw her motionless figure high on the bank above them. the bird woman was mourning. the little indian dog, meriwether lewis's constant companion, now, like sacajawea, mercifully banished, sat at her side, as motionless as she. both of them, mute and resigned, accepted their fate. but as for those others, those hardy men, now homeward bound, they were rejoicing. speed was the cry of all the lusty paddlers, who, hour after hour, kept the boats hurrying down, aided by the current and sometimes pushed forward by favorable winds. they were upon the last stretch of their wonderful journey. speed, early and late, was all they asked. they were going home--back over the trail they had blazed for their fellows! "_capitaine, capitaine_, look what i'll found!" they were halting at noonday, far down the missouri, for the boiling of the kettles. lewis lay on his robes, still too lame to walk, watching his men as they scattered here and there after their fashion. it was cruzatte who approached him, looking at something which the voyager held in his hand. "what is it, cruzatte?" smiled lewis. he was anxious always to be as kindly as possible to this unlucky follower, whose terrible mistake had well-nigh resulted in the death of the leader. "ouch, by gar! she'll bite me with his tail. she's hot!" cruzatte held out in his fingers a small but fateful object. it was a bee, an ordinary honey-bee. east of the mississippi, in illinois, kentucky, the virginias, it would have meant nothing. here on the great plains it meant much. meriwether lewis held the tiny creature in the palm of his hand. "why did you kill it, cruzatte?" he asked. "it was on its errand." he turned to his friend who sat near, at the other side. "will," he said, "our expedition has succeeded. here is the proof of it. the bee is following our path. they are coming!" clark nodded. woodsmen as they both were, they knew well enough the indian tradition that the bee is the harbinger of the coming of the white man. when he comes, the plow soon follows, and weeds grow where lately have been the flowers of the forest or the prairie. they sat for a time looking at the little insect, which bore so fateful a message into the west. reverently lewis placed it in his collector's case--the first bee of the plains. "they are coming!" said he again to his friend. chapter xii what voice had called? they lay in camp far down the river whose flood had borne them on so rapidly. they had passed through the last of the dangerous country of the sioux, defying the wild bands whose gantlet they had to run, but which they had run in safety. ahead was only what might be called a pleasure journey, to the end of the river trail. the men were happy as they lay about their fires, which glowed dully in the dusk. each was telling what he presently was going to do, when he got his pay at old st. louis, not far below. william clark, weary with the day's labor, had excused himself and gone to his blankets. lewis, the responsible head of the expedition, alone, aloof, silent, sat moodily looking into his fire, the victim of one of his recurring moods of melancholy. he stirred at length and raised himself restlessly. it was not unusual for him to be sleepless, and always, while awake, he had with him the problems of his many duties; but at this hour something unwontedly disturbing had come to meriwether lewis. he turned once more and bent down, as if figuring out some puzzle of a baffling trail. picking up a bit of stick, he traced here and there, in the ashes at his feet, points and lines, as if it were some problem in geometry. uneasy, strange of look, now and again he muttered to himself. "hoh!" he exclaimed at length, almost like an indian, as if in some definite conclusion. he had run his trail to the end, had finished the problem in the ashes. "hoh!" his voice again rumbled in his chest. and now he threw his tracing-stick away. he sat, his head on one side, as if looking at some distant star. it seemed that he heard a voice calling to him in the night, so faintly that he could not be sure. his face, thin, gaunt, looked set and hard in the light of his little fire. something stern, something wistful, too, showed in his eyes, frowning under the deep brows. was meriwether lewis indeed gone mad? had the hardships of the wilderness at last taken their toll of him--as had sometimes happened to other men? he rose, limping a little, for he still was weak and stiff from his wound, though disdaining staff or crotched bough to lean upon. he looked about him cautiously. the camp was slumbering. here and there, stirred by the passing breeze, the embers of a little fire glowed like an eye in the dark. the men slept, some under their rude shelters, others in the open under the stars, each rolled in his robe, his rifle under the flap to keep it from the dew. meriwether lewis knew the place of every man in the encampment. ordway, pryor, gass--each of the three sergeants slept by his own mess fire, his squad around him. mcneal, bratton, shields, cruzatte, reuben fields, goodrich, whitehouse, coalter, shannon--the captain knew where each lay, rolled up like a mummy. he had marked each when he threw down his bed-roll that night; for meriwether lewis was a leader of men, and no detail escaped him. he passed now, stealthy as an indian, along the rows of sleeping forms. his moccasined foot made no sound. save for his uniform coat, he was clad as a savage himself; and his alert eye, his noiseless foot, might have marked him one. he sought some one of these--and he knew where lay the man he wished to find. he stood beside him silently at last, looking down at the sleeping figure. the man lay a little apart from the others, for he was to stand second watch that night, and the second guard usually slept where he would not disturb the others when awakened for his turn of duty. this man--he was long and straight in his blankets, and filled them well--suddenly awoke, and lay staring up. he had not been called, no hand had touched him, it was not yet time for guard relief; but he had felt a presence, even as he slept. he stared up at a tall and motionless figure looking down. with a swift movement he reached for his rifle; but the next instant, even as he lay, his hand went to his forehead in salute. he was looking up into the face of his commander! "shannon!" he heard a hoarse voice command him. "get up!" george shannon, the youngest of the party, sprang out of his bed half clad. "captain!" he saluted again. "what is it, sir?" he half whispered, as if in apprehension. "put on your jacket, shannon. come with me!" shannon obeyed hurriedly. half stripped, he stood a fine figure of young manhood himself, lithe, supple, yet developed into rugged strength by his years of labor on the trail. "what is it, captain?" he inquired once more. they were apart from the others now, in the shadows beyond lewis's fire. shannon had caught sight of his leader's countenance, noting the wildness of its look, its drawn and haggard lines. his commander's hand thrust in his face a clutch of papers, folded--letters, they seemed to be. shannon could see the trembling of the hand that held them. "you know what i want, shannon! i want the rest of these--i want the last one of them! give it to me now!" the youth felt on his shoulder the grip of a hand hard as steel. he did not make any answer, but stood dumb, wondering what might be the next act of this man, who seemed half a madman. "five of them!" he heard the same hoarse voice go on. "there must be another--there must be one more, at least. you have done this--you brought these letters. give me the last one of them! why don't you answer?" with sudden and violent strength lewis shook the boy as a dog might a rat. "answer me!" "captain, i cannot!" broke out shannon. "what? then there is another?" "i'll not answer! i'll stand my trial before court martial, if you please." again the heavy hand on his shoulder. "there will be no trial!" he heard the hoarse voice of his commander saying. "i cannot sleep. i must have the last one. there is another!" shannon laid a hand on the iron wrist. "how do you know?" he faltered. "why do you think----" "am i not your leader? is it not my business to know? i am a woodsman. you thought you had covered your trail, but it was plain. i know you are the messenger who has been bringing these letters to me from her. i need not name her, and you shall not! for what reason you did this--by what plan--i do not know, but i know you did it. you were absent each time that i found one of these letters. that was too cunning to be cunning! you are young, shannon, you have something to learn. you sing songs--love songs--you write letters--love letters, perhaps! you are irish--you have sentiment. there is romance about you--_you_ are the man she would choose to do what you have done. being a woman, she knew, she chose well; but it is my business to read all these signs. "give me that letter! i am your officer." "captain, i will not!" "i tell you i cannot sleep! give it to me, boy, or, by heaven, you yourself shall sleep the long sleep here and now! what? you still refuse?" "yes, i'll not be driven to it. you say i'm irish. i am--i'll not give up a woman's secret--it's a question of honor, captain. there is a woman concerned, as you know." "yes!" "and i promised her, too. i swear i never planned any wrong to either of you. i would die at your order now, as you know; but you have no right to order this, and i'll not answer!" the hand closed at his throat. the boy could not speak, but still meriwether lewis growled on at him. "shannon! speak! why have you kept secrets from your commanding officer? you have begun to tell me--tell me all!" the boy's hand clutched at his leader's wrists. at length lewis loosed him. "captain," began the victim, "what do you mean? what can i do?" "i will tell you what i mean, shannon. i promised to care for you and bring you back safe to your parents. you'll never see your parents again, save on one condition. i trusted you, thought you had special loyalty for me. was i wrong?" "on my honor, captain," the boy broke out, "i'd have died for you any time, and i'd do it now! i've worked my very best. you're my officer, my chief!" with one movement, meriwether lewis flung off the uniform coat that he wore. they stood now, man to man, stripped, and neither gave back from the other. "shannon," said lewis, "i'm not your officer now. i'm going to choke the truth out of you. will you fight me, or are you afraid?" the last cruelty was too much. the boy began to gulp. "i'm not afraid to fight, sir. i'd fight any man, but you--no, i'll not do it! even stripped, you're my commander still." "is that the reason?" "not all of it. you're weak, captain, your wound has you in a fever. 'twould not be fair--i could do as i liked with you now. i'll not fight you. i couldn't!" "what? you will not obey me as your officer, and will not fight me as a man? do you want to be whipped? do you want to be shot? do you want to be drummed out of camp tomorrow morning? by heaven, private shannon, one of these choices will be yours!" but something of the icy silence of the youth who heard these terrible words gave pause even to the madman that was meriwether lewis now. he halted, his hooked hands extended for the spring upon his opponent. "what is it, boy?" he whispered at last. "what have i done? what did i say?" shannon was sobbing now. "captain," he said, and thrust a hand into the bosom of his tunic--"captain, for heaven's sake, don't do that! don't apologize to me. i understand. leave me alone. here's the letter. there were six--this is the last." lewis's strained muscles relaxed, his blazing eyes softened. "shannon!" he whispered once more. "what have i done?" he took the letter in his hand, but did not look at it, although his fingers could feel the seal unbroken. "why do you give it to me now, boy?" he asked at length. "what changed you?" "because it's orders, sir. she ordered me--that is, she asked me--to give you these letters at times when you seemed to need them most--when you were sick or in trouble, when anything had gone wrong. we couldn't figure so far on ahead when i ought to give you each one. i had to do my best. i didn't know at first, but now i see that you're sick. you're not yourself--you're in trouble. she told me not to let you know who carried them," he added rather inconsequently. "she said that that might end it all. she thought that you might come back." "come back--when?" "she didn't know--we couldn't any of us tell--it was all a guess. all this about the letters was left to me, to do my best. i couldn't ask you, captain, or any one. i don't know what was in the letters, sir, and i don't ask you, for that's not my business; but i promised her." "what did she promise you?" "nothing. she didn't promise me pay, because she knew i wouldn't have done it for pay. she only looked at me, and she seemed sad, i don't know why. i couldn't help but promise her. i gave her my word of honor, because she said her letters might be of use to you, but that no one else must know that she had written them." "when was all this?" "at st. louis, just before we started. i reckon she picked me out because she thought i was especially close to you. you know i have been so." "yes, i know, shannon." "i thought i was doing something for you. you see, she told me that her name must not be mentioned, that no one must know about this, because it would hurt a woman's reputation. she thought the men might talk, and that would be bad for you. i could not refuse her. do you blame me now?" "no, shannon. no! in all this there is but one to blame, and that is your officer, myself!" "i did not think there was any harm in my getting the letters to you, captain. i knew that lady was your friend. i know who she is. she was more beautiful than any woman in st. louis when we were there--more a lady, somehow. of course, i'm not an officer or a gentleman--i'm only a boy from the backwoods, and only a private soldier. i couldn't break my promise to her, and i couldn't very well obey your orders unless i did. if i've broken any of the regulations you can punish me. you see, i held back this letter--i gave it to you now because i had the feeling that i ought to--that she would want me to. it is the fever, sir!" "aye, the fever!" silence fell as they stood there in the night. the boy went on, half tremblingly: "please, please, captain lewis, don't call me a coward! i don't believe i am. i was trying to do something for you--for both of you. it was always on my mind about these letters. i did my best and now----" and now it was the eye of meriwether lewis that suddenly was wet; it was his voice that trembled. "boy," said he, "i am your officer. your officer asks your pardon. i have tried myself. i was guilty. will you forget this?" "not a word to a soul in the world, captain!" broke out shannon. "about a woman, you see, we do not talk." "no, mr. shannon, about a woman we gentlemen do not talk. but now tell me, boy, what can i do for you--what can i ever do for you?" "nothing in the world, captain--but just one thing." "what is it?" "please, sir, tell me that you don't think me a coward!" "a coward? no, shannon, you are the bravest fellow i ever met!" the hand on the boy's shoulder was kindly now. the right hand of captain meriwether lewis sought that of private george shannon. the madness of the trail, of the wilderness--the madness of absence and of remorse--had swept by, so that lewis once more was officer, gentleman, just and generous man. shannon stooped and picked up the coat that his captain had cast from him. he held it up, and aided his commander again to don it. then, saluting, he marched off to his bivouac bed. from that day to the end of his life, no one ever heard george shannon mention a word of this episode. beyond the two leaders of the party, none of the expedition ever knew who had played the part of the mysterious messenger. nor did any one know, later, whence came the funds which eventually carried george shannon through his schooling in the east, through his studies for the bar, and into the successful practise which he later built up in kentucky's largest city. meriwether lewis, limp and lax now, shivering in the chill under the reaction from his excitement, turned away, stepped back to his own lodge, and contrived a little light, after the frontier fashion--a rag wick in a shallow vessel of grease. with this uncertain aid he bent down closer to read the finely written lines, which ran: my friend: this is my last letter to you. this is the one i have marked number six--the last one for my messenger. yes, since you have not returned, now i know you never can. rest well, then, sir, and let me be strong to bear the news when at length it comes, if it ever shall come. let the winds and the waters sound your requiem in that wilderness which you loved more than me--which you loved more than fame or fortune, honor or glory for yourself. the wilderness! it holds you. and for me--when at last i come to lay me down, i hope, too, some wilderness of wood or waters will be around me with its vast silences. after all, what is life? such a brief thing! little in it but duty done well and faithfully. i know you did yours while you lived. i have tried to do mine. it has been hard for me to see what was duty. if i knew as absolute truth that conviction now in my heart--that you never can come back--how then could i go on? meriwether--merne--merne--i have been calling to you! have you not heard me? can you not hear me now, calling to you across all the distances to come back to me? i cannot give you up to the world, because i have loved you so much for myself. it was a cruel fate that parted us--more and more i know that, even as more and more i resolve to do what is my duty. but, oh, i miss you! come back to me--to one who never was and never can be, but _is_---- yours, theodosia. it took him long to read this letter. at last his trembling hand dropped the creased and broken sheets. the guttering light went out. the men were silent, sleeping near their fires. the peace of the great plains lay all about. she had said it--had said that last fated word. now indeed he knew what voice had called to him across the deeps! he reflected now that all these messages had been written to him before he left her; and that when he saw her last she was standing, tears in her eyes, outraged by the act of the man whom she had trusted--nay, whom she had loved! chapter xiii the news a horseman rode furiously over the new road from fort bellefontaine to st. louis village. he carried news. the expedition of lewis and clark had returned! yes, these men so long thought lost, dead, were coming even now with their own story, with their proofs. the boats had passed charette, had passed bellefontaine, and presently would be pulling up the river to the water front of st. louis itself. "run, boys!" cried pierre chouteau to his servants. "call out the people! tell them to ring the bells--tell them to fire the guns at the fort yonder. captains lewis and clark have come back again--those who were dead!" the little settlement was afire upon the instant. laughing, talking, ejaculating, weeping in their joy, the people of st. louis hurried out to meet the men whose voyage meant so much. at last they saw them coming, the paddles flashing in unison in the horny hands which tirelessly drove the boats along the river. they could see them--men with long beards, clad in leggings of elk hide, moccasins of buffalo and deer; their head-dresses those of the indians, their long hair braided. and see, in the prow of the foremost craft sat two men, side by side--lewis and clark, the two friends who had arisen as if from the grave! "present arms!" rang out a sharp command, as the boats lined up along the wharf. the brown and scarred rifles came to place. "aim! fire!" the volley of salutation blazed out even with the chorus of the voyageurs' cheers. and cheers repeated and unceasing greeted them as they stepped from their boats to the wharf. in an instant they were half overpowered. "come with me!" "no, with me!" "with me!" a score of eager voices of the first men of st. louis claimed the privilege of hospitality for them. it was almost by force that pierre chouteau bore them away to his castle on the hill. and always questions, questions, came upon them--ejaculations, exclamations. "_ma foi!_" exclaimed more than one pretty french maiden. "such men--such splendid men--savages, yet white! see! see!" they had gone away as youths, these two captains; they had come back men. four thousand miles out and back they had gone, over a country unmapped, unknown; and they brought back news--news of great, new lands. was it any wonder that they stood now, grave and dignified, feeling almost for the first time the weight of what they had done? they passed over the boat-landing and across the wharf, approaching the foot of the rocky bluff above which lay the long street of st. louis. silent, as was his wont, meriwether lewis had replied to most of the greetings only with the smile which so lighted up his face. but now, suddenly, he ceased even to smile. his eye rested not upon the faces of those acclaiming friends, but upon something else beyond them. yes, there it was--the old fur-shed, the storage-house of the traders here on the wharf, just as he had left it two years before! the door was closed. what lay beyond it? lewis shuddered, as if caught with chill, as he looked at yonder door. just there she had stood, more than two years ago, when he started out on this long journey. there he had kissed that face which he had left in tears--he saw it now! all the glory of his safe return, all the wonderful results which it must mean, he would have given now, could he have had back that picture for a different making. "my matches--my thermometers--my instruments--how did they perform?" the speaker was dr. saugrain, eager to meet again his friends. "perfect, doctor, perfect! we have some of the matches yet. as to the thermometers, we broke the last one before we reached the sea." "you found the sea? _mon dieu!_" "we found the pacific. we found the columbia, the yellowstone--many new rivers. we have found a new continent--made a new geography. we passed the head of the missouri. we found three great mountain ranges." "the beaver--did you find the beaver yonder?" demanded the voice of a swarthy man who had attended them. it was manuel liza, fur-trader, his eyes glowing in his interest in that reply. "beaver?" william clark waved a hand. "how many i could not tell you! thousands and millions--more beaver than ever were known in the world before. millions of buffalo--elk in droves--bears such as you never saw--antelope, great horned sheep, otters, muskrat, mink--the greatest fur country in all the world. we could not tell you half!" "your men, will they be free to make return up the river with trading parties?" william clark smiled at the keenness of the old french trader. "you could not possibly have better men," said he. the men themselves shook their heads in despair. yes, they said, they had found a thousand miles of country ready to be plowed. they had found any quantity of hardwood forests and pine groves. they had seen rivers packed with fish until they were half solid--more fish than ever were in all the world before. they had found great rivers which led far back to the heart of the continent. they had seen trees larger than any man ever had seen--so large that they hardly could be felled by an ax. they had found a country where in the winter men perished, and another where the winters were not cold, and where the bushes grew high as trees. they had found all manner of new animals never known before--in short, a new world. how could they tell of it? "captain," inquired chouteau at length, "your luggage, your boxes--where are they?" meriwether lewis pointed to a skin parfleche and a knotted bandanna handkerchief which george shannon carried for him. "that is all i have left," said he. "but the mail for the east--the mail, m. chouteau--we must get word to the president!" "the president has long ago been advised of your death," said chouteau, laughing. "all the world has said good-by to you. no doubt you can read your own obituaries." "we bring them better news than that. what news for us?" asked the two captains of their host. "news!" the voluble frenchman threw up his hands. "nothing but news! the entire world is changed since you left. i could not tell you in a month. the burr duel----" "yes, we did not know of it for two years," said william clark. "we have just heard about it, up river." "the killing of mr. hamilton ended the career of colonel burr," said chouteau. "but for that we might have different times here in mississippi. he had many friends. but you have heard the last news regarding him?" it was the dark eye of meriwether lewis which now compelled his attention. "no? well, he came out here through this country once more. he was arrested last summer, on the natchez trace, and carried off to washington. the charge is treason against his government. the country is full of it--his trial is to be at richmond. even now it may be going on." he did not notice the sudden change in meriwether lewis's face. "and all the world is swimming in blood across the sea," went on their garrulous informant. "napoleon and great britain are at war again. were it not so, one or the other of them would be at the gates of new orleans, that is sure. this country is still discontented. there was much in the plan of colonel burr to separate this valley into a country of its own, independent--to force a secession from the republic, even though by war on the flag. indeed, he was prepared for that; but now his conspiracy is done. perhaps, however, you do not hold with the theory of colonel burr?" "hold with the theory of colonel burr, sir?" exclaimed the deep voice of meriwether lewis. "hold with it? this is the first time i have known what it was. it was treason! if he had any join him, that was in treason! he sought to disrupt this country? agree with him? what is this you tell me? i had never dreamed such a thing as possible of him!" "he had many friends," went on chouteau; "very many friends. they are scattered even now all up and down this country--men who will not give up their cause. all those men needed was a leader." "but, m. chouteau," rejoined lewis, "i do not understand--i cannot! what colonel burr attempted was an actual treason to this republic. i find it difficult to believe that!" chouteau shrugged his shoulders. "there may be two names for it," he said. "and every one asked to join the cause was asked to join in treason to his country. is it not so?" lewis went on. "there may be two names for it," smiled the other, still shrugging. "he was my friend," said meriwether lewis. "i trusted him!" "always, i repeat, there are two names for treason. but what puzzles me is this," chouteau continued. "what halted the cause of colonel burr here in the west? he seemed to be upon the point of success. his organization was complete--his men were in new orleans--he had great lands purchased as a rendezvous below. he had understandings with foreign powers, that is sure. well, then, here is colonel burr at st. louis, all his plans arranged. he is ready to march, to commence his campaign, to form this valley into a great kingdom, with mexico as part of it. he was a man able to make plans, believe me. but of all this there comes--nothing! why? at the last point something failed--no one knew what. he waited for something--no one knew what. something lacked--no one can tell what. and all the time--this is most curious to me--i learned it through others--colonel burr was eager to hear something of the expedition of lewis and clark into the west. why? no one knows! _does_ no one know?" the captain did not speak, and chouteau presently went on. "why did colonel burr hesitate, why did he give up his plans here--why, indeed, did he fail? you ask me why these things were? i say, it was because of you--_messieurs_, you two young men, with your lewis and clark expedition! it was _you_ who broke the burr conspiracy--for so they call it in these days. _messieurs_, that is your news!" chapter xiv the guests of a nation "attention, men!" the company of volunteers for the discovery of the west fell into line in front of the stone fortress of old st. louis. a motley crew they looked in their half-savage garb. they were veterans, fit for any difficult undertaking in the wilderness. shoulder to shoulder they had labored in the great enterprise. now they were to disband. their leaders had laid aside the costume of the frontier and assumed the uniforms of officers in the army of the united states. fresh from his barber and his tailor, captain lewis stood, tall, clean-limbed, immaculate, facing his men. his beard was gone, his face showed paler where it had been reaped. his hair, grown quite long, and done now in formal cue, hung low upon his shoulders. in every line a gentleman, an officer, and a thoroughbred, he no longer bore any trace of the wilderness. love, confidence, admiration--these things showed in the faces of his men as their eyes turned to him. "men," said he, "you are to be mustered out today. there will be given to each of you a certificate of service in this expedition. it will entitle you to three hundred and twenty acres of land, to be selected where you like west of the mississippi river. you will have double pay in gold as well; but it is not only in this way that we seek to show appreciation of your services. "we have concluded a journey of considerable length and importance. between you and your officers there have been such relations as only could have made successful a service so extraordinary as ours has been. in our reports to our own superior officers we shall have no words save those of praise for any of you. our expedition has succeeded. to that success you have all contributed. your officers thank you. "captain clark will give you your last command, men. as i say farewell to you, i trust i may not be taken to mean that i separate myself from you in my thoughts or memories. if i can ever be of service to any of you, you will call upon me freely." he turned and stepped aside. his place was taken by his associate, william clark, likewise a soldier, an officer, properly attired, and all the figure of a proper man. clark's voice rang sharp and clear. "attention! aim--fire! break ranks--march!" the last volley of the gallant little company was fired. the last order had been given and received. with a sweep of his drawn sword, captain clark dismissed them. the expedition was done. so now they went their way, most of them into oblivion, great though their services had been. for their officers much more remained to do. the progress to washington was a triumph. everywhere their admiring countrymen were excited over their marvelous journey. they were fêted and honored at every turn. the country was ringing with their praises from the mississippi to the atlantic as the news spread eastward just ahead of them. when at last they finished their adieux to the kindly folk of st. louis, who scarce would let them go, they took boat across the river to the old kaskaskia trail, and crossed the illinois country by horse to the falls of the ohio, where the family of william clark awaited him. here was much holiday, be sure; but not even here did they pause long, for they must be on their way to meet their chief at washington. their little cavalcade, growing larger now, passed on across kentucky, over the gap in the cumberlands, down into the country of the virginia gentry. here again they were fêted and dined and wined so long as they would tarry. it was specially difficult for them to leave colonel hancock, at fincastle. here they must pause and tell how they had named certain rivers in the west--the one for maria woods; another for judith hancock--the maria's and judith rivers of our maps today. here william clark delayed yet a time. he found in the charms of the fair judith herself somewhat to give him pause. soon he was to take her as his bride down the ohio to yonder town of st. louis, for whose fame he had done so much, and was to do so much more. toward none of the fair maids who now flocked about them could meriwether lewis be more than smiling gallant, though rumors ran that either he or william clark might well-nigh take his pick. he was alike to all of them in his courtesy. one thought of eager and unalloyed joy rested with him. he was soon to see his mother. in time he rode down from the hilltops of old albemarle to the point beyond the ivy depot where rose the gentle eminence of locust hill, the plantation of the lewis family. always in the afternoon, in all weathers, his mother sat looking down the long lane to the gate, as if she expected that one day a certain figure would appear. sometimes, old as she was, she dozed and dreamed--just now she had done so. she awoke, and saw standing before her, as if pictured in her dream, the form of her son, in bodily presence, although at first she did not accept him as such. "my son!" said she at length, half as much in terror as in joy. "merne!" he stooped down and took her grayed head in his hands as she looked up at him. she recalled other times when he had come from the forest, from the wilderness, bearing trophies in his hands. he bore now trophies greater, perhaps, than any man of his age ever had brought home with him. what washington had defended was not so great as that which lewis won. it required them both to make an america for us haggling and unworthy followers. "my son!" was all she could say. "they told me that you never would come back, that you were dead. i thought the wilderness had claimed you at last, merne!" "i told you i should come back to you safe, mother. there was no danger at any time. from st. louis i have come as fast as any messenger could have come. next i must go to see mr. jefferson at washington--then, back home again to talk with you, for long, long hours." "and what have you found?" "more than i can tell you in a year! we found the mysterious river, the columbia--found where it runs into the ocean, where it starts in the mountains. we found the head of the missouri--the ohio is but a creek beside it. we crossed plains and mountains more wonderful than any we have ever dreamed of. we saw the most wonderful land in all the world, mother--and we made it ours!" "and you did that? merne, was _that_ why the wilderness called to you? my boy has done all that? your country will reward you. i should not complain of all these years of absence. you are happy now, are you not?" "i should be the happiest of men. i can take to mr. jefferson, our best friend, the proof that he was right in his plans. his great dream has come true, and i in some part helped to make it true. should i not now be happy?" "you should be, merne, but are you?" "i am well, and i find you still well and strong. my friend, will clark, has come back with me hearty as a boy. everything has been fortunate with us. look at me," he demanded, turning and stretching out his mighty arms. "i am strong. my men all came through without loss or injury--the splendid fellows! it is wonderful that in risks such as ours we met with no ill fortune." "yes, but are you happy? turn your face to me." but he did not turn his face. "i told my friend, william clark," he said lightly, as he rose, "to join me here after an hour or so. i think i see his party coming now. york rides ahead, do you see? he is a free negro now--he will have stories enough to set all our blacks idle for a month. i must go down to meet will and our other guests." william clark, bubbling over with his own joy of life, set all the household in a whirl. there was nothing but cooking, festivity, dancing, hilarity, so long as he remained at locust hill. but the mother of meriwether lewis looked with jealous eye on william clark. success, glory, honor, fame, reward--these now belonged to meriwether lewis, to them both, his mother knew. but why did not his laugh sound high like that of his friend? her eyes followed her son daily, hourly, until at last she surrendered him to his duty when he declared he could no longer delay his journey to washington. spick and span, cap-a-pie, pictures of splendid young manhood, the two captains rode one afternoon up to the great gate before the mansion house of the nation. lewis looked about him at scenes once familiar; but in the three years and a half since he had seen it last the raw town had changed rapidly. workmen had done somewhat upon the capitol building yonder, certain improvements had been made about the executive mansion itself; but the old negro men at the gate and at the door of the house were just as he had left them. and when, running on ahead of his companion, he knocked at mr. jefferson's office door--flinging it open, as he did so, with the freedom of his old habit--he looked in upon a familiar sight. thomas jefferson was sitting bent over his desk, as usual littered with a thousand papers. the long frame of his multigraph copying-machine was at one side. folded documents lay before him, unfinished briefs upon the other side; a rack of goose quills and an open inkpot stood beyond. and on the top of the desk, spread out long and over all, lay a great map, whose identity these two young men easily could tell--the lewis and clark map sent back from the mandan country! thomas jefferson had kept it at his desk every day since it had come to him, more than two years before. he turned now toward the door, casually, for he was used to the interruptions of his servants. what he saw brought him to his feet. he spread out his arms impulsively--he shook the hand of each in turn, drew them to him before he motioned them to seats. never had meriwether lewis seen such emotion displayed by his chief. "i could hardly wait for you!" said mr. jefferson. he began to pace up and down. "i knew it, i knew it!" he exclaimed. "now they will call us constitutional, perhaps, since we have added a new world to our country! my son, that was our vision. you have proved it. you have been both dreamer and doer!" he came up and placed a half playful hand on meriwether lewis's shoulder. "did i know men, then?" he demanded. "and did i, mr. jefferson? captain clark----" "you do not say the title correctly! it is not captain clark, it is not captain lewis, that stand before me now. you are to have sixteen hundred acres of land, each of you. you, my son, will be governor lewis of the new territory of louisiana; and your friend is not captain clark but general clark, agent of all the indian tribes of the west!" in silence the hand of each of the young men went out to the president. then their own eyes met, and their hands. they were not to be separated after all--they were to work together yonder in st. louis! "governor--general--i welcome you back! you will come back to your old rooms here in my family, merne, and we will find a place for your friend. what we have here is at the service of both of you. you are the guests of the nation!" chapter xv mr. jefferson's advice "merne, my boy," said thomas jefferson, when at length they two were alone once more in the little office, "i cannot say what your return means to me. you come as one from the grave--you resurrect another from the grave." "meaning, mr. jefferson?----" "you surely have heard that my administration is in sad disrepute? there is no man in the country hated so bitterly as myself. we are struggling on the very verge of war." "i heard some talk in the west, mr. jefferson," hesitated meriwether lewis. "yes, they called this louisiana purchase, on which i had set my heart, nothing but extravagance. the machinations of colonel burr have added nothing to its reputation. general jackson is with burr, and many other strong friends. and meantime you know where burr himself is--in the richmond jail. i understand that his friend, mr. merry, has gone yonder to visit him. our country is degenerated to be no more than a scheming-ground, a plotting-place, for other powers. you come back just in the nick of time. you have saved this administration! you bring back success with you. if the issue of your expedition were anything else, i scarce know what would be my own case here. for myself, that would have mattered little; but as to this country for which i have planned so much, your failure would have cost us all the mississippi valley, besides all the valley of the missouri and the columbia. yes, had you not succeeded, aaron burr would have succeeded! instead of a great republic reaching from ocean to ocean, we should have had a scattered coterie of states of no endurance, no continuity, no power. thank god for the presence of one great, splendid thing gloriously done! you cannot, do not, begin to measure its importance." "we are glad that you have been pleased, mr. jefferson," said lewis simply. "pleased! pleased! say rather that i am saved! say rather that this country is saved! had you proved disloyal to me--had you for any cause turned back," he went on, "think what had been the result! what a load, although you knew it not, was placed on your shoulders! suppose that you had turned back on the trail last year, or the summer before--suppose you had not gotten beyond the mandans--can you measure the difference for this republic? can you begin to see what responsibility rested on you? had you failed, you would have dragged the flag of your country in the dust. had you come back any time before you did, then you might have called yourself the man who ruined his president, his friend, his country!" "and i nearly did, mr. jefferson!" broke out meriwether lewis. "do not praise me too much. i was tempted----" the old man turned toward him, his face grave. "you are honest! i value that above all in you--you are punctilious to have no praise not honestly won. listen, now!" he leaned toward the young man, who sat beside him. "i know--i knew all along--how you were tempted. she came here--theodosia--the very day you left!" lewis nodded, mute. "in some way, i knew, the conspirators fought against your success and mine. i knew what agencies they intended to use against you--it was this woman! had you failed, i should have known why. i know many things, whether or not you do. i know the character of aaron burr well enough. he has been crazed, carried away by his own ambitions--god alone knows where he would have stopped. he has been a man not surpassed in duplicity. he would stop at nothing. moreover, he could make black look white. he did so for his daughter. she believed in him absolutely. and knowing somewhat of his plans, i imagined that he would use the attraction of that young lady for you--the power which, all things considered, she might be supposed to possess with you. i knew the depth of your regard for her, the deeper for its hopelessness. and more than all, i knew the intentness and resolution of your character. it was one motive against the other! which was the stronger? you were a young man--the hot blood of youth was yours, and i know its power. had the woman not been married, i should have lost! you would have sold a crown for her. it was honor saved you--your personal honor--that was what brought us success. no country is bigger than the personal honor of its gentlemen." the bowed head of meriwether lewis was his only answer. the keen-faced old man went on: "i knew that before you had left the mouth of the ohio river he would do his best to stop you--i knew it before you had left harper's ferry; but i placed the issue in the lap of the gods. i applied to you all the tests--the severest tests--that one man can to another. i let you alone! for a year, two years, three years, i did not know. but now i do know; and the answer is yonder flag which you have carried from one ocean to the other. the answer is in this map, all these hides scrawled in coal--all those new thousands of miles of land--_our_ land. god keep it safe for us always! and may the people one day know who really secured it for them! it was not so much thomas jefferson as it was meriwether lewis. "each time i dreamed that my subtle enemies were tempting you, i prayed in my own soul that you would be strong; that you would go on; that you would be loyal to your duty, no matter what the cost. god answered those prayers, my boy! whatever was your need, whatever price you paid, you did what i prayed you would do. when the months passed and you did not come back, i knew that not even the woman you loved could have called you back. i knew that you had learned the priceless lesson of renunciation, of sacrifice, through which alone the great deeds of the world always have been done." meriwether lewis stood before his chief, cold and pale, unable to complete much speech. thomas jefferson looked at him for a moment before he went on. "my boy, you are so simple that you will not understand. you do not understand how well i understand you! these things are not done without cost. if there was punishment for you, you took that punishment--or you will! you kept your oath as an officer and your unwritten oath as a gentleman. it is a great thing for a man to have his honor altogether unsullied." "mr. jefferson!" the young man before him lifted a hand. his face was ghastly pale. "do not," said he. "do not, i beg of you!" "what is it, merne?" exclaimed the old man. "what have i done?" "you speak of my honor. do not! indeed, you touch me deep." thomas jefferson, wise old man, raised a hand. "i shall never listen, my son," said he. "i will accord to you the right of hot blood to run hot--you would not be a man worth knowing were it not so. all i know or will know is that whatever the price, you have paid it--or will pay it! but tell me, merne, can you not tear her from your soul? it will ruin you, this hopeless attachment which you cherish. is it always to remain with you? i bid you find some other woman. the best in the land are waiting for you." "mr. jefferson, i shall never marry." the two sat looking into each other's eyes for just a moment. said thomas jefferson at length, slowly: "so! you have come back with all happiness, all success, for me and for others--but not for yourself! such proving as you have had has fallen to the lot of but few men. i know now how great has been the cost--i see it in your face. the fifteen millions i paid for yonder lands was nothing. we have bought them with the happiness of a human soul! the transient gratitude of this republic--the honor of that little paper--bah, they are nothing! but perhaps it may be something for you to know that at least one friend understands." lewis did not speak. "what is lost is lost," the president began again after a time. "what is broken is broken. but see how clearly i look into your soul. you are not thinking now of what you can do for yourself. you are not thinking of your new rank, your honors. you are asking now, at this moment, what you can do for _her_! is it not so?" the smile that came upon the young man's face was a beautiful, a wonderful thing to see. it made the wise old man sad to see it--but thoughtful, too. "she is at richmond, merne?" said mr. jefferson a moment later. the young man nodded. "and the greatest boon she could ask would be her father's freedom--the freedom of the man who sought to ruin this country--the man whom i scarcely dare release." the thin lips compressed for a moment. it was not in implacable, vengeful zeal--it was but in thought. "now, then," said thomas jefferson sharply, "there comes a veil, a curtain, between you and me and all the world. no record must show that either of us raised a hand against the full action of the law, or planned that colonel burr should not suffer the full penalty of the code. yes, for him that is true--but _not for his daughter_!" "mr. jefferson!" the face of meriwether lewis was strangely moved. "i see the actual greatness of your soul; but i ask nothing." "why, in my heart i feel like flinging open every prison door in the world. if you have gained an empire for your country, and paid for it as you have, could not a great and rich country afford to pay to the extent of a woman's happiness? when a king is crowned, he sets free the criminals. and this day i feel as proud and happy as if i were a king--and king of the greatest empire of all the world! i know well who assured that kingdom. let me be, then"--he raised his long hand--"say nothing, do nothing. and let this end all talk between us of these matters. i know you can keep your own counsel." lewis bowed silently. "go to richmond, merne. you will find there a broken conspirator and his unhappy daughter. both are ostracized. none is so poor as to do either of them reverence. she has no door opened to her now, though but lately she was daughter of the vice-president, the rich mrs. alston, wife of the governor of her state. go to them now. tell colonel burr that the president will not ask mercy for him. john marshall is on the bench there; but before him is a jury--john randolph is foreman of that jury. it is there that case will be tried--in the jury room; and _politics will try it_! go to theodosia, merne, in her desperate need." "but what can i do, mr. jefferson?" broke out his listener. "do precisely what i tell you. go to that social outcast. take her on your arm before all the world--_and before that jury_! sit there, before all richmond--and that jury. an hour or so will do. do that, and then, as i did when i trusted you, ask no questions, but leave it on the knees of the gods. if you can call me chief in other matters," the president concluded, "and can call me chief in that fashion of thought which men call religion as well, let me give you unction and absolution, my son. it is all that i have to give to one whom i have always loved as if he were my own son. this is all i can do for you. it may fail; but i would rather trust that jury to be right than trust myself today; because, i repeat, i feel like flinging open every prison door in all the world, and telling every erring, stumbling man to try once more to do what his soul tells him he ought to do!" chapter xvi the quality of mercy in richmond jail lay aaron burr, the great conspirator, the ruins of his ambition fallen about him. he had found a prison instead of a palace. he was eager no longer to gain a scepter, but only to escape a noose. the great conspiracy was at an end. the only question was of the punishment the accused should have--for in the general belief he was certain of conviction. that he never was convicted has always been one of the most mysterious facts of a mysterious chapter in our national development. so crowded were the hostelries of richmond that a stranger would have had difficulty in finding lodging there during the six months of the burr trial. not so with meriwether lewis, now one of the country's famous men. a score of homes opened their doors to him. the town buzzed over his appearance. he had once been the friend of burr, always the friend of jefferson. to which side now would he lean. luther martin, chief of burr's counsel, was eager above all to have a word with meriwether lewis, so close to affairs in washington, possibly so useful to himself. washington irving, too, assistant to martin in the great trial, would gladly have had talk with him. all asked what his errand might be. what was the leaning of the governor of the new territory, a man closer to the administration at washington than any other? meriwether lewis kept his own counsel. he arranged first to see burr himself. the meagerly furnished anteroom of the federal prison in richmond was the discredited adventurer's reception-hall in those days. burr advanced to meet his visitor with something of his own old haughtiness of mien, a little of the former brilliance of his eye. "governor, i am delighted to see you, back safe and sound from your journey. my congratulations, sir!" meriwether lewis made no reply, but gazed at him steadily, well aware of the stinging sarcasm of his words. "i have few friends now," said aaron burr. "you have many. you are on the flood tide--it ebbs for me. when one loses, what mercy is shown to him? that scoundrel merry--he promised everything and gave nothing! yrujo--he is worse yet in his treachery. even the french minister, turreau--who surely might listen to the wishes of the great french population of the mississippi valley--pays no attention to their petitions whatever, and none to mine. these were my former friends! i promised them a country." "you promised them a country, colonel burr--from what?" "from that great ownerless land yonder, the west. but they waited and waited, until your success was sure. why, that scoundrel merry is here this very day--the effrontery of him! he wants nothing more to do with me. no, he is here to undertake to recoup himself in his own losses by reasons of moneys he advanced to me some time ago. he is importuning my son-in-law, mr. alston, to pay him back those funds--which once he was so ready to furnish to us. but mr. alston is ruined--i am ruined--we are all ruined. no, they waited too long!" "they waited until it was too late, yes," lewis returned. "that country is american now, not british or spanish or french. our men are passing across the river in thousands. they will never loose their hold on the west. it was treason to the future that you planned--but it was hopeless from the first!" "it would seem, sir," said aaron burr, a cynical smile twisting his thin lip, "that i may not count upon your friendship!" "that is a hard speech, colonel burr. i was your friend." "more than your chief ever was! i fancy mr. jefferson would like to see me pilloried, drawn and quartered, after the old way." "you are unjust to him. you struck at the greatest ambition of his life--struck at his heart and the heart of his country--when you undertook to separate the west from this republic." "i am a plain man, and a busy man," said aaron burr coldly. "i must employ my time now to the betterment of my situation. i have failed, and you have won. but let me throw the cloak aside, since i know you can be of no service to me. i care not what punishment you may have--what suffering--because i recognize in you the one great cause of my failure. it was _you_, sir, with your cursed expedition, that defeated aaron burr!" he turned, proud and defiant even in his failure, and when meriwether lewis looked up he was gone. even as burr passed, meriwether lewis heard a light step in the long corridor. under guard of the turnkey, some one stood at the door. it was the figure of a woman--a figure which caused him to halt, caused his heart to leap! she came toward him now, all in mourning black--hat, gown, and gloves. her face was pale, her eyes deep, her mouth drooping. theodosia alston was always thus on her daily visit to her father's cell. herself the picture of failure and despair, she was used to avoiding the eyes of all; but she saw meriwether lewis standing before her, strong, tall, splendid in his manhood and vigor, in the full tide of his success. she was almost in touch of his hand when she raised her eyes to his. these two had met at last, after what far wanderings apart! they had met as if each came from the valley of the shadows. out of the vastness of the unknown, over all those long and devious trails, into what now seemed to him a world still more vast, more fraught with desperate peril, he had come back to her. and she--what had been her perils? what were her thoughts? as his eye fell upon her, even as his keen ear had known her coming, the hand of meriwether lewis half unconsciously went to his breast. he felt under it the packet of faded letters which he had so long kept with him--which in some way he felt to be his talisman. yes, it was for this that he had had them! his love and hers--this had been his shield through all. what he saw in her grave face, her mournful eyes uplifted to his own--this was the solution of the riddle of his life, the reason for his moods of melancholy, the answer to a thousand unspoken prayers. he felt his heart thrill strong and full, felt his blood spring in strong current through his veins, until they strained, until he felt his nerves tingle as he stood, silent, endeavoring to still the tumult within him, now that he knew the great and satisfying truth of truths. to her he was--what? a tall and handsome gentleman, immaculately clad, governor of the newest of our territories--the largest and richest realm ever laid under the rule of any viceroy. a bystander might have pondered on such things, but meriwether lewis had no thought of them, nor had the woman who looked up at him. no, to her eyes there stood only the man who made her blood leap, her soul cry out: "yea! yea! now i know!" to her also, from the divine compassion, was given answer for her questionings. she knew that life for her, even though it ended now, had been no blind puzzle, after all, but was a glorious and perfect thing. she had called to him across the deep, and he had heard and come! from the very grave itself he had arisen and come again to her! even here under the shadow of the gallows--even if, as both knew in their supreme renunciation, they must part and never meet again--for them both there could be peaceful calm, with all life's questions answered, beautifully and surely answered, never again to rise for conquering. "sir--captain--that is to say, governor lewis," she corrected herself, "i was not expecting you." her tone seemed icy, though her soul was in her eyes. she was all upon the defense, as lewis instantly understood. he took her hand in both of his own, and looked into her face. she gazed up at him, and swiftly, mercifully, the tears came. gently, as if she had been a child, he dried them for her--as once when a boy, he had promised to do. they were alone now. the cold silence of the prison was about them; but their own long silence seemed a golden, glowing thing. thus only--in their silence--could they speak. they did not know that they stood hand in hand. "my husband is not here," said she at length, gently disengaging her hand from his. "no one knows me now, every one avoids me. you must not be seen with me--a pariah, an outcast! i am my father's only friend. already they condemn him; yet he is as innocent as any man ever was." "i shall say no word to change that belief," said meriwether lewis. "but your husband is not here? it is he whom i must see at once." "why must you see him?" "you must know! it is my duty to go to him and to tell him that i am the man who--who made you weep. he must have his satisfaction. nothing that he can do will punish me as my own conscience has already punished me. it is no use--i shall not ask you to forgive me--i will not be so cheap." "but--_suppose he does not know_?" he could only stand silent, regarding her fixedly. "he must never know!" she went on. "it is no time for quixotism to make yet another suffer. we two must be strong enough to carry our own secret. it is better and kinder that it should be between two than among three. i thought you dead. let the past remain past--let it bury its own dead!" "it is our time of reckoning," said he, at length. "guilty as i have been, sinning as i have sinned--tell me, was i alone in the wrong? listen. those who joined your father's cause were asked to join in treason to their country. what he purposed was _treason_. tell me, did you know this when you came to me?" he saw the quick pain upon her face, the flush that rose to her pale cheek. she drew herself up proudly. "i shall not answer that!" said she. "no!" he exclaimed, swiftly contrite. "nor shall i ask it. forgive me! you never knew--you were innocent. you do right not to answer such a question." "i only wanted you to be happy--that was my one desire." she looked aside, and a moment passed before she heard his deep voice reply. "happy! i am the most unhappy man in all the world. happiness? no--rags, shreds, patches of happiness--that is all that is left of happiness for us, as men and women usually count it. but tell me, what would make you most happy now, of these things remaining? i have come back to pay my debts. is there anything i can do? what would make you happiest?" "_my father's freedom!_" "i cannot promise that; but all that i can do i will." "were my father guilty, that would be the act of a noble mind. but how? you are mr. jefferson's friend, not the friend of aaron burr. all the world knows that." "precisely. all the world knows that, or thinks it does. it thinks it knows that mr. jefferson is implacable. but suppose all the world were set to wondering? i am just wondering myself if it would be right to suborn a juryman, like john randolph of roanoke!"[ ] [footnote : the import of the visit of governor lewis and mrs. alston to the court-room during the burr trial is better conveyed if there be held in mind the personality of that eccentric and extraordinary man, so prominent in the history of america and the traditions of virginia--john randolph of roanoke. irascible, high-voiced, high-headed, truculent, insolent, vitriolic--yet gallant, courteous, kind, just, and fair; the enemy and the friend in turn of almost every public man of his day; truckling to none, defiant of all, sure to do what could not be predicted of any other man--it was always certain that john randolph of roanoke would do what he liked, and do what--for that present time--he fancied to be just. now the ardent adherent, again the bitter caluminator of jefferson, it would be held probable that john randolph of roanoke would do what he fancied thomas jefferson had not asked him to do, or had asked him not to do. but the shrewd old man at washington spoke advisedly when he said that john randolph of roanoke would try the burr case in the jury-room, and himself preside as judge, counsel, and jury all in one!] "that is impossible. what do you mean?" "i mean this. this afternoon you and i will go into the trial-room together. i have not yet attended a session of the court. today i will hand you to your seat in full sight of the jury box." "you--give your presence to one who is now a social pariah? the ladies of richmond no longer speak to me. but to what purpose?" "perhaps to small purpose. i cannot tell. but let us suppose that i go with you, and that we sit there in sight of all. i am known to be the intimate friend of mr. jefferson. _ergo_----" "_ergo_, mr. jefferson is not hostile to us! and you would do that--you would take that chance?" "for you." and he did--for her! that afternoon all the crowded court-room saw the beadle make way for two persons of importance. one was a tall, grave, distinguished-looking man, impassive, calm, a man whose face was known to all--the new governor of louisiana, viceroy of the country that burr had lost. upon his arm, pale, clad all in black, walked the daughter of the prisoner at the bar! was it in defiance or in compliance that this act was done? was it by orders, or against orders, or without orders, that the president's best friend walked in public, before all the world, with the daughter of the president's worst enemy? it was the guess of anybody and the query of all. there, in full view of all the attendants, in full view of the jury--and of john randolph of roanoke, its foreman--sat the two persons who had had most to do with this scene of which they now made a part. there sat the man who had explored the great west, and the woman who had done her best to prevent that exploration; mr. jefferson's friend, and the daughter of the great conspirator, aaron burr. _ergo, ergo_, said many tongues swiftly--and leaned head to head to whisper it. mind sometimes speaks to mind--even across the rail of a jury-box. sympathy runs deep and swift sometimes. all the world loved meriwether lewis then, would favor him--or favor what he favored. the issue of that great trial was not to come for weeks as yet; but when it came, and by whatever process, aaron burr was acquitted of the charges brought against him. the republic for whose downfall he had plotted set him free and bade him begone. but now, at the close of this day, the two central figures of the tragic drama found themselves together once more. they could be alone nowhere but in the prison room; and it was there that they parted. between them, as they stood now at last, about to part, there stretched an abysmal gulf which might never personally be passed by either. she faced him at length, trembling, pleading, helpless. "how mighty a thing is a man's sense of honor!" she said slowly. "you have done what i never would have asked you to do, and i am glad that you did. i once asked you to do what you would not do, and i am glad that you did not. how can i repay you for what you have done today? i cannot tell how, but i feel that you have turned the tide for us. ah, if ever you felt that you owed me anything, it is paid--all your debt to me and mine. see, i no longer weep. you have dried my tears!" "we cannot balance debits and credits," he replied. "there is no way in the world in which you and i can cry quits. only one thing is sure--i must go!" "i cannot say good-by!" said she. "ah, do not ask me that! we are but beginning now. oh, see! see!" he looked at her still, an unspeakable sadness in his gaze--at her hand, extended pleadingly toward him. "won't you take my hand, merne?" said she. "won't you?" "i dare not," said he hoarsely. "no, i dare not!" "why? do you wish to leave me still feeling that i am in your debt? you can afford so much now," she said brokenly, "for those who have not won!" "think you that i have won?" he broke out. "theodosia--theo--i shall call you by your old name just once--i do not take your hand--i dare not touch you--because i love you! i always shall. god help me, it is the truth!" "did you get my letters?" she said suddenly, and looked him fair in the face. meriwether lewis stood searching her countenance with his own grave eyes. "_letters?_" said he at length. "_what letters?_" her eyes looked up at him luminously. "you are glorious!" said she. "yes, a woman's name would be safe with you. you are strong. how terrible a thing is a sense of honor! but you are glorious! good-by!" chapter xvii the friends allied in fortunes as they had been in friendship, meriwether lewis and william clark went on side by side in their new labors in the capital of that great land which they had won for the republic. their offices in title were distinct, yet scarcely so in fact, for each helped the other, as they had always done. to these two men the new territory of louisiana owed not only its discovery, but its early passing over to the day of law and order. no other men could have done what they did in that time of disorder and change, when, rolling to the west in countless waves, came the white men, following the bee, crossing the great river, striking out into the new lands, a headstrong, turbulent, and lawless population. a thousand new and petty cares came to governor lewis. he passed from one duty to another, from one part of his vast province to another, traveling continually with the crude methods of transportation of that period, and busy night and day. courts must be established. the compilation of the archives must be cared for. records must be instituted to clear up the swarm of conflicts over land-titles. scores of new duties arose, and scores of new remedies needed to be devised. the first figure of the growing capital of st. louis, the new governor was also the central figure of all social activities, the cynosure of all eyes. but the laughing belles of st. louis at length sighed and gave him up--they loved him as governor, since they might not as man. wise, firm, deliberate, kind, sad--he was an old man now, though still young in years. scattered up and down the great valley, above and below st. louis, and harboring in that town, were many of the late adherents of burr's broken conspiracy. these liked not the oncoming of the american government, enforced by so rigid an executive as the one who now held power. threats came to the ears of meriwether lewis, who was hated by the burr adherents as the cause of their discomfiture; but he, wholly devoid of the fear of any man, only laughed at them. honest and blameless, it was difficult for any enemy to injure him, and no man cared to meet meriwether lewis in the open. but at last one means of attack was found. once more--the last time--the great heart of a noble man was pierced. "will," said he to his friend, as they met at william clark's home, according to their frequent custom, "i am in trouble." "fancied trouble, merne," said clark. "you're always finding it!" "would i might call it fancied! but this is something in the way of facts, and very stubborn facts. see here"--he held out certain papers in his hand--"by this morning's mail i get back these bills protested--protested by the government at washington! and they are bills that i have drawn to pay the expenses of administering my office here." "tut, tut!" said william clark gravely. "come, let us see." "look here, and here! will, you know that i am a man of no great fortune. you also know that i have made certain enemies in this country. but now i am not supported by my own government. i am ruined--i am a broken man! did you think that this country could do that for either of us?" "but merne, you, the soul of honor----" "some enemy has done this! what influences have been set to work, i cannot say; but here are the bills, and there are others out in other hands--also protested, i have no doubt. i am publicly discredited, disgraced. i know not what has been said of me at washington." "that is the trouble," said william clark slowly. "washington is so far. but now, you must not let this trouble you. 'tis only some six-dollar-a-week clerk in washington that has done it. you must not consider it to be the deliberate act of any responsible head of the government. you take things too hard, merne. i will not have you brooding over this--it will never do. you have the megrims often enough, as it is. come here and kiss the baby! he is named for you, meriwether lewis--and he has two teeth. sit down and behave yourself. judy will be here in a minute. you are among your friends. do not grieve. 'twill all come well!" this was in the year . mr. jefferson's embargo on foreign trade had paralyzed all western commerce. our ships lay idle; our crops rotted; there was no market. the name of jefferson was now in general execration. in march, when his second term as president expired, he had retired to private life at monticello. he had written his last message to congress that very spring, in which he said of the people of his country: i trust that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities, i see a sure guarantee of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, i carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that heaven has in store for our beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness. whatever the veering self-interest of others led them to think or do regarding the memory of that great man, meriwether lewis trusted thomas jefferson absolutely, and relied wholly on his friendship and his counsel. now, in the hour of trouble, he resolved to journey to monticello to ask the advice of his old chief, as he had always done. in this he was well supported by his friend dr. saugrain. "you are ill, governor--you have the fever of these lands," urged that worthy. "by all means leave this country and go back to the east. go by way of new orleans and the sea. the voyage will do you much good." "peria," said meriwether lewis to his french servant and attendant, "make ready my papers for my journey. have a small case, such as can be carried on horseback. i must take with me all my journals, my maps, and certain of the records of my office here. get my old spyglass; i may need it, and i always fancy to have it with me when i travel, as was my custom in the west. secure for our costs in travel some gold--three or four hundred dollars, i imagine. i will take some in my belt, and give the rest to you for the saddle-trunk." "your excellency plans to go by land, then, and not by sea?" "i do not know. i must save all the time possible. and peria----" "yes, excellency." "have my pistols well cared for, and your own as well. see that my small powder-canister, with bullets, is with them in the holsters. the trails are none too safe. be careful whom you advise of our plans. my business is of private nature, and i do not wish to be disturbed. and here, take my watch," he concluded. "it was given to me by a friend--a good friend, mr. wirt, and i prize it very much--so much that i fear to have it on my person. care for it in the saddle-trunk." "yes, excellency." "do not call me 'excellency'--i detest the title! i am governor lewis, and may so be distinguished. go now, and do as i have told you. we shall need about ten men to man the barge. arrange it. have our goods ready for an early start tomorrow morning." all that night, sleepless, fevered, almost distracted, meriwether lewis sat at his desk, writing, or endeavoring to write, with what matters upon his soul we may not ask. but the long night wore away at last, and morning came, a morning of the early fall, beautiful as it may be only in that latitude. without having closed his eyes in sleep, the governor made ready for his journey to the east. whether or not peria was faithful to all his instructions one cannot say, but certainly all st. louis knew of the intended departure of the governor. they loved him, these folk, trusted him, would miss him now, and they gathered almost _en masse_ to bid him godspeed upon his journey. "these papers for mr. jefferson, governor--certain land-titles, of which we spoke to him last year. do you not remember?" thus chouteau, always busy with affairs. "these samples of cloth and of satin, governor," said a dark-eyed french girl, smiling up at him. "would you match them for me in the east? i am to be married in the spring!" "the price of furs--learn of that, governor, if you can, while on your journey. the embargo has ruined the trade in all this inland country!" it was manuel liza, swarthy, taciturn, who thus voiced a general feeling. "books, more books, my son!" implored dr. saugrain. "we are growing here--i must keep up with the surgery of the day; i must know the new discoveries in medicine. bring me books. and take this little case of medicines. you are ill, my son--the fever has you!" "my people--they mourn for me as dead," said big white, the mandan, who had never returned to his people up the missouri river since the repulse of his convoy by the sioux. "tell the great father that he must send me soldiers to take me back home to my people. my heart is poor!" "governor, see if you can get me an artificial limb of some sort while you are in the east." it was young george shannon who said this, leaning on his crutch. shannon had not long ago returned from another trip up the river, where in an encounter with the sioux he had received a wound which cost him a leg and almost cost him his life--though later, as has already been said, he was to become a noted figure at the bar of the state of kentucky. "yes! yes, and yes!" their leader, punctilious as he was kind, agreed to all these commissions--prizing them, indeed, as proof of the confidence of his people. he was ready to depart, but stood still, looking about for the tall figure which presently he saw advancing through the throng--a tall man with wide mouth and sunny hair, with blue eye and stalwart frame--william clark--the friend whom he loved so much, and whom he was now to see for the last time. general clark carried upon his arm the baby which had been named after the governor of the new territory. lewis took him from his father's arms and pressed the child's cool face to his own, suddenly trembling a little about his own lips as he felt the tender flesh of the infant. no child of his own might he ever hold thus! he gave him back with a last look into the face of his friend. "good-by, will!" said he. chapter xviii the wilderness the governor's barge swept down the rolling flood of the mississippi, impelled by the blades of ten sturdy oarsmen. little by little the blue smoke of st. louis town faded beyond the level of the forest. the stone tower of the old spanish stockade, where floated the american flag, disappeared finally. meriwether lewis sat staring back, but seeming not to note what passed. he did not even notice a long bateau which left the wharf just before his own and preceded him down the river, now loafing along aimlessly, sometimes ahead, sometimes behind that of the governor and his party. in time he turned to his lap-desk and began his endless task of writing, examining, revising. now and again he muttered to himself. the fever was indeed in his blood! they proceeded thus, after the usual fashion of boat travel in those days, down the great river, until they had passed the mouth of the ohio and reached what was known as the chickasaw bluffs, below the confluence of the two streams. here was a little post of the army, arranged for the commander, major neely, indian agent at that point. as was the custom, all barges tied up here; and the governor's craft moored at the foot of the bluff. its chief passenger was so weak that he hardly could walk up the steep steps cut in the muddy front of the bank. "governor lewis!" exclaimed major neely, as he met him. "you are ill! you are in an ague!" "perhaps, perhaps. give me rest here for a day or two, if you please. then i fancy i shall be strong enough to travel east. see if you can get horses for myself and my party--i am resolved not to go by sea. i have not time." the governor of louisiana, haggard, flushed with fever, staggered as he followed his friend into the apartment assigned to him in one of the cabins of the little post. he wore his usual traveling-garb; but now, for some strange reason he seemed to lack his usual immaculate neatness. instead of the formal dress of his office, he wore an old, stained, faded uniform coat, its pocket bulging with papers. this he kept at the head of his bed when at length he flung himself down, almost in the delirium of fever. he lay here for two days, restless, sleepless. but at length, having in the mean time scarcely tasted food, he rose and declared that he must go on. "major," said he, "i can ride now. have you horses for the journey?" "are you sure, governor, that your strength is sufficient?" neely hesitated as he looked at the wasted form before him, at the hollow eye, the fevered face. "it is not a question of my personal convenience, major," said meriwether lewis. "time presses for me. i must go on!" "at least you shall not go alone," said major neely. "you should have some escort. doubtless you have important papers?" meriwether lewis nodded. "my servant has arranged everything, i fancy. can you get an extra man or two? the natchez trace is none too safe." that military road, as they both knew, was indeed no more than a horse path cut through the trackless forest which lay across the states of mississippi, tennessee and kentucky. its reputation was not good. many a trader passing north from new orleans with coin, many a settler passing west with packhorses and household effects, had disappeared on this wilderness road, and left no sign. it was customary for parties of any consequence to ride in companies of some force. it was a considerable cavalcade, therefore, which presently set forth from chickasaw bluffs on the long ride eastward to cross the alleghanies, which meant some days or weeks spent in the saddle. apprehension sat upon all, even as they started out. their eyes rested upon the wasted form of their leader, the delirium of whose fever seemed still to hold him. he muttered to himself as he rode, resented the near approach of any traveling companion, demanded to be alone. they looked at him in silence. "he talks to himself all the time," said one of the party--a new man, hired by neely at the army post. he rode with peria now; and none but peria knew that he had come from the long barge which had clung to the governor's craft all the way down the river--and which, unknown to lewis himself, had tied up and waited at chickasaw bluffs. he was a stranger to neely and to all the others, but seemed ready enough to take pay for service along the trace, declaring that he himself was intending to go that way. he was a man well dressed, apparently of education and of some means. he rode armed. "what is wrong with the governor, think you?" inquired this man once more of peria, lewis's servant. "it is his way," shrugged peria. "we leave him alone. his hand is heavy when he is angry." "he rides always with his rifle across his saddle?" "always, on the trail." "loaded, i presume--and his pistols?" "you may well suppose that," said peria. "oh, well," said the new member of the party, "'tis just as well to be safe. i lifted his saddlebags and the desk, or trunk, whatever you call it, that is on the pack horse yonder. heavy, eh?" "naturally," grinned peria. they looked at one another. and thereafter the two, as was well noted, conversed often and more intimately together as the journey progressed. "now it's an odd thing about his coat," volunteered the stranger later in that same day. "he always keeps it on--that ragged old uniform. was it a uniform, do you believe? can't the governor of the new territory wear a coat that shows his own quality? this one's a dozen years old, you might say." "he always wears it on the trail," said peria. "at home he watches it as if it held some treasure." "treasure?" the shifty eyes of the new man flashed in sudden interest. "what treasure? papers, perhaps--bills--documents--money? his pocket bulges at the side. something there--yes, eh?" "hush!" said peria. "you do not know that man, the governor. he has the eye of a hawk, the ear of a fox--you can keep nothing from him. he fears nothing in the world, and in his moods--you'd best leave him alone. don't let him suspect, or----" and peria shook his head. the cavalcade was well out into the wilderness east of the mississippi on that afternoon of october , in the year . stopping at the wayside taverns which now and then were found, they had progressed perhaps a hundred miles to the eastward. the day was drawing toward its close when peria rode up and announced that one or two of the horses had strayed from the trail. "i have told you to be more careful, peria," expostulated governor lewis. "there are articles on the packhorse which i need at night. who is this new man that is so careless? why do you not keep the horses up? go, then, and get them. major neely, would you be so kind as to join the men and assure them of bringing on the horses?" "and what of you, governor?" "i shall go on ahead, if you please. is there no house near by? you know the trail. perhaps we can get lodgings not far on." "the first white man's house beyond here," answered neely, "belongs to an old man named grinder. 'tis no more than a few miles ahead. suppose we join you there?" "agreed," said lewis, and setting spurs to his horse, he left them. it was late in the evening when at length meriwether lewis reined up in front of the somewhat unattractive grinder homestead cabin, squatted down alongside the natchez trace; a place where sometimes hospitality of a sort was dispensed. it was an ordinary double cabin that he saw, two cob-house apartments with a covered space between such as might have been found anywhere for hundreds of miles on either side of the alleghanies at that time. at his call there appeared a woman--mrs. grinder, she announced herself. "madam," he inquired, "could you entertain me and my party for the night? i am alone at present, but my servants will soon be up. they are on the trail in search of some horses which have strayed." "my husband is not here," said the woman. "we are not well fixed, but i reckon if we can stand it all the time, you can for a night. how many air there in your party?" "a half-dozen, with an extra horse or two." "i reckon we can fix ye up. light down and come in." she was noting well her guest, and her shrewd eyes determined him to be no common man. he had the bearing of a gentleman, the carriage of a man used to command. certain of his garments seemed to show wealth, although she noted, when he stripped off his traveling-smock, that he wore not a new coat, but an old one--very old, she would have said, soiled, stained, faded. it looked as if it had once been part of a uniform. her guest, whoever he was--and she neither knew nor asked, for the wilderness tavern held no register, and few questions were asked or answered--paid small attention to the woman. he carried his saddlebags into the room pointed out to him, flung them down, and began to pace up and down, sometimes talking to himself. the woman eyed him from time to time as she went about her duties. "set up and eat," she said at last. "i reckon your men are not coming." "i thank you, madam," said the stranger, with gentle courtesy. "do not let me trouble you too much. i have been ill of late, and do not as yet experience much hunger." indeed, he scarcely tasted the food. he sat, as she noted, a long time, gazing fixedly out of the door, over the forest, toward the west. "is it not a beautiful world, madam?" said he, after a time, in a voice of great gentleness and charm. "i have seen the forest often thus in the west in the evening, when the day was done. it is wonderful!" "yes. some of my folks is thinking of going out further into the west." he turned to her abstractedly, yet endeavoring to be courteous. "a wonderful country, madam!" said he; and so he fell again into his moody staring out beyond the door. after a time the hostess of the backwoods cabin sought to make up a bed for him, but he motioned to her to desist. "it is not necessary," said he. "i have slept so much in the open that 'tis rarely i use a bed at all. i see now that my servant has come up, and is in the yard yonder. tell him to bring my robes and blankets and spread them here on the floor, as i always have them. that will answer quite well enough, thank you." peria, it seemed, had by this time found his way to the cabin along the trail. he was alone. "come, man!" said lewis. "make down my bed for me--i am ill. and tell me, where is my powder? where are the bullets for my pistols? i find them empty. haven't i told you to be more careful about these things? and where is my rifle-powder? the canister is here, but 'tis empty. come, come, i must have better service than this!" but even as he chided the remissness of his servant, he seemed to forget the matter in his mind. presently he was again pacing apart, stopping now and then to stare out over the forest. "i must have a place to write," said he at length. "i shall be awake for a time tonight, occupied with business matters of importance. where is major neely? where are the other men? why have they not come up?" peria could not or did not answer these questions, but sullenly went about the business of making his master as comfortable as he might, and then departed to his own quarters, down the hill, in another building. the old backwoods woman herself withdrew to the other apartment, beyond the open space of the double cabin. the soft, velvet darkness of night in the forest now came on apace--a night of silence. there was not even the call of a tree toad. the voice of the whippoorwill was stilled at that season of the year. if there were human beings awake, alert, at that time, they made no sound. meriwether lewis was alone--alone in the wilderness again. its silences, its mysteries, drew about him. but now he stood, not enjoying in his usual fashion the familiar feeling of the night in the forest, the calm, the repose it customarily brought to him. he stood looking intently, as if he expected some one--nay, indeed, as if he saw some one--as if he saw a face! what face was it? at last he made his way across the room to the heavy saddle-case which had been placed there. he flung the lid open, and felt among the contents. it seemed to him there was not so much within the case as there should have been. he missed certain papers, and resolved to ask peria about them. he could not find the little bags of coin which he expected; but he found the watch, lying covered in a corner of the case. he drew it out and, stepping toward the flickering candle, opened it, gazing fixedly at the little silhouette cut round to fit in the back of the case. it was a face that he had seen before--a hundred times he had gazed thus at it on the far western trails. he brought the little portrait close up to his eyes--but not close to his lips. no, he did not kiss the face of the woman who once had written to him: you must not kiss my picture, because i am in your power. meriwether lewis had won his long fight! he had mastered the human emotions of his soul at last. the battle had been such that he sat here now, weak and spent. he sat looking at the face which had meant so much to him all these years. there came into his mind some recollection of words that she had written to him once--something about the sound of water. he lifted his head and listened. yes, there was a sound coming faintly through the night--the trickle of a little brook in the ravine below the window. always, he recalled, she had spoken of the sound of water, saying that that music would blot out memory--saying that water would wash out secrets, would wash out sins. what was it she had said? what was it she had written to him long ago? what did it mean--about the water? the sound of the little brook came to his ears again in some shift of the wind. he rose and stumbled toward the window, carrying the candle in his hand. his haggard face was lighted by its flare as he stood there, leaning out, listening. it was then that his doom came to him. there came the sound of a shot; a second; and yet another. the woman in the cabin near by heard them clearly enough. she rose and listened. there was no sound from the other cabins. the servants paid no attention to the shots, if they had heard them--and why should they not have heard them? no one called out, no one came running. frightened, the woman rose, and after a time stepped timidly across the covered space between the two rooms, toward the light which she saw shining faintly through the cracks of the door. she heard groans within. a tall and ghastly figure met her as she approached the door. she saw his face, white and haggard and stained. from a wound in the forehead a broad band of something dark fell across his cheek. from his throat something dark was welling. he clutched a hand on his breast--and his fingers were dark. he was bleeding from three wounds; but still he stood and spoke to her. "in god's name, madam," said he, "bring me water! i am killed!" she ran away, she knew not where, calling to the others to come; but they did not come. she was alone. once more, forgetful of her errand, incapable of rendering aid, she went back to the door. she heard no sound. she flung open the door and peered into the room. the candle was standing, broken and guttering, on the floor. she could see the scattered belongings of the traveling-cases, empty now. the occupant of the room was gone! in terror she fled once more, back to her own room, and cowered in her bed. staggering, groping, his hands strained to him to hold in the life that was passing, meriwether lewis had left the room where he had received his wounds, and had stepped out into the air, into the night. all the resolution of his soul was bent upon one purpose. he staggered, but still stumbled onward. it seemed to him that he heard the sound of water, and blindly, unconsciously, he headed that way. he entered the shadow of the woods and passed down the little slope of the hill. he fell, rather than seated himself, at the side of the brook whose voice he had heard in the night. he was alone. the wilderness was all about him--the wilderness which had always called to him, and which now was to claim him. he sat, gasping, almost blind, feeling at his pockets. at last he found it--one of the sulphur matches made for him by good old dr. saugrain. tremblingly he essayed to light it, and at last he saw the flare. with skill of custom, though now almost unconsciously, his fingers felt for dry bits of bark and leaves, little twigs. yes, the match served its purpose. a tiny flame flickered between his feet as he sat. did any eye see meriwether lewis as he sat there in the dark at his last camp fire? did any guilty eye look on him making his last fight? he sat alone by the little fire. his hand, dropping sometimes, responsive only to the supreme effort of his will, fumbled in the bosom of his old coat. there were some papers there--some things which no other eyes than his must ever see! here was a secret--it must always be a secret--her secret and his! he would hide forever from the world what had been theirs in common. the tiny flame rose up more strongly, twice, thrice, five times--six times in all! one by one he had placed them on the flames--these letters that he had carried on his heart for years--the six letters that she had written him when he was far away in the unknown. he held the last one long, trying to see the words. he groaned. he was almost blind. his trembling finger found the last word of the last letter. it rose before him in tall characters now, all done in flame and not in block--_theodosia!_ now they were gone! no one could ever see them. no one could know how he had treasured them all these years. she was safe! before his soul, in the time of his great accounting, there rose the passing picture of the years. free from suffering, now absolved, resigned, he was a boy once more, and all the world was young. he saw again the slopes of old albemarle, beautiful in the green and gold of an early autumn day in old virginia. he heard again his mother's voice. what was it that she said? he bent his head as if to listen. "your wish--your great desire--your hope--your dream--all these shall be yours at last, even though the trail be long, even though the burden be too heavy to carry farther." so then she had known--she had spoken the truth in her soothsaying that day so long ago! now his fading eye looked about him, and he nodded his head weakly, as if to assent to something he had heard. he had so earnestly longed--he had so greatly desired--to be an honorable man! he had so longed and desired to do somewhat for others than himself! and here was peace, here indeed was conquest. his great desire was won! his lax hands dropped between his knees as he sat. a little gust of wind sweeping down the gully caught up some of the white ashes--stained as they were with blood that dropped from his veins as he bent above them--carried them down upon the tiny thread of the little brook. it carried them away toward the sea--his blood, the ashes, the secret which they hid. at length he rose once more, his splendid will still forcing his broken body to do its bidding. half crawling up the bank, once more he stood erect and staggered back across the yard, into the room. the woman heard him there again. pity arose in her breast; once more she mastered her terror and approached the door. "in god's name, madam," said he, "bring me water--wine! i am so strong, i am hard to die! bind up my wounds--i have work to do! heal me these wounds!" but not her power nor any power could heal such wounds as his. once more she called out for aid, and none came. the night wore away. the dying man lay on his bearskin pallet on the floor, motionless now and silent, but still breathing, and calm at last. it was dawn when the recreant servant found him there. "peria," said meriwether lewis, turning his fading eye on the man, "do not fear me. i will not hurt you. but my watch--i cannot find it--it seems gone. i am hard to die, it seems. but the little watch--it had--a--picture--ah!" chapter xix down to the sea many days later the french servant, peria, rode up to the gate, to the door, of locust hall, the lewis homestead in old virginia. the news he bore had preceded him. he met a stern-faced, dark-browed woman, who regarded him coldly when he announced his name, regarded him in silence. the servant found himself able to make but small speech. "your son was a brave man--he lived long," said peria, haltingly, at the close of his story. "yes," said the mother of meriwether lewis. "he was a brave man. he was strong!" "he was unhappy; but why he should have killed himself----" "stop!" the dark eyes blazed upon him. "what are you saying? my son kill himself? it is an outrage to his memory to suggest it. he was the victim of some enemy. as for you, begone!" so peria passed from sight and view, and almost from memory, not accused, not acquitted. long afterward a brother of meriwether lewis met him, and found that he was carrying the old rifle and the little watch which every member of the family knew so well. these things had been missing from the effects of meriwether lewis in the inventory--indeed, little remained in the traveling-cases save a few scattered papers and the old spyglass. there was no gold. there were no letters of any kind. soon there came down from monticello to locust hall the coach of thomas jefferson. "madam," said he, when finally he stood at the side of the mistress of locust hall, "it is heavy news i thought to bring--i see that you have heard it. what shall i say--what can we say to each other? i mourn him as if he were my own son." "it has come at last," said the mother of meriwether lewis. "the wilderness has him, as i knew it would! i told him, here at this place, when he was a boy, that at last the load would weigh him down." "the rumor is that he died by his own hand. i find it difficult to believe. it is far more likely that some enemy or robber was guilty of the deed." "whom had he ever harmed?" she demanded of jefferson. "none in the world, with intent; but he had enemies. whether by his own hand or that of another, he died a gallant gentleman. he would not think of himself alone. but listen--bear with me if i tell you that could your son send out the news himself, perhaps he might say 'twas by his own hand he perished, and not by that of another!" "never, mr. jefferson, never will i believe that! it was not in his nature!" "i agree with you. but when we take the last wishes of the dead, we take what is the law for us. and the law of your son was the law of honor. suppose, my dear madam, there were a woman concerned in this matter?" "he never wronged a woman in his life----" "precisely, nor in his death would he wrong one! do you begin to see?" "did he ever speak to you of her?" "it was impossible that he should; but i knew them both. i knew their secret. were it in his power to do so, i am sure that he carried his secret with him, so that it might never be shared by any. that secret he has guarded in death as in life." "but shall i let that stain rest on his name?" the dark eye of the old woman gleamed upon her son's friend. "do not i love him also? i am speaking now only of his own wish--not ours. i know that he would shield her at any cost--nay, i know he did shield her at any cost. may not we shield him--and her--no matter what the cost to us? if he laid that wish on us, ought we not to respect it? madam, i shall frame a letter which will serve to appease the criticism of the public in regard to your son. if it be not the exact truth--and who shall tell the exact truth?--it will at least be accepted as truth, and it will forever silence any talk. what should the public know of a life such as his? there are some lives which are tragically large, and such was his. he lived with honor, and he could not die without it. what was in his heart we shall not ask to know. if ever he sinned, he is purged of any sin." jefferson was silent for a moment, holding the bereaved mother's hand in his own. "he shall have a monument, madam," he went on. "it shall mark his grave in yonder wilderness. they shall name at least a county for him, and hold it his sacred grave-place--there in tennessee, by the old indian road. let him lie there under the trees--that is as he would wish. he shall have some monument--yes, but how futile is all that! his greatest monument will be in the vast new country which he has brought to us. he was a man of a natural greatness not surpassed by any of his time." * * * * * what of theodosia alston, loyal and lofty soul, blameless wife, devoted and pathetic adherent to the fallen fortunes of her ill-starred father? three years after meriwether lewis laid him down to sleep in the forest, a ship put out from charleston wharf. it was bound for the city of new york, where at that time there was living a broken, homeless, forsaken man named aaron burr--a man execrated at home, discredited abroad, but who now, after years of exile, had crept home to the country which had cast him out. a passenger on that ship was theodosia alston, the daughter of aaron burr. that much is known. the ship sailed. it never came to port. no more is known. to this day none knows what was the fate of aaron burr's daughter, one of the most appealing figures of her day, a woman made for happiness, but continually in close touch with tragedy. wherever her body may lie, she has her wish. the sound of the eternal waters is the continuous requiem in her ears. her secret, if she had one, is washed away long ere this, and is one with the eternal secrets of the sea. as to her sin, she had none. above her memory, since she has no grave, there might best be inscribed the words she wrote at a time of her own despair: "i hope to be happy in the next world, for i have not been bad in this." did the little brook in tennessee ever find its way down to the sea? did it carry a scattered drop of a man's lifeblood, little by little thinning, thinning on its long journey? did ever a wandering flake of ashes, melting, rest on its bosom for so great a journey as that toward the sea? did the sound of a voice in the wilderness, passing across the unknown leagues, ever reach an ear that heard? who can tell? perhaps in the great ten thousand years such things may be--perhaps deep calls to deep, and there are no longer sins nor tears. a million hearth-fires mark the camp-fire trail of meriwether lewis. we own the country which he found, and for which he paid. he sleeps. above him stands the monument which his chief assigned to him--his country. it rises now in glory and splendor, the perfected vision which he saw. that is the happy ending of his story--his country! it is ours. as its title came to us in honor, it is for us to love it honorably, to use it honorably, and to defend it honorably. none may withstand us while we hold to his ambitions--while our sons measure to the stature of such a man. "_the books you like to read at the price you like to pay_" there are two sides to everything-- --including the wrapper which covers every grosset & dunlap book. when you feel in the mood for a good romance, refer to the carefully selected list of modern fiction comprising most of the successes by prominent writers of the day which is printed on the back of every grosset & dunlap book wrapper. you will find more than five hundred titles to choose from--books for every mood and every taste and every pocket-book. _don't forget the other side, but in case the wrapper is lost, write to the publishers for a complete catalog._ _there is a grosset & dunlap book for every mood and for every taste_ emerson hough's novels may be had wherever books are sold. ask for grosset & dunlap's list. the covered wagon an epic story of the great west from which the famous picture was made. the way of a man a colorful romance of the pioneer west before the civil war. the sagebrusher an eastern girl answers a matrimonial ad. and goes out west in the hills of montana to find her mate. the way out a romance of the feud district of the cumberland country. the broken gate a story of broken social conventions and of a woman's determination to put the past behind her. the way to the west daniel boone, davy crockett and kit carson figure in this story of the opening of the west. heart's desire the story of what happens when the railroad came to a little settlement in the far west. the purchase price a story of kentucky during the days after the american revolution. grosset & dunlap, publishers, new york transcriber's note: minor changes have been made to correct obvious typesetters' errors; otherwise, every effort has been made to remain true to the author's words and intent. generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) [illustration: wm clark meriwether lewis] lewis and clark meriwether lewis and william clark by william r. lighton boston and new york houghton, mifflin and company the riverside press, cambridge portland, oregon the j. k. gill company copyright, , by william r. lighton all rights reserved transcriber's note: the symbol "^" in "miss^ie" is used to indicate that the letters following it are printed in superscript. contents chap. page i. characteristics ii. the expedition iii. terms of the commission iv. the start v. with the sioux vi. to the falls of the missouri vii. over the continental divide viii. the last stage of the westward journey ix. winter on the coast x. homeward: in the mountains xi. recrossing the divide xii. home xiii. after life lewis and clark chapter i characteristics in the years , , and , two men commanded an expedition which explored the wilderness that stretched from the mouth of the missouri river to where the columbia enters the pacific, and dedicated to civilization a new empire. their names were meriwether lewis and william clark. as a rule, one who tries to discover and to set down in order the simple signs that spell the story of a large man's life is confused by a chaos of data. no such trouble arises in this case. there is great poverty of fact and circumstance in the records of the private lives of these men; so careless were they of notoriety, so wholly did they merge themselves in their work. anything like ostentation was foreign to their taste, and to the spirit of their time, which took plain, dutiful heroism as a matter of course. no one knows any "characteristic anecdotes" of meriwether lewis; and the best stories about clark are those preserved in the tribal histories of western indians. the separate identity of the two men is practically lost to all except the careful reader. each had his baptismal name, to be sure; but even their private names are fused, and they are best known to us under the joint style of lewis and clark. in effect they were one and indivisible. for evidence of their individuality we must look to the labors which they performed in common. when, several years after the conclusion of the great expedition, the manuscript journals were being prepared for publication, the editor could not find sufficient material out of which to make a memoir of captain lewis, and was forced to appeal to mr. jefferson for aid; for jefferson had been an early neighbor and friend of the lewis family, and later, on becoming president, had made the lad meriwether his private secretary, and had afterwards appointed him to direct the exploration. the sketch written by mr. jefferson is, like most of his papers, appreciative and vital. it is to this document, dated at monticello, august , , that every biographer must have recourse:-- "meriwether lewis, late governor of louisiana, was born on the th of august, , near the town of charlottesville, in the county of albemarle, in virginia, of one of the distinguished families of that state. john lewis, one of his father's uncles, was a member of the king's council before the revolution. another of them, fielding lewis, married a sister of general washington. his father, william lewis, was the youngest of five sons of colonel robert lewis of albemarle, the fourth of whom, charles, was one of the early patriots who stepped forward in the commencement of the revolution, and commanded one of the regiments first raised in virginia, and placed on continental establishment.... nicholas lewis, the second of his father's brothers, commanded a regiment of militia in the successful expedition of against the cherokee indians.... this member of the family of the lewises, whose bravery was so usefully proved on this occasion, was endeared to all who knew him by his inflexible probity, courteous disposition, benevolent heart, and engaging modesty and manners. he was the umpire of all the private differences of his county,--selected always by both parties. he was also the guardian of meriwether lewis, of whom we are now to speak, and who had lost his father at an early age. "he (meriwether) continued some years under the fostering care of a tender mother, of the respectable family of meriwethers, of the same county; and was remarkable, even in infancy, for enterprise, boldness, and discretion. "when only eight years of age he habitually went out in the dead of night, alone with his dogs, into the forest to hunt the raccoon and opossum, which, seeking their food in the night, can then only be taken. in this exercise, no season or circumstance could obstruct his purpose--plunging through the winter's snows and frozen streams in pursuit of his object. at thirteen he was put to the latin school, and continued at that until eighteen, when he was returned to his mother, and entered on the cares of his farm; having, as well as a younger brother, been left by his father with a competency for all the correct and comfortable purposes of temperate life. his talent for observation, which led him to an accurate knowledge of the plants and animals of his own country, would have distinguished him as a farmer; but at the age of twenty, yielding to the ardor of youth and a passion for more dazzling pursuits, he engaged as a volunteer in the body of militia which was called out by general washington, on occasion of the discontents produced by the excise taxes in the western parts of the united states [the whiskey rebellion]; and from that station he was removed to the regular service as a lieutenant of the line. at twenty-three he was promoted to a captaincy; and, always attracting the first attention where punctuality and fidelity were requisite, he was appointed paymaster to his regiment." that is about all that is definitely known of lewis's family and early life. it is not much; but it suffices to show that he came of fine, fearless stock, mettlesome and reliant,--the sort of stock that brings forth men of action. the invertebrate vanity of blood is kept out of this story, in accord with the democratic belief of the time that a strong man's ancestors are what he himself makes them. they may have done their part well, but it remains for him to put the finishing touches to their reputation. given a few sturdy souls, quick and willing to serve in time of need, and that was enough of family distinction. behavior, rather than pedigree, made the lewis character. when captain lewis was appointed to command the expedition, he had served mr. jefferson for two years as private secretary. concerning his fitness for public duties, mr. jefferson wrote:-- "i had now had opportunities of knowing him intimately. of courage undaunted; possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities could divert from its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline; intimate with the indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded, by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own country, against losing time in the description of objects already possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal, of sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous that whatever he should report would be as certain as if seen by ourselves--with all these qualifications, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express purpose, i could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him. to fill up the measure desired, he wanted nothing but a greater familiarity with the technical language of the natural sciences, and readiness in the astronomical observations necessary for the geography of his route. to acquire these, he repaired immediately to philadelphia, and placed himself under the tutorage of the distinguished professors of that place, who, with a zeal and emulation enkindled by an ardent devotion to science, communicated to him freely the information requisite for the purposes of the journey. while attending at lancaster to the fabrication of the arms with which he chose that his men should be provided, he had the benefit of daily communication with mr. andrew ellicott, whose experience in astronomical observation, and practice of it in the woods, enabled him to apprise captain lewis of the wants and difficulties he would encounter, and of the substitutes and resources afforded by a woodland and uninhabited country." it is plain that this astute judge of men reposed perfect confidence in his friend. from january, , when congress sanctioned the undertaking, until may, , when the party set out from st. louis, the young officer had full charge of the intricate and difficult details of preparation. it was he who superintended the building of boats and the making of arms, accoutrements, scientific apparatus, and all equipment; and, what was of more importance, he selected the men who were to form his command. that was a nice matter. it would have been worse than useless to lead a company of fretful dissenters. the expedition was to be conducted on a military basis; but it was not ordinary field service; it was a mission for picked men. much would depend upon each man's natural aptitude for his task; much more would depend upon the integrity of the corps as a whole. the consummate wisdom of lewis's selection of his aids shines from every page of the journals. none of the men seemed to need instruction in the cardinal elements of conduct; each was as sensible of his trust as lewis himself. it was in this spirit of the subordinates, rather than in the absolute authority of the captain, that success was to lie. to guard against untoward accident, that might thwart the work, lewis wished to have a companion in command. this pleased mr. jefferson, and the choice fell upon captain william clark. william clark was the ninth of a family of ten children. his father was john clark, second, who, like his father before him, was a virginian, living in king and queen county. the pioneering spirit was strong in the family,--the _wanderlust_, that keeps man's nature fluid and adaptable. this led john, second, to remove first to albemarle county, and later to caroline county, where william was born on august , , not far from the birthplace of meriwether lewis. when the boy was about fourteen years of age, the family moved once more, into the dim west, settling at the place now known as louisville, in kentucky. william's elder brother, george rogers clark, had preceded the others, and had built the first fortification against the indians at the falls of the ohio, around which were clustered a few of the rude dwellings of the frontiersmen. at this place, amidst the crudest conditions of the kentucky border, the lad grew to maturity. that was not an orderly life; it was rather a continuing state of suspense, demanding of those who shared in it constant hardihood and fortitude. for the right-minded man, however, it had incalculable value. many of the strongest examples of our national character have been men who owed the best that was in them to the apparently unkindly circumstances of their youth. what was denied to clark in easy opportunity had ample compensation in the firmness and self-reliance which came from mastering difficulties. to read clark's letters and papers is to discover that his education in the politer branches of learning was as primitive as the surroundings of his home. it is plain that the training which prepared him for manhood was got mostly outside the schoolroom. like lewis, he chose a military career. when he was but eighteen years of age, he was appointed ensign in the regular army; and two years later he was made captain of militia in the town of clarksville, "in the territory of the united states north west of the ohio river." in he was commissioned as a lieutenant of infantry, under wayne, and served afterward as adjutant and quartermaster. ill health led him to resign his commission in the army in . a few months before his resignation he first became acquainted with meriwether lewis, who, as an ensign, was put under his command. then began one of those generous and enduring friendships that are all too rare amongst men. it is not known just what their private relations were in the mean time; but in , upon lewis's earnest solicitation, captain clark consented to quit his retirement upon his kentucky farm and join in that work which was destined to be but the beginning of his real usefulness. he comes to us out of the dark. we must forego intimate knowledge of his growth, being content with finding him full-grown and ready. no doubt his service in the army, where he was associated with men of ability, had helped him to master many details of engineering craft, which he was to use in his later service. but this was at most incidental; his strength, his power to serve, was native, not acquired. that they might share alike in all particulars of rank and responsibility in the expedition, it was understood that lewis would endeavor to procure for clark a captain's commission. clark wrote to nicholas biddle (the editor of the journals) in :-- "on these conditions i agreed to undertake the expedition made my arrangements, and set out, and proceeded on with capt. lewis to the mouth of the missouri where we remained the winter made every necessary arrangement to set out early in spring everything arranged i waited with some anxiety for the commission which i had reason to expect (capt. of indioneers [engineers]) a few days before i set out i received a commission of d lieutenant of artillerist, my feelings on this occasion was as might be expected. i wished the expedition suckcess, and from the assurence of capt. lewis that in every respect my situation command &c. &c. should be equal to his; viewing the commission as mearly calculated to authorise punishment to the soldiers if necessary, i proceeded. no difficulty took place on our rout relative to this point...." in the very nature of things, personal difficulty of a petty sort could not arise. official rank was as nothing between them. they were capable and loyal; the morale of their party was ideal; and under their guidance was wrought out what has been well called our national epic of exploration. chapter ii the expedition for almost twenty years prior to the organization of the lewis and clark expedition, and long before the general public was more than passively curious upon the subject of louisiana, jefferson had nourished the plan for exploring the louisiana territory. in the memoir above referred to, he wrote:-- "while i resided in paris, john ledyard, of connecticut, arrived there, well known in the united states for energy of body and mind. he had accompanied captain cook on his voyage to the pacific ocean, and distinguished himself on that voyage by his intrepidity. being of a roaming disposition, he was now panting for some new enterprise. his immediate object at paris was to engage a mercantile company in the fur trade of the western coast of america, in which, however, he failed. i then proposed to him to go by land to kamchatka, cross in some of the russian vessels to nootka sound, fall down into the latitude of the missouri, and penetrate to and through that to the united states. he eagerly seized the idea, and only asked to be assured of the permission of the russian government." the consent of the empress of russia was obtained, together with an assurance of protection while the course of travel lay across her territory; and ledyard set out. while he was yet two hundred miles from kamchatka, winter overtook him, and there he was forced to remain through many months. in the spring, as he was preparing to go on, he was put under arrest. the empress, exercising the inalienable right of sovereign womanhood, had changed her mind. the reason for this change is not apparent. there may have been no reason more potent than international jealousy, which was lively in those days. at any rate, ledyard was put into a close carriage and conveyed to poland, traveling day and night, without once stopping. he was left in poland penniless and broken in body and spirit, and soon afterward died. later, in , jefferson proposed to the american philosophical society that a subscription be raised to engage some one to ascend the missouri, cross the mountains, and descend to the pacific. in order to preclude alarm to the indians or to other nations, it was intended that this expedition should consist of only two persons. meriwether lewis, then eighteen years of age, begged to have this commission, and it was given him. his one companion was to be a french botanist, andré michaux. the journey was actually begun, when it was discovered that michaux was residing in the united states in the capacity of a spy. once again the plan was deferred. "in ," wrote mr. jefferson, "the act for establishing trading houses with the indian tribes being about to expire, some modifications of it were recommended to congress by a confidential message of january th, and an extension of its views to the indians of the missouri. in order to prepare the way, the message proposed the sending an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source, to cross the highlands, and follow the best water communication which offered itself from thence to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposition, and voted a sum of money for carrying it into execution. captain lewis, who had then been near two years with me as private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the party." naturally, mr. jefferson was strongly inclined to intrust this work to his friend lewis. their official and private relations had been intimate; mr. jefferson had had ample opportunities for testing the fibre of the young man's character under strain; besides, lewis's confidential position had no doubt made him acquainted with the inner details of the plan, its broader significance, and the political obstacles to be overcome in carrying it into effect. aside from his temperamental disposition for such an enterprise, his public service had strengthened his grasp of national interests; enthusiasm for adventure had been supplemented by maturity of judgment in affairs of state. altogether, a better man for the place could not have been found. to carry out the work of the organized expedition would consist largely in surmounting physical difficulties; but to organize it and get it fairly started demanded considerable delicacy of diplomatic contrivance. the life of the nation, as it sought to expand and take form, was beset and harassed, north, south, and west, by international complications growing out of direct contact with unfriendly neighbors. in that day the united states did not sustain cordial relations with any of the strong nations of the world. the internal machinery of the new government was not yet in perfect adjustment; domestic crises were constantly recurring; permanence of democratic forms and methods was not by any means assured; the country had not established an indisputable right to be reckoned with in matters of international concern. russia alone, of all the powers, was considered as friendly. even in that case, however, there was nothing warmer than watchful neutrality. russian and american interests had not yet conflicted. the british, through the strong trading companies of canada, were hot for getting control of the indian traffic of the northwest--indeed, their prestige was already quite firmly fixed, and they were on their guard against any semblance of encroachment upon that domain of activity. this condition, coupled with other and acuter differences, made it highly probable that england would not take kindly to the expedition, should its object be openly avowed. spanish opposition would be even stronger. spain had but lately surrendered possession of the louisiana territory, whence her agents had for a long time derived large revenues from the indian trade, after the age-long manner she has pursued in dealing with her colonies and dependencies. spain still held the floridas, practically controlling the commerce of the gulf and the navigation of the mississippi; so that, while the people of the united states asserted the right of dépôt at new orleans and the further right of passage of the river throughout its length, their enjoyment of these rights was precarious. further, though the crown had transferred the territory west of the mississippi, its subjects had not quit their efforts for supremacy in trade; their influence long outlived the extinction of territorial rights. bitterly hostile to the growth of american ideas, they would certainly do what they could to oppose the expedition. it was with france, however, that our government had to deal directly. in napoleon had acquired title to louisiana, trading with spain, giving in exchange the little kingdom of etruria. but his control of the territory was more tacit than actual; he was so busily engaged at home that he found no time to reduce his property to possession; his dominion west of the mississippi was never more than potential. war between france and england was imminent. napoleon had in america no adequate means for defending his new domain, which would therefore be likely to fall into the hands of the british at once upon the outbreak of war. he was growing anxious to be rid of the load. jefferson thought it probable that the territory would one day belong to the united states,--indeed, negotiations were pending for the transfer when the "confidential communication" to congress was written, in january, . although the outcome was still problematical, jefferson considered that the proper time for discovering what the land held; and this was the primary purpose of the lewis and clark expedition. for all of these reasons, and more, it was deemed necessary to cover from general view the real character of the enterprise. the appropriation by congress was made for the ostensible and innocent purpose of "extending the external commerce of the united states." in his letter to congress, which was for a long time kept secret, mr. jefferson said that france would regard this as in the nature of a "literary pursuit," and that whatever distrust she might feel would be allayed. but, though his ulterior purposes were sought to be concealed, the powers of france no doubt knew well enough what was in the wind. it was on june , , that jefferson gave to captain lewis detailed instructions for the conduct of his work. in the meantime (on april th), treaties had been signed at paris, ceding louisiana to the united states. that was a distinct triumph for american statecraft. on the one hand were ranged napoleon, talleyrand, and marbois; on the other, jefferson, livingston, and monroe. the french were at a disadvantage; their position was that of holding perishable goods, which must be sold to avoid catastrophe. napoleon said, not without reason, that the government of the united states availed itself of his distress incident to the impending struggle with england. however that may be, the territory changed owners for a consideration of $ , , . formal notification of the transfer was not received in washington until the early part of july, when active preparations for the exploration were being made. its receipt did not alter the character of the expedition, though many of the international complications were dissipated. thereafter the work was purely domestic in most of its aspects. chapter iii terms of the commission mr. jefferson's instructions to the young officer showed his own farsighted earnestness. had he who received them been any less in earnest, the task assigned to him must have seemed appalling. the primary instruction was to blaze a path, more than four thousand miles long, through an unstudied wilderness. it was conceived that this could best be done by following the missouri to its head waters, crossing "the highlands" to the navigable waters of the columbia, and going down that river to the pacific; but this was only conjectural. the map in the hands of the explorers, the only basis for a preliminary outline of their route, was drawn partly from hearsay, partly from imagination; it showed the source of the missouri to be somewhere in central california; it showed nothing of the mighty barrier of the rocky mountains. there was one thin, uncertain line of hills, far to the west, that might have been the sierra nevadas; further than that there was nothing but a broad interior plain, seamed with rivers. practically nothing was known of the difficulties that would be encountered. white men had ventured for a little way up the missouri in earlier years, to carry on a desultory fur-trade with the indians; but these traders had been mostly happy-go-lucky frenchmen, who had taken but little thought for the morrow. they had no trustworthy information to give that would be of service to scientific travelers. so far as sure knowledge of it was concerned, the land was virgin, and lewis and clark were to be its discoverers. they were directed to explore it in detail. observations of latitude and longitude were to be made at all points of particular interest. the native nations and tribes encountered along the way were to be studied with care, and record preserved of their names and numbers; the extent and boundaries of their possessions; their relations with other tribes and nations; their language, traditions, and monuments; their occupations, implements, food, clothing, and domestic accommodations; their diseases and methods of cure; their physical, social, moral, and religious peculiarities and customs; their ideas and practice of commerce, and the possibility of extending among them the influences of civilization,--in short, every circumstance was to be noted which might render future relations with these people intelligent. particular attention was to be given to the state of feeling toward the whites, in those tribes which had had experience with the traders. should the expedition succeed in reaching the pacific, the conditions of trade upon the coast were to form a subject of special inquiry. along the route full observations were directed to be made concerning the face of the country,--the contour of the land; the character and course of streams, their suitability as avenues of commerce, and the means of communication between them; and also the points best adapted to the establishment of trading-stations and fortifications. the conditions of agricultural development were to be noted as fully as might be,--soil, water-supply, climate, and change of seasons; and also the natural resources of the country, vegetable, animal, and mineral. nothing was to be neglected, knowledge of which might contribute to the success or security of later enterprise. "in all your intercourse with the natives," wrote mr. jefferson, "treat them in the most friendly and conciliatory manner which their own conduct will admit; allay all jealousies as to the object of your journey; satisfy them of its innocence; make them acquainted with the position, extent, character, peaceable and commercial dispositions of the united states; of our wish to be neighborly, friendly, and useful to them, and of our dispositions to a commercial intercourse with them; confer with them on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums, and the articles of most desirable interchange for them and us. if a few of their influential chiefs, within practicable distance, wish to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them with authority to call on our officers, on their entering the united states, to have them conveyed to this place at the public expense. if any of them should wish to have some of their people brought up with us, and taught such arts as may be useful to them, we will receive, instruct, and take care of them." as it could not be foreseen in what manner the travelers would be received by the indians, whether with hospitality or hostility, captain lewis was told to use his own discretion as to persevering with the enterprise in the face of opposition; and he was also told that should he succeed in getting through to the pacific, he might choose his own means for getting back again,--shipping by way of cape horn or the cape of good hope, if chance offered; or, in the absence of such opportunity, returning overland. a precious liberty, truly, when read in the light of the facts! the instructions concluded with this frank paragraph:-- "as you will be without money, clothes, or provisions, you must endeavor to use the credit of the united states to obtain them; for which purpose open letters of credit shall be furnished you, authorizing you to draw on the executive of the united states, or any of its officers, in any part of the world in which drafts can be disposed of, and to apply with our recommendations to the consuls, agents, merchants, or citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse, assuring them in our name that any aids they may furnish you shall be honorably repaid, and on demand." as events transpired, that paragraph was almost ironical. a letter of credit directed to the man in the moon would have served quite as well. the two redoubtable captains were to be soldiers, sailors, explorers, geographers, ethnologists, botanists, geologists, chemists, diplomats, missionaries, financiers, and historians; also cooks, tailors, shoemakers, hunters, trappers, fishermen, scouts, woodcutters, boatbuilders, carpenters, priests, and doctors. from the time they left st. louis, in may, , until they returned to that place, in september, , the men were cut off from civilization and all its aids, and left to work out their own salvation. not for one moment were they dismayed; not in a single particular did they fail to accomplish what had been assigned to them. the congressional appropriation for the purposes of the expedition was based upon an estimate made by captain lewis himself, which is so refreshing as to deserve literal quotation:-- _recapitulation of an estimate of the sum necessary to carry into effect the miss^ie expedition_ mathematical instruments $ arms and accoutrements extraordinary camp ecquipage medicine and packing means of transportation indian presents provisions extraordinary materials for making up the various articles into portable packs for the pay of hunters, guides and interpreters in silver coin, to defray the expences of the party from nashville to the last white settlement on the missisourie contingencies ----- total $ eighty-seven dollars for the contingencies of a twenty-eight months' journey of discovery, more than eight thousand miles in length, with a company of forty-five men, and through a land literally unknown! captain lewis set out from washington in july, , and was joined by captain clark at louisville, whence they proceeded to the rendezvous on the mississippi, near st. louis. they intended to embark upon their course in the autumn; but several delays occurred, of one sort and another, and the party was not assembled until december. the officers wished to establish winter quarters at the last white settlement on the missouri, a few miles above st. louis; but the spanish governor of the territory had not yet learned of the change in ownership, and would not suffer them to proceed. this compelled them to remain in the lower camp until spring. the winter months were not lost, however; they were passed in drilling and instructing the men in the details of the work before them, thus greatly increasing their efficiency and no doubt obviating delays at later times. chapter iv the start as it was first organized, the party consisted of twenty-nine members,--the two officers, nine young kentuckians, fourteen soldiers of the regular army who had volunteered to accompany the expedition, two french watermen, an interpreter and hunter, and a negro servant of captain clark. at st. louis there were sixteen additional recruits,--an indian hunter and interpreter, and fifteen boatmen, who were to go as far as the villages of the mandan nation. this brought the total to forty-five. a broadly inclusive statement must suffice to characterize the non-commissioned men. they were brave, sturdy, able; amenable to discipline, yet full of original resource; ideal subordinates, yet almost every one fitted by nature for command, if occasion should arise. they proved themselves equal to all emergencies. at least five of these men kept journals, and no better index to their character need be asked than that afforded by the manuscript records. if ever there was temptation to color and adorn a narrative with the stuff that makes travelers' tales attractive, it was here; yet in none of the journals is there to be found a departure from plain, simple truth-telling. their matter-of-fact tone would render them almost commonplace, if the reader did not take pains to remember what it all meant. nowhere is there anything like posing for effect; the nearest approach to it is in the initial entry in the diary of that excellent irishman, private patrick gass,--and parts of this have been branded as apocryphal, the interpolation of an enthusiastic editor:-- "on monday, of may, , we left our establishment at the mouth of the river du bois, or wood river, a small river which falls into the mississippi, on the east side, a mile below the missouri, and having crossed the mississippi proceeded up the missouri on our intended voyage of discovery, under the command of captain clarke. captain lewis was to join us in two or three days on our passage.... the expedition was embarked on board a batteau and two periogues. the day was showery, and in the evening we encamped on the north bank, six miles up the river. here we had leisure to reflect on our situation, and the nature of our engagements: and as we had all entered this service as volunteers, to consider how far we stood pledged for the success of an expedition which the government had projected; and which had been undertaken for the benefit and at the expence of the union: of course of much interest and high expectation. "the best authenticated accounts informed us that we were to pass through a country possessed by numerous, powerful, and warlike nations of savages, of gigantic stature, fierce, treacherous, and cruel; and particularly hostile to white men. and fame had united with tradition in opposing mountains to our course, which human enterprize and exertion would attempt in vain to pass. the determined and resolute character, however, of the corps, and the confidence which pervaded all ranks dispelled every emotion of fear and anxiety for the present; while a sense of duty, and of the honor which would attend the completion of the object of the expedition; a wish to gratify the expectations of the government, and of our fellow-citizens, with the feelings which novelty and discovery invariably inspire, seemed to insure to us ample support in our future toils, suffering, and danger." in captain clark's journal there is nothing of this sort. the opening entry is a bare memorandum of latitude and longitude, a note as to the appearance of the river banks, and a statement of the number of miles covered during the day,--a memorable achievement in modesty. of the boats in which the party was embarked, the batteau was a keel-vessel fifty-five feet in length, carrying a large square sail, and manned by twenty-two oars. in the bow and stern, ten-foot decks formed forecastle and cabin; and in the middle part were lockers, whose tops could be raised to form a line of breastworks along either gunwale, in case of attack from indians. the "periogues" were open boats, manned by six and seven oars. besides these conveyances for the men and baggage, horses were led along the banks of the river, to be used by the hunters in their daily occupations and for service in emergency. the officers had observed the wise rule of travelers, and had sought to simplify their equipment to the last degree. the name of lower missouri attached to that part of the river between its mouth and the entrance of the platte. over so much of the route the expedition passed quietly. a few notes from the journals will suffice to show the nature of the daily labors. may th the party stopped at the village of st. charles, a typical french settlement of the frontier, twenty-one miles above st. louis; and under that date occurs this admirable note:-- "the inhabitants, about in number, are chiefly descendants from the french of canada. in their manners they unite all the careless gayety and amiable hospitality of the best times of france. yet, like most of their countrymen in america, they are but little qualified for the rude life of the frontier,--not that they are without talent, for they possess much natural genius and vivacity; not that they are destitute of enterprise, for their hunting excursions are long, laborious, and hazardous; but their exertions are all desultory; their industry is without system and without perseverance. the surrounding country, therefore, though rich, is not generally well cultivated; the inhabitants chiefly subsist by hunting and trade with the indians, and confine their culture to gardening, in which they excel." it would be difficult to find a juster or more accurate characterization of the french as pioneers. although in the early days of settlement along the mississippi and its tributaries they outnumbered the people of other nations, they made no deep impression. they got along admirably while they were sustained by the tonic-stimulus of excitement and variety; but when that was removed, they found the conquest of even the richest of lands too dull for their tastes. lacking stability of nature, they could not achieve solid results in prosaic labor. they did not so much as lay a foundation for the serious builders of after years. may d, in camp on good man's river, the party made its first trade with indians. some kickapoos were engaged to procure provisions; they brought in four deer, and were given in return two quarts of whiskey, which they considered ample requital. "may th.... stopped for the night at the entrance of a creek on the north side, called by the french la charette, ten miles from our last camp, and a little above a small village of the same name. it consists of seven small houses, and as many poor families, who have fixed themselves here for the convenience of trade. they form the last establishment of whites on the missouri." la charette was one of the earliest colonies, and famous as the far western home of daniel boone. there that immortal frontiersman passed the last years of his life, in the sweet luxury of quiet and freedom; and there he died in the year . throughout those first weeks the journals breathe content. every man was abundantly pleased with his work and his lot; game was plentiful, in great variety; the difficulties to be overcome were no more than those attending the navigation of a swift and turbulent river, whose erratic channel was filled with sand-bars and dead timber. the travelers were enjoying a typical prairie season of the lower altitudes, which makes an ideal setting for outdoor life. here and there they came in contact with friendly bands of indians; occasionally they encountered boats upon the river, manned by traders, who were drifting with the current to st. louis, bearing the plunder of a season's traffic. upon the banks of the stream were many tokens of the inconstancy of purpose of the border life,--abandoned sites of indian villages and deserted fortifications that had been erected by traders to serve for temporary convenience and protection. nowhere was there a sign of the american interpretation of the word "enterprise." on june th they reached the mouth of the kansas river, now marked by kansas city. there they camped for two days; there they fell in with the kansas indians, with whom they held a pacific conference; and there the hunters met for the first time with buffalo. forty-three days had been consumed in crossing what is now the state of missouri. july th camp was made at the mouth of the platte river, six hundred miles from st. louis, where the town of plattsmouth, neb., stands; and that date marked a radical change in the duties and conduct of the expedition. the disposition of the indians of the lower missouri was already pretty well known, so that no time had been spent in establishing relations with them. they were still mostly unspoiled savages, to be sure; but they were acquainted with the appearance of the whites, at least, and their bearing toward traders and colonists had been for the most part decent. but the situation upon the upper missouri was altogether different. although the problem might not be definitely stated, because many of its factors were unknown, it could be foreseen that a solution would tax the genius of civilization. the dominant nations of the plains indians--those whose numerical strength and war-like character made them feared by their neighbors--had their domain above the platte. the sioux in particular had a mighty reputation, established by treachery and ferocity in war. their history recorded a constant succession of cruel wars, most of which had had no justification save in arrogance and bloody-mindedness. they did not want to live at peace; for peace signified to them a state of craven inanition. the mission of lewis and clark was directed pointedly against that manner of behavior; they were not only to secure themselves against hostility, but were also to endeavor to reconcile the warring tribes and nations to one another. that was an undertaking calling for a high degree of tact and courage. from a camp a few miles above the platte, where the party remained for several days, messengers were sent to the villages of the pawnees and otoes, fifty miles to the westward, bearing gifts, with an invitation to a council. through wars and other disasters, the otoes were then much reduced in numbers, as in almost every item of the savage code of efficiency and independence. in their weakened state they had formed an alliance with the pawnees,--a primitive adaptation of the idea of a protectorate. the pawnees had considerable strength, and they were in character much above the indian average, living in permanent villages, where they sustained themselves by cultivating cornfields and hunting the buffalo. after carefully reconnoitring the lower platte valley and the surrounding country, the expedition passed onward, traveling slowly to allow the indians to overtake them. on the th they passed the present site of omaha; and on the th encamped at a point twelve or fifteen miles to the north. it was this camp, pitched where the village of calhoun, neb., now stands, that received the name of council bluff, which was later appropriated by an iowa town. here, on august d, appeared a small band of otoes and missouris, with a frenchman who resided among them. presents were exchanged, and the officers requested a council upon the following morning. "august d. this morning the indians, with their six chiefs, were all assembled under an awning formed with the mainsail, in presence of all our party, paraded for the occasion. a speech was then made announcing to them the change in the government, our promise of protection, and advice as to their future conduct. all the six chiefs replied to our speech, each in his turn, according to rank. they expressed their joy at the change in the government; their hopes that we would recommend them to their great father (the president), that they might obtain trade and necessaries; they wanted arms as well for hunting as for defense, and asked our mediations between them and the mahas, with whom they are now at war. we promised to do so, and wished some of them to accompany us to that nation, which they declined, for fear of being killed by them. we then proceeded to distribute our presents. the grand chief of the nation not being of the party, we sent him a flag, a medal, and some ornaments for clothing. to the six chiefs who were present, we gave a medal of the second grade to one otoe chief and one missouri chief; a medal of the third grade to two inferior chiefs of each nation--the customary mode of recognizing a chief being to place a medal round his neck, which is considered among his tribe as a proof of his consideration abroad. each of these medals was accompanied by a present of paint, garters, and cloth ornaments of dress; and to these we added a canister of powder, a bottle of whiskey, and a few presents to the whole, which appeared to make them perfectly satisfied. the air-gun, too, was fired, and astonished them greatly...." this was the first important conference with the natives. if it was not rich in results, it served at least the temporary purpose of putting these allied tribes in a good humor by satisfying their sense of their own dignity. nothing more was to be expected. it is well to say outright, as a commentary upon all meetings such as this, that no council with indians, however ceremonious or solemn, has results more permanent than those which attend the purely diplomatic relations of civilized nations. in all our intercourse with the indians, from the very beginning, too much stress has been laid upon the importance and the binding obligation of formal pow-wows. we have been unduly conscious of our own cunning, while undervaluing the craft that is native to all wild peoples; we have too often lost sight of the one really imperative element in any compact that is to be effective and enduring,--mutuality of honorable purpose. most men, whether civilized or savage, can appreciate honest motives and behavior; and so can they detect dishonest wiles and artifices. lewis and clark knew well enough what was before them. the indians' past experience with the light-minded french and the evil-minded spanish adventurers of the border had left a deep impression; it had made them wary, if not distrustful, of white men's protestations. this impression was not to be removed by merely sitting around in a circle and making speeches; it could only be removed by long and intimate association in the affairs of actual life. if the whites meant well, they would do well, argued the indians. to do well was a matter of time. the most that lewis and clark hoped for was to establish peace with the natives, to prepare the way for confidence and trust. meanwhile they knew that they would need to be constantly upon their guard. on august th one of the non-commissioned officers, sergeant charles floyd, was taken ill, and on the next day he died. this was the only death to occur in the party throughout the course of the expedition. the entries in captain clark's journals for those two days are thoroughly characteristic of him:-- "august .... serjeant loyd is taken verry bad all at once with a biliose chorlick we attempt to reliev him without success as yet, he gets worse and we are much allarmed at his situation, all attention to him...." "august .... sergeant floyd much weaker and no better.... died with a great deel of composure, before his death he said to me 'i am going away i want you to write me a letter.' we buried him on the top of the bluff one-half mile below a small river to which we gave his name, he was buried with the honors of war much lamented, a seeder post with the name sergt. c. floyd died here th august, , was fixed at the head of his grave--this man at all times gave us proofs of his firmness and determined resolution to doe service to his countrey and honor to himself after paying all the honor to our decesed brother we camped in the mouth of floyds river about thirty yards wide, a butifull evening." upon the death of floyd, private patrick gass was made a sergeant,--a wise choice, determined by the votes of the men. besides the death of floyd, but one other incident occurred in the twenty-eight months to affect the integrity of the corps. a man had deserted on august th; two weeks later he had been recaptured; and for the th there is this entry in captain clark's journal:-- "proceeded to the trial of reed, he confessed that he 'deserted & stold a public rifle shot-pouch powder & ball' and requested we would be as favorable to him as we could consistently with our oathes--which we were and only sentenced him to run the gantlet four times through the party and that each man with switchies should punish him & for him not to be considered in future as one of the party." so stanch were the men in their allegiance, and so trustworthy in the performance of their duties, that in only one other place in all the journals is there mention of an act of discipline. chapter v with the sioux toward the end of august the party reached the sioux country. some of the tribes of this nation were known to be friendly toward the whites, while others had acquired a manner overbearing and insolent, inspired by the inferior numbers of the traders who had visited them in the past, and by the subservient attitude which these had assumed. from such tribes there was good reason to anticipate opposition, or even open hostility. but the specific nature of their mission made the officers desirous of a personal meeting with all tribes, irrespective of their past reputation. there is a saying familiar to western folk: "show an indian that you are afraid of him, and he will give you reason for fear." the travelers were not afraid. they adopted the custom of the traders and set fire to the dry grasses of the prairie, intending that the smoke should notify the indians of their approach and summon them to the river. shortly before this they had encountered upon the river one pierre dorion, a half-breed son of the notable old dorion, whose fame is celebrated in irving's "astoria." this man was then on his way to st. louis, but was persuaded to return with the expedition to his home among the sioux, there to act as interpreter and intermediary, in which service he proved useful. relations with the sioux began on the th of august. the meeting was attended with elaborate ceremonies. one of the non-commissioned officers was dispatched with dorion to a village twelve miles distant from the camp, taking presents of tobacco, corn, and cooking utensils. in view of the later history of the sioux, and because of the intrinsic charm of the narrative, the story of this encounter is quoted at length from mr. biddle's well-edited version:-- "august th.... sergeant pryor reported that on reaching their village, he was met by a party with a buffalo-robe, on which they desired to carry their visitors,--an honor which they declined, informing the indians that they were not the commanders of the boats. as a great mark of respect, they were then presented with a fat dog, already cooked, of which they partook heartily, and found it well flavored.... "august th.... we prepared a speech and some presents, and then sent for the chiefs and warriors, whom we received, at twelve o'clock, under a large oak tree, near which the flag of the united states was flying. captain lewis delivered a speech, with the usual advice and counsel for their future conduct. we acknowledged their chiefs, by giving to the grand chief a flag, a medal, a certificate, and a string of wampum; to which we added a chief's coat--that is, a richly laced uniform of the united states artillery corps, with a cocked hat and red feather. one second chief and three inferior ones were made or recognized by medals, a suitable present of tobacco, and articles of clothing. we smoked the pipe of peace, and the chiefs retired to a bower formed of bushes by their young men, where they divided among one another the presents, smoked, eat, and held a council on the answer which they were to make us to-morrow. the young people exercised their bows and arrows in shooting at marks for beads, which we distributed to their best marksmen. in the evening the whole party danced until a late hour, and, in the course of their amusement, we threw among them some knives, tobacco, bells, tape, and binding, with which they were much pleased.... "august st. in the morning, after breakfast, the chiefs met and sat down in a row, with pipes of peace highly ornamented; all pointed toward the seats intended for captains lewis and clark. when they arrived and were seated, the grand chief, whose indian name weucha is in english shake hand, and in french is called le liberateur (the deliverer), rose and spoke at some length, approving what we had said, and promising to follow our advice. 'i see before me,' said he, 'my great father's two sons. you see me and the rest of our chiefs and warriors. we are very poor; we have neither powder, nor ball, nor knives; and our women and children at the village have no clothes. i wish that as my brothers have given me a flag and a medal, they would give something to those poor people, or let them stop and trade with the first boat which comes up the river. i will bring chiefs of the pawnees and mahas together, and make peace between them; but it is better that i should do it than my great father's sons, for they will listen to me more readily. i will also take some chiefs to your country in the spring; but before that time i cannot leave home. i went formerly to the english, and they gave me a medal and some clothes; when i went to the spanish, they gave me a medal, but nothing to keep it from my skin; but now you give me a medal and clothes. but still we are poor; and i wish, brothers, that you would give us something for our squaws.' ... "they promised to make peace with the otoes and missouris, the only nations with whom they are now at war. all these harangues concluded by describing the distress of the nation; they begged us to have pity on them; to send them traders; they wanted powder and ball, and seemed anxious that we should supply them with some of their great father's milk, the name by which they distinguished ardent spirits." these were the yanktons, one of the important tribes of the great sioux nation. the yanktons have always been known to the whites as a people of distinction, shrewd, artful, good hunters, good fighters, and altogether quite able to take care of themselves. in their inmost hearts, they were vain of their prestige amongst their inferior neighbors; nor did they really acknowledge the superiority of the whites. their speeches must be taken as declarations of momentary policy, and not of fixed principles. further, they did not express the thought of the tribe as a whole, but only the inclinations of those chiefs who were for the time in authority, and whose word was for that time the tribal law. the bearing of the yanktons, as of almost every other indian tribe, has been modified or altogether changed, time and again, under the will of successive chiefs. the attention of the expedition was not wholly engrossed with the indians. from day to day the journals are filled with careful and valuable notes upon the natural history and physical geography of the land, about which nothing had as yet been written. under the date of september th there occurs a good description of the prairie-dog; and on the th the antelope of the western plains was described. both of these animals were then unknown to science. september th the party walked close to the edge of catastrophe, when they met with another tribe of the sioux,--the tetons. this was the first occasion for an exhibition of the fighting temper of the men. in describing the encounter, captain clark's journal is as usual picturesque and graphic:-- "envited the chiefs on board to show them our boat & such curiossities as was strange to them, we gave them / a glass of whiskey which they appeared to be verry fond of, sucked the bottle after it was out & soon began to be troublesom, one the d chief assumeing drunkness, as a cloaki for his rascally intentions. i went with those chiefs (which left the boat with great reluctiance) to shore with a view of reconseleing those men to us, as soon as i landed the perogue three of their young men seased the cable of the perogue, the chiefs soldr. huged the mast, and the d chief was verry insolent both in words & justures declareing i should not go on, stateing he had not received presents sufficient from us, his justures were of such a personal nature i felt myself compeled to draw my sword, at this motion capt. lewis ordered all under arms in the boat, those with me also showed a disposition to defend themselves and me, the grand chief then took hold of the roap & ordered the young warrers away, i felt myself warm & spoke in very positive terms. we proceeded about mile & anchored out off a willow island placed a guard on shore to protect the cooks & a guard in the boat, fastened the perogues to the boat, i call this island bad humered island as we were in a bad humer." the journals for the next day say:-- "our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with fear of us, and as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly ... we came to on the south side, where a crowd of men, women and children were waiting to receive us. captain lewis went on shore and remained several hours; and observing that their disposition was friendly, we resolved to remain during the night for a dance, which they were preparing for us." the two officers were received on shore by ten well-dressed young men, who took them up in a decorated robe and carried them in state to the council-house. there the pipe of peace was smoked, a ceremonious dog-feast was prepared; the chieftains delivered themselves of speeches, divided between fawning adulation and flamboyant boasting; and then came a sort of state ball, which continued until midnight. the next morning the travelers were suffered to proceed. that was a notable encounter. the tetons have always been counted among the most irresponsible villains of their race, treacherous by first impulse, murderous by strongest inclination, thievish according to opportunity, combining the effrontery of italian beggars with the boldness begotten by their own sanguinary history. yet this determined little band faced them in the heart of their own land, and overawed them. for many days thereafter, parties of the tetons appeared from time to time upon the river banks, following the boats, begging, threatening, doing everything in their power to harass the advance. no doubt they had already repented of their brief show of decency, and would have made an open demonstration had they dared. through those days the men generally encamped upon islands or sand-bars in mid-stream, deeming it wise to avoid further contact with the tribe. it was a decided relief to get beyond their territory. on october th they reached the land of the ricaras, a tribe whose conduct, in all domestic and foreign relations, was in striking contrast to that of the sioux, and indeed almost unique. the ricaras could not be induced to drink whiskey! soon after the arrival at the ricara villages, one of the privates was tried by court-martial for some act of insubordination, and was sentenced to be publicly whipped. the execution of the sentence "affected the indian chief very sensibly, for he cried aloud during the punishment." when the matter was explained to him, "he acknowledged that examples were necessary, and that he himself had given them by punishing with death; but his nation never whipped even children from their birth." universal sobriety, and compassionate tears from the eyes of a warrior! surely, that tribe was curious. by the last of october the travelers came to the camps of the mandans and minnetarees, miles from st. louis; and there, being warned by the calendar and by cold, they prepared to take up winter quarters. their first care was to find a suitable place for building log cabins and fortifications. with this work the men were engaged until november th, when fort mandan was completed and occupied. meanwhile, the officers had sought to extend acquaintance among the indians, and to establish confidence and bring them into sympathy with the new conditions of government. so far as pledges were concerned, they were fairly successful; the indians received them hospitably. the mandans had once been a powerful nation, living in numerous villages down the river; but continued wars with the sioux, coupled with sad ravages of the small-pox, had reduced them to an insignificant number, and compelled them to remove out of easy reach of their strongest enemies. when lewis and clark came upon them, they formed only a trifling souvenir of their past grandeur; they had then but two poor villages at this remote site, where they lived in a precarious hand-to-mouth fashion, having no allies but a small force of minnetarees near by. but fate had managed the matter very well, no doubt, in depriving these people of effective strength in war; for at this time the head chief of the minnetaree villages was a man who, given opportunity, would have made the river run red with the blood of his enemies. this was le borgne, a one-eyed old despot, of surpassing cruelty and bloodthirstiness, whose very name, even in his present position, would compel a shiver of apprehension. a chief such as he, at the head of forces matched to his ferocious desires, would have changed the history of the upper missouri. as it was, he spent most of his villainous instincts for his own private amusement,--occasionally slaughtering one of his warriors who had given him displeasure, or butchering a couple of his wives whose society had grown irksome; and between times he leered with his solitary evil eye upon the traders, contriving ways for getting whiskey with which to bait his passions. the british traders of the hudson bay and northwest companies had long before secured a strong foothold in this territory, and had sought by every means to monopolize the traffic. the ubiquitous french were there also, domiciled in the villages, and some of them had taken squaws to wife. with schooling from such as these, old le borgne had cut his wisdom teeth; he had made himself master of many low tricks and subtleties practiced by white traders and vagabonds; he was as skillful as the best of them in making promises, and as skillful as the worst in breaking them. he was a scamp, and a blackguard. lewis and clark succeeded directly in effecting a treaty of peace between the mandans and ricaras, and among other small tribes of the region round about; but they were powerless in trying to reconcile these people to the sioux, who were the bogie-men of the plains, and who conducted themselves in every affair of peace or war with the arrogance of incontestable power. not death itself could extinguish the hatred that was felt for them by the weaker tribes, compelled to skulk and tremble. early in november the officers received a visit from two squaws, who had been taken prisoners by the mandans, many years before, in a war with the snake indians of the rocky mountains. one of these squaws was named sacajawea, the "bird woman"; she had been but a child at the time of her capture, when she had been taken to the mandan villages and there sold to a frenchman, known as chaboneau, who kept her until she reached womanhood and then married her. she was destined to play a considerable part in the later work of the expedition, and to lend to it one of its few elements of true romance. the winter was passed busily, but for the most part quietly. the men suffered no serious deprivation. game was abundant; and one member of the party, who was a good amateur blacksmith, set up a small forge, where he turned out a variety of tools, implements, and trinkets, which were traded to the indians for corn. everything went well. the officers were as busy as the men, and their occupations were varied and vital. they found difficulty in getting credit for the news they bore that the government of the united states was to be thereafter in fact as well as in name the controlling agency in administering the affairs of the territory and in regulating trade. to make the indian mind ready to receive this lesson, it was first necessary to correct the evils bred by the earlier short-sighted rule of the spanish, and to uproot a strong predisposition in favor of the british traders. the hudson bay company had been in existence since , and the northwest company since ; and they were not inclined to surrender their control of trade without a struggle. aside from this task, the two youthful men-of-all-work were continually engaged in gathering material for a report upon the ethnology of the upper missouri and the plains. they have left to us a remarkably acute and accurate monograph upon the subject, which shows that they were even then alive to most of the questions likely to arise in the process of reducing the land to order. the data thus collected were entered at length in the journals; and a fair copy of these was made, for transmittal to washington in the spring. there were maps to be drawn, too; and a mass of interesting objects was gathered to illustrate the natural history of the route. this material had to be cleaned, prepared, assorted and catalogued, and packed for shipment, to accompany the report and illuminate its story, so that mr. jefferson might have a full understanding of what had been accomplished during the first year. the five months spent at fort mandan did not drag. the best part of the winter's work lay in the attitude which was taken in dealing with the indians. in every particular of behavior, the strictest integrity was observed. an indian is as ready as any one to recognize genuineness. before springtime, the mandans and minnetarees knew that they had found friends. in march the men began boat-building, preparatory to resuming their journey. the batteau was too cumbrous for use toward the head waters of the missouri, and it was to be sent back to st. louis. to take its place, canoes were fashioned from green cottonwood planks. cottonwood lumber is full of whims and caprices,--bending, twisting, cracking like brown paper, so as to be wholly unfit for ordinary carpentry; but there was no other material available. six canoes were made to hang together somehow; and in these ramshackle structures, together with the two periogues, the party covered more than a thousand miles of the roughest water of the missouri. annoyance was to be expected. the boats were continually splitting, opening at the seams, filling, and swamping, so that much time was lost in stopping to make repairs and to dry the water-soaked cargoes. this was merely an inconvenience, not an obstacle. chapter vi to the falls of the missouri on the afternoon of april , , winter quarters were abandoned. of the original forty-five men two had been lost; but three recruits had been gained,--chaboneau, his squaw sacajawea, and their infant son, born in february. from fort mandan fourteen of the men returned to st. louis in the barge, carrying documents, collections, and trophies, while thirty-two went onward, to be separated from their kind for almost eighteen months. on this day captain lewis wrote in his journal:-- "this little fleet altho' not quite so rispectable as those of columbus or capt. cook, were still viewed by us with as much pleasure as those deservedly famed adventurers ever beheld theirs; and i dare say with quite as much anxiety for their safety and preservation. we were now about to penetrate a country at least two thousand miles in width, on which the foot of civilized man had never trodden; the good or evil it had in store for us was for experiment yet to determine, and these little vessells contained every article by which we were to expect to subsist or defend ourselves. however as the state of mind in which we are, generally gives the coloring to events, when the imagination is suffered to wander into futurity, the picture which now presented itself to me was a most pleasing one, entertaining as i do the most confident hope of succeeding in a voyage which had formed a darling project of mine for the last ten years, i could but esteem this moment of our departure as among the most happy of my life." april th they came to the mouth of the yellowstone river, which enters the missouri miles above st. louis. they had had no adventure of moment; neither was there cause for immediate anxiety, save as they observed signs of the assiniboins. from the tribes with whom they had talked at winter quarters, they had heard stirring tales of this cut-throat band, which had inspired the wish to pass unobserved through their country. this desire was fulfilled. there was no meeting with the assiniboins. of all the wild creatures of the western wilderness, the one which could least be spared from the literature of adventure is the grizzly bear. lewis and clark were the first white men to give an account of this beast. many of the indian lodge-tales to which they had listened rang with the fame of the grizzly, as a background for the greater fame of the narrators. as a matter of course, fact and figment were inextricably blended in these tales; but, while they did not show the animal as it was, they could not exaggerate its untamable courage, its ferocity, or its rugged power of endurance. on april th, captain lewis, with a party of hunters, proved the truth of all that had been told him upon these points, and more; and upon many occasions thereafter, while the party was making its way from the yellowstone country to the mountains, there were encounters from which the men escaped by mere good fortune. the most critical adventures with the indians were but child's play in comparison. despite their boasting, the indians would seldom venture to provoke a fight with a grizzly, except in the most favorable circumstances, and when strength of numbers inspired them with bravado. reckless and headlong as wild elephants, nothing would daunt the grizzlies, once they had set about fighting; and so hardy were they as often to escape, apparently unharmed, though their vital parts were riddled with lead. until the rocky mountains were reached, there was almost no hardship arising from scarcity of food. early in may, captain lewis wrote that game of all sorts abounded, being so gentle as to take no alarm of the hunters. "the male buffalo particularly will hardly give way to us, and as we approach will merely look at us for a moment, as something new, and then quietly resume their feeding.... game is in such plenty that it has become a mere amusement to supply the party with provisions." in the months that followed, the men carried a blessed memory of that abundance. as they drew near to the foothills, navigation became more and more difficult. the river lost the sullen, muddy aspect of its lower course, where it flowed between low, sandy banks, and took the character of a mountain stream, walled with rock and filled with dangers. then it was that the cottonwood skiffs betrayed their weaknesses. accidents were of almost daily occurrence; and on one occasion the boat containing the instruments and papers was nearly lost. they were then more than two thousand miles from any place where such a loss could have been repaired. to go on would have been idle, without means for making accurate observations; they would have been obliged to turn back. in the face of this perpetual threat, they had no resource but to take their chances with luck; with the best they could do, they could not adequately safeguard themselves against calamity. for the time being, at least, they were rank fatalists. on sunday, may th, captain lewis left camp on foot, ascended to the summit of a ridge of hills near the river, and from the height had his first glimpse of the distant ranges of the rocky mountains. this was about a year and a half before pike's discovery. the journal entry for that day comes near to showing emotion:-- "while i viewed these mountains i felt a secret pleasure in thus finding myself so near the head of the hitherto conceived boundless missouri; but when i reflected on the difficulties which this snowey barrier would most probably throw in my way to the pacific, and the sufferings and hardships of myself and party in them, it in some measure counterballanced the joy i had felt in the first moments in which i gazed on them; but as i have always held it a crime to anticipate evils i will believe it a good comfortable road until i am compelled to believe differently." progress grew increasingly hard. rapids were numerous, over which the boats could not be urged with oars; so the men were compelled to walk upon the banks, drawing the craft with tow-lines. these lines were made mostly of elk-skin, which became softened and rotted by the water and often broke under the strain, causing many accidents of a trying and serious nature. the banks were sometimes so rocky and precipitous as to afford no foothold; then the men took to the water, wading, swimming, making headway as they could. one extract from the journals will illustrate the severity of their toil:-- "may st [a rainy day]. obstructions continue, and fatigue the men excessively. the banks are so slippery in some places, and the mud so adhesive, that they are unable to wear their moccasins; one fourth of the time they are obliged to be up to their arm-pits in the cold water, and sometimes they walk for several hours over the sharp fragments of rocks which have fallen from the hills. all this, added to the burden of dragging the heavy canoes, is very painful; yet the men bear it with great patience and good humour." on june d they came to a point where the river forked; and here, as the forks were of nearly equal volume, they were in doubt as to their route. captain lewis wrote:-- "on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since if, after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we were following did not come near the columbia, and be obliged to return, we should not only be losing the traveling season, two months of which have already elapsed, but probably dishearten the men so much as to induce them either to abandon the enterprise, or yield us a cold obedience, instead of the warm and zealous support which they have hitherto afforded us.... the fatigues of the last few days have occasioned some falling off in the appearance of the men; who, not having been able to wear their moccasins, have had their feet much bruised and mangled in passing over the stones and rough ground. they are, however, perfectly cheerful, and have an undiminished ardor for the expedition." in order to settle the doubt, the officers took each one branch of the stream and proceeded to explore it for some distance above the confluence, to determine its direction. captain lewis, ascending the northern fork, became convinced that it was not the main stream; and to it he gave the name, which it still bears, of maria's river. his warmth of youth speaks in this paragraph: "i determined to give it a name and in honour of miss maria w--d [maria wood, his cousin] called it maria's river. it is true that the hue of the waters of this turbulent and troubled stream but illy comport with the pure celestial virtues and amiable qualifications of that lovely fair one; but on the other hand it is a noble river; one destined to become in my opinion an object of contention between the two great powers of america and great britin, with rispect to the adjustment of the north westwardly boundary of the former; and that it will become one of the most interesting branches of the missouri." meanwhile, captain clark had gone far enough along the southern fork to satisfy himself that that was the proper course; and when he rejoined captain lewis at the confluence, preparations were made for continuing the journey. it was then clear that the burdens of the men must be lightened; accordingly, considerable quantities of merchandise, ammunition, etc., were buried in the earth, or "cached," after a method often followed by travelers of the west; care being taken to preserve the stores against moisture. one of the periogues also was left at this place, securely hidden. while this work was going on, captain lewis, with several of the men, proceeded to explore the southern stream more minutely, seeking to devise means for passing the cañon at the mouth of which the party was encamped. june th he heard in the distance the roar of the great falls of the missouri; and, after pushing on for several miles, he stood at the foot of the lower cascade. relying upon descriptions which had been given by the indians at the mandan villages, he now felt assured that the right way had been chosen. he seated himself before the roaring sheet of water, and endeavored to put a description of it upon paper; but then he added helplessly:-- "after wrighting this imperfect description i again viewed the falls and was so much disgusted with the imperfect idea which it conveyed of the scene that i determined to draw my pen across it and begin agin, but then reflected that i could not perhaps succeed better than penning the first impressions of the mind; i wished for the pencil of a salvator rosa, or the pen of a thompson, that i might be enabled to give to the enlightened world some just idea of this truly magnificent and sublimely grand object, which has from the commencement of time been concealed from the view of civilized man; but this was fruitless and vain. i most sincerely regreted that i had not brought a chimeeobscura with me by the assistance of which i could have hoped to have done better but alas this was also out of my reach; i therefore, with my pen only endeavored to trace some of the stronger features of this seen by the assistance of which and my recollection aided by some able pencil i hope still to give to the world some fain idea of an object which at this moment fills me with such pleasure and astonishment." on the next day he went ahead, alone, and discovered that this was but the first of a long series of cascades, extending for many miles up the cañon. it was a day of excitement. while returning to rejoin his party, he suffered his gun to remain for a time unloaded; in this plight he was surprised by a grizzly bear. cut off from any other retreat, he was forced to take to the water, in which he stood to the depth of his armpits, facing the brute upon the bank and preparing to defend himself in a hand-to-hand struggle; but, in a manner wholly out of keeping with his family traditions, the grizzly was content to walk away without attacking. proceeding about nightfall, the young officer encountered a strange beast, probably a wolverine, which showed fight; and a little later he was charged by three bulls from a herd of buffalo. upon waking the next morning, he found a large rattlesnake coiled about the trunk of the tree beneath which he had slept. chapter vii over the continental divide a messenger was sent back to captain clark, detailing what had been discovered, and giving such instructions as would best enable him to bring up the boats. it is now captain clark's turn to bear testimony to the spirit of the men:-- "june th.... proceeded with great difficulty, in consequence of the increased rapidity of the current. the channel is constantly obstructed by rocks and dangerous rapids. during the whole progress, the men are in the water holding the canoes, and walking on sharp rocks and round stones, which cut their feet or cause them to fall. rattlesnakes are so numerous that the men are constantly on their guard against being bitten by them; yet they bear the fatigues with the most undiminished cheerfulness." the severest labor was necessary in making a portage of the falls. the remaining periogue was abandoned, the canoes only being carried on. to accomplish this, a large cottonwood tree was felled, its trunk being cut into short sections to serve as wheels for improvised carriages; the mast of the periogue, cut into lengths, being used as axles. before these carriages could be utilized, it was necessary for the men to carry the canoes and baggage upon their shoulders to the level plains above the cañon walls, where captain clark had marked out with stakes the easiest path for a portage. this was a trying labor; and the portage itself was not less laborious. the journal says:-- "here [on the plains above the river] they all repaired their moccasins, and put on double soles to protect them from the prickly-pear, and from the sharp points of earth which have been formed by the trampling of the buffalo during the late rains. this of itself is enough to render the portage disagreeable to one who has no burden; but as the men are loaded as heavily as their strength will permit, the crossing is really painful. some are limping with the soreness of their feet; others are scarcely able to stand for more than a few minutes, from the heat and fatigue. they are all obliged to halt and rest frequently; at almost every stopping-place they fall, and most of them are asleep in an instant; yet no one complains, and they go on with great cheerfulness." notwithstanding this hardship, lewis's journal entry of june th has this fine bit:-- "such as were able to shake a foot amused themselves in dancing on the green to the music of the violin, which cruzatte plays extremely well." captain lewis had brought along in the baggage a steel skeleton or framework for a boat, thirty-six feet in length, which he had planned to use in shallow water. it was to be completed by stretching over the steel ribs a covering of skins, making the whole water-tight by any means that might be at hand. this was the place for the experiment. much time was spent in collecting and curing skins, which, when fitted to the frame, were smeared with a composition of tallow, beeswax, and charcoal. this failed, however. as soon as the mixture dried, it fell away in flakes, and the vessel was entirely worthless. but lewis wrote that "the boat in every other rispect completely answers my most sanguine expectations"! then the men were employed for some time in making "dugout" canoes from cottonwood logs,--a weary labor, considering the tools they had. not until july th was the long interruption ended, and the journey resumed. july th captain clark, who was in advance of the main party, discovered the three forks of the missouri, which were named the jefferson, madison, and gallatin rivers. by the westernmost of these, the jefferson, they proceeded, keeping a careful lookout for indians. "july th [mr. biddle's edition of the journals]. we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route, we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river--at least, such a pass as will lead us to the columbia. even are we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any fit to make canoes, so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. our consolation is that this southwest branch can scarcely head with any other river than the columbia; and if any nation of indians can live in the mountains we are able to endure as much as they can, and have even better means of procuring subsistence." by the first days of august this fear for the scarcity of game had become a reality; they were getting beyond the summer range of deer and buffalo, which had been their chief reliance. through their long season of toil they had been plentifully fed; but they were now to know the pains of hunger, and the ills which follow upon a meagre diet. the hunters were daily reporting increasingly bad luck in the chase; some days would yield nothing; upon other days the camp would heartily welcome an owl, an eagle, or a bag of insignificant small birds of any sort, or even a wolf--anything that had flesh on its bones. but these deprivations did not one whit abate the zeal for discovery. about this time they found the jefferson river to be formed by three minor streams, to which they gave the names of philosophy, philanthropy, and wisdom rivers, "in commemoration of those cardinal virtues which have so eminently marked that deservedly selibrated character." it is a pity to record that this complimentary intention was thwarted by time; but philosophy is now known as willow creek, wisdom is now the big hole, and philanthropy bears the hard name of stinking water. since leaving fort mandan, in the preceding april, they had seen no indians. they were now somewhat reassured by sacajawea, the "bird woman," who said that they were nearing the site of her old home with the snakes. she was as anxious as they for a meeting with her people, which she told them must soon occur. but anxiety increased as the days passed, and on the th of august captain lewis, accompanied by several of the men, set out in advance of the rest, "with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long they might be separated from the party." three days later the stream, along which their route had lain for so long, was shrunken to such a width that one of the men was able to stand with his feet upon opposite banks; and in that posture he thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. within a little time they drank from the icy spring that gave the rivulet its birth. they then stood upon the crest of the great continental divide, on the boundary between the present states of montana and idaho. they had run the mighty missouri to its lair! as if that were not satisfaction enough for one day, they went forward for three fourths of a mile, and there "reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water, running to the westward." stooping, they drank of the waters of the lemhi river, one of the upper branches of the columbia. on the following day, as they were tracing the course of this stream, they observed two women, a man, and some dogs, stationed upon the summit of a hill at the distance of a mile. captain lewis advanced, unarmed, displaying a flag. the women retreated at once; and the man, after waiting until lewis had approached to within a hundred paces, also disappeared in the thick brush. after following the trail for a mile, they came suddenly upon three indian women. one of these made her escape; but the others, an old dame and a child, seated themselves upon the ground and bowed their heads, as though expecting to be put to death forthwith. captain lewis advanced, took the older woman by the hand and raised her to her feet, at the same time displaying the white skin of his arm,--for exposure had tanned his face and hands as dark as those of the natives themselves. he then gave them some trinkets, and the other woman being recalled, he painted the faces of the three with vermilion, an act understood by all indians as signifying pacific intentions. while he was thus engaged, sixty mounted shoshone warriors galloped up, armed and voicing their war-cry, thinking to do battle with minnetaree foes, for whom they had mistaken the whites. they were overjoyed upon discovering the identity of their visitors, saluted them heartily, smoked with them the pipe of peace, and offered such entertainment as they had. they were without food, excepting some indifferent cakes made from service-berries and choke-cherries, dried in the sun. to secure the friendly regard of these people, captain lewis tried to induce some of them to return with him to the point where he was to rejoin captain clark and the others, saying that the main party was bringing merchandise for trade; and he was at last successful in getting a goodly escort. when he met with the men of the main party, they were still toiling heavily up the narrow channel of the missouri, dragging the canoes. sacajawea at once recognized the members of her tribe. a woman of the band ran forward to meet her, and they embraced with signs of extravagant joy, for they had been playmates in childhood. "while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days," says the journal, "captain clark went on, and was received by captain lewis and the chief, who, after the first embraces and salutations were over, conducted him to a sort of circular tent or shade of willows. here he was seated on a white robe, and the chief immediately tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls, an ornament highly valued by these people, who procure them in the course of trade from the seacoast. the moccasins of the whole party were then taken off, and after much ceremony the smoking began. after this the conference was to be opened. glad of an opportunity of being able to converse more intelligibly, they sent for sacajawea, who came into the tent, sat down, and was beginning to interpret, when in the person of cameawait (the chief) she recognized her brother. she instantly jumped up and ran and embraced him, throwing over him her blanket, and weeping profusely. the chief was himself moved, though not in the same degree. after some conversation between them, she resumed her seat and attempted to interpret for us; but her new situation seemed to overpower her, and she was frequently interrupted by tears." chapter viii the last stage of the westward journey should a water route be taken from the shoshone villages, it would be necessary to descend the lemhi to salmon river; the salmon would conduct them to the snake, and that to the columbia. but they were told that this course was impracticable. the lemhi flowed in an ungovernable torrent through wild cañons which the hardiest adventurers from this tribe had never succeeded in passing. the description given by the indians of the land route over the mountains was hardly more reassuring. the easiest trail to be found would be rough in the extreme, strewn with rocks; besides, snow would soon fall upon the heights of the mountains, burying the trail many feet deep, and perhaps rendering it impassable. the greatest cause for uneasiness lay in the inevitable scarcity of food. even should a crossing of the mountains be effected, the men would be obliged to subsist for many days largely or wholly upon such roots as they could dig by the way. of the provisions brought from st. louis,--flour and canned stuff,--there remained barely enough to suffice for ten days' emergency rations; and of course they could not hope to find game upon the barren mountains, particularly at that season of the year. they were just entering upon their severest trials. captain clark went ahead to reconnoitre, and found that the indians had rather understated the difficulties of the water route. to descend the lemhi was entirely out of the question. clark dispatched a messenger to captain lewis, telling of what he had discovered, and wrote in his journal (august th):-- "the plan i stated to captain lewis if he agrees with me we shall adopt is to precure as many horses (one for each man) if possable and to hire my present guide who i sent on to him to interegate thro' the intptr. and proceed on by land to some navagable part of the columbia river, or to the ocean, depending on what provisions we can precure by the gun aded to the small stock we have on hand depending on our horses as the last resort." while he was writing so calmly of his plan, he and his men were suffering from hunger, having only a meagre supply of fish and dried berries. a day or two later he wrote:-- "these indians, to whom this life is familiar, seem contented, although they depend for subsistence on the scanty provisions of the fishery. but our men, who are used to hardships, but have been accustomed to have the first wants of nature regularly supplied, feel very sensibly their wretched situation; their strength is wasting away; they begin to express their apprehensions of being without food in a country perfectly destitute of any means of supporting life, except a few fish." horses were purchased from the shoshones, and the men were employed in making pack-saddles. as there was no timber to be obtained near by, the oars were cut up for boards, and these were fastened into form with thongs of rawhide. with the best provision that could be made, however, it was apparent that a considerable portion of the baggage must be cached and left behind. at a time when the needs of the men would be greatest, they were obliged to provide themselves with least. the shoshones were hospitable and kindly folk. throughout these days of preparation, the women were engaged in making and repairing moccasins and clothing for the men, and the fishermen gave to them a good share of the daily catch. nor was the kindness all upon the one side. the white hunters, with their guns, had greater success than the indians, who were armed only with bows and arrows and lances. share and share alike was the rule in the village. once when the hunters brought in a deer, captain clark directed that it be given to the women and children, who were in an extremity of hunger, and himself went supperless to bed. one of the older men was induced to accompany them as a guide. by the middle of september they were deep in the mountains, and also deep in peril and suffering. the cold had a depressing effect upon the men, overworked and underfed as they were. for several days they got along somehow, with a few odds and ends of small game; but on the th of september, captain clark's prevision was fulfilled, and they were reduced to supping upon the flesh of one of their ponies. then on the next day,-- "september th. camped near an old snow-bank, some of which was melted, in the absence of water; and here the party supped on the remains of the colt killed yesterday. our only game to-day was two pheasants; the horses, on which we calculated as a last resource, began to fail us, for two of them were so poor and worn out with fatigue that we were obliged to leave them behind. "september th. three hours before daybreak it began to snow, and continued all day, so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. this covered the track so completely that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. in many places we had nothing to guide us, except the branches of the trees, which, being low, had been rubbed by the burdens of the indian horses.... wet to the skin, and so cold that we were anxious lest our feet should be frozen, as we had only thin moccasins to defend them.... we camped on a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had now made thirteen miles. we were all very wet, cold, and hungry.... were obliged to kill a second colt for our supper." of the stock of portable provisions there remained only a few cans of soup and about twenty pounds of bear's oil; and there was "no living creature in these mountains, except a few pheasants, a small species of gray squirrel, and a blue bird of the vulture kind about the size of a turtle-dove or jay; even these are difficult to shoot." again captain clark went ahead. for several days he suffered extremely from hunger and exposure; but on the th he descended into an open valley, where he came upon a band of nez percé indians, who gave him food. but after his long abstinence, when he ate a plentiful meal of fish his stomach revolted, and for several days he was quite ill. matters fared badly with captain lewis's party, following on clark's trail. on the day of clark's departure, they could not leave their night's camp until nearly noon, "because, being obliged in the evening to loosen our horses to enable them to find subsistence, it is always difficult to collect them in the morning.... we were so fortunate as to kill a few pheasants and a prairie wolf, which, with the remainder of the horse, supplied us with one meal, the last of our provisions; our food for the morrow being wholly dependent on the chance of our guns." bearing heavy burdens, and losing much time with the continued straying of the horses, they made but indifferent progress, and it was not until the d that they reached the nez percé village and joined captain clark. then they, too, almost to a man, suffered severe illness, caused by the unwonted abundance of food. from the high altitudes and the scant diet of horseflesh to the lower levels of the valley and a plentiful diet of fish and camass-root was too great a change. two of the men in particular had cause to remember those days. they had been sent back to find and bring on some of the horses that were lost. failing to find the animals, after a long search, they started to overtake their companions. they had no provisions, nor could they find game of any kind. death by starvation was close upon them, when they found the head of one of the horses that had been killed by their mates. the head had been thrown aside as worthless; but to these two it was a veritable godsend. it was at once roasted, and from the flesh and gristle of the lips, ears, and cheeks they made a meal which saved their lives. the nez percé villages were situated upon a stream called the kooskooskee, or clearwater, which the indians said was navigable for canoes throughout its lower lengths; so, on september th, the party established itself at a point upon the river where a supply of timber could be had, and began canoe-making. in this they adopted the indian method of hollowing large logs into form by means of fire; and in ten days' time they had made five serviceable boats, and were ready for departure. meanwhile, they had relied upon the indians for a daily supply of food, and this had made a considerable reduction of their stock of merchandise for barter. the nez percés of that and neighboring villages kept a large number of dogs, which were used as beasts of burden and otherwise, but were not eaten. the travelers bought some of these for food, and found them palatable and nutritious; but this practice excited the ridicule of the savages, who gave to the whites the name dog-eaters,--an odd reversal of the condition of to-day. the men were proof against scorn, however, so long as the supply of dog-meat held out; and when they were ready to embark, they bought as many dogs as they could carry, to be eaten on the voyage. there was no reason to complain of the nez percés. there was a noticeable difference, though, between the people of the several villages. some were generous and high-minded to a degree rarely equaled by the members of any race, while others were shrewd tradesmen only. all seemed worthy of confidence, which was well; for it was necessary to put confidence in them. the horses that had been bought from the shoshones and brought across the mountains had now to be left behind, and they were surrendered to the care of one of the principal chiefs, to be kept by him until they should be reclaimed upon the return from the coast, at some indefinite time in the future. he discharged this trust with perfect fidelity. had he failed, the consequences would have been disastrous. on october th, after a rapid passage of the kooskooskee, the party entered the columbia; and from that point to the pacific the journey was without particular adventure, save for the difficulty of passing numerous rapids and cascades. indian villages were everywhere upon the banks; but their people were of a very low order,--very jackals of humanity; dirty, flea-bitten packs, whose physical and moral constitutions plainly showed the debilitating effects of unnumbered generations of fish-eating, purposeless life. physical and moral decency usually go hand in hand, even in a state of nature. the columbia tribes had no conception of either; they were in the same condition then as now, mean-spirited, and strangers to all those little delicacies of behavior that had distinguished the mountain tribes. the passage of the narrows, above the falls of the columbia, trusting to their fire-hollowed logs, demanded much daring and self-possession. captain clark wrote:-- "as the portage of our canoes over this high rock would be impossible with our strength, and the only danger in passing thro those narrows was the whorls and swills arriseing from the compression of the water, and which i thought (as also our principal waterman peter crusat) by good stearing we could pass down safe, accordingly i deturmined to pass through this place, not with standing the horred appearance of this agitated gut swelling, boiling & whorling in every direction which from the top of the rock did not appear as bad as when i was in it; however we passed safe to the astonishment of the inds." at other times they were not so successful in this sort of undertaking. the canoes were often overset in the swift water, by being caught in whirlpools or colliding with rocks, causing great inconvenience and resulting in some serious losses of baggage. and the men were performing this arduous labor upon a diet of dog-meat, and almost nothing besides. no matter what difficulties presented themselves from day to day, the officers never lost sight of the chief purpose of their toils. the journals of those days are replete with keen notes upon the country, its resources, and its people. soon after passing the falls, there were to be seen occasional signs of previous intercourse between the indians and the white traders who had visited the coast,--the squaws would display a bit of colored cloth in their costumes; a few of the men carried ancient guns, and occasionally one was decorated with a ruinous old hat or the remains of a sailor's pea-jacket. these poor people had touched the hem of the garment of civilization, and had felt some of its meaner virtue pass into them. they showed daily less and less of barbaric manliness; they were becoming from day to day more vicious, thievish, and beggarly. the whites had as yet given them nothing worth having, and had taught them nothing worth knowing. this was but natural, considering the character of those who had visited the columbia region. they were not missionaries nor philanthropists, actuated by high desires, but traders pure and simple, with no thought but gain, and no scruples about means. they were not different from the pioneers of trade in all times and all places. november th there was a meeting with an indian who spoke a few scrappy words of english; and on the th, a day of rain and fog, the men caught a far glimpse of the pacific, ... "that ocean, the object of all our labors, the reward of all our anxieties. this cheering view exhilarated the spirits of all the party, who were still more delighted on hearing the distant roar of the breakers." the following day, as the boats proceeded upon the waters of the inlet, the waves ran so high that several of the men were made sea-sick. after eighteen months of unparalleled perseverance, the westward journey was done. chapter ix winter on the coast they had reached the coast in the dismal rainy season, when all the life of the region was at the lowest ebb of the year, and when comfort was hardly to be found. the extreme bitterness of eastern winters was wanting; but the bracing tonic effect of honest cold was also denied them. through many months they were to suffer from an uninterrupted downpour of rain, driven before the raw sea-winds, which drenched their ardor and made work of any sort painful. for a long time they were unable to make further progress, because of the persistent storms. their canoes had not been designed for service in tempestuous open water; so they were compelled to camp where luck left them, having no shelter from the weather, sodden through and through, hungry, cold, many of them ill with a low fever bred by exposure, and only sustained by the knowledge that they were at last upon the pacific shore. the neighboring indians were practically amphibious; no stress of weather could hold them in check. they swarmed about the camp at all times, stealing, begging, worrying the worn spirits of the men into tatters. here, for the first time since leaving st. louis, it became necessary to abandon conciliatory friendliness, and to offset the native insolence with sternness. there were no fights, for the indians were too low-born to possess fighting courage; but the necessity for constant alertness was even more trying than open conflict. for a fortnight the men were engaged in getting acquainted with their surroundings. the hunters made long trips over the hills and along the coast, and such of the others as could be spared from camp went tramping about on errands of discovery. the establishment of winter quarters was perplexing; but on the th of november, after a consultation of the whole party, a site was chosen several miles down the coast, where timber could be got for building huts, and where, the hunters said, game was nearest at hand. to transport the baggage through the rough breakers was a tedious and dangerous undertaking. the men had to wait with patience for the rare hours of comparative calm, making headway as they could, and in the mean time eating and sleeping on the uncovered earth. sickness increased, until none of the party was wholly free from it. although in the midst of plenty, they were suffering from hunger. the indians were besetting them with offers of trade, having large stores of game, fish, and other provisions; but their cupidity was extreme, and, on account of the low state of the treasury, which must be conserved against many months of the future, but few purchases could be made of even the barest necessities. when their own hunters were unsuccessful, the men often went empty. the unintentional irony of mr. jefferson's letter of credit now became apparent. the trading vessels that were used to making yearly visits to this part of the coast from abroad had gone away for the winter, and no white face was seen through all those weary months. considerable comment has been passed upon the failure of the government to anticipate this contingency by sending a ship to this point to meet the travelers and relieve their inevitable distress. this failure could hardly have been the result of oversight; most probably it arose from the wish of the government to avoid any appearance of meddling in international affairs. the louisiana territory extended only so far west as the rocky mountains: so, strictly speaking, the expedition had no defensible right upon the coast under federal patronage. there might well have been serious consequences had a vessel under our flag appeared in those waters, with such a mission. however that may be, the fact remains that no aid was sent, and the men were thrown entirely upon their ability to care for themselves. the journals show how they managed. "november th. it is now impossible to proceed with so rough a sea. we therefore sent several of the men to hunt, and the rest of us remained during the day in a situation the most cheerless and uncomfortable. on this little neck of land we are exposed, with a miserable covering which does not deserve the name of shelter, to the violence of the winds; all our bedding and stores, as well as our bodies, are completely wet; our clothes are rotting with constant exposure, and we have no food except the dried fish brought from the falls. the hunters all returned hungry and drenched with rain, having seen neither deer nor elk, and the swan and brant were too shy to be approached." day after day they subsisted upon this dried fish, mixed with sea-water. captain clark nearly lost his admirable poise. on the first day of december he wrote:-- " days since we arrived at the _great western_ (for i cannot say pacific) ocian as i have not seen one pacific day since my arrival in this vicinity, and its waters are forming and petially breake with emence waves on the sands and rockey coasts, tempestous and horiable." two days later one of the hunters killed an elk--the first to be secured on the western side of the mountains; and that was a holiday in consequence, though the animal was lean and poor enough, and hardly fit to be eaten. curiously, the greatest trial of that life was the absence of real hazard. adventure and danger, which make discomfort tolerable to such men as they, were altogether wanting; in their place was nothing but a dull, dead level of endurance, an expenditure of time and strength to no apparent end. but by the middle of december the site of winter quarters was gained, and then the log huts began to take form. the men needed this consolation. under date of the th, the journal says:-- "notwithstanding that scarcely a man has been dry for many days, the sick are recovering.... it had been cloudy all day, at night began to rain, and as we had no cover we were obliged to sit up the greater part of the night; for as soon as we lay down the rain would come under us and compel us to rise." "december th. it rained all night, and this morning there was a high wind; hail as well as rain fell; and on the top of a mountain about ten miles to the southeast of us we observed some snow. the greater part of our stores is wet; our leathern tent is so rotten that the slightest touch makes a rent in it, and it will now scarcely shelter a spot large enough for our beds. we were all busy in finishing the insides of the huts. the after part of the day was cool and fair. but this respite was of very short duration; for all night it continued raining and snowing alternately, and in the morning, december th, we had snow and hail till twelve o'clock, after which it changed to rain. the air now became cool and disagreeable, the wind high and unsettled; so that, being thinly dressed in leather, we were able to do very little on the houses." "december th. a succession of rain and hail during the night. at o'clock it cleared off for a short time, but the rain soon recommenced. we now covered in four of our huts. three indians came in a canoe with mats, roots, and the berries of the sacacommis. these people proceed with a dexterity and finesse in their bargains which, if they have not learned it from their foreign visitors, may show how nearly allied is the cunning of savages to the little arts of traffic. they begin by asking double or treble the value of what they have to sell, and lower their demand in proportion to the greater or less degree of ardor or knowledge of the purchaser, who, with all his management, is not able to procure an article for less than its real value, which the indians perfectly understand." "december th. the whole stock of meat being now spoiled, our pounded fish became again our chief dependence. it rained constantly all day, but we still continued working, and at last moved into our huts." "december th. we were awaked at daylight by a discharge of firearms, which was followed by a song from the men, as a compliment to us on the return of christmas, which we have always been accustomed to observe as a day of rejoicing. after breakfast we divided our remaining stock of tobacco, which amounted to twelve carrots, into two parts; one of which we distributed among such of the men as make use of it, making a present of a handkerchief to the others. the remainder of the day was passed in good spirits, though there was nothing in our situation to excite much gaiety. the rain confined us to the house, and our only luxuries in honor of the season were some poor elk, a few roots, and some spoiled pounded fish." the first of january witnessed the completion of the rude fortification, which was named fort clatsop, in honor of one of the better of the tribes near by,--a tribe whose members, according to captain clark, "sometimes washed their hands and faces." then, the labor of building at an end, life settled into mere routine. the hunters were constantly engaged. no matter what fortune they had, they could not abate their industry, for the persistent moisture made it impossible to keep the meat from spoiling. other men moved down to the shore, where they employed themselves in boiling sea-water, to obtain a supply of salt; and others were busy hobnobbing with the natives, practicing such wiles as they were masters of, in the effort to obtain small supplies of edible roots. the officers were engaged, as at fort mandan the previous winter, bringing up their journals and copying them out, and in collecting data for a report upon the natural history, ethnology, and trade of the coast. all were living by chance. sometimes they had plenty; at other times they were reduced to extremities. once they thought themselves very fortunate in being able to trade for a quantity of whale blubber which the indians had taken from a dead carcass washed ashore near by. captain clark wrote that he "thanked providence for driving the whale to us; and think him much more kind to us than he was to jonah having sent this monster to be swallowed by us, in sted of swallowing of us as jonah's did." chapter x homeward: in the mountains before the end of january, plans were being formed for the homeward journey. the men were dressing skins and making them into clothing and moccasins, and curing such meat as they could get, so as to be able to vary the fish diet of the columbia. in february captain clark completed a map of the country between fort mandan and fort clatsop, and sketched a plan he had conceived for shortening the route from the mountains east of the nez percé villages to the falls of the missouri. his sagacity in this was marvelous; when it came to the point, his plan was found to be perfectly practicable, cutting off miles from the most difficult part of the way. he was a born geographer; indeed, his was a catholic, a cosmopolitan genius. the greatest cause for uneasiness now lay in the depleted condition of the stock of merchandise intended for trade. on march th, when preparations for departure were nearing completion, there is this entry in the journals:-- "all the small merchandise we possess might be tied up in a couple of handkerchiefs. the rest of our stock in trade consists of six blue robes, one scarlet ditto, five robes which we have made out of our large united states flag, a few old clothes trimmed with ribbons, and one artillerist's uniform coat and hat, which probably captain clark will never wear again. we have to depend entirely upon this meagre outfit for the purchase of such horses and provisions as it will be in our power to obtain,--a scant dependence, indeed, for such a journey as is before us." it was hard to persuade the coast indians to sell the canoes that were necessary for the first part of the trip. the canoe afforded these people their chief means for getting a livelihood, and was valued accordingly. a boat and a woman were, by common consent, placed upon an equality of value,--certainly not an overestimate of the worth of the canoe, if one laid aside chivalry and regarded the squaws dispassionately. when captain lewis was compelled to give a half-carrot of tobacco and a laced coat in exchange for one of the little craft, he observed that he considered himself defrauded of the coat. no doubt he had in mind the native scale of values. "many reasons had determined us to remain at fort clatsop until the first of april," says the journal entry of march d. "besides the want of fuel in the columbian plains, and the impracticability of passing the mountains before the beginning of june, we were anxious to see some of the foreign traders, from whom, by means of our ample letters of credit, we might have recruited our exhausted stores of merchandise. about the middle of march, however, we had become seriously alarmed for the want of food; the elk, our chief dependence, had at length deserted their usual haunts in our neighborhood and retreated to the mountains. we were too poor to purchase other food from the indians, so that we were sometimes reduced, notwithstanding all the exertions of our hunters, to a single day's provisions in advance. the men, too, whom the constant rains and confinement had rendered unhealthy, might, we hoped, be benefited by leaving the coast and resuming the exercise of travel. we therefore determined to leave fort clatsop, ascend the river slowly, consume the month of march in the woody country, where we hoped to find subsistence, and in this way reach the plains about the first of april, before which time it will be impossible to attempt to cross them." the next day the canoes were loaded, and in the afternoon the party took leave of fort clatsop. though the return along the columbia was less fraught with danger than the descent, it was much more toilsome. going down, the men had taken large chances in shooting the rapids; but coming back, portage had to be made of all such places. for this work horses were absolutely necessary; and to get a few of these from the indians, who saw their chance for gain, brought the expedition to a state verging upon downright bankruptcy. enough horses were secured, however, to enable them to pass step by step over the obstructions in their way, until at last the great falls were left behind. from that point they meant to proceed by land; and as the canoes were of no further use, they were cut up for firewood, which could not be otherwise obtained on the treeless plains. thus far there had been no adventures of note, except such as grew out of the ill-nature and rascality of the indians, who swarmed upon the banks of the stream, where they were assembled for their annual salmon-fishing. more than once the officers found it necessary to use harsh measures, in dealing with cases of theft. in striking contrast to these experiences was the meeting with the walla-wallas, a short distance above the falls. these people freely gave to the travelers from their own scant supply of firewood and food; and the chief presented to captain clark a superb white horse, a kindness which clark requited by the gift of his artillerist's sword. after leaving this hospitable village, the party was overtaken by three young men, walla-wallas, who had come a day's journey in order to restore a steel trap, inadvertently left behind. may th they came again to the lower villages of the nez percés, where they had stopped in the preceding october to make their dugout canoes. by this time they were practically destitute of all resources save those of the mind. to secure food, they were obliged to resort to the practice of medicine! luckily, the scheme worked. their patients were almost legion; their fame spread like a prairie fire. nor was this mere quackery. all of the indians of the western slope were more or less afflicted with rheumatism, inflammation of the eyes, and other ills incident to an outdoor life in a humid climate; and the two officers, in the course of preparing themselves for their errand across the continent, had learned to use some of the simple remedies of the day. in some cases they gave relief to the sufferers; in others, wrote captain lewis, "we conscientiously abstained from giving them any but harmless medicines; and as we cannot possibly do harm, our prescriptions, though unsanctioned by the faculty, may be useful, and are entitled to some remuneration." they were thus enabled to secure the day's food, and to provide a little against the morrow. but severe trials yet remained. "may th [after taking up the trail].... it was now so difficult to procure anything to eat that our chief dependence was on the horse which we received yesterday for medicine; but to our great disappointment he broke the rope by which he was confined, made his escape, and left us supperless in the rain." upon falling in again (on may th) with the band of nez percés in whose care they had left their horses in the autumn, they found the animals to be now much scattered over the plain, where they had been turned out to graze; but the chief promised to have them collected at once. he said further that his people had been made aware of the approach of the travelers, and of their being without provisions, and that he had a few days before dispatched several of his men to meet them, bearing supplies; but this relief party had taken another trail, and so missed a meeting. this old chief and his people showed themselves to be genuine friends. after two or three days, when their guests had explained their situation, and offered to exchange a horse in poor flesh for one that was fatter and more fit to be eaten, the chief was deeply offended by this conception of his hospitality, remarking that his tribe had an abundance of young horses, of which the men might use as many as they chose; and some of the warriors soon brought up two young and fat animals, for which they would accept nothing in return. to hold speech with this tribe was awkward. "in the first place," wrote captain lewis, "we spoke in english to one of our men, who translated it into french to chaboneau; he interpreted it to his wife in the minnetaree language; she then put it into shoshone, and a young shoshone prisoner explained it to the chopunnish in their own dialect." but the common impulses of humanity found expression in more direct ways, without need for interpretation. whether as friends or foes, the nez percés have always been celebrated for their generosity; and in those hard days they seemed to be just in their element. they could not do enough to show their good will. the expedition went into camp at a little distance from this village, waiting for their horses to be assembled, and waiting for the melting of the mountain snows, which now rendered further progress impossible. in this camp they remained until june , unwilling to impose upon their hosts, and hence were in sore straits most of the time. "may st. on parceling out the stores, the stock of each man was found to consist of only one awl and one knitting-pin, one half ounce of vermilion, two needles, and about a yard of ribbon--a slender means of bartering for our subsistence; but the men have been so much accustomed to privations that now neither the want of meat nor the scanty funds of the party excites the least anxiety among them." again they were reduced to a diet of wild roots; but the amiable old chief discovered their situation, paid them a visit, and informed them that most of the horses running at large upon the surrounding plain belonged to the people of his village, insisting that if the party stood in want of meat, they would use these animals as their own. surely the noble nez percés deserved better at the hands of our government than they got in later years. the benefits they were so ready to confer in time of need were shamelessly forgotten. june st two of the men, who had been sent to trade with the indians for a supply of roots, and who carried all that remained of the merchandise, had the misfortune to lose it in the river. then, says the journal, "we created a new fund, by cutting off the buttons from our clothes and preparing some eye-water and basilicon, to which were added some phials and small tin boxes in which we had once kept phosphorus. with this cargo two men set out in the morning to trade, and brought home three bushels of roots and some bread, which, in our situation, was as important as the return of an east india ship." "june th.... several foot-races were run between our men and the indians; the latter, who are very active and fond of these races, proved themselves very expert, and one of them was as fleet as our swiftest runners. after the races were over, the men divided themselves into two parties and played prison base, an exercise which we are desirous of encouraging, before we begin the passage over the mountains, as several of the men are becoming lazy from inaction." on the th they left this camp and moved eastward, drawing slowly toward the mountains, and keeping an anxious lookout for hunting grounds. in this quest they were not successful; all the wild creatures round about had suffered much in the long winter, and the few they were able to secure were so much reduced in flesh as to be unfit for food. they could only push forward. on the th they came to the foothills of the bitter root range; and on the th they were well into its heart, ascending the main ridges. but here they soon discovered the impossibility of proceeding in their situation. the snow lay everywhere to a depth of twelve or fifteen feet, completely hiding the trail. to delay until the snow melted would defeat the intention of getting to st. louis before another winter. to go on was to risk losing themselves altogether. as they stated the question to themselves, frankly, it seemed like a game of tossing pennies, with fate imposing the familiar catch, "heads, i win; tails, you lose." "we halted at the sight of this new difficulty," says captain lewis. "... we now found that as the snow bore our horses very well, traveling was infinitely easier than it was last fall, when the rocks and fallen timber had so much obstructed our march." but with the best of fortune, at least five days must be spent in getting through this dreadful fastness. unfamiliar as they were with the route, the chances against getting through at all were tenfold. "during these five days, too, we have no chance of finding either grass or underwood for our horses, the snow being so deep. to proceed, therefore, under such circumstances, would be to hazard our being bewildered in the mountains, and to insure the loss of our horses; even should we be so fortunate as to escape with our lives, we might be obliged to abandon our papers and collections. it was, therefore, decided not to venture any further; to deposit here all the baggage and provisions for which we had no immediate use; and, reserving only subsistence for a few days, to return while our horses were yet strong to some spot where we might live by hunting, till a guide could be procured to conduct us across the mountains." just at that moment they were almost in despair. the next day two of the best men turned back to the nez percé villages, to endeavor to procure a guide, while the main party moved down toward the plains, supporting life meagrely, waiting for something to turn up. they were quite powerless until help of some kind should come to them. to their infinite relief, the messengers returned in a few days, bringing guides, who undertook to conduct the party to the falls of the missouri, for which service they were to be recompensed by two guns. under their care a fresh start was made, and by nightfall of the th, passing over a perilous trail, they had found a small bit of ground from which the snow had melted, leaving exposed a growth of young grass, where the horses had pasturage for the night. "june th.... from this lofty spot we have a commanding view of the surrounding mountains, which so completely enclose us that, though we have once passed them [in the preceding september], we almost despair of ever escaping from them without the assistance of the indians.... our guides traverse this trackless region with a kind of instinctive sagacity; they never hesitate, they are never embarrassed; and so undeviating is their step, that wherever the snow has disappeared, for even a hundred paces, we find the summer road." on the th they descended from the snowy mountains to the main branch of the kooskooskee, where they found the body of a deer that had been left for them by the hunters, who were working in advance,--"a very seasonable addition to our food; for having neither meat nor oil, we were reduced to a diet of roots, without salt or any other addition." the first day of july found them encamped at the mouth of traveler's rest creek, where all mountain trails converged. it was from this place that captain clark's plan for a shorter route to the falls of the missouri was to be put into execution. but that was not all that lay in their minds. "we now formed the following plan of operations: captain lewis, with nine men, is to pursue the most direct route to the falls of the missouri, where three of his party are to be left to prepare carriages for transporting the baggage and canoes across the portage. with the remaining six, he will ascend maria's river to explore the country and ascertain whether any branch of it reaches as far north as latitude °, after which he will descend that river to its mouth. the rest of the men will accompany captain clark to the head of jefferson river, which sergeant ordway and a party of nine men will descend, with the canoes and other articles deposited there. captain clark's party, which will then be reduced to ten, will proceed to the yellowstone, at its nearest approach to the three forks of the missouri. there he will build canoes, go down that river with seven of his party, and wait at its mouth till the rest of the party join him. sergeant pryor, with two others, will then take the horses by land to the mandans. from that nation he will go to the british posts on the assiniboin with a letter to mr. henry, to procure his endeavors to prevail on some of the sioux chiefs to accompany him to washington." it is hard to understand that indomitable humor. here they were, just freed from imminent disaster, worn, half-starved, beggared, yet bobbing up like corks from the depths, and forthwith making calm preparations for fresh labors of a grave kind. chapter xi recrossing the divide by the route made famous as lewis and clark's pass, captain lewis's party on july th recrossed the great divide that separates the atlantic from the pacific, and upon the next day they again ate of the flesh of the buffalo. on the th they were at the falls of the missouri; and two days later they reached the mouth of maria's river, which they were to explore. ten days were spent in this exploration, until further progress was stopped, on the th, by an encounter with a band of the dreaded minnetarees of fort de prairie, who had wrought such havoc among the shoshones,--a set of roving outlaws, who held a reign of terror over all the tribes of the northwestern plains. captain lewis determined to meet these folk as he had met all others. he held a council with them, smoked the pipe of peace, and endeavored to explain to them his mission. when night came, whites and indians camped together. lewis knew that he must be on his guard, and had some of his men remain awake throughout the night; but in the early dawn the minnetarees, catching the sentry unawares, stole the guns of the party and tried to make off with them. a hand-to-hand fight followed. one of the men, in struggling with an indian and endeavoring to wrest a stolen gun from him, killed him by a knife-thrust. the savages then attempted to drive off the horses; but in this they were thwarted. being hard pressed, and one of their number shot by captain lewis's pistol, they were forced to retreat, leaving twelve of their own horses behind. the whites were the gainers, for they took away four of the captured animals, while losing but one of their own. the indians had also lost a gun, shields, bows and arrows. most of this stuff was burned; but about the neck of the dead warrior, whose body remained upon the field, captain lewis left a medal, "so that the indians might know who we were." the minnetarees never forgot or forgave this meeting. for long years afterward they nursed the thought of revenge, doing what they could to obstruct settlement of the country. this encounter made it necessary to stop further exploration of maria's river, and to retreat with all speed toward the missouri, before the indians could recover, gather re-enforcements, and offer battle at greater odds. it was not to be supposed that they would pass by the shedding of their tribal blood without seeking immediate vengeance. the explorers had a fair start, however, and after hard riding reached the banks of the missouri just in time to meet sergeant ordway's party descending the river with the canoes and baggage that had been recovered from the resting place on the jefferson,--a fortunate occurrence indeed. reunited, the two parties hurried down the river at a great rate, the rapid current aiding the oarsmen, and got out of the way before the minnetarees appeared. on august th, after a day's cruise of eighty-three miles, they reached the mouth of the yellowstone, where they found a note that had been left by captain clark, saying that he would await them a few miles below. he waited for several days; but then, fearing that lewis's party had already passed, he moved forward, and the two commands were not joined until the th. in the mean time, after the separation at traveler's rest creek, captain clark's party, too, had found a new pass over the continental divide,--a road miles in length, suitable for wagon travel. july th they came to the spot upon jefferson river where the canoes and merchandise had been buried the summer before. the boats were raised and loaded, and sergeant ordway and his men proceeded with them down the river, while captain clark's party set out overland, with the horses, to the yellowstone. on this trip captain clark had an efficient guide in sacajawea, the "bird woman," who brought him to the yellowstone on the th, at the point where the river issues from the mountains through its lower cañon. after traveling for four days along the banks, they halted to build canoes, in which they made the passage to the missouri, a distance of eight hundred miles, reaching the confluence on august d. aside from the knowledge of the yellowstone country which was acquired, the only important event of the journey was the loss of all the horses, which were stolen by prowling bands of indians. this was a serious loss; for they were depending upon the horses for barter with the mandans, in order to procure a supply of corn for the journey to st. louis. but there was no time for mourning. the men went into camp at a short distance below the mouth of the yellowstone, where they occupied themselves, while waiting for lewis's party, in hunting and dressing skins, which they meant to offer to the mandans in exchange for needed stores. while they were thus engaged, on the th they hailed a canoe passing up stream, that contained two men who had come from the illinois country to hunt upon the yellowstone. these were the first whites seen since april , , a period of sixteen months. as a matter of course clark was famished for news from the united states; but what he got from the wanderers was not cheerful. "these two men [who had left the illinois in the summer of ] had met the boat which we had dispatched from fort mandan, on board of which, they were told, was a ricara chief on his way to washington; and also another party of yankton chiefs, accompanying mr. dorion on a visit of the same kind. we were sorry to learn that the mandans and minnetarees were at war with the ricaras, and had killed two of them. the assiniboins too are at war with the mandans. they have, in consequence, prohibited the northwestern company from trading to the missouri, and even killed two of their traders near mouse river; they are now lying in wait for mr. mckenzie of the northwestern company, who had been for a long time among the minnetarees. these appearances are rather unfavorable to our project of carrying some of the chiefs to the united states; but we still hope that, by effecting a peace between the mandans, minnetarees, and ricaras, the views of our government may be accomplished." this meant that the solemn treaties of peace concluded at fort mandan amongst the several indian tribes, under the auspices of the expedition, had been broken. the news was displeasing, but probably not wholly unexpected. august th, two days after the reunion of the two parties, they came again to the home of their acquaintances, the mandans and the minnetarees. they showed these people every consideration; and the swivel gun, which could not be used on the small boats, was presented to old le borgne, who bore it in state to his lodge, thinking his own thoughts. one of the mandan chiefs joined them here for the journey down the river. then occurred another brief conference with the ricaras, with a renewal of the old pledges of peace and good will toward all men--excepting the sioux. reckless as they were in making promises, they, like all their neighbors, weak or strong, would not commit themselves to attempting conciliation of the sioux. chapter xii home after leaving the ricara villages, the men were possessed by an ardent longing to get home; and the missouri, as though it had learned to know and respect and love them, and could appreciate their ardor, lent them its best aid. upon the swift current, and under pleasant skies, the boats flew onward. seventy-five or eighty miles a day was a common achievement; but even that progress did not keep pace with the speed of their desires. there was nothing more to be accomplished, no reason for lingering by the way; and there was nothing to be guarded against, except possible trouble with the tetons. as the boats passed through their country, these people appeared in large numbers upon the banks, shouting invitations to land; but the officers felt safer in refusing further intercourse. the tetons were obliged to content themselves with trotting along upon the shore, keeping abreast of the boats as well as they were able, crying out taunts and imprecations; and one, more zealous in his passion, went to the top of a hill and struck the earth three times with the butt of his gun,--the registration of a mighty oath against the whites, long since abundantly fulfilled. occasionally there was a meeting with a trading party from st. louis or elsewhere, with brief exchange of news and gossip; but they were growing too eager for loitering. on the th of september they passed the mouth of the platte; and on the th they met one of their own men who had been sent back with the batteau from fort mandan, in april, . this man was now returning to the ricaras, with a message from president jefferson, and an independent mission to instruct the ricaras in methods of agriculture. a few days later they met with one captain mcclellan, an old acquaintance of captain clark, who told them that the people of the united states had generally given them up for lost, though the president still entertained hopes of their return. "september th.... as we moved along rapidly we saw on the banks some cows feeding, and the whole party almost involuntarily raised a shout of joy at seeing this image of civilization and domestic life. soon after we reached the little french village of la charette, which we saluted with a discharge of four guns and three hearty cheers. we landed, and were received with kindness by the inhabitants.... they were all equally surprised and pleased at our arrival, for they had long since abandoned all hopes of ever seeing us return." the next day they came to the village of st. charles; and on the d they stopped at a cantonment of united states soldiery, three miles above the mouth of the missouri, where they passed the day. the concluding paragraphs of the journals must be quoted literally from captain clark:-- "september rd. took an early brackfast with colo hunt and set out, descended to the mississippi and down that river to st. louis at which place we arived about o'clock. we suffered the party to fire off their pieces as a salute to the town. we were met by all the village and received a harty welcom from its inhabitants &c here i found my old acquaintance maj w. christy who had settled in this town in a public line as a tavern keeper. he furnished us with storeroom for our baggage and we accepted of the invitation of mr. peter choteau and took a room in his house. we payed a friendly visit to mr. auguste choteau and some of our old friends this evening. as the post had departed from st. louis capt. lewis wrote a note to mr. hay in kahoka to detain the post at that place until tomorrow which was rather later than his usual time of leaveing it. "wednesday th of september, . i sleped but little last night however we rose early and commenced wrighting our letters capt. lewis wrote one to the presidend and i wrote gov. harrison and my friends in kentucky and sent off george drewyer with those letters to kohoka & delivered them to mr. hays &c. we dined with mr. chotoux to day and after dinner went to a store and purchased some clothes, which we gave to a taylor and derected to be made. capt. lewis in opening his trunk found all his papers wet and some seeds spoiled. "thursday th of septr. . had all our skins &c suned and stored away in a storeroom of mr. caddy choteau, payed some visits of form, to the gentlemen of st. louis, in the evening a dinner & ball. "friday th of septr. . a fine morning we commenced wrighting, &c." that is the last word in the chronicles of the expedition,--modest, unassuming, matter-of-fact--the word of one who had done a difficult thing thoroughly and well, and who was at the end, as he had been throughout, larger than the mere circumstances of his labor. his companion was of the same stalwart stuff. it is hard to choose between them in any essential detail of manhood. nor were the officers much exalted in temper above the men of their command. when we are celebrating the heroes of our national life, every name upon the roster of the lewis and clark expedition deserves to be remembered. * * * * * in this brief narrative, we have just touched the hilltops of the adventures of the expedition. much of importance has been suggested indirectly; much has been passed by altogether. each day's work was full of value and had a lasting significance. one thing remains to be said. we must not forget that the undertaking was not primarily one of adventure; it was an exploration, in the broadest sense of the word. it was not the mere fact of getting across the continent and back that gave the work its character, but the observations that were made by the way. a book of this size would not contain a bare catalogue of the deeds and discoveries of those twenty-eight months; nor could any number of volumes do full justice to their importance. whoever reads the journals, from whatever point of view, is amazed by what they reveal. geographers, ethnologists, botanists, geologists, indian traders, and men of affairs, all are of one mind upon this point. we must wait long before we find the work of lewis and clark equaled. chapter xiii after life it would be a pleasant labor, and one well worth the pains, to record the story of the later years of every one of those valiant souls, from the highest to the lowest. but that may not be done here. the best homage that can be rendered to the subordinates is to speak of their common motive: simple-hearted, unselfish devotion to the interests of the nation, unstained by ulterior hope of private gain. a bill was passed by congress in , granting to the non-commissioned officers and privates, according to rank, a sum of money equal to double pay for the period of service, and, in addition, acres of land from the public domain. but nothing beyond ordinary pay had been definitely pledged in advance. clearly it was not the expectation of material reward which sustained them. the bill passed by congress included also a grant of acres of land to captain lewis, and of acres to captain clark. it is upon record that lewis, in the spirit which had regulated all of his relations with clark, objected to this discrimination in his favor. in march, , before the expedition set out, the newly acquired louisiana territory was divided by congress, the dividing line being the d parallel. the southern portion was named the district of new orleans, and the northern, the district of louisiana; this name being changed, a year later, to louisiana territory. on march d, , meriwether lewis was made governor of this territory, with headquarters at the village of st. louis; and this office he held until he died, october , , at the age of thirty-five years. although his service in this position was so untimely short, he did much toward laying a firm foundation for the institutions of lawful and orderly life. according to mr. jefferson, "he found the territory distracted by feuds and contentions among the officers of the government, and the people themselves divided by these into factions and parties. he determined at once to take no side with either, but to use every endeavor to conciliate and harmonize them. the even-handed justice he administered to all soon established a respect for his person and authority, and perseverance and time wore down animosities, and reunited the citizens again into one family." in the newly organized society, events rapidly took form. governor lewis, with two others (judges of the court), constituted the territorial legislature, which concerned itself at once with matters of development,--providing for the establishment of towns, laying out roads, etc. in the laws of louisiana territory were collected and published, under the supervision of the legislature. this was the first book printed in st. louis. a post-office was established also in , and soon afterward the first newspaper appeared. from a mere frontier trading settlement, whose conduct was regulated by untamed impulses, st. louis was being put in the way of its present greatness. aside from these purely administrative duties, the governor was further occupied in endeavoring to secure permanent peace with the indians, and to prepare them for receiving the advantages of civilized life. this was his largest thought, growing naturally out of all that he had seen and done in the years preceding; and in it he was supported and inspired by continued association with captain clark, who had been appointed indian agent for the territory. he had plenty to do; and in such intervals as could be found, he was preparing for publication the history of his travels. the manner of his death is not exactly known. although several writers have given their best efforts to erasing what they seem to consider a blot upon his reputation, the weight of opinion appears to sustain mr. jefferson's statement that he committed suicide while affected by hypochondria. mr. jefferson wrote in his memoir:-- "governor lewis had from early life been subject to hypochondriac affections. it was a constitutional disposition in all the nearer branches of the family of his name, and was more immediately inherited by him from his father. they had not, however, been so strong as to give uneasiness to his family. while he lived with me in washington i observed at times sensible depressions of mind; but, knowing their constitutional source, i estimated their course by what i had seen in the family. during his western expedition, the constant exertion which that required of all the faculties of body and mind suspended these distressing affections; but after his establishment at st. louis in sedentary occupations, they returned to him with redoubled vigor and began seriously to alarm his friends. he was in a paroxysm of one of these when his affairs rendered it necessary for him to go to washington." he proceeded upon this journey, and was crossing through tennessee when death overtook him, at the cabin of a backwoodsman where he had stopped for the night. some of the circumstances point to murder, others to suicide; the truth is conjectural. what does it matter, after all? he had lived largely; had done a man's work; he has a noble place in history. a better fortune was in store for captain clark. he was destined for long and honorable service in public life, and a fair old age. on the th of march, , a few days following captain lewis's appointment as governor of louisiana territory, captain clark was commissioned by president jefferson as brigadier-general of the territorial militia, and as indian agent. dr. coues says in his excellent biographical sketch that "in those days this title was not synonymous with 'thief,' and the position was one of honor, not to be sought or used for dishonest purposes." then william clark was the man for the place. throughout his public life there is no stain of any sort upon his name. with his strong, decisive, straightforward character, which would not suffer him to yield a jot in his ideas of right and wrong, he must have excited jealousies and made some enemies; but none of these had the hardihood to speak against his integrity. his best work was accomplished as indian agent. in that position he was in fact and in name the foster-father of all the tribes who lived in the territory he had helped to explore. it devolved upon him to acquaint the indians with the nature and purposes of our government, and to bring them into obedience to its laws. more than this, he had a large task before him in endeavoring to reconcile the traditional enmities of the tribes one against another. he succeeded well. he got the confidence of the natives, and kept it; from fearing his power, most of them came to revere the man. when all is said of the indians,--of their savage craft, their obliquity of moral vision, their unsparing cruelty, and their utter remissness in most matters of behavior, the fact remains that they know how to appreciate candor and honor, and will respond to it as well as they are able. they are slow to believe in wordy protestations: they must have signs more tangible. they will not trust all men of white complexion merely because they have found one trustworthy; each man must prove himself and stand for himself. william clark gave them a rare exhibition of upright, downright manliness, and they learned to respect and love him. he was soon celebrated from st. louis to the pacific, and was called by the name "red-head." to this day, old men of the rocky mountain tribes speak of him with fondness, saying that our government has never shown another like him. he was a man of iron; his was an iron rule. in that time, indian affairs were comparatively free from the modern bureaucratic control; the agent devised and followed his own plans, unhampered by jealous superiors. it has been said that clark's office was that of an autocrat, a condition too dangerous to be generally tolerated. clark was indeed an exception. the most absolute power could be intrusted to him with implicit confidence that it would not be abused. the indians themselves, who were the most directly concerned, did not rebel against his unbending authority. if he was stern, exacting the utmost, and holding them to a strict accountability for violations of law, they knew that his least word of promise was certain of fulfillment. they did not find his rule too onerous under those conditions. while he held sway, the western indian country was in an unequaled state of order and decency. not the least of our debts to captain clark lies in the fact that it was he who brought the journals of the great expedition to public view. captain lewis had not been able to finish this work before his death; most of the details of arrangement for publication fell to his surviving companion, with the admirable editorial supervision of nicholas biddle. it is often regretted that editorial revision of the manuscripts was considered necessary; for what was thus gained sometimes in clearness and brevity of statement was more than lost in delicious naïveté. mr. biddle did his part thoroughly, sympathetically; and it was he who succeeded in finding a publisher,--a matter hard to accomplish in that time, troubled as it was with war and with political and commercial uncertainty. the authentic history did not appear until the year . meanwhile, captain clark had passed to fresh honors. following the death of governor lewis, benjamin howard was appointed as his successor. in the name of the territory was changed to missouri; and in captain clark was appointed by president madison as its governor. after being reappointed by madison in and , and by monroe in , he surrendered his office upon the admission of missouri to statehood, when a governor was elected by vote of the people. in he was named by president monroe to be superintendent of indian affairs, and this post he held for sixteen years thereafter, until his death. he died as a man of his make would wish to die. he was sixty-eight years of age, but still in harness and able to do his work. he passed quietly away at the home of his eldest son, meriwether lewis clark, in st. louis, on the first day of september, . _and they took of the fruit of the land in their hands, and brought it down unto us, and brought us word again, and said, it is a good land which the lord our god doth give us._ the riverside press _electrotyped and printed by h. o. houghton & co._ _cambridge, mass., u.s.a._ the bird-woman of the lewis and clark expedition a supplementary reader for first and second grades by katherine chandler author of "habits of california plants" and "in the reign of coyote: folk-lore from the pacific" to my friend genevra sisson snedden whose interest in this little book has encouraged its completion preface. because children invariably ask for "more" of the stories they find interesting, this little book of continuous narrative has been written. every incident is found in the lewis and clark journals, so that the child's frequent question, "is it true?" can be answered in the affirmative. the vocabulary consists of fewer than words. over half of these are found in popular primers. therefore, the child should have no difficulty in reading this historical story after completing a first reader. the illustrations on pages , , , , and the last one on page , are redrawn from catlin's "letters and notes on the manners, customs, and conditions of the north-american indians." my acknowledgments are due miss lilian bridgman, of san francisco, for help in arranging the vocabulary. katherine chandler. san francisco, california. july , . contents the bird-woman who the white men were why sacajawea went west at fort mandan the black man sacajawea's baby making friends with the indians sacajawea saves the captains' goods sacajawea's river the first sight of the rocky mountains sacajawea is ill how the indians hunted buffalo the falls of the missouri the cache near the falls of the missouri how sacajawea cured rattlesnake bites going around the falls grizzly bears at the top of the falls the cloud-burst at the source of the missouri sacajawea finds roots and seed sacajawea's people sacajawea's brother sacajawea's people will show the way the indians try to leave the whites crossing the rocky mountains at the columbia river how the indians dried salmon the wappatoo to the pacific ocean the pacific ocean sacajawea on the ocean beach the whale sacajawea's belt at fort clatsop the start home at camp chopunnish over the rocky mountains going home east of the rocky mountains again sacajawea says good-bye to the soldiers the centennial [illustration: the statue of sacajawea, the bird woman, unveiled at the lewis and clark centennial, in portland, oregon, in ] a go hun dred sa ca ja we a years the bird-woman. the bird-woman was an indian. she showed the white men the way into the west. there were no roads to the west then. that was one hundred years ago. this indian woman took the white men across streams. she took them over hills. she took them through bushes. she seemed to find her way as a bird does. the white men said, "she goes like a bird. we will call her the bird-woman." her indian name was sacajawea. clark a mer i can lew is met cap tains part sol diers twen ty nine peo pie mis sou ri riv er who the white men were. the white men sacajawea went with were soldiers. there were twenty-nine soldiers. there were two captains. the name of one captain was lewis. the name of the other captain was clark. they were american soldiers. [illustration: captain clark.] [illustration: captain lewis.] they carried the american flag into the west. no white men knew about that part of the west then. the captains wished to learn all about the west. they wished to tell the people in the east about it. they had been going west a long time before they met sacajawea. they had rowed up the missouri river. they had come to many little streams. they did not know what the indians called these streams. so they gave them new names for the white men. camp fourth of ju ly man dan cheered french man rest ed ice in de pend ence creek hus band kan sas snow on fourth of july they named one stream fourth of july creek. they named another independence creek. we still call this stream by that name. you can find it on the map of kansas. on fourth of july the men rested. the soldier who woke first fired a gun. then they all woke up and cheered for the fourth of july. at night they fired another gun. then the soldiers danced around the camp fire. after a time the ice and snow would not let them go on. they made a winter camp near the mandan indians. here they met sacajawea and her husband. her husband was a frenchman who knew a little about the west. sacajawea was the only one there who had been to the far west. lewis and clark told the frenchman they would pay him to go with them. he said he would go. then he and sacajawea came to live at the soldiers' camp. be longed roots tribe mar ried snake twelve rocky mountains thought war why sacajawea went west. sacajawea belonged in the west. her tribe was called the snake indians. they lived in the rocky mountains. sacajawea lived in the mountains until she was twelve years old. then her tribe went to war with the mandans from the east. one day sacajawea and some other girls were getting roots. they were down by a stream. some mandans came upon them. the girls ran fast to get away. [illustration: mandan drawing on a buffalo robe] sacajawea ran into the stream. an indian caught her. he took her up on his horse. he carried her away to the east, to the country of the mandans. there she married the frenchman. there the americans found her. she was glad when her husband said he would go west with lewis and clark. she thought she would see her own tribe again. an i mals coun try friends med i cine read y chiefs froz en plants wrote fort sweat house at fort mandan. the soldiers called their winter camp fort mandan. they had a hard winter there. it was so cold that many men were ill. they had no time to be ill. they had to work to be ready to go west when spring opened. the captains wrote in their books about the indians and animals and plants they had seen. they made maps of the country they had come through. they had long talks with the indian chiefs. they made friends with the indians by giving them medicine. an indian boy had his feet frozen near the soldiers' camp. the captains kept him until his feet were well again. his people all came and thanked the captains. [illustration: an indian sweat-house] the indians told each other about the white men's medicine. they said, "the white men's medicine is better than our sweat-house." so they came for miles to the white camp to get the medicine. they gave the captains food. they wanted to be friends with them. ar rows din ner hunt ed mon ey beads fid dle knives pie ces blan kets gal lons med als stove the soldiers hunted animals for food and for their skins. one soldier cut an old stove into pieces. the indians wanted these pieces to make arrows and knives. they would give eight gallons of corn for one piece. the indians did not know what money was. the captains did not carry money with them. they took flags and medals, knives and blankets, looking-glasses and beads, and many other things. with these they could get food from the indians. on christmas day, , the soldiers put the american flag up over the fort. they told the indians not to come to see them on that day. they said it was the best day of their year. it was a cold day, with much ice and snow. they had a good dinner and after dinner the soldiers danced. on new year's day, , they fired off all their guns. the captains let the soldiers go to the mandan camp. they took their fiddle and danced for the indians. one soldier danced on his hands with his head down. the indians liked this dancing very much. they gave the soldiers some corn and some skins. sur prised hair paint ed stran ger fin ger wa ter helped york the black man. captain clark had his black man, york, with him. the indians were always surprised to see the black man. they thought he was stranger than the white men. one mandan chief said, "this is a white man painted black." he wet his finger and tried to wash the black off york's skin. the black would not come off. then york took off his hat. the chief had not seen such hair before. then the chief said, "you are not like a white man. you are a black man." the indians told each other of this black man. they came from far to see him. york helped make them friends with the whites. the captains named a river for york. the river had only a little water in it. they named it york's dry river. bas ket laugh weeks born su gar sacajawea's baby. at fort mandan, sacajawea's baby boy was born. he was only eight weeks old when the white men began to go to the far west. sacajawea made a basket of skins for her baby. she put it on her back. the baby could sleep in the basket as sacajawea walked. the soldiers liked the baby. they gave it sugar. they made it playthings of wood. they danced to make it laugh. indian babies do not laugh much and they do not cry much. once in the west the baby was ill. then the soldiers camped for some days. they were very still. captain lewis gave the baby medicine. this made the baby well again. then the men laughed. they said, "let us sing and dance for the baby." the baby laughed as it looked at the men. a pril par ty shot broke shoot warm the warm april sun broke up the ice in the missouri river. then the party got into their boats and rowed on up the river. from this time on, sacajawea and her baby were a help to the soldiers. when the indians saw a woman and a baby with the men, they knew it was not a war party. indians would not take a woman and baby to war. only men go to war. the indians did not shoot at the men. they came up to see what they wanted. if sacajawea had not been there, they would have shot the white men. the indians thought that all strangers wanted war. they thought this until the strangers showed that they were friends. bare foot ed cov ered prick ly threw cor ners pears same moc ca sins true making friends with the indians. sacajawea showed the captains how to make friends with the indians. the indians on the upper missouri river and in the rocky mountains showed that they wanted to be friends in the same way. when they saw strangers, they stood still and talked to each other. if they wished to be friends, the chief walked out ahead of his people. he took off his blanket. he took hold of it by two corners. he threw it up high. then he put it on the ground. this showed that he was putting down a skin for a friend to sit on. he did this three times. then the strangers came up to him. they sat down together. they took off their moccasins. this showed that they wished to be true friends. if they were not true friends, they would go barefooted all their days. they thought it hard to go barefooted. the ground was covered with prickly pears. the prickly pears would hurt their feet. great pres ents smoked pipes send wash ing ton when the strangers had their moccasins off, they smoked some pipes together. then they gave each other presents. then they told each other why they had come together. captain lewis and captain clark always told the indians: "we have come from the great father in washington. he sends you these presents. he wants you to be friends with the white men. he wants you to be friends with the other indians. when you all are friends, the men can get many animals and the women can get many roots. the great father will send you out the white men's goods when you are all friends." the indians always said to lewis and clark: "we are glad to hear from the great father in washington. we like his presents. we shall be glad to get the white men's goods. we will be friends with all men with indians and with white men." a fraid com pass canoe straight ened turned hit rud der sacajawea saves the captains' goods. going up the missouri, the compass, the books, and the maps were in one canoe. the captains had the compass to find the west. one day a big wind hit this canoe and turned it nearly over. sacajawea's husband was at the rudder. he was afraid and let go. the water came into the canoe. the maps and books came up to the top of the water. sacajawea saw them going out into the river. she took the compass into her lap. she caught the books. she called to her husband. he took the rudder again. he straightened the boat again. then sacajawea caught the maps that were on top of the river. crook ed mon ta na wide hand some saved yards sacajawea's river. as the maps and books were wet, the soldiers had to camp two days. they put the maps and the books and the compass in the sun. when these were dry, they went on again. ten days after, they came to a river that no white man had seen before. captain lewis wrote in his book, "it is a handsome river about yards wide." they did not know the indian name for it. the captains were so glad sacajawea had saved their things that they named it for her. they said, "we will call it the sacajawea or bird-woman's river." this river is still running. look on a map of montana. do you see a stream named "crooked creek?" that is the stream lewis and clark named sacajawea's river. which do you think is the prettier name? which do you think we should call it? blew elk pleas ure cross plains steep buf fa lo mos qui toes sight the first sight of the rocky mountains. going up the missouri, the party had to drink the river water. it was not good and it made them ill. the sand blew in their eyes. the mosquitoes bit them all the time. but still the soldiers were happy. they carried their goods in boats. they walked when they wished to. they hunted buffalo and elk on the plains near the river. they had all they wanted to eat. one day in may, captain lewis was out hunting. he went up a little hill. then far off to the west he saw the rocky mountains high and steep. captain lewis was the first white man to see these mountains. he wrote in his book that he felt a great pleasure on first seeing them. he knew they would be very hard to cross. they were all white with snow. but he was ready to go on so as to get to the west. he went back to the boats and told the others about the mountains. the men were happy and worked harder to get near them. grew fell hot sul phur worse sacajawea is ill. going up the missouri, sacajawea fell ill. she could not eat. she grew worse each day. captain clark gave her some medicine. it did not make her well. the soldiers had to camp until she could go on. they could not go on without her. they wanted her with them to make friends with her tribe. one day the soldiers found a hot sulphur spring. they carried sacajawea to this spring. the water made her well. in a week she could go on. bank killed hole to ward how the indians hunted buffalo. on the plains of the missouri there were many buffaloes. sacajawea told the soldiers how the indians hunted them. an indian put on a buffalo skin. the buffalo's head was over his head. he walked out to where the buffaloes were eating. he stood between them and a high bank of the river. the other indians went behind the buffaloes. the buffaloes ran toward the man in the buffalo skin. he ran fast toward the river. then the buffaloes ran fast toward the river. at the high bank the man ran down and hid in a hole. the buffaloes came so fast that they could not stop at the bank. they fell over the bank on to the rocks near the river. many were killed. then the indians came around the bank. they skinned the buffaloes. they dried the meat. they dried the skins to make blankets and houses. june won der ful draw pic ture spray write cache the falls of the missouri. one june day captain lewis was walking ahead of the boats. he heard a great noise up the river. he pushed on fast. after walking seven miles, he came to the great falls of the missouri. he was the first white man to see these falls. he sat down on a rock and watched the water dash and spray. he tried to draw a picture of the falls. he tried to write about it in his book. but he said it was so wonderful that he could not draw it well nor picture it in words. when the men came up, they could not take their boats near the falls. the falls are very, very high. the highest fall is eighty-seven feet high, and the water comes down with a great rush. so the soldiers had to go around the falls. that was a long, long way. it would be hard to carry all their things around the falls. the captains said, "we will make a cache here. "we will put in the skins and plants and maps. "we can get them all again when we are coming home." the soldiers made two caches. in these they hid all the things they could do without. without so much to carry, it would not be so hard to go around the falls. dried dug ring sod bot tom branch es earth sides the cache near the falls of the missouri. to make a cache, the soldiers made a ring on the ground. they took up the sod inside the ring. they dug straight down for a foot. they put dried branches on the bottom and at the sides of this hole. they put dried skins over the branches. then they put their goods into the hole, or cache. they put dried skins over the goods. then they put the earth in. then they put the sod on. the ring did not look as if it had been dug up. the indians would not think to look there for goods. bite fresh rat tle snakes cure morn ing sev en teen beat how sacajawea cured rattlesnake bites. near the falls of the missouri, the party met many rattlesnakes. the snakes liked to lie in the sun on the river banks. some times they went up trees and lay on the branches. one night captain lewis was sleeping under a tree. in the morning he looked up through the tree. he saw a big rattlesnake on a branch. it was going to spring at him. he caught his gun and killed it. it had seventeen rattles. sometimes the soldiers had to go barefooted. the snakes bit their bare feet. sacajawea knew how to cure the bite. she took a root she called the rattlesnake root. she beat it hard. she opened the snake bite. she tied the root on it. she put fresh root on two times a day. it cured the snake bite. the root would kill a man if he should eat it, but it will cure a snake bite. ax les even hail tongues bears e nough knocked wheels griz zly cot ton wood mast wil low going around the falls. the party had to go up a high hill to get around the falls. it would take too long to carry the canoes on their backs. they could see only one big tree on the plains. it was a cottonwood. the soldiers cut it down. they cut wheels and tongues from it. the cottonwood is not hard enough for axles. the soldiers cut up the mast of their big boat for axles. they began to go up the hill. in a little time the axles broke. they put in willow axles. then the cottonwood tongues broke. then the men had to carry the goods on their backs. it was very hot. the mosquitoes and blow-flies bit them all the time. the prickly pear hurt their feet. it hurt them even through their moccasins. if they drank water, they were ill. one day it hailed hard. the hail knocked some of the men down. at night the grizzly bears took their food. load point ed large safe mouth roared fierce waist grizzly bears. after many hard days, they got all the goods to the top of the falls. the party saw many grizzly bears near the falls. they were the first white men to see the grizzly bear. they found it a very large and very fierce bear. one day captain lewis was out hunting. he had killed a buffalo for dinner. he turned around to load his gun again. he saw a big bear coming after him. it was only twenty feet away. he did not have time to load his gun. there was no tree near. there was no rock near. the river bank was not high. captain lewis ran to the river. the bear ran after him with open mouth. it nearly caught him. captain lewis ran into the river. he turned around when the water was up to his waist. he pointed his gun at the bear. it stopped still. then it roared and ran away. captain lewis did not know why the bear roared and ran, but he was glad to be safe. body de feat ed shoul der brave ly ing angry one day six of the soldiers saw a big bear lying on a little hill near the river. the six soldiers came near him. they were all good shots. four shot at him. four balls went into his body. he jumped up. he ran at them with open mouth. then the two other men fired. their balls went into his body, too. one ball broke his shoulder. still he ran at them. the men ran to the river. two jumped into their canoe. the others hid in the willows. they loaded their guns as fast as they could. they shot him again. the shots only made him angry. he came very near two of the men. they threw away their guns and jumped down twenty feet into the river. the bear jumped in after them. he nearly caught the last one. then one soldier in the willows shot the bear in the head. this shot killed him. the soldiers pulled the bear out of the river. they found eight balls in him. they took his skin to show the captains. they said he was a brave old bear. they named a creek near-by for him. they called it "the brown-bear-defeated creek." be cause fright ened climb kicked wait one day a grizzly bear ran after a soldier. the soldier tried to shoot the bear. his gun would not go off. the gun was wet because he had been in the river all day. he ran to a tree. he got to the tree just in time. as the soldier climbed, he kicked the bear. the grizzly bear can not climb a tree. this grizzly sat at the foot of the tree to wait until the soldier would come down. the soldier called out loud. two other soldiers heard him. they came running to help him. they saw the man in the tree. they saw the bear at the foot of the tree. they shot off their guns and made a big noise. the grizzly grew frightened. it ran away. then the soldier came down from the tree. he was glad that his friends had come to his help. a ble beans su et ba con dump lings played a mused them selves shake at the top of the falls. after the men had carried all the goods to the top of the falls, they made canoes to take them up the river. they were camping at the top of the falls on the fourth of july, . captain lewis wrote that they had a good dinner that day. he said they had as good as if they were at home. they had "bacon, beans, buffalo meat, and suet dumplings." after dinner a soldier played the fiddle. captain lewis wrote: "such as were able to shake a foot amused themselves in dancing on the green." burst fif teen ra vine cloud clothes wave the cloud-burst. one day captain clark took sacajawea and her husband with him to look over the top of the falls. sacajawea's baby was in his basket on her back. captain clark saw a black cloud. he said, "it will rain soon. let us go into that ravine." they sat under some big rocks. sacajawea took off the baby's basket and put it at her feet. all the baby's clothes were in the basket. sacajawea took the baby in her lap. it began to rain a little. the rain did not get to them. it rained harder. then the cloud burst just over the ravine. the rain and hail made a big wave in the little ravine. captain clark saw the wave coming. he jumped up and caught his gun in his left hand. with his right hand he pushed sacajawea up the bank. the wave was up to their waists. they ran faster and got to the top of the bank. then the wave was fifteen feet high. it made a big noise as it ran down the ravine. soon it would have caught them and carried them over the falls. it did carry away the baby's basket and his clothes, and captain clark's compass. the next day a soldier found the compass in the mud. a live be stride min er als be gin ning ra pid nar row source co lum bia at the source of the missouri. when the canoes were ready, the party started up the river above the falls. as they reached the mountains, the river grew narrow. it was not deep, but it was rapid. the soldiers had to pull the canoes with ropes. the river did not run straight. one day the men dragged the canoes twelve miles. then they were only four miles from where they had started. they had to walk in the river all day. their feet were cut by the rocks. they were ill from being wet so much. it was hot in the day and cold at night. they had no wood but willow. they could not make a good fire. but they had enough to eat. then the river grew very narrow. the canoes could not go up it. the soldiers put the canoes under water with rocks in them. they made another cache. in it they put skins, plants, seeds, minerals, maps, and some medicines. captain lewis and some men went ahead. they were looking for indians. they wanted to buy some horses. after a time the river grew so narrow that a soldier put one foot on one bank and his other foot on the other bank. then he said, "thank god, i am alive to bestride the mighty missouri." before this, people did not know where the missouri began. a little way off was the beginning of the mighty columbia river. the soldiers reached this place in august. captain lewis was very happy as he drank some cold water from the beginnings of these two rivers. captain clark and the other men were coming behind. sacajawea was with them. they had all the goods and walked slowly. a nise grease pound bread mixed pow der hun gry mush roast ed tastes um brel la yamp sacajawea finds roots and seeds. far up on the missouri, sacajawea knew the plants that were good to eat. the captains and soldiers were glad that she did. they had only a little corn left, and there were not many animals near. sacajawea told captain clark all about the yamp plant, as her tribe knew it. it grew in wet ground. it had one stem and deeply cut leaves. its stem and leaves were dark green. it had an umbrella of white flowers at the top of the stem. the indian women watched the yamp until the stem dried up. then they dug for the roots. the yamp root is white and hard. the indians eat it fresh or dried. when it is dry, they pound it into a fine white powder. the indian women make the yamp powder into a mush. indian children like yamp mush as much as white children like candy. it tastes like our anise seed. the soldiers liked the yamp mush that sacajawea made. sacajawea also made a sunflower mush. she roasted sunflower seeds. then she pounded them into a powder and made a mush with hot water. she made a good drink of the sunflower powder and cold water. she mixed the sunflower powder with bear grease and roasted it on hot rocks. this made a bread the soldiers liked very much. without sacajawea the soldiers would have been hungry. they did not know the plants. some plants would kill them. but sacajawea knew those good to eat. meet sang sucked own short taken sacajawea's people. one day near the head of the missouri, sacajawea stopped short as she walked. she looked hard to the west. she saw far away some indians on horseback. she began to dance and jump. she waved her arms. she laughed and called out. she turned to captain clark and sucked her fingers. this showed that these indians were her own people. she ran ahead to meet them. after a time a woman from the indians ran out to meet sacajawea. when they came together, they put their arms around each other. they danced together. they cried together. this woman had been sacajawea's friend from the time when they were babies. she had been taken east by the same indians that took sacajawea. on the way east she got away from these indians. she found her way home. she had been afraid she would never see sacajawea again. now they were happy to meet. they danced and sang and cried and laughed with their arms around each other. broth er sent tied sell shells sacajawea's brother. the party went with sacajawea's people to their camp. captain clark was taken to the chief's house. the house was made of a ring of willows. the chief put his arms about captain clark. he made him sit on a white skin. he tied in his hair six shells. each one then took off his moccasins. then they smoked without talking. when they wanted to talk, they sent for sacajawea. she came into the house and sat down. she looked at the chief. she saw that he was her brother. she jumped up and ran to him. she threw her blanket over his head. she cried aloud in joy. he was glad to see her. he did not cry nor jump. he did not like to show that he was glad. sacajawea told him about the white men. she said they wanted to go across the rocky mountains to the big water in the west. she did not know the way across the mountains. the indians could help them. they could sell them horses and show them the way across the steep mountain tops. ca me ah wa it kind sacajawea said the white men had many things the indians would like. if they found a good way over the mountains, the white men would send these things to the indians each summer. sacajawea said the white men were kind to her and her baby. if they had not taken care of her when she was ill, she would not have seen her brother again. her brother said he was glad that the white men had been kind to her. he would help them over the mountains. he would talk to his men about it. he said to captain clark: "you have been kind to sacajawea. i am your friend until my days are over. you shall own my house. you shall sit on my blanket. you shall have what i kill. you shall bear my name. my name belonged to me only, but now it is yours. you are cameahwait." after that, all this tribe called captain clark "cameahwait." ah hi e! death oars pleased bought nev er sad dles sacajawea's people will show the way. cameahwait told his people how good the white men were. he told them what good things they had. he said, "if we sell them horses and take them over the mountains, they can get back soon. no goods will come to us until they go back to their home. if we do not help them, they cannot cross the mountains. they do not know the way. they cannot carry food enough. they will meet death in the mountains. then we shall never get their goods. shall we help them, my brothers?" and the people said, "ah hi e! ah hi e!" that means, "we are pleased." they got horses to carry the goods. they could not get enough horses to give the men to ride. the captains bought a horse for sacajawea to ride. the soldiers made saddles from the oars tied together with pieces of skins. then they started up the steep mountain. heard must to-night slipped the indians try to leave the whites. when they were in the mountain tops, sacajawea overheard some indians talking. they said: "we do not want to go across the mountains with the whites. we want to go down to the plains and hunt buffalo. we are hungry here. on the plains are many buffalo. we must hunt them now for our winter food. we do not care for the white men's goods. our fathers lived without their goods. we can live without them. we will go off to-night and leave them. they will meet death in the mountains. in the spring we can come back and get their goods." sacajawea went to captain lewis. she told him what she had heard. he called the chiefs together. they smoked a pipe together. sacajawea slipped a piece of sugar into cameahwait's hand. as he sucked it, she said, "you will get this good thing from the white men if you are friends with them." gone land word keep prom ise yes then captain lewis said, "are you men of your word?" the indians said, "yes." he said, "did you not promise to carry our goods over the mountains?" the indians said, "yes." "then," he said, "why are you going to leave us now? if you had not promised, we would have gone back down the missouri. then no other white man would come to your land. you wish the whites to be your friends. you want them to give you goods. you should keep you promise to them. i will keep my promise to you. you seem afraid to keep your promise." the chiefs said, "we are not afraid. we will keep our promise." they sent out word to all their men to keep their promise. captain lewis thanked sacajawea. if she had not told him, the indians would have gone off in the night. the whites would have been left in the steep rocky mountains with no horses and no way of getting food. stiff pa cif ic o cean melt sharp trip crossing the rocky mountains. the trip across the mountains was very hard. the mountain tops were steep. there was no road. the ground was made of sharp rocks. the horses slipped and fell down. the men's feet were cut and black and blue. it rained many days and snowed nights. they had no houses. before they could start on each day, they had to melt the snow off their goods. the men grew stiff from the wet and the cold. the only way they could get warm was to keep on walking. they had little food. they had only a little corn when they started across the mountains. this was soon gone. there were no animals, no fish, and no roots on the way. they had to kill their horses. they had only horsemeat to eat. the soldiers grew sick. some could hardly stand. but they did not want to turn back. they knew the indians could find the way down to the columbia river. then they could get to the pacific ocean without the indians. so they went on. sud den ly fun salm on watch at the columbia river. at last they got across the mountains and down on the columbia river. the indians who had showed them the way went home again. there were other indians near the columbia. these indians gave the men salmon and roots. they ate so much that they were ill. the captains and all the soldiers were ill. but they started to make canoes to ride down the columbia. they did not get well. so they bought some dogs. they cooked the dogs and ate them. for days they could eat only dog. the indians laughed at them for eating dog. they said, "dogs are good to watch the camp. they are not good to eat. we do not eat them. what poor men these must be to eat dog!" suddenly the captains fired off their guns and a soldier played the fiddle. then the indians stopped laughing. they had never heard a gun before. they had never before heard a fiddle. they thought the white men must be wonderful people to have guns and fiddles. they wished to be friends with such wonderful people. so they did not make fun of them any more. full grass stones how the indians dried salmon. the soldiers left their horses here on the columbia river. they asked the indians to keep them until they should come back from the west. then they started down the river in canoes. on the columbia, the party saw some indians drying salmon. they opened the fish. then they put it in the sun. when it was well dried, they pounded it to powder between two stones. then they put it into a basket. the basket was made of grass. it had dried salmon skin inside. the indians pounded the powdered salmon down hard into the basket. when a basket was full, they put dried salmon skin on the top. then the basket was put where it would keep dry. the salmon powder would keep for years. only one tribe of indians knew how to make it well. the other tribes bought it from them. all the tribes liked it. the white men, too, liked it. gath ered ar row head sum mer wap pa to pond toes the wappato. the party found a root new to them on the lower columbia. the indians called it wappato. captain clark called it arrowhead. the wappato grew all the year. the indian women gathered it. a woman carried a light canoe to a pond. she waded into the pond. she put the canoe on the water. with her toes she pulled up the wappato from the bottom of the pond. the woman caught it and put it in the canoe. she was in the water many hours, summer and winter. when her canoe was full, she put it on her head and carried it home. she roasted the wappato on hot stones. it tasted very good. the soldiers said it was the best root they had tasted. the indian women used to put some wappato in grass baskets and sell it to the tribes up the river. anx ious cheer ful view break ing dis tinct ly shores to the pacific ocean. the party went down the columbia river in canoes. it was a hard trip. it rained all the time. each day the men were wet to the skin. they had to carry their goods around some rapids. they could not be very cheerful. one day it stopped raining for a little time. the low clouds went away. the party saw that the river was very wide. they rowed on. then they saw the great ocean lying in the sun. they became very happy. they cheered and laughed and sang. they rowed on very fast. captain lewis wrote in his book: "ocean in view! o! the joy! we are in view of the ocean, this great pacific ocean, which we have been so long anxious to see. the noise made by the waves breaking on the rocky shores may be heard distinctly." half for got jour ney troub les the pacific ocean. the party saw that they had come to the end of their journey. they had come , miles from the mouth of the missouri river. it had taken them a year and a half to come. but now they forgot their troubles. they forgot the times they had been hungry. they forgot their cut feet and their black and blue backs. they forgot the bears and the snakes and the mosquitoes. they saw the pacific ocean before them. they sang because they were the first white men to make this journey. they did not care for the troubles going back. they knew that they could go home faster than they had come. and they sang together, "the ocean! the ocean! o joy! o joy!" beach blub ber line thun der clat sop salt whale sand sacajawea on the ocean beach. the party made a winter camp at the mouth of the columbia river. they called it fort clatsop. the indians near-by were the clatsop tribe. these indians gave the whites some whale blubber. they said that a whale was on the ocean beach. captain clark and some men got ready to go to see it. sacajawea came to captain clark and said, "may i go, too? i have come over the mountains with you to find the great water and i have not been to it yet. now i would see the big animal and the great water, too." captain clark was glad to have her go. he wrote in his book that this was the only time she asked for anything. she took her baby on her back and walked with captain clark. when she got near the ocean, she was afraid. the noise seemed to her like thunder. she always had been afraid of thunder. when she saw the waves, she was afraid they would come over the earth. she had never before seen any big body of water. she had seen only rivers and ponds. the ocean looked very big. she would not go near the waves. then captain clark showed her the high water line. he told her that the waves would not go over that line. she sat down on the sand with her baby in her lap. she watched the waves a long time. then she was not afraid. she walked out to the waves. when they came to shore, she ran before them. she let them come over her feet. she took some ocean water in her hand and tasted it. she did not like its salt taste. but she did like to run after the waves. bags oil wood en eight y pork trough the whale. captain clark and his party walked all day before they came to where the whale lay. the waves had carried it up on the shore. it was a very big animal. it was longer than most houses. it was eighty feet long. the indians were cutting it up. they put the meat into a large wooden trough. then they put hot stones into the trough. the hot stones melted out the oil. the indians put the oil into skin bags. they used it to eat with roots and mush. they did not wish to sell the oil. but after a time, they did sell some oil to captain clark. they sold him some blubber, too. the blubber was white and looked like pork fat. the soldiers cooked some and ate it. they liked it very much. sacajawea was happy to see the whale. she walked all around it. she made her baby to look well at it. she told him he might never see one again. the baby did not care for the whale, but he laughed because sacajawea laughed. beau ti ful robe sor ry belt sea-ot ter wear sacajawea's belt. the clatsop chief came to fort clatsop to see the captains. he had on a robe made of two sea-otter skins. the skins were the most beautiful the captains had yet seen. they wanted the chief to sell the robe. he did not want to sell it, as sea-otters are hard to get. they said they would give him anything they had for it. still he would not sell it. sacajawea saw him looking at her blue bead belt. she had made this belt from beads captain clark had given her. she used to wear it all the time. she said to the clatsop chief, "will you sell the robe for my belt?" he said, "yes, i will sell it for the chief beads." the indians called blue beads "chief beads." sacajawea thought a little time. then she gave her belt to him. he put it around his neck. he gave her his sea-otter robe. she gave it to captain clark for a present. she was sorry to give up her belt. the captains had no more blue beads to give her to make another. but she was glad to give captain clark the beautiful sea-otter skins. boiled crust five pairs burned filled kegs treat at fort clatsop. at fort clatsop, the captains wrote in their books. they wrote about all they had seen coming to the pacific. they wrote about things near fort clatsop. they made maps of the land near the missouri river, in the rocky mountains, and on the banks of the columbia. some of the men hunted. they made the skins of animals into clothes and moccasins. they made between three and four hundred pairs of moccasins. they saved these to wear on the way home. five soldiers were sent down to the ocean beach to make salt. each had a big kettle. they filled the kettles with ocean water. they burned a fire under the kettles day and night. in time, the water all boiled away. a crust of salt was left on the inside of the kettles. the soldiers gathered this salt into wooden kegs. it took seven weeks to make enough salt for their journey home. captain lewis wrote, "this salt was a great treat to many of the party." he liked salt very much. captain clark wrote that he did not care if he had salt or not. hand ker chief un der wear wea sel mer ry wak en wel come on christmas day, , the soldiers got up without making any noise. they fired their guns all at one time to waken the captains. then they sang an old christmas song. then they wished the captains "merry christmas." they gave each other presents. captain clark wrote that he had twelve weasel tails, some underwear, some moccasins, and an indian blanket for his christmas presents. he gave a handkerchief or some little present to each man. there was no snow and no ice, but there was much rain. the soldiers had to stay in their log fort all day. they had only poor elk, poor roots, and some bad dried salmon for dinner. but they were cheerful. they danced and sang into the night. on new year's day, they fired their guns to welcome in the new year. they had more to eat than on christmas day. the captains wrote, "our greatest pleasure to-day is thinking about new year's, . then we shall be home." game or der let ters stol en the start home. in march, the elk left the woods near fort clatsop. the soldiers could not get enough to eat. the captains said, "it is time to start home." they bought a canoe with a soldier-coat and some little things. they took another canoe from the clatsops for some elk meat that the indians had stolen. they had not many things left to get food and horses with on the way home. but their guns were in good order. they had good powder and balls. they could kill game on the way. they cut up their big flag into five robes. they could sell them robes for food. the captains gave the clatsops letters to give to any white men who should come there. these letters told about the party's trip out west. they told how they were going back east. the clatsops promised to give these letters to the first white men who should come. then the party said good-bye to the clatsops. this was in the month of march. they started up the columbia river, singing. they were happy because they were going home. awl nee dles skeins cho pun nish ounce thread knit ting-pin rib bon ver mil ion at camp chopunnish. on the way up the columbia, the soldiers killed game. they gave some to the indians for roots. they came to the foot of the mountains in may. there was too much snow then for them to cross they made a camp near the chopunnish indians. they called it camp chopunnish. they sent out to get the horses they had left when camping there before. they tried to get enough food to last them over the mountains. many of the indians were ill. captain clark gave them medicine. they gave him food and horses for the medicine. captain lewis talked with the indian chiefs all day. they promised to let some young indians show the way over the mountains. the captains gave each soldier some of their goods and sent him out to get food. captain lewis wrote that each man had "only one awl and one knitting- pin, half an ounce of vermilion, two needles, a few skeins of thread, and a yard of ribbon." two of the men took their goods with them in a canoe. the canoe turned over. they lost all their goods. they just saved their lives. bot tles bush els pris on ers' base box es but tons raft ra ces two other men went up the river with their goods on a horse. the horse slipped down a steep bank into the river. he got safe to the bank across the river. an indian made him swim back to the two soldiers. on the way, most of the goods were lost. the paint melted, and the horse's back was all red. the indians on the bank across the river saw what the soldiers wanted. they loaded some roots and bread on a raft. they tried to cross to the soldiers. a high wind sent the raft on a rock. the raft turned over. the roots and bread were lost. then the captains and men felt unhappy. they cut the buttons from their clothes. they gathered up all the bottles and medicine boxes they had. with these things, two soldiers went out to get food. they got three bushels of roots and some bread. the other men hunted. they dried some meat, and gave some to the indians for roots. they became good friends with the chopunnish indians. they used to run fast races together. both soldiers and indians could run fast. the soldiers took sides and played prisoners' base. ear ly sec ond fold ed means yo me kol lick la ter over the rocky mountains going home. the party wanted to start over the mountains in early june. the indians were not ready to go with them then. the party started to go without the indians. they could not find food for the horses. there was snow all over the ground. they had to turn back and camp where there was grass. a week later the indians were ready to go with them. they started a second time. the indians showed them the way. they found food for the horses each night. the trip across the mountains was not so hard as it had been the year before. now the snow covered all the sharp rocks. the snow was so hard that the horses could walk on it. now they had enough food. all the men had horses. they went many miles each day. all were happy. one of the indians liked captain lewis so much that he gave him his name, "yomekollick." [illustration: yomekollick] this means "white bear-skin folded." the indians thought their names were the best thing they could give to any one. dif fer ent di vide ser vice third good-bye south yel low stone east of the rocky mountains again. before they left the mountains, the captains said: "we will divide our party. then we can go different ways. then we shall see more of the country east of the rocky mountains." so captain lewis and nine men started in a straight line to the falls of the missouri. captain clark and the others went more to the south. sacajawea went with captain clark. the two parties promised to meet again down on the missouri. they said good-bye to each other on july third. on the next day, captain clark wrote that they had a good fourth of july dinner. they had fat deer and roots. then they went on until time to sleep. they had no time to dance now. they were going home. captain lewis and his men pushed on all day. he did not write that they thought of the fourth of july. captain clark sent ten men down the missouri river the way they had come west. he went with sacajawea and ten other men across to the yellowstone river. sacajawea found the way for him. she also found roots good to eat. captain clark wrote that she was of "great service" to him. captain clark's party went down the yellowstone river to the missouri river. here they met two white men. these were the first white men besides themselves that they had seen for a year and four months. they were glad to hear news from the east. soon after they met these white men, captain lewis and the other soldiers came down to them. this was in august. captain lewis had been shot by one of his best men. the man thought that captain lewis was an elk, because his clothes were brown. the man was very sorry for having shot him. captain lewis soon got well. the soldiers were happy to be together again. they forgot their troubles. they went down the missouri, singing. [illustration: the white-fronted goose as drawn by captain lewis in his journal] they were glad they had gone west. they had taken the country for the americans. they had made friends with the indians. they knew where food could be found. they knew about the animals and plants. now other people could find the way from the maps the captains had made. dol lars vil lage sacajawea says good-bye to the soldiers. sacajawea's husband would not go to the captains' home. he wanted to live with the mandans. [illustration: a mandan earth lodge] so sacajawea had to say good-bye to the soldiers. the captains gave her husband five hundred dollars. they did not give sacajawea any money. in those days, people did not think of paying women. all the party were sorry to leave sacajawea and the baby. sacajawea was sorry to stay behind. she stood on the bank of the river watching the soldiers as long as she could see them. the soldiers went down the missouri to its mouth. when they saw the village there, they fired off all their guns. the people came out to see them and cheered that they were home again. cen ten nial port land or e gon for est ry build ing not ed fair hon or stat ue suc cess the centennial. the american people have always been glad that lewis and clark made this long, hard journey. that was just one hundred years ago. in this year of , the american people are holding a centennial fair in honor of the lewis and clark journey. the fair is at portland, oregon, because lewis and clark reached the pacific ocean in oregon. at the fair, there is a statue of sacajawea and her baby. this statue is put there because lewis and clark wrote in their books: "the wonderful bird-woman did a full man's share to make the trip a success, besides taking care of her baby. she was one of the best of mothers." some day, you can read these books for yourself, and learn more about sacajawea and captains lewis and clark. [illustration: the forestry building, lewis and clark centennial] the forestry building is made from the large trees for which oregon is noted. fort clatsop was built from the large trees of oregon, too, but the soldiers did not know how to make such a fine building as this one hundred years ago. the journals of lewis and clark by meriwether lewis and and william clark - transcriber's note: these journals are from may , , the day the expedition left the mississippi river, to september , , a day or two after they arrived back in st. louis. it includes all possible journal entries of lewis and clark. most of the "courses and distances" and "celestial observations" have been omitted. the notes and most of the corrections of past editors have been removed. there are a few ocr errors, but most of the misspellings are almost years old. the dates with the names in the brackets are a little redundent. they are included to provide the correct date in a consistent format. pg editor's note: misspellings, inventive punctuation and lack of punctuation along with variable capitalization, and not entirely clear abbreviations have been left as is. dw [clark, may , ] may the th-monday set out from camp river a dubois at oclock p.m. and proceded up the missouris under sail to the first island in the missouri and camped on the upper point opposit a creek on the south side below a ledge of limestone rock called colewater, made / miles, the party consisted of , self one frenchman and men in the boat of ores, serjt. & french in a large perogue, a corp and soldiers in a large perogue. a cloudy rainey day. wind from the n e. men in high spirits [clark, may , ] monday may th rained the forepart of the day i determined to go as far as st. charles a french village leags. up the missourie, and wait at that place untill capt. lewis could finish the business in which he was obliged to attend to at st louis and join me by land from that place miles; by this movement i calculated that if any alterations in the loading of the vestles or other changes necessary, that they might be made at st. charles i set out at oclock p.m. in the presence of many of the neighbouring inhabitents, and proceeded on under a jentle brease up the missourie to the upper point of the st island miles and camped on the island which is situated close on the right (or starboard) side, and opposit the mouth of a small creek called cold water, a heavy rain this after-noon the course of this day nearly west wind from n. e [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th it rained during the greater part of last night and continued untill ock. a.m. after which the prarty proceeded, passed two islands and incamped on the stard. shore at mr. fifer's landing opposite an island, the evening was fair. some wild gees with their young brudes were seen today. the barge run foul three several times--on logs, and in one instance it was with much difficulty they could get her off; happily no injury was sustained, tho the barge was several minutes in eminent danger; this was cased by her being too heavily laden in the stern. persons accustomed to the navigation of the missouri and the mississippi also below the mouth of this river, uniformly take the precaution to load their vessels heavyest in the bow when they ascend the stream in order to avoid the danger incedent to runing foul of the concealed timber which lyes in great quantities in the beds of these rivers. [clark, may , ] tuesday --rained all last night and this morning untill oclock, all our fire extinguished, some provisions on the top of the perogus wet, i sent two men to the countrey to hunt, & proceed on at oclock, and proceeded on miles and camped at a mr pip. landing just below a coal bank on the south side the prarie comes with / of a mile of the river on the n. side i sent to the setlements in the pairie & purchased fowls &. one of the perogue are not sufficently maned to keep up. refurences from the th of may ( ) a large island to the starboard; ( ) passed a small island in the bend to the starbord, opposit passage de soux and with / miles of the mississippi, observed a number of gosselins on the edge of the river many passing down, strong water & wind from the n e--passed a place lbord called the plattes, a flat rock projecting from the foot of a hill, where there is a farm, ( ) pass an small isld near the center of the river, run on several logs this after noon, camped at mr. pipers landing. [clark, may , ] may th tuesday rained the greater part of the last night, and this morning untile oclock--at oclock set out and proceeded on miles passed two islands & incamped on the starbd. side at a mr. pipers landing opposit an island, the boat run on logs three times to day, owing her being too heavyly loaded a sturn, a fair after noon, i saw a number of goslings to day on the shore, the water excessively rapid, & banks falling in-. [clark, may , ] wednesday may th a fair morning, set out at oclock passed the coal hill (call by the natives carbonear) this hill appears to contain great quantytes of coal, and also ore of a rich appearance haveing greatly the resemblance of silver arrived opposit st charles at oclock, this village is at the foot of a hill from which it takes its real name peeteite coete or the little hill, it contains about indefferent houses, and abot inhabetents principally frinch, those people appear pore and extreemly kind, the countrey around i am told is butifull. interspursed with praries & timber alturnetly and has a number of american settlers took equal altituds with sextion m a ° ' " dined with the comdr. & mr. ducetts family--( ) passed an island on the l side just above the bank one just above, two small ones oposut under the st. shore, one on lb. side below st charles, arrived at this place at oclock a fine day [clark, may , ] may th wednesday a fair morning set out at oclk pass a remarkable coal hill on the larboard side called by the french carbonere, this hill appear to contain great quantity of coal & ore of a ____ appearance from this hill the village of st charles may be seen at miles distance--we arrived at st. charles at oclock a number spectators french & indians flocked to the bank to see the party. this village is about one mile in length, situated on the north side of the missourie at the foot of a hill from which it takes its name petiete coete or the little hill this village contns. about houses, the most of them small and indefferent and about inhabitents chiefly french, those people appear pore, polite & harmonious--i was invited to dine with a mr. ducett this gentleman was once a merchant from canadia, from misfortunes aded to the loss of a cargo sold to the late judge turner he has become somewhat reduced, he has a charming wife an eligent situation on the hill serounded by orchards & a excellent gardain. [clark, may , ] thursday the th a fine day men confined for misconduct, i had a court martial & punishment several indians, who informed me that the saukees had lately crossed to war against the osage nation som aplicasions, i took equal altitudes made the m a. to be ° ' " measured the missouries at this place and made it yards wide, in banks. a boat came up this evening, i punished hall agreeable to his sentence in part, a fine after noon; suped with mr. ducett an agreeable man more agreeable lady, this gentleman has a delightfull situation & garden. [clark, may , ] may the th thursday a fair day compelled to punish for misconduct. several kickapoos indians visit me to day, george drewyer arrive. took equal altitudes of suns l l made it ° ' " ap t. measured the river found it to be yards wide, a keel boat came up to day--several of the inhabitents came abord to day receved several speces of vegatables from the inhabitents to day [ordway, may , ] orders st. charles thursdy the th of may - a sergeant and four men of the party destined for the missourri expidition will convene at oclock to day on the quarter deck of the boat, and form themselves into a court martial to hear and determine (in behalf of the capt.) the evidences aduced against william warner & hugh hall for being absent last night without leave; contrary to orders;-& john collins st for being absent without leave-- nd for behaveing in an unbecomeing manner at the ball last night-- rdly for speaking in a language last night after his return tending to bring into disrespect the orders of the commanding officer signd. w. clark comdg. detail for court martial segt. john ordway prs. members r. fields r. windsor j. whitehouse jo. potts the court convened agreeable to orders on the th of may sgt. john ordway p. members joseph whitehouse rueben fields potts richard windsor after being duly sworn the court proceded to the trial of william warner & hugh hall on the following charges viz: for being absent without leave last night contrary to orders, to this charge the prisoners plead guilty. the court one of oppinion that the prisoners warner & hall are both guilty of being absent from camp without leave it being a breach of the rules and articles of war and do sentence them each to receive twentyfive lashes on their naked back, but the court recommend them from their former good conduct, to the mercy of the commanding officer.--at the same court was tried john collins charged st for being absent without leave-- d. for behaveing in an unbecomming manner at the ball last night idly for speaking in a languguage after his return to camp tending to bring into disrespect the orders of the commanding officer--the prisoner pleads guilty to the first charge but not guilty to the two last chrges.--after mature deliberation & agreeable to the evidence aduced. the court are of oppinion that the prisnair is guilty of all the charges alledged against him it being a breach of the rules & articles of war and do sentence him to receive fifty lashes on his naked back--the commanding officer approves of the proceedings & desicon of the court martial and orders that the punishment of john collins take place this evening at sun set in the presence of the party.--the punishment ordered to be inflicted on william warner & hugh hall, is remitted under the assurence arriveing from a confidence which the commanding officer has of the sincerity of the recommendation from the court.--after the punishment, warner hall & collins will return to their squads and duty the court is disolved. sign. wm. clark [clark, may , ] friday may the th a fine morning took equal altitude and made it ° ' " m. a i had the boat & pierogue reloded so as to cause them to be heavyer in bow than asturn recved of mr. lyon lb. tobacco on act. of mr. choteau gave out tin cups & knives to the french hands, mr. lauriesme returned from the kickapoo town to day delayed a short time & set out for st. louis, i sent george drewyer with mr. lauriesmus to st louis & wrote to cap lewis mr. ducett made me a present of rivr catts & some herbs our french hands bring me eggs milk &c. &. to day the wind hard from the s. w. two keel boats came up to this place to day from kentucky [clark, may , ] may the th friday a fine morning, i had the loading in the boat & perogue examined and changed so as the bow of each may be heavyer laded than the stern, mr. lauremus who had been sent by cap lewis to the kickapoo town on public business return'd and after a short delay proceeded on to st louis, i sent george drewyer with a letter to capt lewis two keel boats arrive from kentucky to day loaded with whiskey hats &c. &. the wind from the sw. took equal altitudes with sexetn made it ° ' " mt. [clark, may , ] satturday may the th a violent wind last night from the w. s w, suckceeded by rain with lasted som hours, a cloudy morning, many persons came to the boat to day i took equal altitudes. mar time ° ' " i heard of my brothers illness to day which has given me much concurn, i settle with the men and take receipts for pay up to the st of decr. next, i am invited to a ball in the village, let several of the men go,--r fields kill a deer george drewyear returned with a hundred dollars, he lost [clark, may , ] may th satturday a violent wind last night from the w. s. w. accompanied with rain which lasted about three hours cleared away this morn'g at oclock, i took receipt for the pay of the men up to the st. of decr. next, r. fields kill a deer to day, i recve an invitation to a ball, it is not in my power to go. george drewyer return from st louis and brought dollars, he lost a letter from cap lewis to me, seven ladies visit me to day [lewis, may , ] sunday may th the morning was fair, and the weather pleasent; at ock a m. agreably to an appointment of the preceeding day, i was joined by capt. stoddard, lieuts. milford & worrell together with messrs. a. chouteau, c. gratiot, and many other respectable inhabitants of st. louis, who had engaged to accompany me to the vilage of st. charles; accordingly at oclk after bidding an affectionate adieu to my hostis, that excellent woman the spouse of mr. peter chouteau, and some of my fair friends of st. louis, we set forward to that village in order to join my friend companion and fellow labourer capt. william clark who had previously arrived at that place with the party destined for the discovery of the interior of the continent of north america the first miles of our rout laid through a beatifull high leavel and fertile prarie which incircles the town of st. louis from n. w. to s. e. the lands through which we then passed are somewhat broken up fertile the plains and woodlands are here indiscriminately interspersed untill you arrive within three miles of the vilage when the woodland commences and continues to the missouri the latter is extreamly fertile. at half after one p.m. our progress was interrupted the near approach of a violent thunder storm from the n. w. and concluded to take shelter in a little cabbin hard by untill the rain should be over; accordingly we alighted and remained about an hour and a half and regailed ourselves with a could collation which we had taken the precaution to bring with us from st. louis. the clouds continued to follow each other in rapaid succession, insomuch that there was but little prospect of it's ceasing to rain this evening; as i had determined to reach st. charles this evening and knowing that there was now no time to be lost i set forward in the rain, most of the gentlemen continued with me, we arrived at half after six and joined capt clark, found the party in good health and sperits. suped this evening with monsr. charles tayong a spanish ensign & late commandant of st. charles at an early hour i retired to rest on board the barge--st. charles is situated on the north bank of the missouri miles above it's junction with the mississippi, and about the same distance n. w. from st. louis; it is bisected by one principal street about a mile in length runing nearly parrallel with the river, the plain on which it stands-is narrow tho sufficiently elivated to secure it against the annual inundations of the river, which usually happen in the month of june, and in the rear it is terminated by a range of small hills, hence the appellation of petit cote, a name by which this vilage is better known to the french inhabitants of the illinois than that of st. charles. the vilage contains a chappel, one hundred dwelling houses, and about inhabitants; their houses are generally small and but illy constructed; a great majority of the inhabitants are miserably pour, illiterate and when at home excessively lazy, tho they are polite hospitable and by no means deficient in point of natural genious, they live in a perfect state of harmony among each other; and plase as implicit confidence in the doctrines of their speritual pastor, the roman catholic priest, as they yeald passive obedience to the will of their temporal master the commandant. a small garden of vegetables is the usual extent of their cultivation, and this is commonly imposed on the old men and boys; the men in the vigor of life consider the cultivation of the earth a degrading occupation, and in order to gain the necessary subsistence for themselves and families, either undertake hunting voyages on their own account, or engage themselves as hirelings to such persons as possess sufficient capital to extend their traffic to the natives of the interior parts of the country; on those voyages in either case, they are frequently absent from their families or homes the term of six twelve or eighteen months and alwas subjected to severe and incessant labour, exposed to the ferosity of the lawless savages, the vicissitudes of weather and climate, and dependant on chance or accident alone for food, raiment or relief in the event of malady. these people are principally the decendants of the canadian french, and it is not an inconsiderable proportian of them that can boast a small dash of the pure blood of the aboriginees of america. on consulting with my friend capt. c. i found it necessary that we should pospone our departure untill p m. the next day and accordingly gave orders to the party to hold themselves in readiness to depart at that hour. captn. clark now informed me that having gotten all the stores on board the barge and perogues on the evening of the th of may he determined to leave our winter cantainment at the mouth of river dubois the next day, and to ascend the missouri as far as the vilage of st. charles, where as it had been previously concerted between us, he was to wait my arrival; this movement while it advanced us a small distance on our rout, would also enable him to determine whether the vessels had been judiciously loaded and if not timely to make the necessary alterations; accordingly at p.m. on monday the th of may , he embarked with the party in the presence of a number of the neighbouring citizens who had assembled to witness his departure. during the fore part of this day it rained excessively hard. in my last letter to the president dated at st. louis i mentioned the departure of capt. clark from river dubois on the th inst, which was the day that had been calculated on, but having completed the arrangements a day earlyer he departed on the th as before mentioned. on the evening of the th the party halted and encamped on the upper point of the first island which lyes near the larbord shore, on the same side and nearly opposite the center of this island a small creek disimbogues called couldwater. the course and distance of this day was west miles the wind from n. e. [clark, may , ] sunday th may a cloudy morning rained and a hard wind last night i continue to write rolls, send men to church to day one man sick capt lewis and several gentlemen arrive from st louis thro a violent shoure of rain, the most of the party go to the church. [clark, may , ] sunday th may a cloudy morning rained and hard wind from the ____ last night, the letter george lost yesterday found by a country man, i gave the party leave to go and hear a sermon to day delivered by mr. ____ a romon carthlick priest at oclock capt. lewis capt. stoddard accompanied by the officers & several gentlemen of st louis arrived in a heavy showr of rain mssr. lutenants minford & werness. mr. choteau grattiot, deloney, laber dee ranken dr. sodrang rained the greater part of this evening. suped with mr. charles tayon, the late comdt. of st charles a spanish ensign. [clark, may , ] monday st may dine with mr. ducete & set out from st. charles at three oclock after getting every matter arranged, proceeded on under a jentle breese, at one mile a violent rain with wind from the s. w. we landed at the upper point of the first island on the stbd side & camped, soon after it commenced raining & continued the greater part of the night; french men got leave to return to town, and return early (refur to fig. .) st refured to fig. left st. charles may st . steered n. ° w / ms n °w to the upper point of the island and camped dureing a rain which had been falling half an hour, opposit this isd. corns in a small creek on the st. sd. and at the head one on the ld. side rains powerfully. [clark, may , ] may st monday all the forepart of the day arranging our party and prcureing the different articles necessary for them at this place--dined with mr. ducett and set out at half passed three oclock under three cheers from the gentlemen on the bank and proceeded on to the head of the island (which is situated on the stbd side) miles soon after we set out to day a hard wind from the w. s w accompanied with a hard rain, which lasted with short intervales all night, opposit our camp a small creek corns in on the lbd side- [clark, may , ] tuesday may nd delayed a short time for the three french men who returned and we set out at oclock a cloudy morning rained violently hard last night saw several people on the bank to day & passed several small farms. capt. lewis walk on shore a little & passed a camp of kickapoo indians, & incamped in the mouth of a small creek in a large bend on the stbd side. [clark, may , ] may nd tuesday a cloudy morning delay one hour for french men who got liberty to return to arrange some business they had forgotten in town, at oclock we proceeded on, passed several small farms on the bank, and a large creek on the lbd. side called bonom a camp of kickapoos on the st. side those indians told me several days ago that they would come on & hunt and by the time i got to their camp they would have some provisions for us, we camped in a bend at the mo. of a small creek, soon after we came too the indians arrived with deer as a present, for which we gave them two qts. of whiskey- this day we passed several islands, and some high lands on the starboard side, verry hard water. [clark, may , ] wednesday may rd indians kick. came to camp with meat we recved their pesents of deer & gave them whisky. set out early run on a log under water and detained one hour proceeded on the same course of last night, ( miles) passed the mouth of a creek on the sbd. side called woman of osage river about yds. over, abounding in fish, stoped one hour where their was maney people assembled to see us, halted at an endented part of a rock which juted over the water, called by the french the tavern which is a cave yds. long with the river feet deep & about feet high, this is a place the indians & french pay omage to, many names are wrote up on the rock mine among others, at one mile above this rock coms in a small creek called tavern creek, abov one other small creek, camped at oclock (after expirencing great dificuselty in passing some drifts) on the stb side, examined the mens arms found all in good order except the detachment of solds in the perogue--r field killed a deer. [clark, may , ] may rd course of last night s w contined miles to the said point st. side passed the upper point of the island thence s ° w. miles to a pt. on st. sd. passing tavern island two small isd. in a bend to the st. side the mo. of oge womans river at m. the cave called the tavern, lbd side at m. situated in the clifts, opposit a small island on the stbd side (r. & jo. fields came in) with many people, passed the tavern cave, capt lewis assended the hill which has peninsulis projecting in raged points to the river, and was near falling from a peninsulia hard water all day saved himself by the assistance of his knife, passed a creek yds. wide at mile called creek of the tavern on the lbd. side, camped opposit the pt. which the last course was to. one man sick. [clark, may , ] may rd wednesday we set out early ran on a log and detained one hour, proceeded the course of last night miles to the mouth of a creek on the stbd. side called osage womans r, about yds. wide, opposit a large island and a settlement. (on this creek or famlys are settled) crossed to the settlemt. and took in r & jo. fields who had been sent to purchase corn & butter &c. many people came to see us, we passed a large cave on the lbd. side about feet wide feet deep & feet high many different immages are painted on the rock at this place. the inds & french pay omage. many hams are wrote on the rock, stoped about one mile above for capt lewis who had assended the clifts which is at the said cave fee high, hanging over the water, the water excessively swift to day, we incamped below a small isld. in the meadle of the river, sent out two hunters, one killed a deer this evening we examined the arms and amunition found those mens arms in the perogue in bad order a fair evening capt. lewis near falling from the pencelia of rocks feet, he caught at foot. [clark, may , ] thursday may the th set out early passed a small isd in the midlle of the river, opposit the on the lbd. side is projecting rock of / a mile in extent against which the current runs, this place is called the devils race grounds, above this coms in a small creek called the little quiver, a sand island on the stbd side, passed several islands & creeks, on the stbd side a small island on the lbd side above we wer verry near loseing our boat in toeing she struck the sands the violence of the current was so great that the toe roap broke, the boat turned broadside, as the current washed the sand from under her she wheeled & lodged on the bank below as often as three times, before we got her in deep water, nothing saved her but [clark, may , ] may th set out early, killed a deer last night. examined the mens arms, & saw that all was prepared for action, passed an island in the m. r, opposit a hard place of water called the devill race grown, s ° w miles to a point on the sd. starboard side n w to a point on lbd side ms. passd. a small willow island on the lbd. side to the point of a isd. l side--s ° w to a point on stbd side miles, passed the upper point of the island. crossed and in a verry bad place we got our boat a ground & she bocke the toe roap & turned the land, the in wheeling three times, got off returned to the head of the aforesaid island, and came up under a falling bank. hard water this place being the worst i ever saw, i call it the retregrade bend. camped at an old house. [clark, may , ] may th thursday set out early passed a verry bad part of the river called the deavels race ground, this is where the current sets against some projecting rocks for half a mile on the labd. side, above this place is the mouth of a small creek called queivere, passed several islands, two small creeks on the stbd. side, and passed between a isld. an the lbd. shore a narrow pass above this isld is a verry bad part of the river, we attempted to pass up under the lbd. bank which was falling in so fast that the evident danger obliged us to cross between the starbd. side and a sand bar in the middle of the river, we hove up near the head of the sand bar, the sand moveing & banking caused us to run on the sand. the swiftness of the current wheeled the boat, broke our toe rope, and was nearly over setting the boat, all hand jumped out on the upper side and bore on that side untill the sand washed from under the boat and wheeled on the next bank by the time she wheeled a rd time got a rope fast to her stern and by the means of swimmers was carred to shore and when her stern was down whilst in the act of swinging a third time into deep water near the shore, we returned, to the island where we set out and assended under the bank which i have just mentioned, as falling in, here george drewyer & willard, two of our men who left us at st. charles to come on by land joined us, we camped about mile above where we were so nearly being lost, on the labd side at a plantation. all in spirits. this place i call the retragrade bend as we were obliged to fall back miles [clark, may , ] may set out early course west to a point on sbd. side at miles passd a willow isd. in a bend to the lbd. a creek called wood rivr lbd. side n ° w. to a pt. on the sb. side miles passed the mouth of a creek st. side called le quever, this same course continued to a point ld. side / miles further. opposit a isd. on sd side passed a creek called r. la freeau at the pt. n ° w miles to a small french village called la charatt of five families only, in the bend to the starbord this is the last settlement of whites, an island opposit [clark, may , ] may th friday rain last night river fall several inches, set out early psd. several islands passed wood river on the lbd side at miles passed creek on the st. side called la querer at miles passed a creek at mile, opsd. an isd. on the lbd side, camped at the mouth of a creek called river a chauritte, above a small french village of houses and as many families, settled at this place to be convt. to hunt, & trade with the indians, here we met with mr. louisell imedeately down from the seeeder isld. situated in the countrey of the suxex leagues up he gave us a good deel of information some letters he informed us that he saw no indians on the river below the poncrars--some hard rain this evening the people at this village is pore, houses small, they sent us milk & eggs to eat. [clark, may , ] may th . set out at oclock after a hard rain & wind, & proceed on verry well under sale. wind from the e n e the wind favourable to day we made miles a cloud rais & wind & rain closed the day [clark, may , ] may the th sattarday . set out at oclock after a heavy shour of rain (george drewyer & john shields, sent by land with the two horses with directions to proceed on one day & hunt the next) the wind favourable from the e n e passed beef island and river on lbd side at / ms passed a creek on the lbd. side called shepperds creek, passed several islands to day great deal of deer sign on the bank one man out hunting, w camped on an island on the starboard side near the southern extrem of luter island. [lewis, may , ] detatchment orders. may th . the commanding officers direct, that the three squads under the command of sergts. floyd ordway and pryor heretofore forming two messes each, shall untill further orders constitute three messes only, the same being altered and organized as follows (viz) sergt. charles floyd. ( ) privates: hugh mcneal patric gass reubin fields ( ) john b thompson + john newman richard winsor + francis rivet & joseph fields ( ) sergt. john ordway. privates. william bratton ( ) john colter ( ) x moses b. reed alexander willard william warner silas goodrich john potts & hugh hall sergt. nathaniel pryor. ( ) privates. george gibson ( ) george shannon ( ) john shields ( ) john collins joseph whitehouse peter wiser f peter crusat & f francis labuche the commanding officers further direct that the remainder of the detatchmen shall form two messes; and that the same be constituded as follows. (viz) patroon, baptist dechamps engages etienne mabbauf paul primaut charles hébert baptist la jeunesse peter pinaut peter roi & joseph collin corpl. richard warvington. privates. robert frasier john boleye john dame ebinezer tuttle & isaac white the commanding officers further direct that the messes of sergts. floyd, ordway and pryor shall untill further orders form the crew of the batteaux; the mess of the patroon la jeunesse will form the permanent crew of the red perogue; corpl. warvington's mess forming that of the white perogue. whenever by any casualty it becomes necessary to furnish additional men to assist in navigating the perogues, the same shall be furnished by daily detale from the privates who form the crew of batteaux, exempting only from such detale, thomas p. howard and the men who are assigned to the two bow and the two stern oars.--for the present one man will be furnished daily to assist the crew of the white perogue; this man must be an expert boatman. the posts and duties of the sergts. shall be as follows (viz)--when the batteaux is under way, one sergt. shall be stationed at the helm, one in the center on the rear of the starboard locker, and one at the bow. the sergt. at the helm, shall steer the boat, and see that the baggage on the quarterdeck is properly arranged and stowed away in the most advantageous manner; to see that no cooking utensels or loos lumber of any kind is left on the deck to obstruct the passage between the burths--he will also attend to the compas when necessary. the sergt at the center will command the guard, manage the sails, see that the men at the oars do their duty; that they come on board at a proper season in the morning, and that the boat gets under way in due time; he will keep a good lookout for the mouths of all rivers, creeks, islands and other remarkable places and shall immediately report the same to the commanding officers; he will attend to the issues of sperituous liquors; he shall regulate the halting of the batteaux through the day to give the men refreshment, and will also regulate the time of her departure taking care that not more time than is necessary shall be expended at each halt--it shall be his duty also to post a centinel on the bank, near the boat whenever we come too and halt in the course of the day, at the same time he will (acompanied by two his guard) reconnoiter the forrest arround the place of landing to the distance of at least one hundred paces. when we come too for the purpose of encamping at night, the sergt. of the guard shall post two centinels immediately on our landing; one of whom shal be posted near the boat, and the other at a convenient distance in rear of the encampment; at night the sergt. must be always present with his guard, and he is positively forbidden to suffer any man of his guard to absent himself on any pretext whatever; he will at each relief through the night, accompanyed by the two men last off their posts, reconnoiter in every direction around the camp to the distance of at least one hundred and fifty paces, and also examine the situation of the boat and perogues, and see that they ly safe and free from the bank it shall be the duty of the sergt. at the bow, to keep a good look out for all danger which may approach, either of the enimy, or obstructions which may present themselves to passage of the boat; of the first he will notify the sergt. at the center, who will communicate the information to the commanding officers, and of the second or obstructions to the boat he will notify the sergt. at the helm; he will also report to the commanding officers through the sergt. at the center all perogues boats canoes or other craft which he may discover in the river, and all hunting camps or parties of indians in view of which we may pass. he will at all times be provided with a seting pole and assist the bowsman in poling and managing the bow of the boat. it will be his duty also to give and answer all signals, which may hereafter be established for the government of the perogues and parties on shore. the sergts. will on each morning before our departure relieve each other in the following manner--the sergt. at the helm will parade the new guard, relieve the sergt. and the old guard, and occupy the middle station in the boat; the sergt. of the old guard will occupy the station at the bow, and the sergt. who had been stationed the preceeding day at the bow will place himself at the helm.--the sergts. in addition to those duties are directed each to keep a seperate journal from day today of all passing occurences, and such other observations on the country &c. as shall appear to them worthy of notice the sergts. are relieved and exempt from all labour of making fires, pitching tents or cooking, and will direct and make the men of their several messes perform an equal propotion of those duties. the guard shall hereafter consist of one sergeant and six privates & engages. patroon, dechamp, copl. warvington, and george drewyer, are exempt from guad duty; the two former will attend particularly to their perogues at all times, and see that their lading is in good order, and that the same is kept perfectly free from rain or other moisture; the latter will perform certain duties on shore which will be assigned him from time to time. all other soldiers and engaged men of whatever discription must perform their regular tour of guad duty. all detales for guard or other duty will be made in the evening when we encamp, and the duty to be performed will be entered on, by the individuals so warned, the next morning.--provision for one day will be issued to the party on each evening after we have encamped; the same will be cooked on that evening by the several messes, and a proportion of it reserved for the next day as no cooking will be allowed in the day while on the mach sergt. john ordway will continue to issue the provisions and make the detales for guard or other duty.--the day after tomorrow lyed corn and grece will be issued to the party, the next day poark and flour, and the day following indian meal and poark; and in conformity to that ratiene provisions will continue to be issued to the party untill further orders.--should any of the messes prefer indian meal to flour they may recieve it accordingly--no poark is to be issued when we have fresh meat on hand. labuche and crusat will man the larboard bow oar alternately, and the one not engaged at the oar will attend as the bows-man, and when the attention of both these persons is necessary at the bow, their oar is to be maned by any idle hand on board. meriwether lewis capt. wm. clark cpt. [clark, may , ] sunday may th as we were setting out this morning two canoos loaded with bever elk deer skins & buffalow robes, from the mahars nation, they inform that they left that place months, a gentle breese from the s. e, we camped on an isd in the mouth of gasconade r, this river is yards wide a butifull stream of clear water. foot deep hills on the lower side [clark, may , ] may th sunday as we were pushing off this morning two canoos loaded with fur &c. came to from the mahars nation, which place they had left two months, at about oclock cajaux or rafts loaded with furs and peltres came too one from the paunees, the other from grand osage, they informed nothing of consequence, passed a creek on the lbd side called ash creek yds wide, passed the upper point of a large island on the stbd side back of which comes in three creeks one called orter creek, her the men we left hunting came in we camped on a willow island in the mouth of gasconnade river. george shannon killed a deer this evening [clark, may , ] monday th may rained hard all the last night some wind from the s w, one deer killed to day, one man fell in with six indians hunting, onloaded the perogue, & found several articles wet, some tobacco spoiled. river begin to rise [clark, may , ] may th munday gasconnade rained hard all last night some thunder & lightening hard wind in the forepart of the night from the s w. ruben fields killed a deer several hunter out to day i measured the river found the gasconnade to be yds. wide and foot deep the course of this r. is s ° w, one of the hunters fell in with inds. hunting, onloaded the large perogue on board of which was french hands found many things wet by their cearlenessness, put all the articles which was wet out to dry--this day so cloudy that no observations could be taken, the river begin to rise, examine the mens arms and equapage, all in order [clark, may , ] tuesday th may sent out hunters, got a morning obsvtn and one at oclock, rained last night, the river rises fast the musquetors are verry bad, load the pierogue [clark, may , ] may th set out from the mouth of the gasconnade, where we took obsevn &c. left a perogue for a man lost in the woods, course n. w m to a point lb. side. passed the isd. on which we camped, river still rised, water verry muddey n. ° w ms. to a pt. on lb side passed two willow islands first smaller and a creek on lbd. called deer creek one oposit the point st. side and incamped on the lb side rain all night the tents together along the n; w poles s w, to the point above--s ° to the pot below the river [clark, may , ] may th tuesday rained last night, cloudy morning hunters sent out with orders to return at oclock took equal altitudes of suns lower limb found it ° ' " cap lewis observed meridean altitude of sun u l-back observation with the octant & artificeal horozen--gave for altitude on the limb ° ' " sun octant error + had the perogues loaded and all perpared to set out at oclock after finishing the observations & all things necessary found that one of the hunters had not returned, we deturmined to proceed on & leave one perogue to wate for him, accordingly at half past four we set out and came on miles & camped on the lbd side above a small creek called deer creek, soon after we came too we heard several guns fire down the river, we answered them by a discharge of a swivile on the bow [clark, may , ] may th, wednesday, set out at oclock after a heavy rain, rained all last night, a little after dark last night several guns were herd below, i expect the french men fireing for whitehous who was lost in the woods. [clark, may , ] may th wednesday rained all last night set out at oclock after a heavy shower, and proceeded on, passed a large island a creek opposit on the st. side just abov a cave called monbrun tavern & river, passed a creek on the lbd. side call rush creek at miles several showers of rain the current verry swift river riseing fast passed big miry river at miles on the starboard side, at the lower point of a island, this river is about yards wide, camped at the mouth of a creek on lbd sd of abt yds. wide called grinestone creek, opposit the head of a isd. and the mouth of little miry river on the st side, a heavy wind accompanied with rain & hail we made miles to day, the river continue to rise, the county on each side appear full of water. [clark, may , ] may st thursday rained the greater part of last night, the wind from the west raised and blew with great force untile oclock p.m.which obliged us to lay by a cajaux of bear skins and pelteries came down from the grand osarge, one french man one indian, and a squar, they had letters from the man mr. choteau sent to that part of the osarge nation settled on arkansa river mentioning that his letter was commited to the flaims, the inds. not believeing that the americans had possession of the countrey they disregarded st louis & their supplies &c.--several rats of considerable size was cought in the woods to day--capt lewis went out to the woods & found many curious plants & srubs, one deer killed this evening [clark, june , ] june st friday set out early, the same course s ° w of wednesday contd. ms passed the mouth of little miry on the stb & high rich land on the lb side, s. °w to an island opposit a hill on the s. sd. ms. this isd is on the lbd. passed the mo. of bear creek yds wide at ms. & three small isd., some swift water and banks falling in, wind a head from the west, s ° w ms. to the pt. above the mouth of osage river larb side, camped fell a number of trees in the point to take observation a fair after noon, sit up untill oclock to take som observations &c. [clark, june , ] june st friday set out early a fair morning passed the mouth bear creek yds. wide at miles, several small islands in the river the wind a head from the west the current exceedingly rapid came to on the point of the osarges river on the labd side of missouries this osages river verry high, felled all the trees in the point to make observations sit up untill oclock taken oservation this night [clark, june , ] june nd--took the dirts. of son & moon &c &c. i measured the osage & missouris at this place made ther width as follows, the missoure yd. wide the osage r yds. wide, the distance between the rivers poles up is ps. took equal altitudes & mredian altitude also-and made them ____ i assended the hill in the point ps. from the pt. found it about foot high, on the top is graves, or mouns, a delightfull prospect from this hill which comds. both rivers drewyer & shields came to the opposit side to day at sunset we sent across & brought them over, they had been absent days swam many creeks, much worsted. they informed us that the countrey on both sides of muddy river's to the hill called by the french ____ ms. below this place, a small praries below the hill, deer killed to day i assend a hill &. after measuring the river &c. &c. &c. [clark, june , ] june nd satturday cap lewis took the time & distance of suns & moons nearest limbs, the sun east--and meridean altitude of suns u. l. with octant, back observation gave for altitude ° " ". error of octant ° ' " +. made several other observations--i made an angle for the wedth of the two rivers. the missourie from the point to the n. side is yards wide the osage river from the point to the s. e side is yards wide, the destance between the two rivers at the pt. of high land (ioo foot above the bottom) and poles up the missouries from the point is poles, on the top of this high land under which is a limestone rock two mouns or graves are raised--from this pt. which comds both rivers i had a delightful) prospect of the missouries up & down, also the osage r. up. george drewyer & john shields who we had sent with the horses by land on the n side joined us this evening much worsted, they being absent seven days depending on their gun, the greater part of the time rain, they were obliged to raft or swim many creeks, those men gave a flattering account of the countrey commencing below the first hill on the n side and extendg parrelal with the river for or ms. the two muddey river passing thro & som fine springs & streams our hunters kill several deer to day, some small licks on the s e of the osage river. [clark, june , ] june sunday rd the fore part of the day fair i attempted to take equal alltitudes, & m altitudes, but was disapointed, the clouds obsured the sun, took the d. of sun & moon capt lewis & george drewyer went out & killed a deer, we set out at oclock p m cloudy & rain, west ms. to the mo. of murrow creek lb sd. a pt. st. side keeping along the lbd side ms., passed the mouth of a creek on lbd side ms., i call cupboard, creek, mouths behind a rock which projects into the river, camped in the mouth of the creek aforesaid, at the mouth of this creek i saw much fresh signs of indians, haveing crossed deer killed to day. i have a verry sore throat, & am tormented with musquetors & small ticks. [clark, june , ] june rd sunday the forepart of the day fair took meridional altitude of suns u:l with the octant and glass horrison adjusted back observation. the instrument gave ° ' "--it was cloudy and the suns disk much obsured, and cannot be depended on. we made other observations in the evening after the return of capt lewis from a walk of three or four ms. round--we set out at oclock p.m. proceeded on five miles to the mouth of a creek on the l. s. yds. wide called murow, passed a creek at ms. which i call cupbord creek as it mouths above a rock of that appearance. several deer killed to dayat the mouth of the murow creek i saw much sign of war parties of inds. haveing crossed from the mouth of this creek. i have a bad cold with a sore throat. near west miles [clark, june , ] june th monday, a fair day sent out hunters, our mast broke by the boat running under a tree passed an islands on stbd side on which grow seeder a creek at ____ miles on the starbd sd. course n. ° w ms. to pt. on st. side below d isd. passed a creek on lbd side yd. wide, i call nightingale creek. this bird sang all last night and is the first of the kind i ever herd, below this creek and the last passed a small isd on the stbd. n. w. ms. to a pt. on st. sd. passed a sm. isd. on st. sd. and seeder creek on the same side yds wide passed a creek on lbd sd. yd wide, i call mast creek, this is a short creek, fine land above & below the mouth. jentle rise of about foot, delightfull timber of oake ash walnut hickory &c. &c. wind from n w. by w. n. ° w. / ms. passed a creek called zoncar on the lbd side, n w me. to a pt, s. sd. called batue a de charm, a plain on the hill opposit. i got out & walked on the l sd. thro a charming bottom of rich land about one mile then i assended a hill of about foot on the top of which is a moun and about acres of land of dead timber on this hill one of the party says he has found lead ore a verry extensive cave under this hill next the river, the land on the top is fine, this is a very bad part of the river seven deer killed to day by our hunters--one of the horses is snaged, the other lost his shous to day the bottom on the st. side to day is covered with rushes, not verry good ____ the high land comes to the bank on the labd side and good d rate land. [clark, june , ] june th monday a fair day three men out on the right flank passed a large island on the st. side called seeder island, this isd. has a great deel of ceedar on it, passed a small creek at ms. yd. wide which we named nightingale creek from a bird of that discription which sang for us all last night, and is the first of the kind i ever heard. passed the mouth of seeder creek at ms. on the s. s. abt. yds. wide above some small isds. passed a creek on the l. s. abt. yds. wide. mast creek, here the sergt. at the helm run under a bending tree & broke the mast, some delightful) land, with a jentle assent about the creek, well timbered, oake, ash, walnut &c. &c. passed, wind n w. by w. passed a small creek called zan can c on the l. s; at this last point i got out and walked on the l. sd. thro a rush bottom for miles & a short distance thro nettles as high as my brest assended a hill of about foot to a place where the french report that lead ore has been found, i saw no mineral of that description, capt lewis camped imediately under this hill, to wate which gave me some time to examine the hill, on the top is a moun of about foot high and about acres of land which the large timber is dead in decending about foot a projecting lime stone rock under which is a cave at one place in this projecting rocks i went on one which spured up and hung over the water from the top of this rock i had a prospect of the river for or ms. up, from the cave which incumposed the hill i decended by a steep decent to the foot, a verry bad part of the river opposit this hill, the river continu to fall slowly, our hunters killed deer to day the land our hunters passed thro to day on the s. s. was verry fine the latter part of to day. the high land on the s. s. is about d rate [clark, june , ] june th tuesday, jurked the vennison killed yesterday, after seting over the scouting party or hunder of men set out at oclock course n ° w to a pt. on s. sd. ms. passed a creek on l. sd. i call lead c of yds passed one on the s. called lit. good-womans creek about yds. wide passed a willow isd. a butifull prarie approaching near the river above lead c & extends to the mine river in a westerly derection, passed the mouth of the creek of the big rock yds wide at ms. on the lbd sd. at oclock brought a caissie in which was men, from league up the kansias river, where they wintered and caught a great qty of beever but unfortunatey lost it by the burning of the plains, the kansas nation hunted on the missourie last winter and are now persueing the buffalow in the plains, passed a projecting rock called the manitou a painting from this deavel to the pt. on the lbd side n ° w / ms. the same course / ms. creek cld. manitou passed a on the lbd. side about yd. wide, a sand bar in the middle of the river passed up between the sand & l. shore one mile to a small creek yd. wide, (i call sand c). we run on the sand and was obliged to return to the starbd side, i am verry unwell with a slight feever from a bad cold caught three days ago at the grand so r--passed a small willow isd. on s. side, a large one in the middle of the river, york swam to the isd. to pick greens, and swam back with his greens, the boat drew too much water to cross the quick sands which intervened, she draws foot water, a fair wind our mast being broke by accidence provented our takeing the advantage of it passed the lower point of a large island, opposit the current devides between small isds on the st side. we found the water excessively hard for miles as we were oblged to pass up the center of the current between two of the isds. & round the heads of the other the current setting imediately against the points which was choked up with drift for a mile--above those isd. on the st. side we camped altogether our hunter or spis discovered the sign of a war party of abt. men [clark, june , ] june th tuesday after jurking the meet killed yesterday and crossing the hunting party we set out at oclock, from the last course & distance, n ° w. ms. to a pt. on the st. sd. passed a small creek on the ld. s. i call lead c. passed a creek on the s. s. of yds. wide cald. lit. good womans c. on the l. s. a prarie extends from lead c. parrelel with the river to mine river, at ms. passed the creek of the big rock about yds. wide on the l. sd. at oclock brought too a small caissee in which was two french men, from leagues up the kansias r. where they wintered, and cought a great quantity of beaver, the greater part of which they lost by fire from the praries, those men inform that the kansas nation are now out in the plains hunting buffalow, they hunted last winter on this river passed a projecting rock on which was painted a figue and a creek at ms. above called little manitou creek from the painted rock this creek yds. wide on the l. sd. passed a small creek on l. s. opposit a verry bad sand bar of several ms. in extent, which we named sand c here my servent york swam to the sand bar to geather greens for our dinner and returnd with a sufficent quantity wild creases or teng grass, we passed up for ms on the l. s. of this sand and was obliged to return, the watr. uncertain the quick sand moveing we had a fine wind, but could not make use of it, our mast being broke, we passed between small islands in the middle of the current, & round the head of three a rapid current for one mile and camped on the s. s. opsd. a large island in the middle of the river; one perogue did not get up for two hours, our scout discovd. the fresh sign of about inds. i expect that those indians are on their way to war against the osages nation probably they are the saukees [clark, june , ] wednesday the th of june . mended our mast this morning and set out at oclock, under a jentle braise from the s, e by s n ° w / miles to a hill on st sd. passg the n. beige of the island called split rock island, the river rose last night a foot the countrey about this isd. is delightfull large rush bottom of rushes below on the st. side n ° w, / ms. to the mouth of split rock river ____ yds. wide on the starboard side opod. the pt. of a isd. passed a place in the projecting rock called the hole thro the rock, a round cave pass thro the pt. of rock's west / ms. to a pt. on std. sd. opposit a clift of rocks abt foot n ° w. ms / to a pt. on l. side passed saline creek on the l. side a large salt lick & spring me. up the creek, one bushel of water will make lb. of good salt (information) took meridian altitude of sun limb. ° ' " equat to ____ of lattidude. on this creek, so great a no of salt springs are on it that the water is brackish n ° w to a belge of an isd on the s. sd. at ms. passed a willow isd. in middle, some wind in the after part of to day from the s e, (the banks are falling in greatly in this part of the river) as also is one side or the other in all the course, we assended on the north side of the isd. and finding that the perogues could not keep up camped hs. by sun. on the sd sd the land below this is good. [clark, june , ] june th wednesday mended our mast this morning &, set out at oclock under a jentle breise from s. e. by s passed the large island, and a creek called split rock creek at ms. on the s. s. psd. a place to the rock from which yds we. this creek takes its name, a projecting rock with a hole thro a point of the rock, at ms. passed the mouth of a creek called saline or salt r on the l. sd. this river is about yds. wide, and has so many licks & salt springs on its banks that the water of the creek is brackish, one verry large lick is ms. up on the left side the water of the spring in this lick is strong as one bushel of the water is said to make lb. of good salt passed a large isd. & several small ones, the water excessivly strong, so much so that we camped sooner than the usial time to waite for the pirogue, the banks are falling in verry much to day river rose last night a foot. capt. lewis took meridean altd. of suns u. l. with the octant above split rock c. &made the altitude ° ' error of octt. as useal ° ' " + the countrey for several miles below is good, on the top of the high land back is also tolerable land some buffalow sign to day i am still verry unwell with a sore throat & head ake [clark, june , ] thursday th of june set out early passed the head of the isd from the isd. n. ° w. to the mouth of a creek called big monitu on st. sd. / ms. psd. a sand bar in the river, som buffalow sign sent out george drewyer & newmon to hunt capt lewis and men went to a lick up this creek on the right side over mes. & other not far above the water runs out of the bank & not verry strong. to g for a bushell. s ° w. miles to a pt. on lbd. side, high bluff on the stbd. side, monitou creek is yds. wide at the mouth, passed a painted part of a projecting rock we found ther a den of rattle snakes, killed proceeded on passed, s °w ms. to apt. on s. side passed an island in the middle of the river, s. ° w. to a pt. of high land on the l. s. pass'g over the middle of a willow island, ms. / proceed on / a mile on this course a camped at the mouth of good womans river on the s. s. about yds wide, & navagable som d. our hunters brought in bear this evening-& infd. that the countrey between this r. & the monitou r is rich and well watered, capt. lewis went out an hour this evening [clark, june , ] june th thursday set out early passed the head of the island opposit which we camped last night, and brackfast at the mouth of a large creek on the s. s. of yds wide called big monetou, from the pt. of the isd. or course of last night to the mouth of this creek is n ° w / ms. a short distance above the mouth of this creek, is several courious paintings and carveing in the projecting rock of limestone inlade with white red & blue flint, of a verry good quallity, the indians have taken of this flint great quantities. we landed at this inscription and found it a den of rattle snakes, we had not landed minutes before three verry large snakes wer observed on the crevises of the rocks & killed--at the mouth of the last mentioned creek capt. lewis took four or five men & went to some licks or springs of salt water from two to four miles up the creek on rt. side the water of those springs are not strong, say from to gs. of water for a bushel of salt passed some small willow islands and camped at the mouth of a small river called good womans river this river is about yards wide and said to be navagable for perogues several leagues capt. lewis with men went up the creek a short distance. our hunters brought in three bear this evening, and informs that the countrey thro which they passed from the last creek is fine rich land, & well watered. [clark, june , ] june th friday set out at daylight proceeded on the course of last night s ° w ms passed a willow island, from the point of last course s ° w. ms. to a pt. on s. s. passd a ____ isd. in the middle of the river, passd a run on the ld s. above a pt. of rocks ms. on which thir is a number of deer licks, n ° w. ms. to a pt l s. n. ° w ms. to the mo of mine river, psd an isd.--this river is yards wide & navagable for perogues about ms. i went out on the l s. about ms. below this r. and found the countrey for one mile back good land and well watered the hills not high with a gentle assent from the river, well timbered with oake, walnit hickory ash, &c. the land still further back becoms thin and open, with black & rasp berries, and still further back the plains commence, the french inform that lead ore is found on this river in several places, it heads up between the osagees & kansas river the right hand folk passes in a short distance of the missourie at the antient little ozages villages our hunter killed, deer, after staying one hour at the mouth of this river, cap lewis went out & proceeded on one mile & came in, he fount the land in the point high and fine course n. ° w ms. to a pt. on s. s. n. ° w to the lower pot a id. on l. s. passed a small isd. in the m. r. at ( ms.) met men on a caussee from r dis soux, above the mahar nation loaded with fur. camped on the lower point of an id. l. s. called the mills, here i found kegs an pummey stone, and a place that fur or skins had been burred by the hunters our hunters killed deer, some rain, the countrey on the s. s. is verry fine [clark, june , ] th of june, friday set out this morning at daylight proceeden on the course of last night passed two willow islands & a small creek above a rock point on the l. s. at miles on which there is a number of deer licks, passed the mine river at ms. this river is about yards wide at its mouth and is said to be navagable for perogues or ms. the main branch passes near the place where the little osage village formerly stood on the missouries, & heads between the osarge & kansias rivers, the left hand fork head with nearer branches of the osage river, the french inform that lead ore has been found in defferent parts of this river, i took sjt. floyd and went out ms. below this river, i found the land verry good for a mile or / ms. back and sufficiently watered with small streams which lost themselves in the missouries bottom, the land rose gradeuelly from the river to the summit of the high countrey which is not more that foot above high water mark, we joined the boat & dined in the point above the mouth of this river, capt. lewis went out above the river & proceeded on one mile, finding the countrey rich, the wedes & vines so thick & high he came to the boat--proceeded on passed an island and camped at the lower point of an island on the l. s. called the island of mills about ms. above mine river at this place i found kanteens, axs, pumey stone & peltrey hid & buried (i suppose by some hunters) none of them (except the pumey stone) was teched by one of our party, our hunters killed deer to day, commenced raining soon after we came too which prevented the party cooking their provisions- our spies inform that the countrey they passed thro on s. s. is a fine high bottom, no water. this day we met men on a cajaux from the river of the soux above the mahar nation those men had been hunting mo. & made about $ in pelts. & furs they were out of provesions and out of powder. rained this night [clark, june , ] th of june satterday set out early, water verry swift got fast on a log, detained us / hour hard rain last night. n ° w / ms. to a pt. on the s. s. opposit the commencement of the st prarie, called prarie of the arrows, the river at this place about yds. wide passed a small creek, arrow creek yds. wide l. sd. the current exceedingly strong n ° e ms. to the belg of a small island situated on the l. sd. passed the mo. of arrow creek n °w / ms. to a pt on l. s. opposit black bird c small passed the head of the isd. & a small willow one to the l. s. (os merdn. altd. back obsvn. ' ) n. ° w ms. to a pt. of high land on the l. side opst. a pt. on st. s. river about yds. wide at this pt. a wind from the s at oclock (handson sutn) on the high pt. a prarie & small lake below n ° e / ms. to a pt. on l. s. passed an isld. in the mid r--in passing up on the s. s. opsd. the isd. the sturn of the boat struck a log which was not proceiveable the curt. struck her bow and turn the boat against some drift & snags which below with great force; this was a disagreeable and dangerous situation, particularly as immense large trees were drifting down and we lay imediately in their course,--some of our men being prepared for all situations leaped into the water swam ashore with a roap, and fixed themselves in such situations, that the boat was off in a fiew minits, i can say with confidence that our party is not inferior to any that was ever on the waters of the missoppie we crossed to the island and camped, our hunters lay on the s. s. the wind from the s. w. the river continue to rise slowly current excessive rapid--the countrey on the s. s. high bottom & delghtfull land that on the l. s. is up land or hills of from to foot higher than the bottom & a thinly wooded, countrey, lands tolerably good; comminced raining at oclock and continued by intervales the greater part of the night. we discovered that one of our french hands had a conpt.--we commsd doctering, i hope the success in this case, usial to [clark, june , ] th of june satturday a fair morning, the river rise a little we got fast on a snag soon after we set out which detained us a short time passed the upper point of the island several small chanels running out of the river below a bluff & prarie (called the prariee of arrows) where the river is confined within the width of yds. passed a creek of yds. wide called creek of arrows, this creek is short and heads in the praries on the l. s. passed a small creek called blackbird creek s. s. and one islands below & a prarie above on the l. s. a small lake above the prarie--opposit the lower point of the d. island on the s. s. we had like to have stove our boat, in going round a snag her stern struck a log under water & she swung round on the snag, with her broad side to the current expd. to the drifting timber, by the active exertions of our party we got her off in a fiew mints. without engerey and crossed to the island where we campd. our hunters lay on the s. s. the perogue crossed without seeing them & the banks too uncertain to send her over- some wind from the s accompanied with rain this evening--the lands on the s. s. is a high rich bottom the l. s. appears oven and of a good quallity runing gradually to from fifty to foot. [clark, june , ] june th sunday some rain last night we set out early saw a number of goslings this morning, continued on the course of last night, thence n. e. / ms. to a pt. on the l. s. passed a part of the river that the banks are falling in takeing with them large trees of cotton woods which is the common groth in the bottoms subject to the flud north me along the l. side n. ° w. ms. along the l, s. opposit the two charletons, on the n. side, those rivers mouth together, the st yds. wide the next yds. wide and navagable some distance in the countrey, the land below is high & not verry good. came to and took mdnl. altd. of sons u. l. back obsvn. with the octant made it ° ' ", delayed / hour. n. ° w / of a me. along the l. sd.--s ° w / m. on l. s. the same course to the pt. s. s. / ms. we halted and capt lewis killed a buck the current is excessively swift about this place n. ° w. ms to a pt. on s. s. passed a isd. called sheeco islan wind from the n w camped in a prarie on the l. s., capt lewis & my self walked out ms. found the country roleing open & rich, with plenty of water, great qts of deer i discovered a plumb which grows on bushes the hight of hasle, those plumbs are in great numbers, the bushes beare verry full, about double the sise of the wild plumb called the osage plumb & am told they are finely flavoured. [clark, june , ] th of june a hard rain last night, we set out this morning verry early passed some bad placies in the river saw a number of goslings morning pass near a bank which was falling in at the time we passed, passed the two river of charletons which mouth together, above some high land which has a great quantity of stone calculated for whetstons the first of those rivers is about yds. wide & the other is yds wd. and heads close to the r. dumoin the aieways nation have a village on the head of these river they run through an even countrey and is navagable for perogues cap lewis took medn. altd. of sun u. l with octant, back obsvn. made it ° ' "--delayd / hours. capt. lewis killed a large buck, passed a large isd. called shecco and camped in a prarie on the l. s. i walked out three miles, found the prarie composed of good land and plenty of water roleing & interspursed with points of timberd land, those praries are not like those, or a number of those e. of the mississippi void of every thing except grass, they abound with hasel grapes & a wild plumb of a superior quallity, called the osages plumb grows on a bush the hight of a hasel and hang in great quantities on the bushes i saw great numbers of deer in the praries, the evening is cloudy, our party in high spirits. [clark, june , ] june monday--as the wind blew all this day from the n, w. which was imedeately a head we could not stur, but took the advantage of the delay and dried our wet articles examined provisons and cleaned arms, my cold is yet verry bad--the river begining to fall our hunters killed two deer, g drewry killed bear in the prareie to day, men verry lively danceing & singing &c. [clark, june , ] th june monday the n w. wind blew hard & cold as this wind was imediately a head, we could not proceed we took the advantage of this delay and dried our wet articles examin'd provisions &c. &c. the river begining to fall the hunters killed two deer g. drewyer killed two bear in the prarie, they were not fat. we had the meat jurked and also the venison, which is a constant practice to have all the fresh meat not used, dried in this way. [clark, june , ] th of june, tuesday we set out early, passed thro a verry bad bend n. ° w. / to apt. l. s. n. ° w. / ms to apt. on s. s. passed a sand bar-n ° w / ms. to a pt. on s. s. passed plumb. c at / a me. on l. s. and halted to dine, and caussease came down from the soux nation, we found in the party an old man who had been with the soux years & had great influence with them, we provld. on this old man mr. duriaur to return with us, with a view to get some of the soux chiefs to go to the u. s. purchased lb. of voyagers grece @ $ hd. made some exchanges & purchuses of mockersons & found it late & concluded to incamp. those people inform that no indians are on the river, the countrey on each side of the river is good [clark, june , ] th of june, tuesday set out early passed some bad placies, and a small creek on the l. s. called plumb creek at abt. me. at oclock we brought too two chaussies one loaded with furs & pelteries, the other with greece buffalow grease & tallow we purchased lb. of greese, and finding that old mr. durioun was of the party we questioned him untill it was too late to go further and concluded to camp for the night, those people inform nothing of much information colcluded to take old durioun back as fur as the soux nation with a view to get some of their chiefs to visit the presdt. of the united s. (this man being a verry confidential friend of those people, he having resided with the nation odd years) and to accompany them on [clark, june , ] th june wednesday we set out early passed a verry round bend to l. s. passed two creeks me. apt. called creeks of the round bend, between those creeks stbd s. is a butifull prarie, in which the antient missourie indians had a village, at this place of them were killed by the saukees, a fair day. passed the antient missouries villages on right course n ° w / pt. l s., s ° w ms. pt. s. s., this nation once the most noumerous is now almost extinct, about of them, liveing with otteaus on the r. platt, the remainder all distroyed, took altd. of s. u l with qdt. which gave n w. / ms to a pt. s. s. passed some charming land, i have not seen any high hils above charliton and the hits below for several days cannot to turmed hills but high land, not exceeding abov the high water mark n ° w, to a pt. l. s. ms. passed a verry bad sand bar, where the boat was nearly turning & fastening in the quick sand and came too in the mouth of grand r. s. s. this river is about yards wide and navigable for purogues a great distance, it heads with the river dumoine, passing the river carlton. a butifull open prarie coms to the river below its mouth, we landed and walked to the hills which is abt. / a mile. the lower prarie over flows. the hunters killd. a bare & dere, this is a butifull place the prarie rich & extinsive, took some looner observations which kept cap l. & my self up untill half past oclock. [clark, june , ] th june wednesday, we set out early passed a round bend to the s. s. and two creeks called the round bend creeks between those two creeks and behind a small willow island in the bend is a prarie in which the missouries indians once lived and the spot where of them fell a sacrifise to the fury of the saukees this nation (missouries) once the most noumerous nation in this part of the continent now reduced to about fes. and that fiew under the protection of the otteaus on r platt who themselves are declineing passed som willow isds. and bad sand bars, twook medn. altitude with octent back observation it gave for altd. on its low l ° ' " the e enstrement ° ' " +. the hills or high land for several days past or above the charletons does not exceed foot passed a batteau or sand roleing where the boat was nearly turning over by her strikeing & turning on the sand. we came too in the mouth of grand river on s. s. and camped for the night, this river is from to yards wide at its mouth and navagable for perogues a great distance this river heads with the r. dumoine below its mouth is a butifull plain of bbttom land the hills rise at / a mile back the lands about this place is either plain or over flown bottom capt lewis and my self walked to the hill from the top of which we had a butifull prospect of serounding countrey in the open prarie we caught a racoon, our hunters brought in a bear & deer we took some luner observation this evening. [clark, june , ] th june, thursday we set out at oclock after a thick fog proceeded on verry well s. w ms. to the lower pt of an isld. s. s. s. ° w. thro a narrow me channel to a small prarie s. s. opposit this isd. on l. l. is a butifull high plain. from the isd. s. 'w. to a pt. l. s. / ms. just below a piec of high land on the s. s. called the place of snakes, passed the worst place i have seen on l. s. a sand bar makeing out / cross the river sand collecting &c forming bars and bars washg a way, the boat struck and turned, she was near oversetting we saved her by some extrodany exertions of our party (ever ready to inconture any fatigue for the premotion of the enterpris), i went out to walk on the sand beech, & killed a deer & turky during the time i was from the boat a caussee came too from the pania nation loaded with furs we gave them some whiskey and tobacco & settled some desputes & parted s. e. ms. to pt. on s. s. passed a creek s. s. yds. wd. called snake creek or (____) passed a bad sand bar s. s. in passing which we were obliged to run great sesque of loseing both boat & men, camped above, g. drewyer tels of a remarkable snake inhabiting a small lake ms. below which gobbles like a turkey & may be herd several miles, this snake is of size. [clark, june , ] th, june thursday we set out at oclock, after a thick fog passed thro a narrow pass on the s. s. which forms a large isd. opposit the upper point of this island on the l. s. is one of the worst quick or moveing sand bars which i have seen not withstanding all our precaustons to clear the sands & pass between them (which was the way we were compd. to pass from the immens current & falling banks on the s. s.) the boat struck the point of one from the active exertions of the men, prevented her turning, if she had turned she must have overset. we met a causseu from the pania on the river platt, we detained hours with a view of engageing one of the hands to go to the pania nation with a view to get those people to meet us on the river. i went out (shot a deer) we passd a highland &clay bluff on the s. s. called the snake bluff from the number of snakes about this place, we passd a creek above the bluff about yds. wide, this creek is called snake creek, a bad sand bar just below which we found difficuelty in passing & campd above, our hunters came in. george drewyer, gives the following act. of a pond, & at abt. miles below the s. s. passed a small lake in which there was many deer feeding he heard in this pond a snake makeing goubleing noises like a turkey. he fired his gun & the noise was increased, he has heard the indians mention this species of snake one frenchman give a similar account [clark, june , ] june friday , we set out early proceeded on about me. and the boat turned on a sawyer which was near doeing her great damage, the river is riseing fast & the water exceedingly swift, passd. a bad sand bar on which we stuck for a short time this is said to be the worst part of the river and camped opsd. the bend in which the antient villages of the little osarge & missouries, the lower or first of those villagies (l. osages) is situated in butifull plain at the foot of some riseing land, in front of their viliges next the river is a butifull bottom plain in which they raised their corn &c. back of the village the high prarie extends back to the osarge river, about ms. above & in view the missouries nation resided under the protection of the osarges, after their nation was riducd by the saukees below, thos built their village in the same low prarie and lived there many years, the war was so hot & both nations becom so reduced that the little osage & a fiew of the missoures moved & built a village ms near the grand osage, the rest of the missoures went and took protection under the otteaus on platt river [clark, june , ] th, june, friday set out early and had not proceeded far e'er we wheeled on a sawyer which was near injuring us verry much, passed a plain on the l. s. a small isd. in the midle the river riseing, water verry swift passed a creek on the l. s. passed between two islands, a verry bad place, moveing sands, we were nearly being swallowed up by the roleing sands over which the current was so strong that we could not stem it with our sales under a stiff breese in addition to our ores, we were compelled to pass under a bank which was falling in, and use the toe rope occasionally, continued up pass two other small islands and camped on the s. s. nearly opposit the antient village of the little osarges and below the antt. village of the missoures both situations in view an within three ms. of each other, the osage were settled at the foot a hill in a butifell plain which extends back quite to the osage river, in front of the vilg. next to the river is an ellegent bottom plain which extends several miles in length on the river in this low prarie the missouries lived after they were reduced by the saukees at their town some dists. below. the little osage finding themselves much oppressed by the saukees & other nations, left this place & built a village ms. from the grand osarge town about ____ years ago. a few of the missoures accompanied them, the remainder of that nation went to the otteaus on the river platt. the river at this place is about ms. wide our hunters did not come in this evening the river beginning to fall [clark, june , ] th june satterday set out at oclock proceed on n. °w. / ms. passed a isd. close on the s. s. at the lower point drewer & willard had camped & had with them bear & deer we took in the meat & proceeded on. some rain this morning west ms. pass an isd on s. s. & prarie, to a belge of snag isd. l. s. a butifull extensive prarie on s. s. hills to about ms. distant. mr. mackey has laid down the rems. of an old fort in this prarie, which i cannot find s w. me. along the isd. l. s.--s ° w alg l. s. me. s ° w, , ms. to pt. s. s. opsd. an isd. & head of the last s ° w me. s. s. passed a verry bad place where the sand was moving constantly, i walked on shore obsd. fine high bottom land on s. s. camped late this evening. [clark, june , ] th, june satturday set out at oclock at about a mile / we came to the camp of our hunters, they had two bear & two deer proceeded on pass a island on the s. s. a heavy rain came on & lasted a short time, we came to on the s. s. in a prarie at the place where mr. mackey lay down a old french fort, i could see no traces of a settlement of any kind, in this plain i discovered a kind of grass resembling timothey which appeared well calculated for hay, this plain is verry extensive in the evening i walked on the s. s. to see if any timber was convt. to make oars, which we were much in want of, i found som indifferent timber and struck the river above the boat at a bad sand bar the worst i had seen which the boat must pass or drop back several miles & stem a swift current on the opsd side of an isd. the boat however assended the middle of the streem which was diffucult dangerious we came to above this place at dark and camped in a bad place, the misquitoes and ticks are noumerous & bad. [clark, june , ] june rope walk camp the current of the river at this place is a stick will float poles feet in the rapidest part in seconds, further out is , still further -- -- & are the trials we have made. [clark, june , ] june sunday cloudy wind, s. e. set out early s. ° w me. came too to make ores, and a cord for a toe rope all this day imployed in getting out ores, & makeing for the use of the boat out of a large cable rope which we have, g drewyer came up a bear & deer, also a fine horse which he found in the woods, supposed to have been left by some war party from the osages, the ticks are numerous and large and have been trousom all the way and the musquetors are beginning to be verry troublesome, my cold continues verry bad the french higherlins complain for the want of provisions, saying they are accustomed to eat & times a day, they are roughly rebuked for their presumption, the country about abounds in bear deer & elk and the s. s. the lands are well timbered and rich for ms. to a butifull prarie which risies into hills at or ms. back--on the l. s a prarie coms. on the bank which is high and contines back rich & well watered as far [clark, june , ] june th sunday (s. °w. me. s. side-) cloudy morning wind from the s. e. we set out early and proceeded on one mile & came too to make oars, & repair our cable & toe rope &c. &c. which was necessary for the boat & perogues, sent out sjt. pryor and some men to get ash timber for ores, and set some men to make a toe rope out of the cords of a cable which had been provided by capt lewis at pitts burg for the cable of the boat--george drewyer our hunter and one man came in with deer & a bear, also a young horse, they had found in the prarie, this horse has been in the prarie a long time and is fat, i suppose he has been left by some war party against the osage, this is a crossing place for the war partis against that nation from the saukees, aiaouez, & souix. the party is much aflicted with boils and several have the decissentary, which i contribute to the water the countrey about this place is butifull on the river rich & well timbered on the s. s. about two miles back a prarie coms. which is rich and interspursud with groves of timber, the county rises at or miles still further back and is roleing--on the l. s. the high lands & prarie corns. in the bank of the river and continus back, well watered and abounds in der elk & bear the ticks & musquetors are verry troublesom. [clark, june , ] june th monday some raind last night, sent out hunters to day across the r. they killed deer & colter a bear verry fat we continue to repare our ropes & make oars all day, heavy rain all the fore pt. of the day, the party drying meat & greesing themselves, several men with the disentary, and two thirds of them with ulsers or boils, some with or of those turners mesquetors verry bad we finish our cords & oars this evening men in spirits [clark, june , ] june th monday some rain last night, and some hard showers this morning which delay our work verry much, send out six hunters in the prarie on the l s. they kill deer & coltr a bear, which verry large & fat, the party to wok at the oars, make rope, & jurk their meat all day dry our wet sales &c. in the evening, the misquiter verry bad [clark, june , ] june th tuesday rain last night after fixing the new oars and makeing all necessary arrangements, we set out under a jentle breese from the s. e. and proceeded on passed two large islands on the s. s. leaving j. shields and one man to go by land with the horses some verry hard water, passed several islands & sand bars to day at the head of one we were obliged to cleare away driftwood to pass, passed a creek on the l. side called tabboe yds. wide passed a large creek at the head of an island called tiger river on the s. s. the island below this isd. is large and called the isle of panters, formed on the s. s. by a narrow channel, i observed on the shore goose & rasp berries in abundance in passing some hard water round a point of rocks on the l. s. we were obliged to take out the roape & draw up the boat for / a mile, we came too on the l. s. near a lake of the sircumfrance of several miles situated on the l. s. about two miles from the river this lake is said to abound in all kinds of fowls, great quanties of deer frequent this lake dureing summer season, and feed on the hows &c. &c. they find on the edgers the lands on the north side of the river is rich and sufficiently high to afford settlements, the lds. on the south side assends gradually from the river not so rich, but of a good quallity and appear well watered [clark, june , ] june th, wednesday set out after a heavy shower of rain and proceeded on the same course of last night passed a large butifull prarie on the s. s. opposit a large island, calld saukee prarie, a gentle breese from the s. w. some butiful high lands on the l. s. passed som verry swift water to day, i saw pelicans to day on a sand bar, my servant york nearly loseing an eye by a man throwing sand into it, we came too at the lower point of a small island, the party on shore we have not seen since we passed tiger r--the land appeard verry good on each side of the river to day and well timbered, we took some loner observations, which detained us untill oclock a butifull night but the air exceedingly damp, & the mosquiters verry troublesom [clark, june , ] st june thursday river raised inches last night after our bow man peter crousat a half mahar indian examined round this small isd. for the best water, we set out determined to assd. on the north side, and sometimes rowing poleing & drawing up with a strong rope we assended without wheeling or receving any damige more than breakeing one of my s. windows, and looseing some oars which were swong under the windows two men sent out to hunt this afternoon came in with a deer, at sun set the ellement had every appearance of wind, the hunters inform me that the high countrey on the s. s. is of a good quallity, and well timbd. the high lands on the l. side is equally good the bottom land on this river is alike, st low and covd. with cotton wood & willows subject to over flow the nd is higher groth cotton walnut ash mulberry linn & sycomore [clark, june , ] st june thursday the river rose inches last night after the bows man peter crousat viewed the water on each side of the island which presented a most unfavourable prospect of swift water over roleing sands which rored like an immence falls, we concluded to assend on the right side, and with much dificuilty, with the assistance of a long cord or tow rope, & the anchor we got the boat up with out any furthr dang. than bracking a cabbin window & loseing some oars which were swong under the windows, passed four isds to day two large & two small, behind the first large island two creeks mouth called ( ) eue-bert creek & river & isd. the upper of those creeks head against the mine river & is large, passed a verry remarkable bend in the river to the s. forming an accute angle, the high lands come to the river on the s. s. opposit the upper large island, this isd. is formed by a narrow chanel thro. the pt. of the remarkable bend just mentiond below this isd. on the l. s. is a couenter current of about a mile--passed between several small islands situated near the l. side and camped above on the same side, two men sent out to hunt this evening brought in a buck & a pore turkey. at sun set the atmespier presented every appearance of wind, blue & white streeks centering at the sun as she disappeared and the clouds situated to the s. w, guilded in the most butifull manner. the countrey and lands on each side of the river is various as usial and may be classed as follows. viz: the low or over flown points or bottom land, of the groth of cotton & willow, the nd or high bottom of rich furtile soils of the groth of cotton, walnut, som ash, hack berry, mulberry, lynn & sycamore. the third or high lands risees gradually from the nd bottom (cauht whin it coms to the river then from the river) about or foot roleing back supplied with water the small runs of (which losees themselves in the bottom land) and are covered with a variety of timber such as oake of different kinds blue ash, walnut &c. &c. as far as the praries, which i am informed lie back from the river at some places near & others a great distance [clark, june , ] nd june friday after a violent gust of wind accompanied with rain from the west, which commenced at day brake, and lasted about one hour, we set out under a gentle breeze from the n w. and proceeded on s. °w. / ms. to pt. on l. s. ord killed a goose, s w ms. to a pt. on s. s. psd. snags and swift water on the s. s.--s. ° w. / a me. on s pt. n w / me. to pt. l. s. passed a large isd. on the s. s.- (ferenthiers thermometr at oclock p.m. d which is d above summr heat) and one on the l. s. opposit against which there is a handsom prarie of high bottom & up land, capt lewis went out in this prarie & walked several miles, come to opposit the mouth of a large creek on the s. s. called river of the fire prarie at the mouth of this creek the party on shore shields & collins was camped waiting for our arrival & inform that they pass'd thro some fine lands, and well watered g d. killed a fine bear to day [clark, june , ] nd june friday river rose inchs last night. i was waken'd before day light this morning by the guard prepareing the boat to receve an apparent storm which threttened violence from the west at day light a violent wind accompanied with rain cam from the w. and lasted about one hour, it cleared away, and we set out and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the n. w. passed some verry swift water crouded with snags, pass two large island opposit each other, and immediately opposit a large & extensive prarie on the labd side, this prarie is butifull a high bottom for / a mile back and risees to the common leavel of the countrey about or feet and extends back out of view. capt. l walked on shore a few miles this after noon (at oclock p m. ferents thermometer stood at °: = to d above summer heat) we came to on the l. side opposit the mouth of a large creek called the river of the fire prarie, at the mouth of this creek the party on shore were waiting our arrival, they informed that the lands thro which they passed was fine & well watered [clark, june , ] rd june satturday some wind this morning from the n w. set out at oc proceeded on n. d. w ms. to an isd. close on the s. s. i went on shore & walked up thro a rich bottom for about six miles, killed a deer & much fatigued n. e. to a point in a bend l. s. / the river fell inches last night. [clark, june , ] rd june satturday some wind this morning from the n. w. we set out at oclock, and proceeded on to the head of a island on the s. s. the wind blew hard and down the river which prevented the pty moveing from this island the whole day, cap. lewis had the arms examined &c. at the lower end of this island i got out of the boat to walk on shore, & expected the party on shore would overtake me at the head of the island, they did not & i proceeded on round a round and extensive bend in the river, i killed a deer & made a fire expecting the boat would come up in the evening. the wind continueing to blow prevented their moveing, as the distance by land was too great for me to return by night i concluded to camp, peeled some bark to lay on, and geathered wood to make fires to keep off the musquitor & knats. heard the party on shore fire, at dark drewyer came to me with the horses, one fat bear & a deer, river fell inches last night [lewis and clark, june , ] sunday june th set out at / after six continuing the course on the lard. side n. e / of a mile to point lard. n. / of a mile to point lard. due west to a point stard miles good water (i joined the boat theis morning with a fat bear & two deer, last evining i struck the river about miles (by land) abov the boat, and finding it too late to get to the boat, and the wind blowing so hard down the river that she could not assend, i concluded to camp, altho i had nothing but my hunting dress, & the musquitors ticks & knats verry troublesom, i concid to hunt on a willow isd. situated close under the shore, in crossing from an island, i got mired, and was obliged to craul oat, a disegreeable situation & a diverting one of any one who could have seen me after i got out, all covered with mud, i went my camp & craped off the mud and washed my clothes, and fired off my gun which was answered by george drewyer who was in persute of me & came up at dark we feasted of meet & water the latter we made great use of being much fatigued & thirsty--the meet which hung up near the water a large snake made several attempts to get to it and was so detirmined that i killed him in his attempt, the snake appeared to make to that part of the meet which contained the milk of a doe, on this part of the river i observe great quantites of bear sign, they are after mulbiries which are in great quantities) n d w. / ms. to a pt. on l side, came to above the mouth of a creek on the l. s. abt. yds. wide called hay cabbin creek latd. of this place is ° ' " north--capt. lewis took sergt. floyd and walked on shore, george drewyer killed deer r fields killed a deer dureing the time we wer jurking the meet i brought in, west / ml. along the l. s. s ° w. ms. to a pt. on the s. s. pass creek on the s. s. just above some rocks some distance from shore of these creek is called sharriton-cartie, a prarie on the l. s. near the river. capt lewis killed a deer, & collins . emince number of deer on both sides of the river, we pass between two sand bars at head of which we had to raise the boat inch to get her over, camped at the lower point of a isd. on the l s. the party in high spirits. [clark, june , ] th, june sunday set out at half after six. i joined the boat this morng at oclock (i will only remark that dureing the time i lay on the band waiting for the boat, a large snake swam to the bank imediately under the deer which was hanging over the water, and no great distance from it, i threw chunks and drove this snake off several times. i found that he was so determined on getting to the meet i was compelld to kill him, the part of the deer which attracted this snake i think was the milk from the bag of the doe.) i observed great quts. of bear signs, where they had passed in all directions thro the bottoms in serch of mulberries, which were in great numbers in all the bottoms thro which our party passed.) passed the mouth of a creek yds. wide name hay cabbin creek from camps of straw built on it came to about / me. above this creek & jurked, the meet killed yesterday and this morning lattitude of this place ° ' " n. capt. lewis walked on shore & killed a deer, pass a bad part of the river, on the s. s. the rocks projected into the river some distance, a creek above called sharston carta, in the evening we passed thro betwen two sand bars at the head we had to raise the boat inches together over, camped near the lower point of an island on the l. side, party in high spirrits. the countrey on each side of the river is fine interspersed with praries, in which imence herds of deer is seen, on the banks of the river we observe numbers of deer watering and feeding on the young willow, several killed to day [clark, june , ] monday june th a heavy fog detaind us about an hour set out passed the isd on a course from the last point s ° w, ms to a point on the s. s. s ° w / me. s. s. a coal-bank on the opposit or l. s side, this bank appears to contain great quantity of excellente coal the wind from the n. w a small creek called coal or (chabonea) n ° w to the pt, l. s. / miles hard water & logs, bank falling in, passed a small creek l. s. called labeenie a prarie is situated on the s. s. a short distance from the river, which contains great quantities of wild apples of the size of the common apple, the french say is well flavered when ripe, which is the time the leaves begin to fall n °w / me. along the right side of a willow isd. situated on the l. side s. ° w / me. l. s. s ° w. / me. to pt. of smal isd. l. s. s ° w / me. l. s.--s. ° e me. pt on lbd s. (here i will only remark that the deer in the morning & evening are feeding in great numbers on the banks of the river, they feed on young willow, and amuse themselves running on the open beeches or points) we have hard water this afternoon round the heads of small islds. on the l. side below a small high prarie s. ° w. ms. pt. s. s. passd. a small isd. on which we camped the party on shore did not join us to day, or have we seen or her of them river falling fast about inches in hours, the hills on the l. s. this evening higher than usial about or feet. the lands appear of a simalier to those passed [clark, june , ] th, june monday a thick fog detained us untile oclock, passed a island, at miles passed a coal-mine, or bank of stone coal, on the south side, this bank appears to contain great quantity of fine coal, the river being high prevented our seeeing that contained in the cliffs of the best quallity, a small creek mouth's below this bank call'd after the bank chabonea creek the wind from the n. w. passed a small creek on the l. side at oclock, called bennet's creek the praries come within a short distance of the river on each side which contains in addition to plumbs raspberries & vast quantities of wild apples, great numbs. of deer are seen feeding on the young willows & earbage in the banks and on the sand bars in the river. our party on shores did not join us this evening we camped on an island situated on the s. side, opposit some hills higher than common, say or feet above the bottom. the river is still falling last night it fell inches [clark, june , ] june th tuesday we set out early, the river falling a little, the wind from the s. w. passed the mouth of a small river on the l. side above the upper point of a small island, called blue water river, this river heads in praries back with the mine river about yds. wide lattitude of a pt. ms. above this river is ° ' " north, the high lands which is on the northe side does not exceed feet high, at this place the river appears to be confd. in a verry narrow channel, and the current still more so by couenter current or whirl on one side & high bank on the other, passed a small isd. in the bend to the l. side we killed a large rattle snake, sunning himself in the bank passed a bad sand bar, where our tow rope broke twice, & with great exertions we rowed round it and came to & camped in the point above the kansas river lobserved a great number of parrot queets this evening, our party killed several deer to day [clark, june , ] june th, wednesday a fair warm morning, the river rose a little last night. we determin to delay at this place three or four days to make observations & recruit the party several men out hunting, unloaded one perogue, and turned her up to dry with a view of repairing her after completeing a strong redoubt or brest work frome one river to the other, of logs & bushes six feet high, the countrey about the mouth of this river is verry fine on each side as well as the north of the missouries the bottom, in the point is low, & overflown for yards. it rises a little above high water mark and continus up that hight of good quallity back to the hills ____ a high clift, on the upper side of the kansis / a mile up below the kanses the hills is about / miles from the point on the north side of the missouries the hill or high lands is several miles back, we compareed the instrmts took equal altitudes, and the meridian altituade of the suns l l to day lattitude ° ' " longitude ____ measured the width of the kansas river by an angle and made it yds / wide, it is wider above the mouth the missouries at this place is about yards wide, the course from the point down the midle. of the missourie is s. ° e, & turns to the north. up is n °w. up the right side of the kansas is s. ° e, & the river turns to the left, several deer killed to day. [clark, june , ] june thursday took equal altitudes &c. &c. &c. & varaitian of the compass repaired the perogue cleaned out the boat suned our powder wollen articles examined every thing or huntrs. out to day in different direction, in examineing our private store of provisions we found several articles spoiled from the wet or dampness they had received, a verry warm day, the wind from the south, the river missourie has raised yesterday last night & to day about foot. this evening it is on a stand, capt. lewis weighed the water of the two rivers the missouris ° the kansais ° to describe the most probable of the various accounts of this great river of the kansas, would be too lengthy & uncertain to insert here, it heads with the river del norid in the black mountain or ridge which divides the waters of the kansas del nord, & callarado & oppsoitly from those of the missoureis (and not well assertaind) this river recves its name from a nation which dwells at this time on its banks & villages one about leagues & the other leagues up, those indians are not verry noumerous at this time, reduced by war with their neighbours, &c. they formerly liveid on the south banks of the missouries leagues above this river in a open & butifull plain and were verry noumerous at the time the french first settled the illinois, i am told they are a fierce & warlike people, being badly supplied with fire arms, become easily conquered by the aiauway & saukees who are better furnished with those materials of war, this nation is now out in the plains hunting the buffalow our hunters killed several deer and saw buffalow, men impd dressing skins & makeing themselves comfortable, the high lands coms to the river kanses on the upper side at about a mile, full in view, and a butifull place for a fort, good landing place, the waters of the kansas is verry disigreeably tasted to me. [clark, june , ] th of june , set out from the kansas river / past oclock, proceeded on passed a small run on the l. s. at / mile a ( ) island on the s. s. at / me. hills above the upr. pt of isd. l. s. a large sand bar in the middle. passed a verry bad place of water, the sturn of the boat struck a moveing sand & turned within inches of a large sawyer, if the boat had struck the sawyer, her bow must have been knocked off & in course she must hav sunk in the deep water below came to & camped on the s. s. late in the eveninge. [clark, june , ] th june friday obsvd. the distance of (d & )),took equal & maridinal altd. and after makeing some arrangements, and inflicting a little punishment to two men we set out at / past oclock and proceeded on (i ) passed a large island on the s. side, opposit a large sand bar, the boat turned and was within six inches of strikeing the rapidity with which the boat turned was so great that if her bow had struck the snag, she must have either turned over or the bow nocked off s w wind [clark, june , ] camp mouth of the kanseis june th . ordered a court martial will set this day at oclock, to consist of five members, for the trial of john collins and hugh hall, confined on charges exhibited against them by sergeant floyd, agreeable to the articles of war. detail for the court sergt nat. pryor presd. mbs: john colter john newmon pat. gass j. b. thompson john potts to act as judge advocate. the court convened agreeable to order and proceeded to the trial of the prisoners viz john collins charged "with getting drunk on his post this morning out of whiskey put under his charge as a sentinal and for suffering hugh hall to draw whiskey out of the said barrel intended for the party" to this charge the prisoner plead not guilty. the court after mature deliveration on the evidence abduced &c. are of oppinion that the prisoner is guilty of the charge exibited against him, and do therefore sentence him to recive one hundred lashes on his bear back. hugh hall was brought with "takeing whiskey out of a keg this morning which whiskey was stored on the bank (and under the charge of the guard) contrary to all order, rule, or regulation" to this charge the prisoner "pleades guilty." the court find the prisoner guilty and sentence him to receive fifty lashes on his bear back. the commanding officers approve of the sentence of the court and orders that the punishment take place at half past three this evening, at which time the party will parrade for inspection- [clark, june , ] at the mouth of the river kansies june " " & th- this river is miles above the mouth of missouri it is in lattitude ° ' " north it is yds. wide at its mouth & wider above from the point up the missourie for about ms. n. ° w, down the middle of the missourie is s. ° e, up the upper bank of the kansais, is s. ° e the river turns to the east above a pt. of high land, well situated for a fort & in view of the missouris one mile up & on the upper side, the width of the missouris at this place is about yds. missourie water weighs . the kanseis weghs river miss raised in the time at the kanseis foot and begun to fall. the wood land on each side of the mouth of this river is extensive and of a good quallity as far as our hunters was back, but badly watered with springs, only two being seen by them some punishment of two men hall & collins for takeing whiskey out of the barrel last night agreeable to the sentences of a court mtl of the party who we have always found verry ready to punish such crimes many deer killed to day allarm post or order of battle arms to be situated & the duty &c. messes of men under a serjiant who is to detail for every day one man of his squad to cook &c. who shall have the management of the provisions dureing that day or issue, each days rations must be divided &c. &c order of encampment, tents, fires & duty [clark, june , ] th june, set out verry early this morng saw a verry large wolf on the sand bar this morning walking near a gange of turkeys ( ) at miles above the kansis passed the mouth of a small river call the (petite plate) or the little shole river, this river is about yds. wide and has several rapids & falls, well calculatd for mills, the land on this river is said to be roaling, killed deer bucks swinging the river the wind from the s. w. here we opened the bag of bread given us by which we found verry good, our bacon which was given us by we examined and found sound and good some of that purchased in the illinois spoiled, a relish of this old bacon this morning was verry agreeable, deer to be seen in every direction and their tracks ar as plenty as hogs about a farm, our hunts. killed deer to day the land below the last river is good, that above, between the two rivers which is near together is slaik'y and bad on the n. side, the other side is good land, landed on the l. s. below an isd called dimond island [clark, june , ] th june satturday set out verry early this morning, a verry large wolf came to the bank and looked at us this morning, passd the ( ) mouth of a small river ms. above the kanseis called by the french petite river platte (or shoal river) from the number of falls in it, this river is about yards wide at its mouth and runs parrilel with the missouries for ten or twelve miles, i am told that the lands on this small river is good, and on its several falls well calculated for mills, the wind from s. w. came to at oclock & rested three hours, the... being hot the men becom verry feeble, farnsts. thermometer at oclock stood at ° above , emence numbs. of deer on the banks, skipping in every derection, the party killed nine bucks on the river & bank to day, the countrey on the s. s. between the shoal river & missouris is indifferent subject to overflow, that below and on the l. s. is high & appers well timbered, camped on the l. s. opsd. the lower point of a isd. called diamond island, broke our mast [clark, july , ] july st , last night one of the sentinals chang'd either a man or beast, which run off, all prepared for action, set out early passed the dimond isd. pass a small creek on the l. s. as this creek is without name we call it biscuit creek brackfast on the upper point of a sand beech, the river still falling a little a verry warm day. i took some medison last night which has worked me very much party all in helth except boils- passed a sand bar in the river above the isd. covered for a me. with drift wood, came to capt lewis took medn. altitude & we delayed three hours, the day being excessively hot, turkeys are plenty on the shore, g. drewyer inform that he saw puecanns trees on s. s. yesterday great quantities of raspburies an grapes, ( ) pass a creek on the l. s. called remore (tree frog) creek, an isd above in the mid. and willow isds on the s. s. all of the same name; the two willow isds. has been made within years & the main chant. runs now on the l s. of the large island where there was no runing water at low water from this island the range of hills up the river to the n, w, pass a run on the l. s. a butifull extensive prarie, two islands just above called (isles des parques) or field islands, those islands are, one of our french hands tels me that the french intended to settle here once & brought their cows and put them on those islands, mr mackey says the first village of the kanseis was a little above this island & made use of as fields, no trace of anything of that kind remains to be seen on the isds. fine land on the l. side, hills near the river all day, camped on the lower pot. of st isd.- [clark, july , ] july st, sunday a small allarm last night all prepared for action, set out early this morning passed on the north side of dimond island, a small creek mouths opposit i call biscuit creek,--a large sand bar in the middle of the river / ms. above the isd. covered with drift wood. river fall a little. the wind from s. w. came to above this drift and delayed three hours to refresh the men who were verry much over powered with the heat, great quantity of grapes & raspberries, ( ) passed a small creek on the l. s. below one large and two small islands. this creek and isds. are called remore (or tree frog) a large pond on the s. s., the main current of water run'g on the l. s. of the island, i am told that three years ago the main current run on the s. s. of the island and no appearance of the two smaller islands, camped on the lower point of one of the two large & small isds. called isles des parques or field islds a high butifull prarie on the l. s. one of the french hands says "that the french kept their cattle & horses on those islands at the time they had in this quarter a fort & trading establishment." paecaun trees seen on the s. s. deer and turkeys in great quantities on the bank [clark, july , ] july the nd set out verry early this morning passd on the left of the isles des parques high butifull situation--on the l s. the land indifferent lands a creek coms in on the s. s. called parques, all at once the river became crowded with drift that it was dangerous to cross this i suppose was from the caveing in of the banks at the head of some island above, ( ) passed a creek on the l. s. called turquie or turkey creek passed a verry bad sand bar on the l. s. the oars & poals could with much dificuelty stem the current, passed a large island on the s. s. called by the inds. wau-car-ba war-con-da or the bear medison island, at oclock came to on the island and put in a mast, detained four hours, exceedingly hot, wind in forepart of the day from the s. e, george drewyer informs that the lands he pass through yesterday & to day on the s. s. was generally verry fine he saw two springs of fresh water near the island, deer sign has become so common it is hardly necessary to mention them, we camped after dark on the s. s. opposit the st old village of the kanzas which was situated in a valley between two points of high land, on the river back of their village commenced an extensive prarie a large island in front which appears to have made on that side and thrown the current of the river against the place the village formerly stood, and washes away the bank in that part. the french formerly had a fort at this place, to protect the trade of this nation, the situation appears to be a verry elligable one for a town, the valley rich & extensive, with a small brook meanding through it and one part of the bank affording yet a good landing for boats the high lands above the fere river on each side of the missouries appear to approach each other much nearer than below that plaice, being from to miles between them, to the kansas, above that place from to ms. apart and higher some places being or feet the river not so wide we made a mast of cotton wood, to day in the course of the evening & night it turned of a butifull red colour [clark, july , ] july nd, set out early and proceeed on the left of the islands, two of which are large a high bottom situated on the l. s. passed the mouth of a creek on the s. s. called turquie creike, at this place i observed that the river was crouded with drift wood, and dangerous to pass as this dead timber continued only about half an our, i concluded that some island of drift had given way ( ) passed a creek on the l. s. called turky creek, a bad sand bar on the l. s. we could with dificuelty stem the current with our oars & and all the poles we had, passed a large island on the s. s. called by the indians wau-car-ba war-cand-da or the bear medesin island, at oclock landed on the island & put up a mast which detained us four hours--a verry hot day winds from the s. e.--george drewyer inform's that the lands he passed through yesterday and to day on the s. s. was verry fine, few springs, we camped after dark on the s. s. above the island & opposit the st old village of the kanzes which was situated in a valley, between two points of high land, and imediatly on the river bank, back of the village and on a riseing ground at about one mile the french had a garrison for some time and made use of water out of a spring running into turkey creek. an extensive prarie, as the current of the river sets against the banke and washes it away the landing place for boats is indifferent--the high lands above the fire river, approaches nearer each than below, being from to miles distant and above kansas from to miles distant and the hills at some places are from to feet above the bottom [clark, july , ] july rd set out verry early this morning and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the south passed two islands one a small willow island on the l. s. ( ) the other a large island called cow . (isle vache), this island is large, opposit to the head on the s. s. is a ( ) large pond, a bad sand bar on the s. s. we attemptd without success, & was oblige to cross back, i saw a white horse on the l. s. in view of the upper point of the island, ( ) passed a large sand bar at the s. point, we halted to day about a mile above the island and found a horse, which had been lost by the indians, verry fat and jentle, sent him on to join the others which was ahead on the l s at this place, the french had a tradeing house, for to trade with the kanzes on a high bottom on the l. s. near the hills which is prarie proceeded on round a large sand bar on the l. s. & camped (opposit a large sand bar in the middle of the river). on the l. s. a butifull small stream passes back of the trading house, before mentioned [clark, july , ] july rd, tusday set out verry early this morning and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. passed two islands ( ) one a small willow island on the l. s. the other large called by the french isle de vache or cow island, opposit the head on the s. s. is a large pond containg beever, & fowl, a bad sandbar on the s. s. above the island, on the l. s. we halted at an old tradeing house, here we found a verry fat horse, which appears to have been lost a long time a butifull small run passes back of the tradeing house near the high land, we came to at a round bend on the l. s. and camped [clark, july , ] july th wednesday , set out early passed the mouth of a beyeue leading from a lake on the s. s. this lake is large and was once the bend of the river, it reaches parrelel for several miles, came to on the l. s. to dine & rest a short time, a snake bit jo. fields on the side of his foot which swelled much, apply barks to the wound, pass a creek on the l. s. about yards wide cuming out of an extensive prarie as this creek has no name, and this day is the th of july, we name this independance us. creek above this creek the wood land is about yards, back of those wood is an extensive prarie open and high, which may be seen six or seven below--saw great nos. of goslins to day nearly grown, the last mentioned prarie i call jo fields snake prarie, capt lewis walked on shore & saw a large moun & roads leading we camped in the plain one of the most butifull plains, i ever saw, open & butifully diversified with hills & vallies all presenting themselves to the river covered with grass and a few scattering trees a handsom creek meandering thro at this place the kansaw inds. formerly lived and had a verry large town passed a creek ( ) i observed spring braking out of the bank, a good situation for a fort on a hill at the upper part the plains of this countrey are covered with a leek green grass, well calculated for the sweetest and most norushing hay-interspersed with cops of trees, spreding ther lofty branchs over pools springs or brooks of fine water. groops of shrubs covered with the most delicious froot is to be seen in every direction, and nature appears to have exerted herself to butify the senery by the variety of flours delicately and highly flavered raised above the grass, which strikes & profumes the sensation, and amuses the mind throws it into conjecterng the cause of so magnificent a senerey in a country thus situated far removed from the sivilised world to be enjoyed by nothing but the buffalo elk deer & bear in which it abounds & savage indians the names of the french ingishees, or hirelens- in perogue battist de shone patrn joseph le bartee lasoness paul preemau chalo e. cann roie charlo cougee in the large boat *j. le bartee rivee bow men pieter crousatt half indian william la beice mallat sergts. & men for the boat george drewyer. hunter & horses corpl & privates in a perogue to be sent back from plate river mr. dueron inteptr for the sues capt. lewis my self & york in all men july th horses & a dog [clark, july , ] july th wednesday ussered in the day by a discharge of one shot from our bow piece, proceeded on, passed the mouth of a ( ) bayeau lading from a large lake on the s. s. which has the apperance of being once the bed of the river & reaches parrelel for several miles came to on the l. s. to refresh ourselves &. jos. fields got bit by a snake, which was quickly doctered with bark by cap lewis. ( ) passed a creek yds. wide on l. s. comeing out of an extensive prarie reching within yards of the river, as, this creek has no name, and this being the we dine (on corn) the th of july the day of the independance of the u. s. call it th of july creek, capt. lewis walked on shore above this creek and discovered a high moun from the top of which he had an extensive view, paths concentering at the moun saw great numbers of goslings to day which were nearly grown, the before mentioned lake is clear and contain great quantities of fish an gees & goslings, the great quantity of those fowl in this lake induce me to call it the gosling lake, a small creek & several springs run in to the lake on the east side from the hills the land on that side verry good--( ) we came to and camped in the lower edge of a plain where d old kanzas village formerly stood, above the mouth of a creek yds wide this creek we call creek independence as we approached this place the praree had a most butifull appearance hills & valies interspsd with coops of timber gave a pleasing deversity to the senery. the right fork of creek independence meandering thro the middle of the plain a point of high land near the river givs an allivated situation. at this place the kanzas indians formerley lived. this town appears to have covd. a large space, the nation must have been noumerous at the time they lived here, the cause of their moveing to the kanzas river, i have never heard, nor can i learn; war with their neghbors must have reduced this nation and compelled them to retire to a situation in the plains better calculated for their defence and one where they may make use of their horses with good effect, in persueing their enemey, we closed the by a discharge from our bow piece, an extra gill of whiskey. [clark, july , ] july the th set out verry early this morning, swam the horse across the river, proceeded on for two miles under the bank where the old kansas town formerly stood the cause of those people moveing from this place i cannot learn, but naterally conclude that war has reduced their nation & compelled them to retire further into the plains with a view of defending themselves & opposeing their enemey (more effectuall) on hors back (i neglected to mention yesterday that the lake on the s. s. was large say / me. wide & or long one creek & several brooks running into it from the hills, it contains great quantities of sun fish & gosling's from which we gave it the name,) passed some verry bad sand bars situated parrelel to each other, ( ) the boat turned three times once on the ____ of a drift wood. she recved no proceiviable damage, we came to for dinner at a beever house, cap lewis's dog seamon went in & drove them out. the high lands on the l. s. is open, a few trees scattering ( ) passed a small creek on the l. s. in the s bend to the left i call yellow oaker creek from a bank of that mineral just above. we camped on the l. s. under a high bank latd. ° ' " north on the banks of this river i observe great quants of grapes, berries & roses deer is not so plenty in this three days past as they were below that. elks are plenty about those praries. some buffalow sign. [clark, july , ] july th thursday set out verry early, proceeded on near the bank where the old village stood for two miles, (swam the hors found a few days ago) passed some bad sand bars, the origan of this old village is uncertain m. de bourgmont a french officer who comdd. a fort near the town of the missouris in about the year and in july of the same year he visited this village at that time the nation was noumerous & well desposed towards the french mr. du pratz must have been badly informed as to the cane opposd this place we have not seen one stalk of reed or cane on the missouries, he states that the "indians that accompanied m de bourgmont crossed to the canzes village on floats of cane" those people must have been verry noumerous at that time as mr. de b. was accompanied by warriers, young people & dogs of burthen out of this village the cause of those indians moveing over to the kanzis river i have never lernt--we passed some bad sand bars, situated parrelel to each other ( ) the boat turned twice on the quick sand & once on a raft of drift, no procievable damage prarie contine on the high land on the l. s. passd a small creek ( ) on l. s. in the first bend to the l s. i call yellow-oaker creek from a quantity of that mineral in a bank a little above the river continue to fall a little--i observe great quantities of summer & fall grapes, berries & wild roases on the banks--deer is not so plenty as usual, great deel of elk sign. (wind from s e) [clark, july , ] th july friday. we set out early this morning & proceeded on (the river falls slowly) wind s. w) passed a sand bar in st bend to the right ( ) passed a small island at the s. pt. a verry warm day (worthy of remark that the water of this river or some other cause, i think that the most probable throws out a greater preposn. of swet than i could suppose could pass thro the humane body those men that do not work at all will wet a shirt in a few minits & those who work, the swet will run off in streams) opposit the rd point passed a prarie on the s. s. called reeveys prarie (fro a man of that name being killed in it) opposit this prarie the river is confined in a verry narrow space crowded on s. s. by sands which were moveing and difficuelt to pass. the hunts. sent in deer jurked on the th point of to day is a small island & a sand bar miles out in the river, this is called the grand bend, or grande de tour, i walked on this sand bar found it a light sand intersperced with small pebbles of various kinds, also pit coal of an excellent quallity was lodged on the sand, we camped on the l. s. at a small creek a whiper will perched on the boat for a short time, i gave his name to the creek [clark, july , ] july th, friday we set out early this morning, wind from the s. w. passed a large sand bar in the st. bend to the right. ( ) passed a small island at the s. point opposit the rd point we passed a prarie on the s. s. called reeveys prarie at this place the river is confined in a verry narrow channel crouded by a sand bar from the l. point this sand bar from the l. point, this sand bar is verry bad, at the th point from the s. s. is a verry extensive bar, at the point of which is a small willow island this is called the grand detour or great bend i walked on this sand bar and found the sand was light, with collection of small pebble, & some pit coal i observe that the men swet more than is common from some cause, i think the missouries water is the principal cause our hunters sent in bucks today the river still fall a little [clark, july , ] th of july satturday set out early passed some verry swift water on the l. s. which compelled us to draw up by the cord. a verry warm morning, passed a butifull prarie on the right side which extends back, those praries has much the appearance from the river of farms, divided by narrow strips of woods those strips of timber grows along the runs which rise on the hill & pass to the river a cleft above, one man sick (frasure) struck with the sun, saw a large rat on the side of the bank, killed a wolf on the bank passed ( ) a verry narrow part of the river, all confined within yards, a yellow bank above, passed a small willow island on the s. point, (in low water those small willow islands are joined to the sand bars makeing out from the points) a pond on the s. s near the prarie we passed yesterday in which g d. saw several young swans we came to and camped on the l. s. and two men sent out last evening with the horses did not join us this evening agreeable to orders--a hard wind with some rain from the n, e at oclock which lasted half an hour, with thunder & lightning. river fall a little [clark, july , ] july the th satturday set out early passed some swift water, which obliged us to draw up by roapes, a sand bare at the point opposit a butifull prarie on the s. side calld. ( ) st. michul, those praries on the river has verry much the appearence of farms from the river divided by narrow strips of wood land, which wood land is situatd. on the runs leading to the river. passed a bluff of yellow clay above the prarie. saw a large rat on the bank. killed a wolf. at oclock pass a verry narrow part of the river water confd. in a bead not more than yards wide at this place the current runs against the l. side. no sand to confine the current on the s. s. passed a small sand island above the small islds. situated at the points, in low water form a part of the sand bars makeing out from those points incamped on the s. s. at oclock a violent ghust of wind from the n. e. with some rain, which lasted half an hour (g d. informs me that he saw in a pond on the s. s. which we passed yesterday; a number of young swans-,) one man verry sick, struck with the sun, capt. lewis bled him & gave niter which has revived him much [clark, july , ] th of july sunday set out early this morning, the sick man much better, serjt. oddeway was waiting at a creek on the s. s. below an island, passed ( ) two island on the s. s. and came to at the upper point, g drewyer went out r. fields & guterich, five men sick to day with a violent head ake &c. and several with boils, we appoint a cook to each mess to take charge of the provisions. in serjt. pryor's = collens in sjt. ordway's werner in sergt. floyd's thompson, the french men killed a young deer on the bank, ( ) passed up a narrow channel of about or yds wide about miles to the mouth of nadawa river which corns in to this channel from the n w. and is abt. yards wide at its mouth ____ feet deep and has a jentle current, perogues can navagate this river near its head, which is between the missourie & the grand river, passed up the gut / of a mile to the river at the head of the island & camped opposit the head of this island is another nearest the middle r this island nadawa is the largest i have seen, formed by a channel washing into the nadawa river.--" or acrs" [clark, july , ] july the th sunday set out early passed a small creek on the s. s. and two ( ) small islands on the s s. five men sick to day with a violent head ake &c. we made some arrangements as to provisions & messes, came to for dinner at the lower point of a very large island situated near the s. s. after a delay of two hours we passed a narrow channel of to yds wide five miles to the mouth of ( ) nkdawa river, this river coms in from the north and is navagable for perogues some distance. it is about yards wide a little above the mouth, at the mouth not so wide, the mud of the gut running out of the missourie is thrown and settles in the mouth half a mile higher up this channel or gut is the upper point of the said island, this island is called nadawa, & is the largest i have seen in the river, containing or acres of land seldom overflowed we camped at the head of this island on the s. s. opposit the head or our camp is a small island near the middle of the river, river still falling. our flank party did not join us this evening [lewis, july , ] detachment orders nadawa island july th .- in order to insure a prudent and regular use of all provisions issued to the crew of the batteaux in future, as also to provide for the equal distribution of the same among the individuals of the several messes, the commanding officers do appoint the following persons to recieve, cook, and take charges of the provisions which may from time to time be issued to their respective messes, (viz) john b. thompson to sergt. floyd's mess, william warner to sergt. ordway's mess, and john collins to sergt. pryor's mess.--these superintendants of provision, are held immediately respon sible to the commanding officers for a judicious consumption of the provi sion which they recieve; they are to cook the same for their several messes in due time, and in such manner as is most wholesome and best calculated to afford the greatest proportion of nutriment; in their mode of cooking they are to exercise their own judgment; they shall allso point out what part, and what proportion of the mess provisions are to be consumed at each stated meal (i. e.) morning, noon and night; nor is any man at any time to take or consume any part of the mess provisions without the privity, knowledge and consent of the superintendant. the superintendant is also held responsible for all the cooking eutensels of his mess. in considera tion of the duties imposed by this order on thompson, warner, and collins, they will in future be exempt from guard duty, tho they will still be held on the royster for that duty, and their regular tour-shall be per formed by some one of their rispective messes; they are exempted also from pitching the tents of the mess, collecting firewood, and forks poles &c. for cooking and drying such fresh meat as may be furnished them; those duties are to be also performed by the other members of the mess. m. lewis wm. clark [clark, july , ] july the th monday sent one man back to the mouth of the river to mark a tree, to let the party on shore see that the boat had passed the river, set out early passed ( ) the head of the island situated in the middle of the river a sand bar at the head, ( ) passed the mouth of a creek or bayou on the s. s. leading from a large pond of about three miles in length, at oclock it commenced raining, the wind changed from n e. to s. w. ( ) at miles passed the mouth of a small creek on the l. s. called monters creek, the river at this place is wide with a sand bar in the middle, passed a place on the l. s. about miles above the creek, where several french men camped two years to hunt--( ) passed a island on the s s. of the river in a bend, opsd. a high land on the l. s. wind shifted to the n. w. in the evining, opsd. this island, and on the l. s. loup or wolf river coms in, this river is about yards wide, but little water running at the mouth, this river heads with the waters of the kanzas, and has a perogue navigation some distance, it abounds with beaver, camped opposit the head of the island on the l. s. saw a fire on the s. s. supposedly the four flankers, to be theire, sent a perogue for them, the patroon & bowman of the perogue french, they returned & informed, that when they approached the fire, it was put out, which caused them to return, this report causd. us to look out supposeing a pty. of soux going to war, firierd the bow piec to allarm & put on their guard the men on shore everey thing in readiness for defence. [clark, july , ] july th monday one man sent back to the river we passed last night to blase a tree with a view to notify the party on shore of our passing set out and passed the head of the ( ) island which was situated opposit to our camp last night a sand bar at the head ( ) opsd. this island a creek or bayaue corns in from a large pond on the starboard side, as our flanking party saw great numbers of pike in this pond, i have laid it down with that name anex'd,v at oclock the wind shifted from the n, e to s w and it commenced raining. ( ) at six miles passed the mouth of creek on the l. s. called monter's creek, about two mile above is some cabins where our bowman & several frenchmen campd. two years ( ) passed an island on the s. s. in a bend of the river opposit some clifts on the l. s. the wind shifted to the n w opposit this island and on the l. side (loup) or wolf river coms in, this river is about yards wide and heads with the waters of the kansis, and is navagable for perogues "some destance up" camped at a point on the l. s. opposit the head of the island, our party was incamped on the opposit side, their not answering our signals caused us to suspect the persons camped opposit to us was a war party of soux, we fired the bow piece to alarm the party on shore, ailed prepared to oppose if attacted [clark, july , ] july th tuesday set out this morning with a view to land near the fire seen last night, & recornetre, but soon discovered that our men were at the fire, they were a sleep early last evening, and from the course of the wind which blew hard, their yells were not heard by party in the perogue, a mistake altogether-. proceeded on, passed prarie on the upper side of woolf river, at miles passed ( ) a small creek l. s. called r. pape this creek is about yds. wide-and called after a spanierd who killed himself at the mouth. ( ) dined on an island called de selamen and delayed hours, and proceeded on, opposit this isld. on the l. s. is a ( ) butifull bottom prarie whuch will contain about acres of land covered with wild rye & wild potatoes, gread numbers of goslings on the banks & in the ponds near the river, capt lewis killed two this evening, we came to & camped for the night. at a point on the s. s. opposit a yellow clay clift.--our men all getting well but much fatigued, the river is on a stand nether rise nor fall, the bottom on the s. s. is verry extensive & thick. the hills or high land is near the river on the l. s. and but thinly timbered, back of those hills is open plains. [clark, july , ] july th tuesday set out early this morning and crossd the river with a view to see who the party was that camped on the other side, we soon discovered them to be our men,--proceeded on passed a prarie on the l. s. at miles passed a creek l. s called ( ) pappie after a man who killed himself at its mouth, this creek is yds wide--( ) dined on an isld. called de salamin delayed hours on this island to recruit the men opposit on the l. s. is a butifull bottom plain of about acres ( ) covered with wild rye & potatoes, intermix't with the grass, we camped on the s. s. opposit a yellow clay clift, capt. lewis killed two young gees or goslings this evening--the men of the party getting better, but much fatigued--the river on a stand--the bottom is verry extensive on the s. s. and thickly intersperced with vines the high land approaches near the river on the l. s. and well timbered next to the river, back of those hills the plains commence. [clark, july , ] july th wednesday, set out early proceeded on passed a willow ( ) island in a bend to the s. s. sent out dreweyer & jo. fields to hunt, back of this island a creek corns in on the s. s. called by the indians little tarkio creek i went on shore above this island on the s. s. found the bottom subject for overflow wet and verry thickly interwoven with grape vines--proceeded on at about / a miles from the river about ms. and observed fresh sign of a horse, i prosueed the track, with an expectation of finding a camp of indians on the river, when i got to the river, i saw a horse on the beech, this horse as appears was left last winter by some hunting party, probable the othouez, i joined the boat on the sand island situated opposit the mouth of the ne ma har river, this river coms in on the l. s. is about yds wide and navagable for perogues some distance up the praries commnce above the mouth and continus on both sides of this r drewyer killed deer to day j. field one several hunters sent out up the nemahar r [clark, july , ] july th, wednesday set out early passed a willow island ( ) in a bend on the s. s. back of this island a creek corns in called by the indians tar-ki-o i went on shore above this creek and walked up parrelel with the river at ab ut half a mile distant, the bottom i found low & subject to overflow, still further out, the under groth & vines wer so thick that i could not get thro with ease after walking about three or miles i observed a fresh horse track where he had been feeding i turned my course to the river and prosud the track and found him on a sand beach this horse probably had been left by some party of otteaus hunters who wintered or hunted in this quarter last fall or wintr. i joined the party on a large sand island imediately opposit the mouth of ne ma haw river, at which place they had camped, this island is sand about half of it covered with small willows of two different kinds, one narrow & the other a broad leaf. several hunters sent out to day on both sides of the river, seven deer killed to day. drewyer killd six of them, made some luner observations this evening. [clark, july , ] july th thursday som hunters out on the s. s. those on the l. s. did not return last night, our object in delaying here is to tak some observations and rest the men who are much fatigued made sundery observations, after an early brackfast i took five men and went up the river ne ma har about three miles, to an open leavel part of an emence prarie, at the mouth of a small creek on the lower side, i went on shore, & passed thro the plain passed several noles to the top of a high artificial noal from the top of this noal i had an emence, extensive & pleaseing prospect, of the countrey around, i could see the meandering of the little river for at least miles winding thro a meadow of or acres of high bottom land covered with grass about / feet high, the high lands which rose irregularly, & were toped with mounds or antent graves which is to me a strong evidence of this countrey haveing been thickly settled-.this river is about yards wide with a gentle current and heads up near the parnee village on river blue a branch of kansas, a little timbered land near the mouth for mile above, only a fiew trees, and thickets of plumbs cheres &c are seen on its banks the creeks & little reveens makeing into the river have also some timber--i got grapes on the banks nearly ripe, observed great quantities, of grapes, plums crab apls and a wild cherry, growing like a comn. wild cherry only larger & grows on a small bush, on the side of a clift sand stone / me. up & on lower side i marked my name & day of the month near an indian mark or image of animals & a boat tried willard for sleeping on his post, our hunters killed some deer, saw elk & buffalow. [clark, july , ] july th, thursday concluded to delay here to day with a view of takeing equal altitudes & makeing observations as well as refreshing our men who are much fatigued--after an early brackfast i with five men in a perogue assended the river ne-ma-haw about miles to the mouth of a small creek on the lower side, here i got out of the perogue, after going to several small mounds in a leavel plain, i assended a hill on the lower side, on this hill several artificial mounds were raised, from the top of the highest of those mounds i had an extensive view of the serounding plains, which afforded one of the most pleasing prospects i ever beheld, under me a butifull river of clear water of about yards wide meandering thro a leavel and extensive meadow, as far as i could see, the prospect much enlivened by the fine trees & srubs which is bordering the bank of the river, and the creeks & runs falling into it,-. the bottom land is covered with grass of about / feet high, and appears as leavel as a smoth surfice, the bottom is also covered with grass and rich weeds & flours, interspersed with copses of the osage plumb. on the riseing lands, small groves of trees are seen, with a numbers of grapes and a wild cherry resembling the common wild cherry, only larger and grows on a small bush on the tops of those hills in every derection. i observed artifical mounds (or as i may more justly term graves) which to me is a strong indication of this country being once thickly settled. (the indians of the missouris still keep up the custom of burrying their dead on high ground) after a ramble of about two miles about i returned to the perogue and decended down the river, gathd. som grapes nearly ripe, on a sandstone bluff about / of a mile from its mouth on the lower side i observed some indian marks, went to the rock which jutted over the water and marked my name & the day of the month & year--this river heads near one of the villages of the pania on the river blue, a branch of the kansas river.--above this river about half a mile the prarie comes to the missouri after my return to camp on the island completed som observations, tred tried a man for sleeping on his post & inspected the arms amunition &c. of the party found all complete, took some luner obsevations. three deer killed to day. latd. ° ' " n. [lewis and clark, july , ] camp new island july th . a court matial consisting of the two commanding officers will convene this day at ock. p.m. for the trial of such prisoners as may be brought before them; one of the court will act as judge advocate. m. lewis wm. clark the commanding officers. capt. m. lewis & w. clark constituted themselves a court martial for the trial of such prisoners as are guilty of capatol crimes, and under the rules and articles of war punishable by death, alexander willard was brought foward charged with "lying down and sleeping on his post whilst a sentinal, on the night of the th. instant" (by john ordway sergeant of the guard) to this charge the prisoner pleads. guilty of lying down, and not guilty, of going to sleep. the court after duly considering the evidence aduced, are of oppinion that the prisoner alexdn. willard is guilty of every part of the charge exhibited against him. it being a breach of the rules and articles of war (as well as tending to the probable distruction of the party) do sentence him to receive one hundred lashes on his bear back, at four different times in equal propation.--and order that the punishment commence this evening at sunset, and continue to be inflicted, (by the guard) every evening untill completed wm clark m. lewis [clark, july , ] my notes of the th of july by a most unfortunate accident blew over board in a storm in the morning of the th obliges me to refur to the journals of serjeants, and my own recollection the accurrences courses distance &c. of that day--last night a violent storm from the n. n, e.- ( ) passed tar-ki-o river, at miles a chant. running into this river ms. abov forms st josephs isld. passed an elegt prarie in the st bend to the left. containg a grass resmlg timothy, with seed like flax, ( ) passed a island in a bend to the s. s. at ms. i walked on shore s. s. lands, low & overflows, killed two goslings nearly grown, sailed under a wind from the south all day, camped on a sand island on the l. pt. opposit a high & extensiv prarie, on the s. s. the hills about or me. off, this plain appears extensive, great appearance of a storm from the north w. this evening verry agreeable the wind still from the south- from the osagies nation with twenty odd of the natives or chiefs of the nation with him sailed dowen the mississippi bound to st louis & guns fired showers of rain showers of rain all that night [clark, july , ] july th friday set out at sun rise, and prosd. on under a gentle breeze, at two miles passed the mouth of a small river on the s. s. called by the indians tarki-o, a channel running out of the river three miles above (which is now filled up with sand) runs into this creek & and formed a island called st. josephs several sand bars parralel to each other above--in the first bend to the left is situated a butifull & extensive plain, cover'd with grass resembling timothy except the seed which resembles flax seed, this plain also abounds in grapes of defferent kinds some nearly ripe. i killed two goslings nearly grown, several others killed and cought on shore, also one old goose, with pin fethers, she could not fly--at about miles passd. a island situated in a bend on the s. s. above this island is a large sand bar covered with willows. the wind from the south, camped on a large sand bar makeing out from the l. p. opposit a high hanson prarie, the hills about or miles on s. s. this plain appeard extensive, the clouds appear to geather to the n. w. a most agreeable breeze from the south (i walked on shore on the s. s. the lands are low subject to overflow) last night at about oclock a violent storm of wind from the n. n. e. which lasted with great violence for about one hour, at which time a shower of rain succeeded. the men on shore did not join us this after noon--the river nearly on a stand--the high lands on the s. s. has only been seen at a distance above the nordaway river, those on the s. l. aproaching the river at every bend, on the side next to the river well timbered, the opsd. side open & the commencmt. of plains. [clark, july , ] july the th satturday some hard shours of rain accompaned with some wind detained us untill about oclock, we then set out and proceeded on about a mile and th atmispeir became suddenly darkened by a blak & dismal looking cloud, we wer in a situation, near the upper point of a sd. isd. & the opsd shore falling in in this situation a violent storm of wint from the n, e (passing over an open plain, struck the boat nearly starboard, quatering, & blowing down the current) the exerssions of all our men who were out in an instant, aded to a strong cable and anchor was scrcely sufficent to keep the boat from being thrown up on the sand island, and dashed to peices the waves dasthed over on the side next to the wind the lockers which was covered with tarpoling prevented them coming into the boat untill the boat was creaned on the side from the wind in this situation we continued about minits, the two perogues about a quater of a mile above, one of them in a similer situation with the boat, the other under the charge of george gibson in a much better position, with her ster faceing the wind, this storm suddenly seased, & minit the river was as smoth as glass, the wind shifted to the s. e and we set sail, and proceeded on passed ( ) a small island on the s. s. and dined--r. fields who has charge of the horses &c. on shore did not join us last night-. passed a old fort where mr. bennet of st louis winttered years & traded with the otteaus & parties on the s. s. me. abov the little island, i went out on the l. s. and observed two elk on a land in the river, in attempting to get near those elk obseved one near us i shot one. continued on shore & thro the bottom which was extensive, some small praries, and a peponce of high rich & well timbered bottom, in the glades i saw wild timothy, lams quarter cuckle burs & rich weed, on the edges plumbs of different kinds grapes, and goose berries, camped on the l. s. ruben fields and gulrich joined the party two men unwell, one a felin on his finger, river fall [clark, july , ] july th, satturday some hard showers of rain this morning prevented our setting out untill oclock, at half past seven, the atmispr. became sudenly darkened by a black and dismal looking cloud, at the time we were in a situation (not to be bettered) near the upper point of the sand island, on which we lay, and the opposit shore, the bank was falling in and lined with snags as far as we could see down,-. in this situation the storm which passd over an open plain from the n. e. struck the our boat on the starbd. quarter, and would have thrown her up on the sand island dashed to peces in an instant, had not the party leeped out on the leward side and kept her off with the assistance of the ancker & cable, untill the storm was over, the waves dashed over her windward side and she must have filled with water if the lockers which is covered with tarpoling & threw of the water & prevented any quantity getting into bilge of the boat in this situation we continued about minits. when the storm sudenly seased and the river become instancetaniously as smoth as glass. the two perogus dureing this storm was in a similar situation with the boat about half a mile above--the wind shifted to the s. e & we saled up passed a small ( ) isld. situated on the s. s. and dined & continud two hours, men examine their arms--about a mile above this island, passed a small tradeing fort on the s. s. where, mr. bennet of st. louis traded with the otteaus & panies two years. i went on shore to shoot some elk on a sand bar to the l. s. i fired at one but did not get him, went out into a large extensive bottom the greater part of which overflows, the part that dose not overflow, is rich and well timbered, some small open praries near the hills, the boat passed the lower part of a large island situated on the s. s. above the lower point of this island on the s. s. a ( ) large creek corns into the river called by the maha's indians neesh-nah-ba-to-na yds this is a considerable creek nearly as large as the mine river, and runs parrelel with the missouri, the greater part of its course. in those small praries or glades i saw wild timothey, lambs-quarter, cuckle burs; & rich weed. on the edges grows sumr. grapes, plum's, & gooseberries. i joined the boat which had came to and camped in a bend opposd. the large island before mentioned on the l. s. several men unwell with boils, felns, &c. the river falls a little. [clark, july , ] july th sunday . a heavy fog this morning which detained us untill oclock, put drewyer sgt. floyd on shore, at i took two men and went on shore, with a view to kill some elk, passed thro open plains, and barroney lands crossed three butifull small streams of water, saw great quantity of cherres plums, grapes & berries of difft. kinds, the lands generally of a good quallity, on the streams the wood escapes the fire, at about miles i struck the river at the mouth ne ma har creek about yds wide, near this creek on a high part of the prarie i had a extensive view of the river & countrey on both sides. on s. a contnuation of the plain as far as i could see, on the n. a bottom prarie of about ms. wide & or long, hills back of this plain. i swam across the creek and waited for the boat about three miles above, we camped opsd. an island. [clark, july , ] july th, sunday a heavy fog this morning prevented our setting out before oclock, at nine i took two men and walked on the l. s. i crossed three butifull streems of runnig water heading in the praries on those streem the lands verry fine covered with pea vine & rich weed the high praries are also good land covered with grass entirely void of timber except what grows on the water, i proceeded on thro those praries several miles to the mouth of a large creek on the l. s. called ( ) ne ma har this is a small river, about yds. above the mouth it is yards wide, at the mouth (as all other creeks & rivers falling into the missourie are) much narrower than a little distance up. after continueing at the mouth of this creek about an hour, i swam across and proceeded on about miles and halted to wate for the boat, which was some distance below--in all this days march thro woods & praries, i only saw three deer & fawns--i had at one part of the prarie a verry extensive view of all the countrey around up and down the river a considerable distance, on the larbd. sd. one continul plain, on the s. s. some timber on the bank of the river, for a short distance back of this timber is a bottom plain of four or five miles back to the hills and under the hills between them & the river this plain appeared to extend or miles, those hills have but little timber, and the plain appears to continu back of them--i saw great quantities of grapes, plums, or kinds wild cherries of kinds, hazelnuts, and goosberries. we camped in a point of woods on the larboard s. opsd. a large island. [lewis, july , ] sunday july th this evening i discovered that my chronometer had stoped, nor can i assign any cause for this accedent; she had been wound up the preceding noon as usual. this is the third instance in which this instrument has stopt in a similar manner since she nas been in my possession, tho the first only since our departure from the river dubois. in the two preceding cases when she was again set in motion, and her rate of going determined by a series of equal altitudes of the sun taken for that purpose, it was found to be the same precisely as that mentioned in the preliminary remarks to these observations, or s & tenths too slow in h-as her rate of going after stoping, and begin again set in motion has in two instances proved to be the same, i have concluded, that whatever this impediment may procede from, it is not caused by any material injury which her works have sustained, and that when she is in motion, her error on mean time above stated, may be depended on as accurate. in consequence of the chronometer's having thus accedentally stoped, i determined to come too at the first convenient place and make such observations as were necessary to ascertain her error, establish the latitude & longitude, and determine the variation of the nedle, in order to fix a second point of departure. [clark, july , ] july monday set out verry early and proceeded on the side of a prarie passd the head of the island opsd. which we camped last night, ( ) passed a small willow island off the l. point, hills make near the river ( ) passed a large island nearest the l. s. below the pt. a small willow isd. also one on the side. this large island is called fair sun the wind favourable from the south. boat run on a sawyer, ( ) pass a place on the l. s. where the hill abt. acres has sliped into the river lately just above passed under a clift of sand stone l. s. a number of burds nests in the holes & crevises of this rock which continus miles, ( ) passed a willow island in a deep bend to the s. s. river mile wide at this place, note deed snags across, passed the lower point of a island called isle chauvin situated on the l. point opposit an extensive prarie on the s. s., this prarie i call ball pated prarie from the range ball hills, at from to miles from the river as far as my sight will extend, we camped in a point of woods opsd. the isd. on s. s. in a bend. [clark, july , ] july th monday set out this morning verry early and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s passed the upper point of the island an extensive prarie on the l. s. passed a large ( ) island called fair sun isd. a small willow isld. at the lower point on the l. s. the boat passd on the l. s. of those islands several small sand islands in the channel, the boat run on the point of a snag, ( ) passed a place above the island l. s. where about acres of the hill has latterly sliped into the river above a clift of sand stone for about two miles, the resort of burds of different kinds to reare their young. ( ) passed a willow island in a deep bend to the s. s. opposit the river is about two miles wide, and not verry deep as the snag may be seen across, scattering, passed the lower point of an island called by french chauvin's situated off the l. point opposit an extensive prarie on the s. s. this prarie i call ball gated prarie, from a range of ball hills parrelel to the river & at from to miles distant from it, and extends as far up & down as i can see, we camped in a point of woods on the l. s. above the lower point of the island. river falling. [lewis, july , ] monday th we set out at an early hour; the morning was cloudy; could find no convenient situation for observation; proceeded untill a little before noon when we came too on the lard. shore opposite to the center of good island where i observed the meridian altitude of o's l. l. with octant by the back observation, wich gave me the latitude-- ° ' " n. i now set the chronometer as near noon as this observation would enable me, and proceeded untill evening, when we came too on the stard. shore opposite the lower point of the island of the bald prarie where we encamped. [clark, july , ] july th tuesday, we concluded to lay by today to fix the longitude, and get the cronometer right, (she run down day before yesterday), several men out hunting to day capt. lewis rode out to neesh-nahba-to na creek which passes thro. the prarie (on which there is some few trees) within ____ mile of the missoureis, wind from the s e. several of the party have tumers of different kinds some of which is verry troublesom and dificuilty to cure. i took a meridian altitude ( ° ') which made the lattitude of this place ° ' " / north.--(the ball hills bear n ° w for mes. the bend on l. s. passing the isd. on the right side is n. ° w. ms.) took equal altitudes tried a part of the comn pt. of the current in seconds the water run fathem " & " in places cap lewers returned, saw some hand som countrey, the creek near the high land is rapid and nearly as muddy as the river, & rising gutrich caught two verry fat cat fish g drewyer killed deer, & r fields one, a puff of wind brought swarms of misquitors, which disapeared in two hours, blown off by a continuation of the same brees. [clark, july , ] bald pated prarie july th, tuesday we concluded lay by at this place to day to fix the lattitude & longitude of this place to correct the cromometer run down sunday) several men out by day light hunting capt. lewis concid. to ride out to neesh-nah-ba-to-na creek which passes under the ball hills near this place and at one place a little above this camp is within yards of the missouris on this creek grows some few trees of oake walnut & mulberry. i took meridian altitude of sun l. l. ( ° ') which made the lattitude ° ' " / north--wind from the south e. several of the party much aflicted with turners of different kinds, som of which is verry troublesom and dificuelt to cure. capt. louis returned in the evening. he saw som hand some countrey & says that the aforesaid creek is rapid muddey and running--this creek which is at or from its mouth, within yds of the river is at least foot lower than the river--the high lands from our camp in this bald pated prarie bears n ° w. up the r. the common current taken with a log runs fathen in "some places much swifter in " and even seconds of time--five deer killed to day [clark, july , ] july th wednesday a fair morning the river falling fast, set out at sunrise under a gentle breeze from s. e by s. at miles passed the head of the island on l. s. called by the french chauve or bald pate ( ) opsd. the middle of this island the creek on l. s. is within yds. of the river. back of this island the lower point of ( ) another island in the bend to the l. s. passed large sand bar making out from each point with many channels passing through them, "current runs fathm. in seconds" but little timber on either side of the river, except the isds. & points which are low wet & covered with lofty trees, cotton wood mulberry elm &c. &c. passed the head of a long island in high water at this time no water passes thro the channel ( ) opposit the lower point of a island on the l. s. pass the island and opsd. the point ( ) above & on the l. s. the hills come to the river, this hill has sliped into the river for about / of a mile, and leaves a bluff of considerable hight back of it this hill is about foot high compsd. of sand stone inter mingled with iron ore of an inferior quallity on a bed of soft slate stone. we passed a verry bad sand bar ( ) a little above the hill and incmpd on the l. s. opposit a small island in the river, saw a dog this evening appeared to be nearly starved to death, he must have been left by some party of hunters we gave him some meet, he would not come near, g drewrer brought in deer this evening [clark, july , ] july th wednesday a fair morning the river falling fast set out this morning at sun rise under a gentle breeze from the s. e. by s. passing over the prarie, at about miles we passed the head of the island l. s. called by the french chaube or bald pate opposit the middle of ( ) this island the creek on the s. s. is nearest the river, in high water an island is formed in the bind above the last ( )- measured the current and found that in forty one seconds it run yo fathoms but little timber is to be seen except in the low points on islands & on creeks, the groth of timber is generally cotton mulberry elm sycomore &c &c. passed a island on the d point to the s. s. opposite the water ( ) whin high passes out in the plain oppsid this island on the l. s. the hills jut to the river ( ) this hill has sliped from the top which forms a bluff above & foot above the water, about / of a mile in length & about feet in depth has sliped into the river it is composed of sand stone intermixed with an indiffert. iron ore near the bottom or next to the water is a soft slate stone, som pebble is also intermixt, we passed a verry bad sand bar and incamped on the l. s. at the lower point of the oven islands & opposit the prarie calld. by the french four le tourtue saw a dog nearly starved on the bank, gave him som meet, he would not follow, our hunters killed deer to day [clark, july , ] july th after breakfast which was on a rosted ribs of a deer a little and a little coffee i walked on shore intending only to keep up with the boat, soon after i got on shore, saw some fresh elk sign, which i was induced to prosue those animals by their track to the hills after assending and passing thro a narrow strip of wood land, came suddenly into an open and bound less prarie, i say bound less because i could not see the extent of the plain in any derection, the timber appeared to be confined to the river creeks & small branches, this prarie was covered with grass about inches or feat high and contained little of any thing else, except as before mentioned on the river creeks &c, this prospect was so sudden & entertaining that i forgot the object of my prosute and turned my attention to the variety which presented themselves to my view after continueing on this rise for some minits, i deturmined to make my course to a line of woods to s. e. i found in this wood a butifull streem of running water, in prosuing it down several others joined it and at miles fell into the river between clifts, i went up & under one clift of dark rich clay for / me. above this a clay bank which had sliped in here i found sand stone containing iron ore, this ore appears to be inbeded under the clay just above the water [clark, july , ] july th thursday set out early pass between islands one in mid. & the other l. s. opsd. wher prarie aproaches the river s. s. this place is called the bakers oven or in french four le tour tere passd. some highlands / ms. above the isds. on the l. s. forming a clift to the river of yellow earth, on the top a prarie, passd. many a bad sand bar in this distance, & the river wide & shallow, above this clift small butiffull runs come from the plains & fall into the river, a deer lick on the first, above those two creeks, i found in my walk on shore some ore in a bank which had sliped in to the river / me. above the creeks, i took a cerequite around & found that those two runs mentioned contained a good proposion of wood surrounded by a plain, with grass about inchs. high, (capt lewis walked on shore after dinner) in the first bind to the right above those runs passed a small island opsd. is a sand bar i call this island butter island, as at this place we mad use of the last of our butter, as we approach this great river platt the sand bars are much more noumerous than they were, and the quick & roleing sands much more danjerous, where the praries aproach the river it is verry wide, the banks of those plains being much easier to undermine and fall than the wood land passed ( ) a willow island situated near the middle of the river, a sand bar on the s. s. and a deep bend to the l s. camped on the right side of the willow island-w. bratten hunting on the l. s swam to the island. hunters drewyer killed deer, saw great numbers of young gees. the river still falling a little sand bars thick always in view. [clark, july , ] july th, thursday set out early passed between two small islands, one in the middle of the river, the other close on the l s. opposit a prarie s. s. called ( ) by the french four le tourtre, the bakers oven islands, passed ( ) some high clift / miles above the islands on the l. s. of yellow earth passed several sand bars that were wide and at one place verry shallow (two small butifull runs falls into the river near each other at this clift, a deer lick yards up the lowest of those runs) those runs head at no great distance in the plains and pass thro of timber to the river. in my walk on shore i found some ore in the bank above those runs which i take to be iron ore ( ) at this place the side of the hill has sliped about half way into the river for / of a mile forming a clift from the top of the hill above. in the first bend to the right passed a small island a sand bar opposit,--worthey of remark as we approach this great river plate the sand bars much more numerous and the quick or moveing sands much worst than they were below at the places where praries approach the river it is verry wide those places being much easier to wash & under mine than the wood land's. ( ) passed a willow isd. situated near the middle of the river and a large sand makeing out from the s. s. a deep bend to the l s. we camped at the head of this island on the starboard side of it, hunters killed two deer. saw great numbers of young gees river falling a little. [clark, july , ] july th friday , a fog this morning and verry cool george drewyer sick proceed on over a sand bar, bratten swam the river to get his gun & clothes left last night psd a large willow isd. on the l. s. ( ) passed the mouth of l'eau que pleure the english of which is the water which cry's this creek is about yards wide falls into the river above a gift of brown clay l. s. opposit a willow island, at this creek i went on shore took r fields with me and went up this creek several miles & crossed thro the plains to the river above with the view of finding elk, we walked all day through those praries without seeing any, i killed an emence large yellow wolf-the countrey throu which we walked after leaveing the creek was good land covered with grass interspersed with groves & scattering timber near and about the heads of branches one of them without suckcess, camped above the bar on the l. s. a verry agreeable breeze all night serjt. pryor & jo. fields brought in two deer river still falling. a large spring / me. below camp [clark, july , ] july th, friday a cool morning passed a large willow island ( ) on the s. s. and the mouth of creek about yds. wide on the l. s. called by the french l'eue-que pleure, or the the water which cry's this creek falls into the river above a clift of brown clay opposit the willow island, i went out above the mouth of this creek and walked the greater part of the day thro plains interspesed with small groves of timber on the branches and some scattering trees about the heads of the runs, i killed a verry large yellow wolf, the soil of those praries appears rich but much parched with the frequent fires-" after i returned to the boat we proceeded around a large sand bar makeing out from the l. s. opsd. a fountain of water comeing out of a hill l. s. and affording water suffient to turn a mill the praries as far as i was out appeared to be well watered, with small streems of running water serjt. pryor & jo. fields brought in two deer this evening--a verry pleasent breeze from the n. w. all night--river falling a little, it is wothey of observation to mention that our party has been much healthier on the voyage than parties of the same number is in any other situation turners have been troublesom to them all from this evenings incampment a man may walk to the pane village on the s bank of the platt river in two days, and to the otteaus in one day all those indians are situated on the south bank of the plate river, as those indians are now out in the praries following & hunting the buffalow, i fear we will not see them. [lewis, july , ] july , by a boiling motion or ebolition of it's waters occasioned no doubt by the roling and irregular motion of the sand of which its bed is entirely composed. the particles of this sand being remarkably small and light it is easily boied up and is hurried by this impetuous torrent in large masses from place to place in with irristable forse, collecting and forming sandbars in the course of a few hours which as suddingly disapated to form others and give place perhaps to the deepest channel of the river. where it enters the missouri it's superior force changes and directs the courant of that river against it's northern bank where it is compressed within a channel less than one third of the width it had just before occupyed. it dose not furnish the missouri with it's colouring matter as has been asserted by some, but it throws into it immence quantities of sand and gives a celerity to it's courant of which it abates but little untill it's junction with the mississippy. the water of this river is turbid at all seasons of the year but is by no means as much so as that of the missourie. the sediment it deposits, consists of very fine particles of white sand while that of the missoury is composed principally of a dark rich loam-in much greater quantity st july from the experiments and observations we were enabled to make with rispect to the comparative velocities of the courants of the rivers mississippi missouri and plat it results that a vessel will float in the mississippi below the entrance of the missouri at the rate of four miles an hour. in the missouri from it's junction with the mississsippi to the entrance of the osage river from / to from thence to the mouth of the kanzas from / to . from thence to the platte / while the plat is at least .--the missouri above the junction of the river plat is equal to about / miles an hour as far as the mouth of the chyenne where its courant still abates and becomes equal to about three miles an hour from information it dose not increase it's volocity for [clark, july , ] july st satturday, set out verry early and a gentle breeze from the s. e proceeded on very well, passed a ( ) willow island l. s. opsd. a bad sand bar passed some high land covered with timber, in this hill is semented rock & limestone the water runs out and forms several little islands in ( ) high water on the s. s. a large sand bar on the s. s. above and opposit the wooded high land, at about oclock the wind seased and it commenced raining passed many sand bars opposit or in the mouth of the great river plate this river which is much more rapid than the missourie has thrown out imence quantities of sand forming large sand banks at its mouth and forced the missourie close under the s. s. the sands of this river comes roleing down with the current which is crowded with sand bars and not feet water at any place across its mouth, the rapidity of the current of this river which is greater than that of the missourie, its width at the mouth across the bars is about / of a mile, higher up i am told by one of the bowmen that he was winters on this river above and that it does not rise feet, but spreds over miles at some places, capt lewis & my self went up some distance & crossed found it shallow. this river does not rise over or feet proceeded on passed the mouth of papillion or butter fly creek miles on the l. s. a large sand bar opposit on that side camped above this baron l. s. a great number of wolves about us all night r. fields killed a deer hard wind n. w. cold [clark, july , ] july st, satturday set out early under a gentle breeze from the s. e. proceeded on verry well, passed ( ) a willow island on the l. s. opposit a bad sand bar, some high lands covered with timber l. s in this hill is limestone & seminted rock of shels &c. ( ) in high water the opposit side is cut thro by several small channels, forming small islands, a large sand bar opposit the hill at oclock the wind luled and it commnc'd raining, arrived at the lower mouth of the great river platt at oclock (about ms. above the hill of wood land, the same range of high land continus within / of a mile of the mouth below) this great river being much more rapid than the missourie forces its current against the opposit shore, the current of this river comes with great velocity roleing its sands into the missouri, filling up its bend & compelling it to incroach on the s shore--we found great dificuelty in passing around the sand at the mouth of this river capt lewis and my self with men in a perogue went up this great river plate about miles, found the current verry rapid roleing over sands, passing through different channels none of them more than five or six feet deep, about yards wide at the mouth--i am told by one of our party who wintered two winters on this river that "it is much wider above, and does not rise more than five or six feet" spreds verry and from its rapidity & roleing sands cannot be navagated with boats or perogues--the indians pass this river in skin boats which is flat and will not turn over. the otteaus a small nation reside on the south side leagues up, the panies on the same side leagus higher up--about leagus up this river on the s. side a small river comes into the platt called salt river, "the waters so brackish that it can't be drank at some seasons" above this river & on the north side a small river falls into the platt called elk river this river runs parralal withe the missouri--at miles passed a small river on the l. s. called papillion or butterfly c. yds. wide a large sand bar off the mouth, we proceeded on to get to a good place to camp and delay a fiew days, passed around this sand bar and came to for the night on the l. s. a verry hard wind from the n. w. i went on shore s. s. and proceeded up one mile thro high bottom land open a great number of wolves about us this evening [clark, july , ] july nd sunday set out verry early with a view of getting some timbered land & a good situation to take equil altitudes in time proceeded on nearly a north ° w ms. to a pt. s. s. opposit some high lands on l. s. above the upper point of a long willow island in the middle of the river deer killed to day we deturmined to stay here or days to take & make obsvts. & refresh our men also to send despatches back to govement--wind hard n. w. cold [clark, july , ] nd of july completlly arranged our camp, posted two sentinals so as to completely guard the camp, formd bowers for the min $cc. &. course from r plate n ° w. ms. [clark, july , ] july nd, sunday set out verry early with a view of getting to some situation above in time to take equal altitudes and take observations, as well as one calculated to make our party comfortabl in a situation where they could recive the benifit of a shade--passed a large sand bar opposit a small river on the l. s. at miles above plate called papillion or butterfly creek a sand bar & an willow island opposit a creek ms. above the plate on the s. s. called mosquitos creek prarie on both sides of the river. came too and formed a camp on the s. s. above a small willow island, and opposit the first hill which aproach the river on the l. s. and covered with timbers of oake walnut elm &c. &. this being a good situation and much nearer the otteaus town than the mouth of the platt, we concluded to delay at this place a fiew days and send for some of the chiefs of that nation to let them know of the change of government, the wishes of our government to cultivate friendship with them, the objects of our journy and to present them with a flag and some small presents some of our provisions in the french perogue being wet it became necessary to dry them a fiew days--wind hard from n w. five deer killed to day--the river rise a little [lewis, july , ] july nd . a summary discription of the apparatus employed in the following observations; containing also some remarks on the manner in which they have been employed, and the method observed in recording the observations made with them. st--a brass sextant of inches radius, graduated to which by the assistance of the nonius was devisible to "; and half of this sum by means of the micrometer could readily be distinguished, therefore- . " of an angle was perceptible with this instrument; she was also furnished with three eye-pieces, consisting of a hollow tube and two telescopes one of which last reversed the images of observed objects. finding on experiment that the reversing telescope when employed as the eye-piece gave me a more full and perfect image than either of the others, i have most generally imployed it in all the observations made with this instrument; when thus prepared i found from a series of observations that the quantity of her index error was ' "-; this sum is therefore considered as the standing error of the instrument unless otherwise expressly mentioned. the altitudes of all objects, observed as well with this instrument as with the octant were by means of a reflecting surface; and those stated to have been taken with the sextant are the degrees, minutes, &c shewn by the graduated limb of the instrument at the time of observation and are of course the double altitudes of the objects observed. ed--a common octant of inches radius, graduated to ', which by means of the nonius was devisbile to ', half of this sum, or " was perceptible by means of a micrometer. this instrument was prepared for both the fore and back observation; her error in the fore observation is °+, & and in the back observtion ° r ' . " + at the time of our departure from the river dubois untill the present moment, the sun's altitude at noon has been too great to be reached with my sextant, for this purpose i have therefore employed the octant by the back observation. the degrees ' & ", recorded for the sun's altitude by the back observation express only the angle given by the graduated limb of the instrument at the time of observation, and are the complyment of the double altitude of the sun's observed limb; if therefore the angle recorded be taken from ° the remainder will be the double altitude of the observed object, or that which would be given by the fore observation with a reflecting surface. rd--an artificial horizon on the construction recommended and practiced by mr. andrw. ellicott of lancaster, pensyla., in which water is used as the reflecting surface; believing this artificial horizon liable to less error than any other in my possession, i have uniformly used it when the object observed was sufficiently bright to reflect a distinct immage; but as much light is lost by reflection from water i found it inconvenient in most cases to take the altitude of the moon with this horizon, and that of a star impracticable with any degree of accuracy. th--an artificial horizon constructed in the manner recommended by mr. patterson of philadelphia; glass is here used as the reflecting surface. this horizon consists of a glass plane with a single reflecting surface, cemented to the flat side of the larger segment of a wooden ball; adjusted by means of a sperit-level and a triangular stand with a triangular mortice cut through it's center sufficiently large to admit of the wooden ball partially; the stand rests on three screws inserted near it's angles, which serve as feet for it to rest on while they assist also in the adjustment. this horizon i have employed in taking the altitude of the sun when his image he has been reather too dull for a perfect reflection from water; i have used it generally in taking the altitude of the moon, and in some cases of the stars also; it gives the moon's image very perfectly, and when carefully adjusted i consider it as liable to but little error. th--an artificial horizon formed of the index specula of a sextant cemented to a flat board; adjusted by means of a sperit level and the triangular stand before discribed. as this glass reflects from both surfaces it gives the images of all objects much more bright than either of the other horizons; i have therefore most generally employed it in observing the altitudes of stars th--a chronometer; her ballance-wheel and escapement were on the most improved construction. she rested on her back, in a small case prepared for her, suspended by an universal joint. she was carefully wound up every day at twelve oclock. her rate of going as asscertained by a series of observations made by myself for that purpose was found to be seconds and a tenths of a second too slow in twenty four howers on mean solar time. this is nearly the same result as that found by mr. andrew ellicott who was so obliging as to examine her rate of going for the space of fourteen days, in the summer . her rate of going as ascertained by that gentleman was . s too slow m. t. in h. and that she went from to s. slower the last h, than she did the first h. after being wound up. at ock. on the th day of may (being the day on which the detachment left the mouth of the river dubois) the chronometer was too fast m. t. m. s. & / .--this time-piece was regulated on meantime, and the time entered in the following observations is that shewn by her at the place of observation. the day is recconed on civil time, (i e) commencing at midnight. th--a circumferentor, circle inches diameter, on the common construction; by means of this instrument adjusted with the sperit level, i have taken the magnetic azimuth of the sun and pole star. it has also been employed in taking the traverse of the river:--from the courses thus obtained, together with the distances estimated from point to point, the chart of the missouri has been formed which now accompanys these observations. the several points of observation are marked with a cross of red ink, and numbered in such manner as to correspond with the celestial observations made at those points respectively. [clark, july , ] camp ms. above the river plate monday july the rd a fair morning--sent out a party of men to look to timber for ores two other parties to hunt at oclock sent, g. drewyer & peter crusett / indn. to the otteaus village about ms. west of our camp, to invite the chiefs & principal men of that nation to come & talk with us &. &., also the panic if they should meet with any of that nation (also on the s. side of the plate ms. higher up) (at this season of the year all the indians in this quater are in the plains hunting the buffalow from some signs seen by our hunter and the praries being on fire in the derection of the village induce a belief that the nation have returned to get green corn) raised a flag staff put out some provisions which got wet in the french perogue to sun & dry--i commenced coppying my map of the river to send to the presdt. of u s. by the return of a pty of soldiers, from illinois five deer killed--one man a bad riseing on his left breast. wind from the n. w. [clark, july , ] camp white catfish miles above the platt river monday the rd of july a fair morning set a party to look for timber for ores, two parties to hunt. at oclock sent off george drewyer & peter crousett with some tobacco to invite the otteaus if at their town and panies if they saw them to come and talk with us at our camp &c. &c. (at this season the indians on this river are in the praries hunting the buffalow but from some signs of hunters near this place & the plains being on fire near their towns induce a belief that they this nation have returned to get some green corn or rosting ears) raised a flag staff sund & dryed our provisions &c. i commence coppying a map of the river below to send to the p. ____ u s five deer killed to day one man with a turner on his breast, prepared our camp the men put their arms in order wind hard this afternoon from the n. w. equal altitudes taken at the white catfish camp, miles above the river platt- [clark, july , ] white catfish camp th of july tuesday. a fair morning the wind rose with the sun & blows hard from the s. thos southerley breezes are dry cool & refreshing. the northerley breezes which is more frequent is much cooler, and moist, i continue my drawing. cap lewis also ingaged prepareing som paper to send back, one of the men cought a white catfish, the eyes small, & tale resembling that of a dolfin. [clark, july , ] white catfish camp ms. above platt th, of july tuesday a fair day the wind blows hard from the south, the breezes which are verry frequent on this part of the missouri is cool and refreshing. several hunters out to day; but as the game of all kinds are scarce only two deer were brought in--i am much engaged drawing off a map, capt. lewis also much engaged in prepareing papers to send back by a pirogue--which we intended to send back from the river plate--observations at this place makes the lattitude ° ' " north this evening guthrege cought a white catfish, its eyes small & tale much like that of a dolfin [clark, july , ] white catfish camp th of july wednesday. several hunters sent out. at oclock the two men sent to the otteaz village returned and informed that no indians were at the town they saw some fresh sign near that place which they persued, but could not find them, they having taken precausions to conceal the rout which they went out from the villagethe inds. of the missouries being at war with one & the other or other indians, move in large bodies and sometimes the whole nation continue to camp together on their hunting pls. those men inform that they passed thro a open plain all the way to the town a feiw trees excepted on the watercourses--they cross the papillion or the butterfly creek within a feiw miles of camp and near the village a handsm. river of yards wide called the corne de chearf or the elkhorn, which mouths below the town in the plate n. side. wind from the s. e. deer & a turkey killed to day several grous seen in the prarie [clark, july , ] white catfish camp th of july wednesday a fair morning several hunters out today at oclock drewyer & peter returned from the otteaus village; and informs that no indians were at their towns, they saw some fresh signs of a small party but could not find them. in their rout to the towns (which is about miles west) they passed thro a open prarie crossed papillion or butterfly creek and a small butifull river which run into the platt a little below the town called corne de charf or elk horn river this river is about yards wide with clear water & a gravely channel.--wind from the s. e two deer killed to day turkey several grous seen to day. [clark, july , ] whit catfish camp th of july thursday. the wind blew verry hard all day from the south with clouds of sand which incomoded me verry much in my tent, and as i could not draw in the boat was obliged combat with the misqutr. under a shade in the woods-. i opened the breast of a man the discharge gave him ease &c. beaver caught near camp-only deer killed to day. the countrey back from camp on the s. s. is a bottom of about ms. wide one half the distn. timber, the other high bottom prarie, the opsd. side a high hill about foot rock foundatio. timbered back & below. a prarie [clark, july , ] catfish which is white camp th of july thursday the wind blustering and hard from the south all day which blowed the clouds of sand in such a manner that i could not complete my pan in the tent, the boat roled in such a manner that i could do nothing in that, i was compessed to go to the woods and combat with the musqutors, i opened the turner of a man on the left breast, which discharged half a point. five beever cought near this camp the flesh of which we made use of- this evening we found verry pleasent--only one deer killed to day. the countrey back from camp on the s. s. is a bottom of about five mile wide, one half the distance wood & the ball. plain high & dry. the opposed side a high hill about foot rock foundation, covd. with timber, back & below is a plain. [lewis, july , ] white catfish camp july th friday, charged the boat and perogue after a small shower of rain, completed our ores & poles, crossed over the two horses, with a view of their going on the s w. side of the missouri and set out at half past oclock proceeded on verry well under a gentle breeze. passed a high island of high wood land on the l. side just above camp, this island is formed by a pond supplied by a great number of springs from this hill, this pond has out lets, & when the river is high the water passes thro the pond, passed a sand island in the nd bend to the right. camped in a bend to the l. s. in some wood, i took r. fields & walked on shore & killed a deer, and did not get to the boat untile after night a butifull breeze from the n w. this evening which would have been verry agreeable, had the misquiters been tolerably pacifick, but thy were rageing all night, some about the sise of house flais [clark, july , ] white catfish camp ms above platt th of july friday, a small shower of rain this morning, at oclock commence loading the boat & perogue; had all the ores completely fixed; swam over the two remaining horses to the l. s. with the view of the hunters going on that side, after getting everry thing complete, we set sale under a gentle breeze from the south and proceeded on, passed a island (formd by a pond fed by springs) on the l. s. of high land covered with timber, in the nd bend to the right a large sand island in the river a high prarie on the s. s.-. as we were setting out to day one man killed a buck & another cut his knee verry bad camped in a bend to the l. side in a coops of trees, a verry agreeable breeze from the n w. this evening. i killed a deer in the prarie and found the misquitors so thick & troublesom that it was disagreeable and painfull to continue a moment still. i took one man r. fields and walked on shore with a view of examoning som mounds on the l. s. of the river--those mounds i found to be of deffirent hight shape & size, some composed of sand some earth & sand, the highest next to the river all of which covered about acres of land, in a circular form on the side from the river a low bottom & small pond. the otteaus formerly lived here i did not get to the boat untile after night. [clark, july , ] july th satturday set out this morning early, the wind blou from the n. w. by n. a dark smokey morning, some rain at me. passed a bluff on the s. s. it being the first high land approachig the river above the nodaway, a island and creek s. s. just abov this creek i call indian knob g. drewyer came with a deer &informs he heard fireing to the s. w. i walked on shore on the s. s. found some good prarie out from the s. pt. the high lands approach the river st bend to left the party on shore brought in a missouri indian who resides with the otteauz, this indian & others were hunting in the prarie their camp is about miles off. this indian informs that his nation is in the plains hunting the buffalow, the party with which he is encamped is about familey hunting the elk, we landed on s. s. below an island [clark, july , ] july the th, satturday set out this morning early, the wind from the n w. by n. a dark smokey morning some rain passed at me. a bluff on the s. s. the first high land above the nodaway aproaching the river on that side a island and creek yds. wide on the s. s. above this bluff, as this creek has no name call it indian knob creek our party on shore came to the river and informs that they heard fireing to the s w. below this high land on the s. s. the aiawuay indians formerly lived, the flank came in & informed they heard two guns to the s. w. the highland approaches in the st bend to the left, we camped on the s. s. below the point of an island, g drewyer brought in a missourie indian which he met with hunting in the prarie this indian is one of the fiew remaining of that nation, & lives with the otteauz, his camp about miles from the river, he informs that the great gangue of the nation were hunting the buffalow in the plains. hs party was small consisting only of about lodges, ____ miles furthr a nother camp where there was a french man, who lived in the nation, this indian appeard spritely, and appeared to make use of the same pronouncation of the osarge, calling a chief inca july th sundaywe sent one frenchman le liberty & the indian to the camp to envite the party to meet us at the next bend of high land on the l. s. a dark morning wind from the w. n. w. rained all last night set out at oclock &, proceeded on passed the island, opposit this island on the s. s. the creek called indian knob creek which mouths several miles on a direct line below, is within feet of the missouri & about feet higher cought three large cat fish to day verry fat one of them nearly white those cat are so plenty that they may be cought in any part of this river but fiew fish of any other kind. ( ) at the commencement of this course passed much fallen timber apparently the ravages of a dreadful haricane which had passed obliquely across the river from n. w. to s. e. about twelve months since. many trees were broken off near the ground the trunks of which were sound and four feet in diameter. willard lost his gun in bowyers r. r. fields dive & brought it up all the wood land on this part of the missouries appear to be confined to the points & islands. boyers river is provably yds. wide, willard near loseing his gun in this river, two men sick & sevral with boils, a cold day wind from the n w. som rain the fore part of the day. [clark, july , ] july th sunday sent a french man la liberty with the indian to otteaze camp to invite the indians to meet us on the river above--a dark rainey morning wind from the w. n. w.--rained all the last night--set out at oclock opposit the ( ) island, the bend to the right or s. s. is within feet of indian knob creek, the water of this creek is feet higher than that of the river. passed the isld. we stoped to dine under some high trees near the high land on the l. s. in a fiew minits cought three verry large catfish ( ) one nearly white, those fish are in great plenty on the sides of the river and verry fat, a quart of oile came out of the surpolous fat of one of these fish ( ) above this high land & on the s. s. passed much falling timber apparently the ravages of a dreadfull harican which had passed obliquely across the river from n. w. to s e about twelve months since, many trees were broken off near the ground the trunks of which were sound and four feet in diameter, ( ) about / of a me. above the island on the s. s. a creek corns in called boyers r. this creek is yards wide, one man in attempting to cross this creek on a log let his gun fall in, r. fields dived & brought it up proceeded on to a point on the s. s. and camped. [clark, july , ] july the th monday set out early & proceeded on west / mes. passd. one pt. to the l. s and one to the s. s. to a clear open prarie on the l. s. which is on a rise of about feet higher than the bottom which is also a prarie covered with high grass plumbs grape vine & hezel-both forming a bluff to the river, the lower prarie is above high water mark at the foot of the riseing ground & below the high bluff we came to in a grove of timber and formed a camp raised a flag pole, and deturmind to waite for the ottu indians--the white horse which we found below died last night, after posting out the guards &c. &. sent out men to hunt i am ingaged in ____ and drawing off my courses to accompany the map drawn at white catfish camp, capt. lewis and my self walked in the prarie on the top of the bluff and observed the most butifull prospects imagionable, this prarie is covered with grass about or inch high, (land rich) rises about / a mile back something higher and is a plain as fur as can be seen, under those high lands next the river is butifull bottom interspersed with groves of timber, the river may be seen for a great distance both above & below meandering thro the plains between two ranges of high land which appear to be from to ms. apart, each bend of the river forming a point which contains tall timber, principally willow cotton wood some mulberry elm sycamore & ash. the groves contain walnit coffeenut & oake in addition & hickory & lynn jo. fields killed brarow or as the ponie call it cho car tooch, this animale burrows in the ground & feeds on bugs and flesh principally the little dogs of the prarie, also something of vegetable kind his shape & size is like that of a beever, his head mouth &c. is like a dog with its ears cut off, his tale and hair like that of a ground hog something longer and lighter, his interals like a hogs, his skin thick & loose, white & hair short under its belly, of the species of the bear, and it has a white streake from its nose to its sholders, the toe nails of its fore feet which is large is inch and / qtr. long and those of his hind feet which is much smaller is / long. we have this animale skined and stuffed. short legs, raseing himself just above the ground when in motion jo & r. fields killed som deer at a distance and came in for a horse to bring them in, they have not returned this evening, a gred number of swans in a pond above l. s. to our camp. serjt. floyd verry unwell a bad cold &c. several men with boils, great qts. of catfish g. d. cought one small beever alive. som turkey & gees killed to day. arms & all things in order. a fair evining, and cool. [clark, july , ] july th monday set out this morning early proceeded on to a clear open prarie on the l. s. on a rise of about feet higher than the bottom which is also a prarie both forming bluffs to the river of high grass & plumb bush grapes &c. and situated above high water is a small grove of timber at the foot of the riseing ground between those two priraries, and below the bluffs of the high prarie we came too and formed a camp, intending to waite the return of the french man & indians--the white horse which we found near the kanzeis river, died last night posted out our guard and sent out men, captn. lewis & went up the bank and walked a short distance in the high prarie. this prairie is covered with grass of or inches in hight. soil of good quallity &, still further back at the distance of about a mile the countrey rises about or feet higher, and is one continual plain as fur as can be seen, from the bluff on the d rise imediately above our camp the most butifull prospect of the river up & down and the countrey opsd. prosented it self which i ever beheld; the river meandering the open and butifull plains, interspursed with groves of timber, and each point covered with tall timber, such as willow cotton sun mulberry, elm, sucamore, lynn & ash (the groves contain hickory, walnut, coffeenut & oake in addition) two ranges of high land parrelel to each other and from to miles distant between which the river & its bottoms are contained. (from to feet high) joseph fields killed and brought in an anamale called by the french brarow, and by the ponies cho car tooch this anamale burrows in the ground and feeds on flesh, (prarie dogs), bugs, & vigatables--"his shape & size is like that of a beaver, his head mouth &c. is like a dogs with short ears, his tail and hair like that of a ground hog, and longer, and lighter. his interals like the interals of a hog," his skin thick and loose, his belly is white and the hair short--a white streek from his nose to his sholders. the toe nails of his fore feet is one inch & / long, & feet large; the nails of his hind feet / of an inch long, the hind feet small and toes crooked, his legs are short and when he moves just suffcent to raise his body above the ground he is of the bear species. we hav his skin stuffed jo. & r. fields did not return this evening, several men with verry bad boils--cat fish is cought in any part of the river turkeys gees & a beaver killed & cought every thing in prime order men in high spirits. a fair still evening great no. misquitors this evening [lewis, july , ] july the th this day joseph fields killed a braro as it is called by the french engages. this is a singular anamal not common to any part of the united states. it's weight is sixteen pounds.--it is a carniverous anamal. on both sides of the upper jaw is fexed one long and sharp canine tooth.- it's eye are small black and piercing. [clark, july , ] july st tuesday a fair day hunters out this morning g. drewyer killed a verry fat buck one inch fat on the ribs merdn. altd latd. is ° ' " / -north. r & jo. fields returned at oclock the killed deer, and lost the horses, cought a small beever which is already taim, several men out hunting the horses without sukcess, the ottoes not yet arrived, i complete the copy of the courses &c. &c. musqueters verry troubleson [clark, july , ] july st, tuesday a fair day three hunters out, took meridian altitude made the lattd. ° ' " / n. r. & jo. fields returned to camp they killed deer.--the horses strayed off last night. drewyer killed a buck one inch of fat on the ribs, r. & jo. fields returned without any meet haveing been in persuit of the horses--the indians not yet arrived. cought a young beever alive which is already quit tame-. cought a buffalow fish--the evening verry cool, the musqutors are yet troublesom.- [clark, august , ] august the st a fair morning, sent out two men after the horses & one back to examine if the indians have been there, ____ beever cought last night, the air is cool and pleasing prepared the pipe of peace verry flashey. wind rose at oclock and blowed from the w. s. w. very pleasent all day several men geathering grapes &c. two men after the horses which strayed the night before last. those praries produce the blue current common in the u. s. the goose berry common in the u. s, two kind of honeysuckle, the bush which i have seen in kentucky, with a paile pink flower, also one which grow in clusters about or feet high bearing a short flour in clusters of the like colour. the leaves single. deer & an elk killed to day. this being my birth day i order'd a saddle of fat vennison, an elk fleece & a bevertail to be cooked and a desert of cheries, plumbs, raspberries currents and grapes of a supr. quallity. the indians not yet arrived. a cool fine eveninge musquetors verry troublesom, the praries contain cheres, apple, grapes, currents, rasp burry, gooseberris hastlenuts and a great variety of plants & flours not common to the u s. what a field for a botents and a natirless [clark, august , ] august the st a fair morning despatched two men after the horses lost yesterday, one man back to the place from which the messinger was sent for the ottoes to see if any indians was or had been there since our deptr. he return'd and informed that no person had been there sence we left it. the prarie which is situated below our camp is above the high water leavel and rich covered with grass from to feet high intersperced with copse of hazel, plumbs, currents (like those of the u.s.) rasberries & grapes of dift. kinds. also produceing a variety of plants and flowers not common in the united states, two kind of honey suckle one which grows to a kind of a srub. common about harrods burgh in kentucky the other are not so large or tall and bears a flower in clusters short and of a light pink colour, the leaves differ from any of the othe kind in as much as the lieves are distinkd & does not surround the stalk as all the other kind does one elk and three deer killed to day also two beever cought the wind rose at oclock from the w. s. w. and blew a steedy and agreeable breeze all day. the musqutors verry troublesom this evening in the bottoms. took equal altitudes to day and the azmuth with the commencement of the a.m. [clark, august , ] august nd wind from the se g. drewery returned with the horses & one doe elk the countrey thro which he passed is like what we see from the bluff above camp three men out hunting one beaver caught this morning. at sunset chiefs and their warries of the ottos, and missoures, with a french man by the name of far fonge, we shook hands and gave them some tobacco & provisions, they sent us water millions three verry large & fat bucks killed to day the wind continue hard from the s. e.- the qtr. of one buck weigh'd wt / inch fat on the ribs [clark, august , ] august nd thursday a verry pleasent breeze from the s. e. the two men drewyer & colter returned with the horses loaded with elk, those horses they found about miles in a southerly derection from camp. the countrey thro which they passed is similar to what we see from camp. one beaver & a foot of beaver caught in trap cought this morning at sunset mr. fairfong and a pt. of otteau & missourie nation came to camp, among those indians were chiefs, the principal chiefs capt. lewis & myself met those indians & informed them we were glad to see them, and would speak to them tomorrow, sent them som rosted meat pork flour & meal, in return they sent us water millions. every man on his guard & ready for any thing three fat bucks killed this evening the qtrs. of one weighed lbs. [lewis, august , ] august ed . this day one of our hunters brought me a white heron. this bird as an inhabitant of ponds and marasses, and feeds upon tadpoles, frogs, small fish &c--they are common to the mississipi and the lower part of the ohio river, (ie) as high as the falls of that river. this bird weighed two lbs.--it's plumage is perfectly white and very thin f i. from extremity of beak to the extremity of toe / from tipp to tip of wing on the back it's beak is yellow pointed, flated crosswise and inches in length from the upper region of the bill to the eye is one inch in length, covered with a smoth yellow skin the plumage of the head projecting towards the upper bill and coming to a point a an inch beyond the eyes on the center of the upper bill. the mouth opens to distance of the eyes--the eye is full and projecting reather, it is / of half an inch. four joints in the wing inches st joint from body in length ed do. / rd do. / th do. st joint number of feathers length of nd from to th it's legs are black--the neck and beak occupy / it's length. it has four toes on a foot--the outer toe on the right foot is from the joining of the leg to extremity of toe nale inch & / has four joints exclusive of the nail joint--the next is / inches has three joints exclusive of the nale joint. the next is / and has two joints, the heel toe has one joint only and is inches in length. the nails are long sharp and black--the eye is of a deep seagreen colour, with a circle of of pale yellow around the sight forming a border to the outer part of the eye of about half the width of the whole eye. the tale has feathers of six inches in length.--the wings when folded are the same length with the tale. has remarkable tufts of long feathers on each side joining the body at the upper joint of the wing. these cover the feathers of the st joint of the wings when they are over extended [clark, august , ] august rd friday prepare a small preasent for those indians and hold a councul delivered a speech & made chief... gave a fiew preasents and, a smoke a dram, some powder & ball--the man we sent not yet come up, those people express great satisfaction at the speech delivered they are no oreters, big, open counternances, ottoes large missor small at oclock set out under a gentle breeze from the s. e proceeded on n. ° e ms. passed a pt. on the s. s. and round a large sand bar on the l. s. and camped above, below a great number of snags quit across the river, the musquitors more numerous than i ever saw them, all in spirrits, we had some rough convasation g. dr. about boys. the osage & kansies are the same language the ottoes & mahars speek many words of the osarge language the ottos, aiaways, & missouries speake the same language the panies & recreries speak the same language also the loups & repub. the mahar, & poncarar the same language the cheaun, mandin & grovanter the same the probibility is that those defferant tribes have once formed great nats. viz: the missouries, osarge, kanzes, ottoes, mahars, & poncaras & aiauaies one nation. the panies, loups, republican, recrerees the nd the mandans cheeons, & grovanters the rd the tribes of the soux all retain the name th it is possible that the, mahar & poncarear may have been a distinct nation, as they only speek some words of the osage which have the same signification days to st ta fee s. of w. cross the heads of arkansies around the head of kanzies river after delivering a speech informing thos children of ours of the change which had taken place, the wishes of our government to cultivate friendship & good understanding, the method of have good advice & some directions, we made great chief to the who was not present, to whom we adresed the speech & sent some presents or meadels & flag, we made second chiefs one for the missouris & another for the ottos (those two tribes are nearly equal ' each) and principal men, to thos principal men to thos we gave a small comtn. to each man to whom we gave authority, a preasn of br. ch. gart. g. paint & a med. or contn a small corns. was delivered for the whole each chief & principal man delivered a speech acknowledging ther approbation to what they had heard and promised to prosue the good advice and caustion, they were happy w new fathers who gave good advice & to be depended on all concluded by asking a little powder & a drop of milk. i answered those speeches gave them balls one canister of powder & a dram--after cap lewis shot his air gun a few times which astonished the nativs, we set sail. recved from thos people water millions & the cheifs & principal men of the ottoes & missouris made by m l. & w c the rd august viz. indian names tribe english signifiation . we-ar-ruge-nor ottoe little thief . shingo-ton go otto big horse we tha a missourie hospatallity . wau-pe-ur miss. au-ho-ning ga m ba za con ja ottoe au-ho-ne-ga miss. from this place i am told by mr. faufong the interpeter that it will take a man days to go to st. a fee pass, the heads of arkansas, round the kansas head, across some mountains from the top of which the city may be seen the spaniards have envited those indians & the panies to trade with them & some french & a few indians are gorn from the panias to that city this summer- the situation of this place which we call council bluff which is handsom ellevated a spot well calculated for a tradeing establishment, the bank high & leavel on top well calculated for a fort to command the countrey and river the low bottom above high water & well situated under the command of the hill for houses to trade with the natives a butifull plain both abov and below at no other bend on either side does the high land touch the river for some distance up, as i am told. those bluffs afford good clay for brick, a great quantity on the points one opsd. one abov &one below.--the situation i am informed is, within days march of the ottoes, / of the panias, of the mahars, & / of the loups villages, also convenient to the roveing bands of soux, those people are now at war with each other, an establishment here would bring about peace and be the means of keeping of it. augt. d camped on the upper point of a large sand bar l. s. misquters verry bad. some place near conncill bluff will be the most proper place for a tradeing establishment, for maney of the nations, the distance is to the ottoes one days, ponies / days, to the mahar, days, to loups days & a half or men-and convenient for some bands of the sues, [clark, august , ] august rd, friday made up a small preasent for those people in perpotion to their consiqunce. also a package with a meadile to accompany a speech for the grand chief after brackfast we collected those indians under an orning of our main sail, in presence of our party paraded & delivered a long speech to them expressive of our journey the wirkes of our government, some advice to them and directions how they were to conduct themselves, the princapal chief for the nation being absente we sent him the speech flag meadel & some cloathes. after hering what they had to say delivered a medal of second grade to one for the ottos & and one for the missourie present and medals of a third grade to the inferior chief two for each tribe. those two parts of nations, ottos & missouries now residing together is about men are the ottoes composeing / d and missourie / part the names of the chiefs we acknowledged made this day are as follows viz indian name english signftn. st we ar ruge nor ottoe called little theif shon go ton go " " big horse we the a miss. " hospatality shon guss con ottoe " white horse wau pe uh m. ah ho ning ga m. baza cou ja ottoe ah ho ne ga m. those chiefs all delivered a speech acknowledgeing their approbation to the speech and promissing to prosue the advice & derictions given them that they wer happy to find that they had fathers which might be depended on &c. we gave them a cannister of powder and a bottle of whiskey and delivered a few presents to the whole after giveing a br. cth. some paint guartering & a meadele to those we made cheifs after capt lewis's shooting the air gun a feiw shots (which astonished those nativs) we set out and proceeded on five miles on a direct line passed a point on the s. s. & round a large sand bar on the l. s. & camped on the upper point. the misquitors excessively troublesom this evening great appearance of wind and rain to the n. w. we prepare to rec've it--the man liberty whome we sent for the ottoes has not come up he left the ottoes town one day before the indians. this man has eithered tired his horse or, lost himself in the plains some indians are to hunt for him, the situation of our last camp councill bluff or handssom prarie appears to be a verry proper place for a tradeing establishment & fortification the soil of the bluff well adapted for brick, great deel of timbers abov in the two points. many other advantages of a small nature. and i am told senteral to several nations viz. one days march from the ottoe town, one day & a half from the great pania village, days from the mahar towns, two / days from the loups village, & convenient to the countrey thro which bands of the soux hunt. perhaps no other situation is as well calculated for a tradeing establishment. the air is pure and helthy so far as we can judge.- [clark, august , ] august th at oclock the heavens darkened and a violent wind from the n w. suckceeded which lasted about an hour, with a little rain. set out this morning early thro a narrow part of the, the whole channel confined in some parts between the ( ) sand on one side & the bank on the other (which is washing in) within yards, this chanl. crouded with snags. at / m. passed an old tradeing house l. s. where one of our crew passed years p. c tradeing with the mahar; & ponies-above me. a ( ) creek coms in opsd. a large bad ( ) sand bar this ( ) creek is the outlett of ponds, which recved ther water from the smaller streams running from the hills on the l. s, great qts. of gees, passed in the next bend l. s. an out let to the pond, butifull bottom prarie on both sides of the river, pumey stone is found on the sides of the river of various sizes. wind a head. reed the man who went back to the camp of last night for his knife has not come up this evening-we camped at a pt. on the l. s. at a beaver house. buck killed to daye. [clark, august , ] august th satturdaye set out early--(at oclock last night we had a violent wind from the n w som little rain succeeded, the wind lasted with violence for one hour after the wind it was clear sereen and cool all night.) proceeded on passed thro betwen snags which was quit across the rivr the channel confined within yards one side a sand pt. s s. the other a bend, the banks washing away & trees falling in constantly for mile, abov this place is the remains of an old tradeing establishment l. s. where petr. crusett one of our hands stayed two years & traded with the mahars a short distance above is a creek ( ) the out let of three ponds comunicateing with each other, those ponds or rether lakes are fed by springs & small runs from the hills. ( ) a large sand island opposit this creek makeing out from the l. point, from the camp of last night to this creek, the river has latterly changed its bed incroaching on the l. side, in this sand bar i saw great nos. of wild gees--passed a small creek on the l. s about miles above the last both of those creek's are out lets from the small lake which reive their water from the small streems running from the high land--great many pamey stones on the shore of various sises the wind blew hard--reed a man who went back to camp for his knife has not joined us. we camped at a beaver house on the l. s.one buck killed to day- [clark, august , ] august th set out early wind from n e. great appearance of wind & rain, (i have remarked that i have not heard much thunder in this countrey) a verry large snake was killed to day called the bull snake, his colour some thing like a rattle snake something lighter--the bends of the river to day is washing away the banks, haveing nothing to oppose the turbelance of the river when confined by large hard sand points, forceing this current against the bends--the soil of the entire bottom between the high land, being the mud or ooze of the river of some former period mixed with sand & clay easely melts and slips, or washies into the river the mud mixes with the water & the sand collects on the points camped on the s. s.--i went on shore s. s. this evening saw some turkeys and in persueing them struk the river miles below the place by water i went out, i think the peninsuly is about yards across subjuct to overflow; & washes into numerous channels, great quantities of graps ripe & of three defferent kind some large & fine. i killed a turkey, and made camp in the night, musqutors verry troubleson--reed the man who went back for his knife has not yet joined us [clark, august , ] th of august sunday set out early great appearance of wind and rain (i have observed that thundor & lightning is not as common in this countrey as it is in the atlantic states) snakes are not plenty, one was killed to day large and resembling the rattle snake only something lighter-. i walked on shore this evening s. s. in pursueing some turkeys i struck the river twelve miles below within yards, the high water passes thro this peninsulia; and agreeable to the customary changes of the river i concld. that in two years the main current of the river will pass through. in every bend the banks are falling in from the current being thrown against those bends by the sand points which inlarges and the soil i believe from unquestionable appearns. of the entire bottom from one hill to the other being the mud or ooze of the river at some former period mixed with sand and clay easily melts and slips into the river, and the mud mixes with the water & the sand is washed down and lodges on the points--great quantites of grapes on the banks, i observe three different kinds at this time ripe, one of the no. is large & has the flaver of the purple grape. camped on the s. s. the musquitors verry troubleson. the man who went back after his knife has not yet come up, we have some reasons to believe he has deserted [lewis, august , ] august th killed a serpent on the bank of the river adjoining a large prarie. f inch length from nose to tail circumpherence in largest part-- / number of scuta on belly-- do. on tale-- no pison teeth therefore think him perfectly inocent--eyes, center black with a border of pale brown yellow colour of skin on head yellowish green with black specks on the extremity of the scuta which are pointed or triangular colour of back, transverse stripes of black and dark brown of an inch in width, succeeded by a yellowish brown of half that width the end of the tale hard and pointed like a cock's spur the sides are speckled with yellowish brown and black.--two roes of black spots on a lite yellow ground pass throughout his whole length on the upper points of the scuta of the belly and tale / inch apart this snake is vulgarly called the cow or bull snake from a bellowing nois which it is said sometimes to make resembling that anamal, tho as to this fact i am unable to attest it never having heard them make that or any other noise myself. i have frequently observed an acquatic bird in the cours of asscending this river but have never been able to procure one before today, this day i was so fortunate as to kill two of them, they are here more plenty than on the river below. they lay their eggs on the sand bars without shelter or nest, and produce their young from the th to the last of june, the young ones of which we caught several are covered with down of a yellowish white colour and on the back some small specks of a dark brown. they bear a great resemblance to the young quale of ten days oald, and apear like them to be able to runabout and peck their food as soon as they are hatched--this bird, lives on small fish, worms and bugs which it takes on the virge of the water it is seldom seen to light on trees an quite as seldom do they lite in the water and swim tho the foot would indicate that they did it's being webbed i believe them to be a native of this country and probly a constant resident. the weight of the male bird is one ounce and a half, its length from beak to toe / inches from tip to tip of wing across the back one foot seven inches and a half the beak is one / inch lonong, large where it joins the head elated on the sides and tapering to a sharp point, a little declining and curvated, a fine yellow, with a shade of black on the extremity of upper beak; the eye is prominent, black and on a angular scale of / inc; occupyse / in width. the upper part of the head is black from the beak as low as the middle of the eye and a little below the joining of the neck except however some white which joins the upper part of the beak which forks and passing over the sides of the forehead terminate above each eye--the under part of the bird, that is the throat and cheeks as high as the eye, the neck brest belly and under part of the wings and tail are of a fine white, the upper part of the neck, back, and wings are of a fine, quaker colour, or bright dove colour with reather more of a bluish tint-except however the three first or larger feathers in the wing which on upper side are of a deep black. the wing has four joints no. joint length of joint no. of feathers length of do. / a clump of feathers not strong but loosly connect with the flesh of the wing / / from / to / / / the tail has eleven feathers the outer of which are an inch longer than those in the center gradually tapering inwards which gives the tale a forked appearance like that of the swally the largest or outer feather is / that of the shortest / --the leg and thye are three inches long the leg occupying one half this length the thye is covered with feathers except about / of an inch above the knee the leg is of a bright yellow and nails long sharp and black the foot is webbed and has three toes forward; the heel or back toe is fixed to the leg above the palm of the foot, and is unconnected by a web to the other toes, it has no nail. the wings when foalded lap like those of the swallow and extend at least an inch and a half beyond the tale. this bird is very noysey when flying which is dose exttreemly swift the motion of the wing is much like that of kildee it has two notes one like the squaking of a small pig only on reather a high kee, and the other kit'-tee'- kit'-tee'--as near as letters can express the sound--the beak of the female is black and the black and quaker colour of the male in her is yellowish brown mixed with dove colour [clark, august , ] august th monday at oclock last night a violent storm of wind & rain from the n. w. one perogue (bapteest le joness patroon) lost her colours set out early & proceeded on passed a large island on the s. s. back of this island rivie de soldiert come in on the s. s.--the solder's river is about the sise of nodaway yd. wide at the mouth, passed two remarkable places, where the river had once passed--we have every reason to belive that one man has deserted moses b. reed he has been absent three days and one french man we sent to the indian camps has not joined us, we have reasons to beleve he lost himself in attempting to join us at the council bluff--we are deturmind to send back men to take reede dead or alive, also hunt la liberty and to meet us at the mahar nation as soon as the order is executed. [clark, august , ] th august, monday at oclock last nigh a violent storm of wind from the n w. some rain one pr. of colours lost in the storm from the bige perogue. set out early and proceeded on passed a large island on the s. s. back of this isd. soldiers river mouths, i am told by one of the men that this river is about the size of nadawa river yards wide at the mouth. reed has not yet come up. neither has la liberty the frenchman whome we sent to the indian camps a fiew miles below the council bluffs. [clark, august , ] august th tuesday last night about oclock a storm of wind from the n. w. which lasted / of an hour mosquitors more troublesom last night than i ever saw them, set out late this morning wind n. [clark, august , ] th august tuesday last night at oclock a storm from the n w. lasted / of an hour let out late this morning wind from the north--at oclock dispatched george drewyer, r. fields, wm. bratten & wm. labieche back after the deserter reid with order if he did not give up peaceibly to put him to death &c. to go to the ottoes village & enquire for la liberty and bring him to the mahars village, also with a speech on the occasion to the ottoes & missouries--and directing a few of their chiefs to come to the mahars, & we would make a peace between them & the mahar and souex, a string of wompom & a carrot of tobacco. proceeded on and camped on the s. s. i walked on shore with one man collies,-the bottoms covered with very collin killed an elk, i fired times at one & have reasons to think i kiled him but could not find him, the misqutors were so troublesom and misqutors thick in the plains that i could not keep them out of my eyes, with a bush. in my absens capt lewis killed a pelican on pelicans island, at which place maney hundreds had collected, they left fish which was. fresh and very good, we camped on the s. s. in a streght part of the river- [clark, august , ] august the th set out this morning at the usial time at about miles ( ) passed a part of the river so choked up with snags that we found a little dificult to get thro with safty, the wind as usial from the n w. one of the soldiers killed a pilican on the sand isd. passed the mouth of little ( ) river de cueoux on the s. s. this river is about yards wide & navagable for pirogus some distance & runs parrelel to the missourie it corns in from the river from the n e, it contains great quantitys offish common to the countrey. two miles above is ( ) an island the channel formerly run on the right with sand.--the current runs to the left. many hundreds of pelicans on this island--we call it pelican isld. cap lewis killed one this river soux called by the sueoux ed-neah wau-de-pon i'e stone r heads in three leagues of the river demoin, and passes thro a lake about legues in sircfs. which is also within leagus of the demoin, this lake at one place is confined by two rocks within a narrow space--this lake of different widths, with many small islands, from the lake to the mahars about distant days march to the dog plains leagues, one principal branch of the demoin is calld. cat river, the lake which this river litt souex heads in is called despree [clark, august , ] th august wednesday set out this morning at the usial time at two miles passed ( ) a bend to l. s. choaked up with snags our boat run on two in turning to pass through, we got through with safty the wind from n w. ( ) passed the mouth of a river on the s. side called by the soux indians ed-neah wau de pon (or stone river) the french call this river petite rivre de cuouex it is about yards wide and as (mr. durion says whos been on the heads of it and the country abt) is navagable for perogues som distance runs parrelel to the missourie some distance, then falls down from n e thro a roleing countrey open, the head of this river is miles from the r demon at which place the demoin is yd wide, this little cuouex passes thro a lake called despree which is within leagues of the deemoin the said lake is about leagues in circumfrance and is divided into by two rocks approaching verry near each other, this lake is of various width, containing many islands- from this lake to the maha days march, as is said to be near the dog plains one princpal branch of the demoin is called cat river the demoin is sholey capt. lewis took medn. altitude of the sun made it ° ' " lat ° ' " and i took one man and went on shore the man killed an elk i fired times at one & did not kill him, my ball being small i think was the reason, the misqutors so bad in the praries that with the assistance of a bush i could not keep them out of my eyes, the boat turned several tims to day on sand bars--in my absenc the boat passed a island miles above the litte scouex r on the upper point of the isld some hundreds of pelicans were collected, they left fish on the sand which was verry fine, capt lewis killed one & took his dimentions, i joined the boat and we camped on the s s. worthe of remark that snakes are not plenty in this part of the missourie [lewis, august , ] august th we had seen but a few aquatic fouls of any kind on the river since we commenced our journey up the missouri, a few geese accompanied by their young, the wood duck which is common to every part of this country & crains of several kinds which will be discribed in their respective places--this day after we had passed the river souix as called by mr. mackay (or as is more properly called the stone river,) i saw a great number of feathers floating down the river those feathers had a very extraordinary appearance as they appeared in such quantities as to cover pretty generally sixty or seventy yards of the breadth of the river. for three miles after i saw those feathers continuing to run in that manner, we did not percieve from whence they came, at length we were surprised by the appearance of a flock of pillican at rest on a large sand bar attatched to a small island the number of which would if estimated appear almost in credible; they apeared to cover several acres of ground, and were no doubt engaged in procuring their ordinary food; which is fish, on our approach they flew and left behind them several small fish of about eight inches in length, none of which i had seen before--the pellican rested again on a sand bar above the island which we called after them from the number we saw on it. we now approached them within about three hundred yards before they flew; i then fired at random among the flock with my rifle and brought one down; the discription of this bird is as follows. habits they are a bird of clime remain on the coast of floriday and the borders of the gulph of mexico & even the lower portion of the mississippi during the winter and in the spring (see for date my thermometrical observations at the river dubois.-) visit this country and that farther north for the purpose of raising their young--this duty seems now to have been accomplished from the appearance of a young pilacon which was killed by one of our men this morning, and they are now in large flocks on their return to their winter quarters. they lay usually two eggs only and chuise for a nest a couple of logs of drift wood near the water's edge and with out any other preperation but the thraught formed by the proximity of those two logs which form a trough they set and hatch their young which after nurture with fish their common food measure f i from beak to toe tip to tip of wing beak length do. width from to / neck length st joint of wing ed do. / rd do. --- th do. --- / length of leg including foot do. of thy discription of colour &c the beak is a whiteish yellow the under part connected to a bladder like pouch, this pounch is connected to both sides of the lower beak and extends down on the under side of the neck and terminates in the stomach--this pouch is uncovered with feathers, and is formed two skins the one on the inner and the other on the center side a small quantity of flesh and strings of which the anamal has at pleasure the power of moving or drawing in such manner as to contract it at pleasure. in the present subject i measured this pouch and found it's contents gallons of water the feet are webbed large and of a yellow colour, it has four toes the hinder toe is longer than in most aquatic fouls, the nails are black, not sharp and / an inch in length the plumage generally is white, the feathers are thin compared with the swan goose or most aquatick fouls and has but little or no down on the body. the upper part of the head is covered with black feathers short, as far as the back part of the head--the yellow skin unfeathered extends back from the upper beak and opening of the mouth and comes to a point just behind the eye the large feathers of the wings are of a deep black colour--the st & nd joint of from the body above the same is covered with a second layer of white feathers which extend quite half the length of those large feathers of the wing--the thye is covered with feathers within a quarter of an inch of the knee. inch st joint of wing has feathers no. length black ed do. no. length inch rd do. no. length inch th do. no. length inch it has a curious frothy substance which seems to devide its feathers from the flesh of the body and seems to be composes of globles of air and perfectly imbraces the part of the feather which extends through the skin.the wind pipe terminates in the center of the lower part of the upper and unfeathered part of the pouch and is secured by an elastic valve commanded at pleasure. the green insect known in the u states by the name of the sawyer or chittediddle, was first heard to cry on the th of july, we were then in latitude ° some minutes. the prarie hen or grouse, was seen in the praries between the missouri and the river platte [clark, august , ] th augt thursday the fog of this morning detained us untill / passed oclock at which time we left our moreing and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. e, i went on shore found the land the same as yesterday killed a turkey and camped on the l. s. great deel of beaver sign to day one beaver cought musquetors worse this evening than ever i have seen them. [clark, august , ] th august thursday the fog being thick detained us untile half pasd. oclock at which time we set out and proceeded on under gentle breeze from the s e i walked on shore, saw an elk, crossed a istmust of / of a mile to the river, & returned to the boat camped on the l. s. above a beaver den. musqutors verry troubleson. [clark, august , ] august th satturday about day this morning a hard wind from the n. w. followed by rain, we landed at the foot of the hill on which black bird the late king of the mahar who died years ago & of his nation with the small pox was buried ( ) and went up and fixed a white flag bound with blue white & read on the grave which was about foot base & circueller, on the top of a penical about foot above the water of the river, from the top of this hill may be seen the bends or meanderings of the river for or miles round & all the county around the base of this high land is a soft sand stone bluff of about or foot, the crooked, passed a creek called wau-con di peche c or bad god creek of bad spirits on the l. s above the bluff on this creek the mahars had the small pox years ago, lattitude ° ' " / taken on the point above the creek. the river is verry crooked, we are now within / of a mile of the river at a place we shall not get around to untill tomorrow noon--we er legues from the mahars by land and the great deel of beaver sign induce a belief that those people do not hunt much. i have observed a number of places where the river has changd its bead at different times [clark, august , ] th august satturday . about day light this morning a hard wind from the n w. with some rain proceeded on arround the right of the isld. a hard wind accompanied with rain from the s. e. after the rain was over capt. lewis myself & men assended the hill on the l. s. under which there was some fine springs to the top of a high point where the mahars king black bird was burried years ago. a mound of earth about diamuter at the base & feet high is raised over him turfed, and a pole feet high in the center on this pole we fixed a white flage bound with red blue & white; this hill about feet above the water forming a bluff between that & the water of various hight from to feet in hight yellow soft sand stone from the tops of this nole the river may be seen meandering for or miles, we decended & set out n. to w. / me. passing over a sand bar on the s. pt. along the willows. to the river opposit a small beyeau on the l. s. which is the conveyance of the high water from a bend which appears near in a northerly direction, haveing passed a creek in a deep bend to the l. s. called by the mahars wau can di peeche (great spirrit is bad) on this creek & hills near it about of the mahar died with the small pox- took medn. altitude & made the latd. ° ' " / n. also the moons distanc from the sun i have observed a number of places where the river has onced run and now filled or filling up & growing with willows & cottonwood [clark, august , ] th august sunday a south wind we set out early the river wider than usial, and shallow, at we halted in a bend to the left to take the meridian altitude, & dine, & sent one man across where we took dinner yesterday to step off the distance across isthmus, he made it yards, and the bend around is / miles above this bend about miles, a yellow & brown bluff comnuces and continus or miles on the l. s. this bluff has some sand stone, some rich black mole mixed with yellow clay, a fiew red ceeder on the tope, which is, from to foot high the hill still riseing back, i think may be estemated at foot on the top is timber, the wind for a few hours this evening was hard and from the s. e. in the evening about oclock cap l. & my self wen on shore to shoot a prarie wolf which was barking at us as we passed this prarie wolf barked like a large fest and is not much larger, the beaver is verry plenty, not with standing we are almost in sight of the mahar town--cought a verry large catfish this morniong, prepared the indian present which we intend given to the mahars. p. wiser apt. cook to serjt. floyds squad from to day [clark, august , ] th august sunday set out early under a gentle breeze from the south the river wider than usial and shallow ( ) at oclock we halted to take a meridian altd. of the sun & sent a man back or i may say across to the bind of the river where capt. lewis took the mdn. altitude yesterday, to step off the distance, he made it yards across, the distance arround the bend is / miles--about miles above the bend on the l. s. is the commencement of a bluff which is about miles extending on the river, of yellow and brown clay in some parts in it near the river a soft sand stone is inbeded on the top (which is from to feet above the water, & rises back) is covered with timber, a fiew red ceider is on this bluff, the wind comes round to the s. e. a prarie wolf come near the bank and barked at us this evening, we made an attempt but could not git him, this animale barkes like a large feste dog. beever is verry plenty on this part of the river. i prepare some presents for to give the indians of the mahars nation. wiser apt. cook & supentdt. of the provisions of sergt. floyds squad. we camped on a sand island in a bend to the s. s. musquitors verry troublesom untile the wind rose. at one or oclock [clark, august , ] th of august munday . set out this morning at day light the usial time and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. e. passed the island. from this fish camp the river is n ° west as far as can be seen, the sand bar only changeing the derection of the current the hills leave the river on the l. side [clark, august , ] august th monday set out this morning at light the usial time and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s e [clark, august , ] th of august at oclock the party sent yesterday to the towns returned, and informed that they could not find any indians, they had not returned from hunting the buffalow in the praries, wind shifted to the n w. our party sent after the deserter and to the otteau towns, have not came up as yet the situation of this village, now in ruins siround by enunbl. hosts of grave the ravages of the small pox ( years ago) they follow the buf. and tend no corn [clark, august , ] th august tuesday a fine morning wind from the s e the men sent to the mahar town last evening has not returned we conclude to send a spye to know the cause of their delay at about oclock the party returned and in-formed. us that they could not find the indians nor any fresh sign, those people have not returned from their buffalow hunt, those people haveing no houses no corn or any thing more than the graves of their ancesters to attach them to the old village, continue in pursuite of the buffalow longer than others who had greater attachments to their native villagethe ravages of the small pox (which swept off men & women & children in perpoposion) has reduced this nation not exceeding men and left them to the insults of their weaker neighbours which before was glad to be on friendly turms with them--i am told whin this fatal malady was among them they carried ther franzey to verry extroadinary length, not only of burning their village, but they put their wives & children to death with a view of their all going together to some better countrey--they burry their dead on the tops of high hills and rais mounds on the top of them,--the cause or way those people took the small pox is uncertain, the most probable from some other nation by means of a warparty observed time and distance of the sun & moon the moon east the th of august monday , three miles ne of the mahars old village at fish camp- [clark, august , ] august th wendesday i took ten men & went out to beaver dam across a creek about a mile s w from camp, and with a brush drag caught fish, of the following kind (i'e) pike, samon, bass, pirch, red horse, small cat, & a kind of perch called on the ohio silverfish i also caught the srimp which is common to the lower part of the mississippi, in this creek & in the beaver pond is emince beads of mustles verry large & fat--in my absence capt lewis send the souex interpr & a party to a smoke which appeared to rise at no great distance to the north with a view to find some band of that nation, they returned and informed that they had been made some time by some small party, and the hard wind of to day had set the prarie on fire from some high trees, which was left burning all well, party from ottoes not come up. camp three miles n. e of the mahar village [clark, august , ] august th wednesday i went with ten men to a creek damed by the beavers about half way to the village, with some small willow & bark we mad a drag and haulted up the creek, and cought fish of different kind i'e peke, bass, salmon, perch, red horse, small cat, and a kind of perch called silverfish, on the ohio.--i cought a srimp prosisely of shape size & flavour of those about n. orleans & the lower party of the mississippi in this creek which is only the pass or streight from beaver pond to another, is crouded with large mustles verry fat, ducks, pliver of different kinds are on those ponds as well as on the river in my absence capt. lewis sent mr. durioue the souix interpeter & three men to examine a fire which threw up an emence smoke from the praries on the n. e. side of the river and at no great distance from camp--the object of this party was to find some bands of seouex which the inptr. thought was near the smoke and get them to come in--in the evening this party returned and infoermed, that the fire arrose from some trees which had been left burning by a small party of seoux whom had passed several days--the wind setting from that point, blew the smoke from that pt. over our camp. our party all in health and sperrits the men sent to the ottoes & in pursute of the deserter reed has not yet returned or joined our party. [clark, august , ] aug. th a verry cool morning the winds as usial from the n w. capt lewis with men went out to the creek & pond & caught about fine fish with a bush drag of the following kind i.e. pike, salmon, rock, flat back, buffalow & readhorse, bass & cat, with many small & large silver fish,--i had a mast made & fixed to day the party sent to the ottoes not yet arrived. the wind shifted around to the s e. the night's are cool & a breeze rises after generally; sometimes before night which blows off the musquitors cools the atmospere. [clark, august , ] th august thursday fishing camp ms. n. e. of the mahars. a verry cool morning the wind as usial from the n w. capt lewis took men & went to the pond & crek between camp and the old village and cought upwards of boo fine fish, pike, salmon, rock,flat back, buffalow & red horse bass & catt. with many small silver fish i had a mast made &fixed to the boat to day, the party sent to the ottoes not yet joined us--the wind shifted arround to the s. e. everry evening a breeze rises which blows off the musquitors & cools the atmispeire. [clark, august , ] th august . a fine morning wind from the s. e. i will here annex the latds & distances of the different notable placies from the river dubois or mouth up. the longitudes are not yet calculated, we must be at this time about ° ' " west of greenwich--i collected a grass much resembling wheet with a grain like rye, much fuller of grain, one like rye & one like barley grass small, a grass like timothey except the seed which is on branches from the main stalk- late this evening one of the party sent after the deserters returned & joined us, he left the party miles back, they cought both deserters, one of them la liberty, got away from them, the great chief & nd chief of the ottoes accompaned the party with a view to bring about a peice between themselves & the mahar a great missfortune that the mahars have not returned from the hunt--sent & fiered the prarie near camp to bring in the mahars & souex if any are near. a cool evening, beever cought [clark, august , ] th august friday . a fine morning the wind from the s. e. i collected a grass much resembling wheat in its grouth the grain like rye, also some resembling rye & barly. a kind of timothey, the seed of which branches from the main stalk & is more like flax seed than that of a timothey at oclock this evening labieche one of the party sent to the ottoes joined, and informed that the party was behind with one of the deserters m b. reed and the principal chiefs of the nations--la liberty they cought but he decived them and got away--the object of those chiefs comeing forward is to make a peace with the mahars thro us-. as the mahars are not at home this great object cannot be accomplished at this time set the praries on fire to bring the mahars & soues if any were near, this being the usial signal. a cool evining two beaver cought to day. [clark, august , ] th august a fine morning, despatched jo. fields for the party from the ottoes, whom did not come up last night wind from the s. e. (panies returned from their hunt, the th of august) in the after part of the day the party arrived, we had a short talk after which we gave them provisions to eate & proceeded to the trial of reed, he confessed, & we sentenced him only to run the ganelet four times thro the detachment & party, and not to be considered in the future as one of the permonant party, after the punihment of about lashes, at night we had some talk with the chiefs about the cause of war between them and the mahars. posponed the further consultation untill tomorrow. had a dance which lasted untile oclock, the close of cap lewis birthday. a fine evening wind s. e sent to the towns, i e reiubin fields will. brattin g. drewyer & w labieche. [clark, august , ] th august satday a fine morning. wind from the s. e. in the after part of the day the party with the indians arrivd. we meet them under a shade near the boat and after a short talk we gave them provisions to eat & proceeded to the trail of reed, he confessed that he "deserted & stold a public rifle shot-pouch powder & bals" and requested we would be as favourable with him as we could consistantly with our oathes-which we were and only sentenced him to run the gantlet four times through the party & that each man with swichies should punish him and for him not to be considered in future as one of the party the three principal chiefs petitioned for pardin for this man after we explained the injurey such men could doe them by false representation, & explang. the customs of our countrey they were all satisfied with the propriety of the sentence & was witness to the punishment. after which we had some talk with the chiefs about the orrigan of the war between them & the mahars &c. &c.--it commenced in this way i'e' in two of the missouries tribe resideing with the ottoes went to the mahars to steel horses, they killed them both which was a cause of revenge on the part of the missouris & ottoes, they also brought war on themselves nearly in the same way with the panea loups and they are greatly in fear of a just revenge from the panies for takeing their corn from the pania towns in their absence hunting this summer. the evening was closed with an extra gill of whiskey & a dance untill oclock. [clark, august , ] th of august sunday a fine morning wind from the s. e i prepd. a present from the chiefs & warriers, the main chief brack fast with us naked; & beged for a sun glass.--at oclock we assembled the cheifs & warriers under an orning and delivered a speech, explanitary of the one sent to this nation from the council bluff, &c. &c.- children when we sent the men to your towns, we expected to see & speake with the mahas by the time you would arrive and to lay the foundation of a peace between you and them the speech of petieit villeu little thief, if you think right and can waite untill all our warriers come from the buffalows hunt, we can then tell you who is our men of consequnce--my fathers always lived with the father of the b together & we always live with the big hose-all the men here are the suns of chief and will be glad to get something from the hands of their fathers.--my father always directed me to be friendly with the white people, i have always done so and went often to the french, give my party pieces of paper & we will be glad--the names a meddel to car ka pa ha or crow's head a comsi or cfte. sar na no ne or iron eyes a ottoe approves & says he is brave nee swor un ja big ax a ottoe approves star gra hun ja big blue eyes a ottoe delivers up his comm ne ca sa wa-black cat a missouris approves the council & he wants paper for his men at home, he after wards came & petitioned for his paper war-sar sha co-brave man aproves the speach of the big horse i went to the hunt buffalow i heard your word and i returned, i and all my men with me will attend to your wordsyou want to make peace with all, i want to make peace also, the young men when they want to go to war where is the goods you give me to keep them at home, if you give me some whisky to give a drop to my men at home. i came here naked and must return home naked. if i have something to give the young men i can prevent their going to war. you want to make peace with all, it is good we want something to give my men at home. i am a pore man, and cant quiet without means, a spoon ful of your milk will quiet all. nd speech of the little thief i want mr. faufon & mr. la bieche to make a piece with the panies loups. i want william to go & make a piece with the loups, he can speake english & will doe will to go.--refused that william labiech shall accompany faufon those people were not well satisfied with the presents given them, they were much surprised at the air gun and several curiosities which were shown them none more than the magnet, those people became extreemly troublesom to us begging whisky & little articles. sergt. floyd was taken violently bad with the beliose cholick and is dangerously ill we attempt in vain to releive him, i am much concerned for his situation- we could get nothing to stay on his stomach a moment nature appear exosting fast in him every man is attentive to him york prlly [clark, august , ] th august sunday a find morning wind from the s. e. prepared a small present for the cheifs and warriers present. the main cheif brackfast with us, & beged for a sun glass, those people are all naked, covered only with breech clouts blankits or buffalow roabes, the flesh side painted of differant colours & figures. at oclock we assembled the chiefs & warriers in number under an orning, and we explained the speech sent to the nation from the council bluffs by mr. faufon. the chiefs and all the men or warriers made short speeches approveing the advice & council their great father had sent them, and concluded by giveing themselves some credit for their acts. we then brought out the presents and exchanged the big horses meadel & gave him one equal to the one sent to the little thief & gave all some small articls & carrots of tobacco, we gave one small meadel to one of the cheifs & a sertificate to the others of their good intentions. names the little theif grd. cheif i have mentioned before the big horse crows head (or) kar ka paha--missory black cat (or) ne ma sa wa--do iron eyes (or) sar na no no--ottoe big ax (or) nee swar un ja--do big blue eyes--star gea hun ja--do brave man (or) war sar sha co one of those indians after reciving his certificate delivd. it again to me the big blue eyes the chief petitioned for the ctft. again, we would not give the certft. but rebuked them verry roughly for haveing in object goods and not peace with their neighbours--this language they did not like at first, but at length all petitioned for us to give back the certificate to the big blu eyes he came forward and made a plausible excuse, i then gave the certificate the great cheif to bestow it to the most worthey, they gave it to him, we then gave them a,dram & broke up the council, the chiefs requested we would not leave them this evening. we deturmed to set out early in the morning we showed them many curiosities and the air gun which they were much asstonished at. those people beged much for wishey--serjeant floyd is taken verry bad all at one with a beliose chorlick we attempt to relieve him without success as yet, he gets wordse and we are muc allarmed at his situation, all attention to him. [clark, august , ] th august monday after gieving faufon some goods the indians a canister of whiskey, we set out under a jentle breeze from the s. e shields went with the horses--i am dull & heavy been up the greater part of last night with serjt. floyd, who is as bad as he can be to live the motion of his bowels having changed &c. &c. is the cause of his violent attack &c. &c. we came to make a warm bath for sergt. floyd hopeing it would brace him a little, before we could get him in to this bath he expired, with a great deel of composure, haveing said to me before his death that he was going away and wished me to write a letter--we buried him to the top of a high round hill over looking the river & countrey for a great distance situated just below a small river without a name to which we name & call floyds river, the bluffs sergts. floyds bluff-we buried him with all the honors of war, and fixed a ceeder post at his head with his name title & day of the month and year capt lewis read the funeral service over him after paying everry respect to the body of this desceased man (who had at all times given us proofs of his impatiality sincurity to ourselves and good will to serve his countrey) we returned to the boat & proceeded to the mouth of the little river yd. wide & camped a butifull evening [clark, august , ] th august monday sergeant floyd much weaker and no better. made mr. fauforn the interpter a fiew presents, and the indians a canister of whisky we set out under a gentle breeze from the s. e. and proceeded on verry well- serjeant floyd as bad as he can be no pulse & nothing will stay a moment on his stomach or bowels passed two islands on the s. s. and at first bluff on the s s. serj. floyd died with a great deel of composure, before his death he said to me, "i am going away. i want you to write me a letter"--we buried him on the top of the bluff / miles below a small river to which we gave his name, he was buried with the honors of war much lamented; a seeder post with the ( ) name sergt. c. floyd died here th of august was fixed at the head of his grave--this man at all times gave us proofs of his firmness and deturmined resolution to doe service to his countrey and honor to himself after paying all the honor to our decesed brother we camped in the mouth of floyds river about yards wide, a butifull evening.- [clark, august , ] st august tuesday we set out verry early this morning under a gentle breeze from the s. e course s. ° e mes to the upper pt. of a bluff on the s. s. passed willow creek and some rock below the mouth of the seouex river on the starboard side those clifts are about feet high, this river heads with the st. peters and is navagable leagues (by the act. of mr. durien) to a fall of near for, large & som small pitchs below the falls on the right a creek corns in on which the red pipe stone is percured, & in the praries about, a place of peace with all nations. [clark, august , ] st august tuesday we set out verry early this morning and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. e. passed willow creek small on the s. s. below a bluff of about feet high and one / mes. above floyds river at / miles higher & above the bluff passed the soues river s. s. this river is about the size of grand river and as mr. durrien our scones intptr. says "navagable to the falls or leagues and above these falls" still further, those falls are feet or there abouts & has two princapal pitches, and heads with the st. peters passing the head of the demoien, on the right below the falls a creek coms in which passes thro clifts of red rock which the indians make pipes of, and when the different nations meet at those queries all is piece, passed a place in a prarie on the l. s. where the mahars had a village formerly. the countrey above the platt r has a great similarity. campd. on the l. side. clouds appear to rise in the west & threten wind. i found a verry excellent froot resembling the read current, the scrub on which it grows resembles privey & about the common hight of a wild plumb- the two men sent with the horses has not joined us as yet [clark, august , ] nd of august wendesday set out early wind from the south. g shannon joined the boat last night. course this morning is s ° w. / on the s. point west / me. to the commencement of a bluff on the l. s. the high land near the river for some distance below. this bluff contain pyrites alum, copperass & a kind markesites also a clear soft substance which will mold and become pliant like wax) capt lewis was near being poisened by the smell in pounding this substance i belv to be arsenic or cabalt. i observe great quantity of cops. ans and almin pure & straters of white & brown earth of inch thick. a creek corns in above the bluffs on which there is great quantities of those minerals, this creek i call roloje a at those allom banks shields joined in with two deer camped on the s. s. a great deel of elk sign fresh capt. lewis took a dost of salts this evening to carry off the effects of (arsenec) or cobalt which he was trying to find out the real quallity ( ) passed a clift of rock much impregnated with alum, containing also a great quantity of cabalt ordered a vote of the men for a sergeant of the three highest numbers a choice to be made gass bratton & gibson--gass is worth remark, that my ink after standing in the pot or four days soaks up & becons thick [clark, august , ] nd august friday set out early wind from the south at three miles we landed at a bluff where the two men sent with the horses were waiting with two deer, by examonation of this ( ) bluff contained alum, copperas, cobalt, pyrites; a alum rock soft & sand stone. capt. lewis in proveing the quality of those minerals was near poisoning himself by the fumes & tast of the cabalt which had the appearance of soft isonglass--copperas & alum is verry pure, above this bluff a small creek coms in from the l. s. passing under the clifts for several miles, this creek i call roloje a name i learned last night in my sleep. ( ) eight) seven miles above is a clift of allom stone of a dark brown colr. containing also in crusted in the crevices & shelves of the rock great qts. of cabalt, semented shels & a red earth. from this the ( ) river bends to the east and is within or miles of the river soues at the place where that river coms from the high land into the low prarie & passes under the foot of those hills to its mouth. capt lewis took a dost of salts to work off the effects of the arsenic, we camped on the s. s. sailed the greater part of this day with a hard wind from the s. e. great deel of elk sign, and great appearance of wind from the n. w. ordered a vote for a serjeant to chuse one of three which may be the highest number the highest numbers are p. gass had votes, bratten & gibson [clark, august , ] rd august thursday set out this morning verry early, the two men r. fields & shannon did not come up last night, i went out and killed a fine buck, j. fields killed a buffaloes, elk swam by the boat whilst i was out and was not killed, many guns fired at it r. fields came up with the horses & brought two deer, collins killed a small doe, several prarie wolves seen course west mls. to the mouth of a small run between two bluffs of yellow clay north / miles to the upper pt. of some timber in the bend to s. s. near where r. fields killed the buffalow passed the pt. of high land on s. s at / of a mile, capt. lewis went out with men & brought the buffalow to the river at this bend, c. lewis killed a goose, wind blew hard of the flying sands which rasies like a cloud of smoke from the bars when the wind blows, the sand being fine and containing a breat perpotion of earth and when it lights it sticks to every thing it touches at this time the grass is white s ° miles to a point of willows on the s. s. haveing passed the sand island l. s camped on the l s above the island saw an elk standing on a sand bar. shields shot it thro the neck / [clark, august , ] rd august thursday set out this morning verry early the two men with the horses did not come up last night i walked on shore & killed a fat buck--j. fields sent out to hunt came to the boat and informed that he had killed a buffalow in the plain a head cap lewis took men and had the buffalow brought to the boat in the next bend to the s s. elk swam the river, and was fired at from the boat r. fields came up with the horses and brought two deer one deer killed from the boat. several prarie wolves seen to day saw elk standing on the sand bar the wind blew hard west and raised the sands off the bar in such clouds that we could scercely see this sand being fine and verry light stuck to every thing it touched, and in the plain for a half a mile the distance i was out every spire of grass was covered with the sand or dust we camped on the l. s. above a sand island one beaver cought [clark, august , ] th august friday . some rain last night & this morning, we set out at the usial time and proceeded on the same course of last night continued s. ° w. / mes. to the commencement of a blue clay bliff on ls. about or feet high west under rugged bluffs / ms. passing several small dreens, falling into the river those bluffs has been lately on fire and is yet verry hott, great appearance of coal, & imence quantities of cabalt in side of that part oft the bluff which sliped in, on the sides of the hill great quanities of a kind of current or froot resembling the current in appearance much richer and finer flavd. grows on a scrub resembling a damsen and is now fine and makes a delightful) tart above this bluff i took my servent and a french boy i have and walked on shore i killed a deer which york packed on his back in the evening i killed two buck elk and wounded two others which i could not pursue by the blood as my ball was so small to bleed them well, my boys each shot an elk--it was late and i crossed a point struck the river above and halted the boat and men went out brought in the meat all the after part of the day it rained we are all wet. capt lewis and my self concluded to visit a high hill situated in an emence plain three leagues n. ° w. from the mouth of white stone river, this hill appear to be of a conic form and by all the different nations in this quater is supposed to be a place of deavels ors that they are in human form with remarkable large heads and about inches high; that they are very watchfull and ar armed with sharp arrows with which they can kill at a great distance; they are said to kill all persons who are so hardy as to attemp to approach the hill; they state that tradition informs them that many indians have suffered by these little people and among others that three maha men fell a sacrefice to their murceyless fury not meany years since--so much do the mahas souix ottoes and other neibhbouring nations believe this fable that no consideration is sufficient to induce them to approach this hill. [clark, august , ] th august friday some rain last night, a continuation this morning; we set out at the usial time and proceeded on the course of last night to the ( ) commencement of a blue clay bluff of or feet high on the l. s. those bluffs appear to have been laterly on fire, and at this time is too hot for a man to bear his hand in the earth at any debth, gret appearance of coal. an emence quantity of cabalt or a cristolised substance which answers its discription is on the face of the bluff- great quantities of a kind of berry resembling a current except double the sise and grows on a bush like a privey, and the size of a damsen deliciously flavoured & makes delitefull tarts, this froot is now ripe, i took my servent and a french boy and walked on shore killed two buck elks and a faun, and intersepted the boat and had all the meat butchered and in by sun set at which time it began to rain and rained hard, cap lewis & my self walk out & got verry wet, a cloudey rainey night,--in my absence the boat passed a small ( ) river called by the indians white stone river. this river is about yards wide and runs thro a plain & prarie in its whole course in a northerley direction from the mouth of this creek in an imence plain a high hill is situated, and appears of a conic form and by the different nations of indians in this quarter is suppose to be the residence of deavels. that they are in human form with remarkable large heads and about inches high, that they are very watchfull, and are arm'd with sharp arrows with which they can kill at a great distance; they are said to kill all persons who are so hardy as to attempt to approach the hill; they state that tradition informs them that many indians have suffered by those little people and among others three mahar men fell a sacrefise to their murceyless fury not many years since--so much do the maha, souis, ottoes and other neighbouring nations believe this fable that no consideration is suffecient to induce them to apporach the hill [lewis, august , ] friday, august th this day the chronometer stoped again just after being wound up; i know not the cause, but fear it procedes from some defect which it is not in my power to remedy.- [clark, august , ] ( ) about the center of this sand island the river of white stone (as called by mr. evins kenvill r.) falls in on the stard. side it appear to be about or yards wide; at the mouth of this river indians had latterly cross supposed be be soues, the part of a band which are at war with the mahars, this soues nation are divided into bands som to men in a band at peace with eath other, ther interest & prejudices different, for instance one band the most envetterate enimy of the mahars, all the other bands in the greatest harmony with that nation and even go with thim to war, those soues, follow the buffalow, & kill them on foot, they pack their dogs, which carry ther bedn. [clark, august , ] augt. th satturday this morning capt lewis & my self g d. sjt. ouderway shields j. fields colter bratten cane labeeche corp wovington frasure & york set out to visit this mountain of evel spirits, we set out from the mouth of the white stone creek, at oclock, at miles cross the creek in an open plain, at ms. the dog gave out & we sent him back to the creek at oclock we rose the hill some time before we got to the hill we obsevd. great numbers of birds hovering about the top of this mound when i got on the top those birds flw off. i discovered that they wer cetechig a kind of flying ant which were in great numbers abought the top of this hill, those insects lit on our hats & necks, several of them bit me verry shart on the neck, near the top of this nole i observed three holes which i supposed to be prarie wolves or braroes, which are numerous in those plains. this hill is about foot high in an emince prarie or leavel plain from the top i could not observe any woods except in the missourie points and a few scattering trees on the three rivers in view. i e the soues river below, the river jacque above & the one we have crossed from the top of this mound we observed several large gangus of buffalow & elk feeding upwards of in number capt lewis being much fatigued and verry thursty obliged us to go to the neares water which we could see, which was the w stone creek at right angles from the course we came out, and we got water in three miles in the creek above whre the beaver had darned it up after a delay of about one hour & a half we set out for our boat, cross the creek three times wast deep, passing down an ellgent bottom of about a mile in width bordered by a ridge of about feet from the top of which it was leavel to the river, we proceeded on by a circular derection to the place we crossed this creek going out where we delayed for the men to rest themselves about minits in a small grove here we got great quantities of the best largest grapes i ever tasted, some blue currents still on the bushes, and two kind of plumbs, one the common wild plumb the other a large yellow plumb growing on a small bush, this blumb is about double the size of the common and deliscously flavoured--those plains are leavel without much water and no timber all the timber on the stone river would not thickly timber acres of land--we returned to the boat at sunset, my servent nearly exosted with heat thurst and fatigue, he being fat and un accustomed to walk as fast as i went was the cause--we set fire to the praries in two places to let the sons know we were on the river and as a signal for them to come to the river above, our party in the boat & one perogue undr. the comd of sergt. pryor answered us by firing a prarie near them. we proceeded on to the place we camped last night, and as it began to rain and verry dark, we concluded to stay all night, our boys prepared us a supper of jurked meet and two prarie larks (which are about the size of a pigeon and peculier to this country) and on a buffalow roabe we slept verry well in the morning we proceeded on and joined the boat at miles, they had camped & were jurking an elk & deer which r. fields & shannon had brough in. from the mound to the hill s. s. mo. of r. soues s ° e. to the opsd. hills s. ° e. and to the woods near river au jacque is west [clark, august , ] augt. th satturday wind s e the boat under serjt pryor after drying some goods which got wet in the french perogue & jurking the meet killed yesterday set out at oclock and proceeded on six miles and camped on the l. s. passed a bluff of blue earth at miles and a large sand island in a bend to the s. s. at miles, r fields brought in deer, g shannon an elk this eveng. rain at oclock murcky. abo , [clark, august , ] th august satturday a cloudy morning capt lewis & my self concluded to go and see the mound which was viewed with such turrow by all the different nation in this quarter, we selected shields j. fields, w bratten, sergt. ordway, j colter, can, and corp worbington & frasure, also g. drewyer and droped down to the mouth of white stone river where we left the perogue with two men and at yards we assended a riseing ground of about sixty feet, from the top of this high land the countrey is leavel & open as far as can be seen, except some few rises at a great distance, and the mound which the indians call mountain of little people or spirits this mound appears of a conic form & is n. ° w. from the mouth of the creek, we left the river at oclock, at miles we crossed the creek yards wide in an extensive valley and continued on at two miles further our dog was so heeted & fatigued we was obliged send him back to the creek, at oclock we arrived at the hill capt lewis much fatigued from heat the day it being verry hot & he being in a debilitated state from the precautions he was obliged to take to provent the affects of the cobalt, & mini. substance which had like to have poisoned him two days ago, his want of water, and several of the men complaining of great thirst, deturmined us to make for the first water which was the creek in a bend n. e. from the mound about miles--aftr a delay of about hour & a half to recrut our party we set out on our return down the creek thro the bottom of about mile in width, crossed the creek times to the place we first struck it, where we geathered some delisious froot such as grapes plumbs, & blue currents after a delay of an hour we set out on our back trail & arrived at the perogue at sun set we proceedd on to the place we campd. last night and stayed all night. this mound is situated on an elivated plain in a leavel and extensive prarie, bearing n. ° w. from the mouth of white stone creek nine miles, the base of the mound is a regular parallelagram the long side of which is about yards in length the shorter or yards--from the longer side of the base it rises from the north & south with a steep assent to the hight of or feet, leaveing a leavel plain on the top of feet in width & in length. the north & south part of this mound is joins by two regular rises, each in oval forms of half its hight forming three regular rises from the plain the assent of each elivated part is as suden as the principal mound at the narrower sides of its bass the reagular form of this hill would in some measure justify a belief that it owed its orrigin to the hand of man; but as the earth and loos pebbles and other substances of which it was composed, bare an exact resemblance to the steep ground which border on the creek in its neighbourhood we concluded it was most probably the production of nature-. the only remarkable charactoristic of this hill admiting it to be a naturial production is that it is insulated or seperated a considerable distance from any other, which is verry unusial in the naturul order or disposition of the hills. the surrounding plains is open void of timber and leavel to a great extent; hence the wind from whatever quarter it may blow, drives with unusial force over the naked plains and against this hill; the insects of various kinds are thus involuntaryly driven to the mound by the force of the wind, or fly to its leward side for shelter; the small birds whoes food they are, consequently resort in great numbers to this place in surch of them; perticularly the small brown martin of which we saw a vast number hovering on the leward side of the hill, when we approached it in the act of catching those insects; they were so gentle that they did not quit the place untill we had arrivd. within a fiew feet of them- one evidence which the inds give for believeing this place to be the residence of some unusial spirits is that they frequently discover a large assemblage of birds about this mound--is in my opinion a suffient proof to produce in the savage mind a confident belief of all the properties which they ascribe it. from the top of this mound we beheld a most butifull landscape; numerous herds of buffalow were seen feeding in various directions, the plain to north n. w & n e extends without interuption as far as can be seen from the mound to the mouth of stone river is s. ° e miles. to the woods near the mouth of river jacque is west to the high land near the mouth of souis river is s. e. to the high land opposit side or near the maha town is s. e. some high lands to be seen from the mound at a great distance to the n. e some nearer to the n w. no woods except on the missouris points if all the timber which is on the stone creek was on acres it would not be thickly timbered, the soil of those plains are delightfull great numbers of birds are seen in those plains, such as black bird, ren or prarie burd a kind of larke about the sise of a partridge with a short tail &c. &. th augt the boat under the comd. of sergt. pryor proceeded on in our absence (after jurking the elk i killed yesterday) six miles and camped on the larboard side r fields brought in five deer. george shannon killed an elk buck some rain this evening. we set the praries on fire as a signal for the soues to come to the river. [lewis, august , ] august the th on our return from the mound of sperits saw the first bats that we had observed since we began to ascend the missouri also saw on our return on the creek that passes this mound about m. distant s. a bird of heron kind as large as the cormorant short tale long leggs of a colour on the back and wings deep copper brown with a shade of red. we could not kill it therefore i can not describe it more particularly. [clark, august , ] th august sunday arrived at the boat at oclock a.m. set out at oclock after jurking the meet & cutting the elk skins for a toe roap and proceeded, leaveing g. drewyer & shannon to hunt the horses, the river verry full of sand bars and wide course s. ° w. mes. to a sand bar makeing out from the s. s. n. ° w. mes. to a pt. of willows s s passd. a island & large sand bars on both sides river wide and a clift of white earth on the l. s of ms. in length to a point of willows on the s. s opposit arch creek above the mouth of this creek a chief of the maha nataton displeased with the conduct of black bird the main chief came to this place and built a town which was called by his name petite arch (or little bow) this town was at the foot of a hill in a handsom plain fronting the river and contained about huts & men, the remains of this tribe since the death of petite arch has joined the remaining part of the nation this creek is small--we apt. pat gass sergeant vice floyd dicesed, geathered great quantites of grapes & three kinds of plumbs, one yellow round, & one ovel, & the common wild plumb. misquetors bad to night--i have apt. you [clark, august , ] th august sunday (joined the boat at oclock a m) after jurking the meat killed yesterday and prepareing the elk skins for a toe roape we set out leaveing drewyer & shannon to hunt the horses which was lost with directions to follow us keeping on the high lands. proceeded on passed a clift of white & blue or dark earths of miles in extent on the l. s. and camped on a sand bar opposed the old village called pitite arc a small creek falls into the river yds wide below the village on the same side l. s this village was built by a indian chief of the maha nation by the name of pitite arc (or little bow) displeasd. with the great chief of that nation (black bird) seperated with men and built a village at this place. after his death the two villages joined, apt. pat gass a sergt. vice floyd deceased great qts. of grape, plumbs of three kinds yellow and large of one of which is long and a rd kind round & red all well flavored. perticularly the yellow sort. [lewis, august , ] orders august th . the commanding officers have thought it proper to appoint patric gass, a sergeant in the corps of volunteers for north western discovery, he is therefore to be obeyed and respected accordingly. sergt. gass is directed to take charge of the late sergt. floyd's mess, and immediately to enter on the discharge of such other duties, as by their previous orders been prescribed for the government of the sergeants of this corps. the commanding officers have every reason to hope from the previous faithfull services of sergt. gass, that this expression of their approbation will be still further confirmed, by his vigilent attention in future to his duties as a sergeant. the commanding officers are still further confirmed in the high opinion they had previously formed of the capacity, deligence and integrety of sergt. gass, from the wish expresssed by a large majority of his comrades for his appointment as sergeant. meriwether lewis capt. st u.s. regt infty. wm clark cpt &. [clark, august , ] th august monday, this morning the morning star was observed to be very large, g drewyer came up and informed that he could neither find shannon or the horses, he had walked all night--we sent shields & j. fields back to look for shannon & the horses and to come up with us on the river above at the grand callemet or river kacure & we set out under a gentle breeze from the s. e. proceeded on passed a bluff at mes. several mile in extent of white clay marl or chalk, under this bank we discovered large stone resembling lime incrusted with a substanc like glass which i take to be cabolt, also ore, three mes above this bluff we set the prarie on fire, to let the soues know, we wished to see them at two oclock an indian swam to the perogue, we landed & two other came they were boys, they informed us that the souex were camped near, on the r jacke one maha boy informed us his nation was gorn to make a peace with the pania's we send sjt. pryor & a frenchman with the interptr. mr. durion to the camp to see & invite their great chiefs to come and counsel with us at the callemet bluffs ____ mile abov on l. s.--we proceed on / miles farther & camped s s. [clark, august , ] th august monday this morning the star calld. the morning star much larger than common g. drewyer came up and informed that he could neither find shannon nor horses, we sent shields & j fields, back to hunt shannon & the horses, with derections to keep on the hills to the grand calumet above on river ka cure. we set sail under a gentle breeze from the s. e. at miles passed a white clay marl or chalk bluff under this bluff is extensive i discovered large stone much like lime incrusted with a clear substance which i believe to be cabalt, also ore is imbeded in the dark earth, resembling slate much softer--above this bluff we had the prarie set on fire to let the souix see that we were on the river, & as a signal for them to come to it. at oclock passed the mouth of river jacque, or yeankton one indian at the mouth of this river swam to the perogue, we landed and two others came to us, those inds. informed that a large camp of soues, were on r. jacque near the mouth. we sent sergt. pryor & a frenchman with mr. durioin the souls interpeter to the camp with derections to invite the principal chiefs to councel with us at a bluff above called the calumet--two of those indians accompanied them and the third continued in the boat showing an inclination to continue, this boy is a mahar, and inform that his nation, were gorn to the parnias to make a peace with that nation. we proceeded on about one and a half miles and in camped on a bar makeing out from the s. s. the wind blew hard from the south. a cool & pleasent evening, the river has fallen verry slowly and is now low. [lewis, august , ] monday august th on the stard. shore, opposite to the lower point, or commencement of the white calk bluff- [clark, august , ] th august tuesday, the wind blew hard last night one indian stayed with us all night, set out under a stiff breeze from s and proceedd on passe a willow island at two miles several sand bars the river here is wide & shallow full of sand bars--the high land appear to be getting nearer to each other passed a bluff containing some white earth on the l. s. below this bluff for some mile the plain rises gradually to the hight of the bluff which is or foot, here the indian boy left us for his camp--capt lewis & my self much indisposed- i think from the homney we substitute in place of bread, (or plumbs) we proceeded on about miles higher and camped below the calumet bluff in a plain on the l. s. to waite the return of sergt pryor & mr. durioun, who we sent to the soues camp from the mouth of r. jacque, before we landed the french rund a snag thro their perogue, and like to have sunk, we had her on loaded, from an examonation found that this perogue was unfit for service, & deturmined to send her back by the party intended to send back and take their perogue, accordingly changed the loads, some of the loading was wet wind blows hard from the south. j shields & j. fields joined they did not overtake shannon with the horses who is a head of us. [clark, august , ] th august tuesday . set out under a stiff breeze from the south and proceeded on passd. a willow island at miles several sand bars, the river wide & shallow at miles passed a short white bluff of about or feet high, below this bluff the prarie rises gradually from the water back to the hight of the bluff which is on the larboard side here the indian who was in the boat returned to the sisouex camp on the r jacque, capt. lewis & my self much indisposed owing to some cause for which we cannot account one of the perogues run a snag thro her and was near sinking in the opinions of the crew--we came too below the calumet bluff and formed a camp in a butifull plain near the foot of the high land which rises with a gradual assent near this bluff i observe more timber in the valey & on the points than usial--the perogue which was injurd i had unloaded and the loading put into the other perogue which we intended to send back, the perogue & changed the crew after examoning her & finding that she was unfit for service deturmined to send her back by the party some load which was in the perogue much inju'd the wind blew hard this after noon from the south--j. shields & j. fields who was sent back to look for shannon & the horses joined us & informed that shannon had the horses a head and that they could not over take him this man not being a first rate hunter, we deturmined to send one man in pursute of him with some provisions.- [lewis, august , ] orders august th . the commanding officers direct that the two messes who form the crews of the perogues shall scelect each one man from their mess for the purpose of cooking and that these cooks as well as those previously appointed to the messes of the barge crew, shall in future be exempted from mounting guard, or any detail for that duty; they are therefore no longer to be held on the royaster. m. lewis capt. st us. regt. infty. win clark cpt. &. [clark, august , ] th august wednesday --rained last night and some this morning verry cloudy set some men to work to make a toe rope of elk skin, and my self to write, sent one man to pursue shannon a head with some provisions, i am much engaged writeing a speech at oclock sergt. pryor & mr. durion the soues interpeter with about soues arrived on the opposit side of the river we sent over for them, who came over mr. d. & his son who was tradeing with the indians came over mr. durion informed that three chiefs were of the party, we sent over serjt. pryor with young mr. durion, six kettles for the indians to cook the meat they killed on the way from their camp ( elk & deer) a bout a bucket of corn & twists of tobacco to smoke intending to speak to them tomorrow--g. drewyer killed a deer-. sergt. pryor informs that when he approached the indian camp they came to meet them supposeing cap lewis or my self to be of the party intending to take us in a roabe to their camp-he approached the camp which was handsum made of buffalow skins painted different colour, their camps formed of a conic form containing about or persons each and in number, on the river jacque of yds wide & deep containing but little wood, they had a fat dog cooked as a feest; for them, and a snug aptmt for them to lodge on their march they passed thro plains covd. with game &. &. &. [clark, august , ] th august wednesday some rain last night & this morning, sent on colter with provisions in pursute of shannon, had a toe roap made of elk skin, i am much engaged reriteing--at oclock p m. sergt. pryor & mr. dorion with chiefs and about men &c. arrived on the opposite side we sent over a perogue & mr. dorrion & his son who was tradeing with the indians came over with serjt pryer, and informed us that the chiefs were there we sent serjt. pryor & yound mr. dorion with som tobacco, corn & a few kitties for them to cook in, with directions to inform the chiefs that we would speek to them tomorrow. those indians brought with them for their own use elk & deer which the young men killed on the way from their camp miles distant. serjt. pryor informs me that when came near the indian camp they were met by men with a buffalow roabe to carry them, mr. dorion informed "they were not the owners of the boats & did not wish to be carried"- the sceouex camps are handson of a conic form covered with buffalow roabs painted different colours and all compact & hand somly arranged, covered all round an orpen part in the center for the fire, with buffalow roabs each lodg has a place for cooking detached, the lodges contain to persons--a fat dog was presented as a mark of their great respect for the party of which they partook hartily and thought it good & well flavored the river jacque is deep & is navagable for perogues a long distance up at the mouth it is shallow & narrow but above it is or yards wide passing thro rich praries with but little timber this river passes the souex river and heads with the st peters and a branch of red river which which falls into lake winepik to the north [clark, august , ] th august thursday a foggeie morning i am much engagd. after brackfast we sent mr. doroun in a perogue to the other side i'e l s. for the chiefs and warriers of the soues, he returned at oclock with the chiefs, at oclock i finished and we delivered a speech to the indians expressive of the wishes of our government and explaining of what would be good for themselves, after delivering the speech we made one grand chief d cheif and three third chiefs and deliverd. to each a few articles and a small present to the whole the grand chief a parole, some wampom & a flag in addition to his present, they with drew and we retired to dinner, mr. durions sun much displeased that he could not dine with cap lewis and my self--the number of soues present is about men--dressed in buffalow roabes a fiew fusees, bows and arrows, and verry much deckerated with porcupine quills, a society of which only four remains is present, this society has made a vow never to giv back let what will happen, out of only remains, those are stout likely men who stay by them selves, fond of mirth and assume a degree of superiority-, the air gun astonished them verry much after night a circle was forrm around fires and those indians danced untill late, the chiefs looked on with great dignity much pleased with what they had, we retired late and went to bead. wind hard from the south. [clark, august , ] th of august thursday a verry thick fog this morning after prepareing some presents for the chiefs which we intended make by giving meadals, and finishing a speech what we intend'd to give them, we sent mr. dorion in a perogue for the chiefs & warreirs to a council under an oak tree near wher we had a flag flying on a high flag staff at oclock we met and cap l. delivered the speach & thin made one great chiff by giving him a meadal & some cloathes one d. chief & three third chiefs in the same way, they recvd. those thing with the goods and tobacco with pleasure to the grand chief we gave a flag and the parole & wampom with a hat & chiefs coat, we smoked out of the pipe of peace, & the chiefs retired to a bourey made of bushes by their young men to divide their presents and smoke eate and council capt lewis & my self retired to dinner and consult about other measures--mr. daurion jr. much displeased that we did not invite him to dine with us (which he was sorry for after wards)--the souix is a stout bold looking people, (the young men hand som) & well made, the greater part of them make use of bows & arrows, some fiew fusees i observe among them, not with standing they live by the bow & arrow, they do not shoot so well as the northern indians the warriers are verry much deckerated with paint porcupin quils & feathers, large leagins & mockersons, all with buffalow roabs of different colours. the squars wore peticoats & and a white buffalow roabes with the black hair turned back over their necks & sholders i will here remark a society which i had never before this day heard was in any nation of indians--four of which is at this time present and all who remain of this band--those who become members of this society must be brave active young men who take a vow never to give back let the danger be what it may; in war parties they always go foward without screening themselves behind trees or any thing else to this vow they strictly adheer dureing their lives--an instanc which happened not long since, on a party in crossing the r missourie on the ice, a whole was in the ice imediately in their course which might easily have been avoided by going around, the foremost man went on and was lost the others wer draged around by the party--in a battle with the crow indians who inhabit the coul noir or black mountain out of of this society was killed, the remaining four was draged off by their party those men are likely fellows the sit together camp & dance together- this society is in imitation of the societies of the de curbo or crow indians from whome they imitate- [clark, august , ] st of august friday rose early a fair day--a curioes society among this nation worthey of remark, ie, formed of their active deturmined young men, with a vow never to give back, let the danger or deficuelty be what it may, in war parties they always go forward, without screening themselves behind trees or anything else, to this vow they strictly adheer dureing their lives, an instance of it, is last winter on a march in crossing the missourei a hole was in the ice immediately in their course which might easily be avoided by going around, the fore most man went on and was drowned, the others were caught by their party and draged aroundin a battle with the crow de curbo indians out of of this society was killed, the remaining four was draged off by their friends, and are now here--they assocate together camp together and are merry fellows, this custom the souex learned of the de carbours inhabiting the gout noie or black mountain all the chiefs delivered a speech agreeing to what we said &. &. & beged which i answered from my notes. we made or gav a certificate to two brave men the attendants of the great chief gave them some tobacco and prepared a commission for mr. darion to make a peace with all the nations in the neighbourhood, mahas, porncases, panic, loups, ottoes and missouries--& to take to the president some of the gt chiefs of each nations who would accompany him allso to do certain other things, and wrot instructions--gave him a flag and some cloaths--the chiefs sent all their young men home, and they stayed for mr. dorion--in the evening late we gave the comsn. & instruction to mr. durion & he recved them with pleasa, & promised to do all which was necessary. i took a vocabulary of the seouex language, and a fiew answers to some queries i put to mr. pitte dorion respecting the war no. situation trad &c. &. of that people which is divided into tribes possessing sepperate interest they are numerous between & men, divided into tribes who view their interests as defferent some bands at war with nations which other bands are at peace--this nation call themselves-dar co tar. the french call them souex their language is not perculiar to themselves as has been stated, a great many words is the same with the mahas, ponckais, osarge, kanzies &c. clearly proves to me those people had the same oregean--this nations inhabit the red river of hudson bay st. peters missippi, demoin r. jacque & on the missourie they are at war with nations, and at piece with only--they recved their trade from the british except a few on the missourie they furnish beaver martain loues orter, pekon bear and deer and have forty traders at least among them. the names of the different bands of this nation are- st che the ree or bois ruley (the present band) inhabit the souex jacque & demoin rivers nd ho in de bor to or poles. they live on the head of the suouex river rd me ma car jo (or make fence on the river.) the country near the big bend of the missouri. th son on to ton (people of the prarie) they rove north of the missourie in the praries above. th wau pa coo do (beeds) they live near the prarie de chaine on the missippi th te tar ton (or village of prarie) on the waters of the mississippi above prate de chain (dog prarie) th ne was tar ton (big water town) on the mississippi above the mouth of the st. peters river. th wau pa to (leaf nation). leagues up st. peters th cass car ba (white man) lgs. up st peters mi ac cu op si ba (cut bank) reside on the head of st. peters river son on--on st. peters in the praries th se si toons-- leagues up st peters. the names of the other tribes i could not get in st august speeches at oclock the chiefs and warriers met us in council all with their pipes with the stems presented towards us, after a silence of abt. ____ the great chief dressed himself in his fine cloathes and two warriers in the uniform and armer of their nation stood on his left with a war club & speer each, & dressed in feathurs. the shake hand st chief spoke my father. i am glad to here the word of my g. f. and all my warriers and men about me are also glad. my father.--now i see my two fathers the children, of my great father, & what you have said i believe and all my people do believ also my father--we are verry glad you would take pitty on them this day, we are pore and have no powder and ball. my father.--we are verry sorry our women are naked and all our children, no petiecoats or cloathes my father--you do not want me to stop the boats going up if we see, i wish a man out of your boat to bring about a peace, between all the indians, & he can do so. my father--listen to what i say i had an english medal when i went to see them, i went to the spanoriards they give me a meadel and some goods, i wish you would do the same for my people. my father.--i have your word i am glad of it & as soon as the ice is don running i will go down & take with me, some great men of the other bands of the soues my father--i will be glad to see my grand father but our women has got no cloathes and we have no powder & ball, take pity on us this day. my father--i want to listen and observe wath you say, we want our old friend (mr. durion) to stay with us and bring the indians with my self down this spring. my father--i opend my ears and all my yound men and we wish you to let mr. durion stay, and a perogue for to take us down in the spring. the speach of th white crain mar to ree d chief my fathr's listen to my word, i am a young man and do not intend to talk much, but will say a few words. my father--my father was a chief, and you have made me a chief i now think i am a chief agreeable to your word as i am a young man and inexperienced, cannot say much what the great chief has said is as much as i could say par nar ne ar par be struck by the pana d chief my father's i cant speek much i will speek a litle to you my fathers.--ther's the chiefs you have made high, we will obey them, as also my young men, the pipe i hold in my hand is the pipe of my father, i am pore as you see, take pity on me i believe what you have said my fathers--you think the great meadel you gave my great chief pleases me and the small one you gave me gives me the heart to go with him to see my great father. what the great chief has said is all i could say. i am young and cant speek. a warrier by name tar ro mo nee spoke my father--i am verry glad you have made this man our great chief, the british & spaniards have acknowledged him before but never cloathed him. you have cloathed him, he is going to see our great father, we do not wish to spear him but he must go and see his great father my fathr's, my great chief must go and see his gd father, give him some of your milk to speek to his young men, my father. our people are naked, we wish a trader to stop among us, i would be verry glad our two fathers would give us some powder and ball and some milk with the flag. speech of ar ca we char chi the half man d chief my fathr's i do not speak verry well, i am a pore man and my fathr's. i was once a chiefs boy now i am a man and a chief of some note my fat hr's--i am glad you have made my old chief a fine and a great man, i have been a great warrier but now i here your words, i will berry my hatchet and be at peace with all & go with my great chief to see my great father. my fath-s. when i was a young man i went to the spaniards to see ther fassion, i like you talk and will pursue you advice, since you have given me a meadal. i will tell you the talk of the spaniards my father's.--i am glad my grand father has sent you to the read people on this river, and that he has given us a flag large and handsom the shade of which we can sit under my fathr's.--we want one thing for our nation very much we have no trader, and often in want of goods my fathers--i am glad as well as all around me to here your word, and we open our ears, and i think our old frend mr. durion can open the ears of the other bands of soux. but i fear those nations above will not open their ears, and you cannot i fear open them my fathers. you tell us that you wish us to make peace with the ottoes & m. you have given medles i wish you to give kigz with them my fathers.--my horses are pore running the buffalow give us some powder and ball to hunt with, and leave old mr. durion with us to get us a trader my father.--the spaniards did not keep the medal of the token of our great chief when they gave him one you have dressed him and i like it i am pore & take pitey on me my fathers--i am glad you have put heart in our great chief he can now speak with confidence, i will support him in all your councilsafter all the chief presented the pipe to us the half man rose & spoke as follows viz. my father--what you have said is well, but you have not given any thing to the attendants of the great chiefs after which in the evening late we gave mr. dorion a bottle of whiskey and himself with the chiefs crossed the river and camped on the opposit bank soon after a violent wind from the n w. accompanied with rain [clark, august , ] st of august we gave a certificate to two men of war, attendants on the chief gave to all the chiefs a carrot of tobacco--had a talk with mr. dorion, who agreed to stay and collect the chiefs from as many bands of soux as he coud this fall & bring about a peace between the sciuex & their neighbours &. &c. &c. after dinner we gave mr. peter darion, a comission to act with a flag & some cloathes & provisions & instructions to bring about a peace with the scioux mahars, panies, ponceries, ottoes & missouries--and to employ any trader to take some of the cheifs of each or as many of those nations as he could perticularly the sceiouex--i took a vocabulary of the scioux language--and the answer to a fiew quaries such as refured to ther situation, trade, number war, &c. &c.--this nation is divided into tribes, possessing seperate interests- collectively they are noumerous say from to men, their interests are so unconnected that some bands are at war with nations which other bands are on the most friendly terms. this great nation who the french has given the nickname of sciouex, call them selves dar co tar their language is not peculiarly their own, they speak a great number of words, which is the same in every respect with the maha, poncaser, osarge & kanzies. which clearly proves that those nation at some period not more that a century or two past the same nation--those dar ca ter's or scioux inhabit or rove over the countrey on the red river of lake winipeck, st. peter's & the west of the missippie above prarie de chain heads of river demoin, and the missouri and its waters on the n. side for a great extent. they are only at peace with nations, & agreeable to their calculation at war with twenty odd.--their trade corns from the british, except this band and one on demoin who trade with the traders of st louis--the furnish beaver martain, loues pikon, bear and deer skins-and have about traders among them. the dar co tar or sceouex rove & follow the buffalow raise no corn or any thing else the woods & praries affording a suffcency, the eat meat, and substitute the ground potato which grow in the plains for bread the names of the different tribes or canoes of the sceoux or dar co tar nation st che cher ree yank ton (or bois rulay) now present inhabit the sciouex & demoin rivers and the jacques. nd hoin de borto (poles) they rove on the heads of souix & jacqus rivers- rd me ma car jo (make fence of the river) rove on the countrey near the big bend of the missouries th sou on, teton (people of the prarie) the rove in the plains n. of the riv missouries above this th wau pa coo tar (leaf beds) the live near the prare de chain near the missippi th te tar ton (or village of prarie) rove on the waters of the mississippi above prarie de chain th ne was tar ton (big water town) rove on the missippi above the st. peters river th wau pa tow (leaf nation) live leagues up st peters river th cas car ba (white man) live leagus up st peters river th mi ca cu op si ba (cut bank) rove on the head of st. peters th sou on (-) rove on st peters river in the prareis th sou si toons (-) live legus up the st peters river the names of the other bands neither of the souex's interpters could inform me. in the evening late we gave mr. dourion a bottle of whiskey, & he with the cheifs & his son crossed the river and camped on the opposit bank--soon after night a violent wind from the n w. with rain the rain continud the greater part of the night the river a riseing a little. [clark, august , ] august the st after the indians got their brackfast the chiefs met and arranged themselves in a row with elligent pipes of peace all pointing to our seets, we came foward and took our seets, the great cheif the shake han rose and spoke to some length aproving what we had said and promissing to pursue the advice. mar to ree d cheif (white crain) rose and made a short speech and refured to the great chief par nar ne ar par be rd cheif rose and made a short speech ar ca we char the (the half man) d chief rose & spoke at some length. much to the purpose. the othe cheif said but little one of the warreirs spoke after all was don & promissed to support the chiefs, the promisd to go and see their great father in the spring with mr. dorion, and to do all things we had advised them to do. and all concluded by telling the distresses of ther nation by not haveing traders, & wished us to take pity on them, the wanted powder ball & a little milk last night the indians danced untill late in their dances we gave them som knives tobaco & belts & tape & binding with which they wer satisfied [clark, september , ] september st satturday mr. durion left his kettle which we gave him, which we sent to him and set out under a gentle breeze from the south (raind half the last night,) proceded on--pass calumet bluff of a yellowish read & a brownish white hard clay, this bluff is about or foot high here the highlands aproach the river on each side with a jentle assent, opsd. the bluff a large island covered with timber is situated close to the l. s. we passed the island opposit which the high land approach the river on both side (river ros inchs last night) passed a large island covered with wood on the l. s. some rain, cloudy all day--the river wide & hils close on each side, came to before night to go & see a beaver house which is / miles to the l. s. of the riv cap lewis & my self with two men went to see this house which was represented as high & situated in a small pond. we could not find the pon. drewyer killed a buck elk, it is not necessary to mention fish as we catch them at any place on the river, camped at the lower point of bonhomme island- [clark, september , ] september st satturday mr. dourion left his kettle & sent back for it &c. we set out under a jentle breeze from the s. (it rained half the last night) proceeded on pass the bluffs compsd. of a yellowish red, & brownish white clay which is a hard as chalk this bluff is or feet high, here the high lands approach near the river on each side, that on the s. s. not so high as that on the l. s. opposit the bluffs is situated a large island covered with timber close under the l. s. above the isd the high land approach & form a clift to the river on the s. s. this clift is called white bear clift one of those animals haveing been killed in a whole in it [clark, september , ] st of september satturday some hard wind and rain, cloudy all day, the river wide & hills on each side near the river, passd. a large ( ) island which appeared to be composed of sand, covered with cotton wood close under the s. s. we landed at the lower point of a large island on the s. s. called bon homme or good man, here capt lewis & my self went out a short distance on the l. s. to see a beave house, which was said to be of great hite & situated in a pond we could not find the house and returned after night drewyer killed an elk, & a beaver. numbers of cat fish cought, those fish is so plenty that we catch them at any time and place in the river [clark, september , ] nd of sept. sunday --set out early & proceeded on passed the island & came too above below a yellow bluff on the s s. the wind being hard from the n w. verry cold some rain all day much thunder & lightning g drewyer r. fields howard & newmon killed four fat elk on the isld. we had them jurked &the skins stretched to cover the perogues water riseing, i observe bear grass & rhue in the sides of the hills at sunset the wind luled and cleared up cool--aired the meet all in high spirits--shannon & the man sent after him has not yet joind us sepr. description of a antient fortification ( ) from the river on the top of the antient fortification at this the foot high feet base first corse is from the river is s ° w yards. s ° w. yds. at this angle a kind of ravilene covering a saleport, bearing east widing n w yds. passed a gate way at yds. the bank lower & forming a right angle of yards--two wings or mounds running from a high nold to the west of the way one yards back of the other covering the gate (at this place the mound is feet inches higher than the plain forming a glassee outwards & feet base n. w. yards n. w. yards this part of the work is about feet high, leavel & about feet wide on the top) at the experation of this course a low irregular work in a direction to the river, out side of which is several ovel mounds of about feet high and at the iner part of the gouge a deep whole across the gauge n. w yds. to the commencment of a wall of about feet high n. ° w. yards to a deep pond yds in deamuter, and yards further to a saleport, where there is evident marks of its being covered, the same course contined yards to the river bottom. one half of the first part of the fortification is washed into the river, a second line, has run from the northrn extremity parrelel with the river (as it appears to have run at that time) n. w. this of different hith from to to feet--the high land is about me. from this fortress, and rise to small mountains say from to feet the high land on the opposit or north side of the missourie is feet forming a yellow clay bluff to the water and is leavel back as fur as can be seen. i am informed by the inteperter & french, that they have seen, numbers of those fortifications in different parts of this cty. pirtcularly on the platt kansies and the north of this place on the river jacque. two small fortifications is on the arc creek on the upper side st / of a mile up & the d / higher, nearly square each angle yards [clark, september , ] nd september sunday set out early and proceeded on passed the island and landed on the s. s above under a yellow clay bluff of feet high, the wind blew verry hard a head from the n. w. with some rain and verry cold, g. drewnyer r. fields newman & howard killed four fine elk we had the meat all jurked and the skins dried to cover the perogue, on the side of the bluff i observed bear grass & rhue, at sun set the wind luled and cleared up cold, the high land on the l. s. is verry high, & uneaven, that on the s. s from to foot & is leavel back but fiew small streems falling into the river. i went out and made a survey of the antient works which is situated in a level plain about miles from the hills which are high. a discription of the fortification ( ) commenceing on the river opsid the good mans island, first course from the river is s. d w. yards thence s. w. yards (at this angle a kind of angle or horn work) n. w. yards to a high part, passing the gateway covered by two half circler works one back of the other lower than the main work the gate forms a right angle projecting inward n. w. yards n w. yards this part of the work appears to have either double, or a covered way. from this some irregular works appear to have been on mounds between this and the river with a deep round whole in the center of a gorge formed by another angle ------ ( ) this part of the work is from to feet inches--the mounds of various hights--the base of the work is from to feet, steep inward and forming a kind of glassee out wards the same cours continued i e n. °w. yards to the commencement of a wall from to feet high this corse not on the wall but thro to the commencment of another detached n. ° w yards to the river & above where this bank strikes the river is the remains of a circular work in this course at yards a deep pond of yards diameter perfectly round is in the course of the bank which is about feet high, from this pond the bank it lowers gradually--a bank about the same hight runs near the river, and must have joined the main work at a part which is now washed into the river, this is also perfectly streight and widens from the main work, as the river above has washed in its banks for a great distance i cannot form an idear how those two long works joined--where they strike the river above, they are about yds apart, i am informed by our freench interpeters that a great number of those antint works are in different parts of this countrey, on the platt river, kansus, jacque, osarge mine river &c. small one is on island opposit the one i have discribed, and two of our party saw two of those antient frtresses on the pittiet arc creek on the upper side near the mouth, each angle of which were yards and about feet high- [clark, september , ] rd september monday . set out at sun rise, verry cold morning clear and but little wind from the n w. we proceeded on, the river wide, took an obsivation below plumb creek which mouths on the s s. this creek is small & corns in between white banks, great quantities of plumbs of a most delisious flavour, i have collected the seed of kinds which i intend to send to my brother, also som grapes of a superior quallity large & well flavoured, the river is riseing a little, several wild goats seen in the plains they are wild & fleet elk & buffalow is verry plenty, scercely any timber in countrey except a little on the river in the points. saw some signs of the men who are a head, colter has not over taken shannon camped on the l. s. at the edge of a plain- [clark, september , ] rd of september monday a verry cold morning wind from n. w. we set out at sun rise, & proceeded on to a bluff below the mouth of plumb yds. creek on the s. s. and took an obsevation of the suns altitude this creek is small it "abounds with blumbs of a delicious flavour" the river is wide and crouded with sand bars--it is riseing a little but little timber in this countrey all that is, is on the river in the points. we came too on the l. sin the edge of a plain an camped for the night--we saw some signs of the two men shannon & colter, shannon appeared to be a head of colter--the white banks appear to continu on both sides of the river. grapes plenty and finely flavered- [clark, september , ] th of september tuesday . a verry cold wind from south e. by s. we set out early proceeded on to the mouth of a small creek in the bend to the l. s. called white line at / miles furthr passed the mouth of a r au platte or white paint cr about yd. on same side called, i walked on the top of the hill forming a cliff covd. with red ceeder an extensive view from this hill, at miles from the creek the high land jut the river forming a bluff of bluish clay continu / miles came to at the mouth of qui courre (rapid) this river comes roleing its sands whuch (is corse) into the missouris from the s w by w. this river is yards across the water and not exeeding feet deep it does not rise high when it does it spreds over a large surface, and is not navagable it has a great many small islands & sand bars i went up this river miles to the spot the panis once had a large village on the upper side in a butifull extensive plain riseing gradially from the river i fel into a buffalow road joined the boat late at night at the pania island. [clark, september , ] th september tuesday a verry cold wind from the s. s. e, we set out early and proceeded on the mouth of a small creek in a bend to the l. s. called white lime, at / miles higher up passed a large creek on the l. s. called or white paint between those two creeks (the latter of which is abt. yds. wide) we passed under a bluff of red ceeder, at mes. / passed the mouth of the river que courre (rapid r) on the l. s. and came to a short distance above, this river is yards wide at the mouth & feet deep throwing out sands like the platt (only corser) forming bars in its mouth, i went up this river three miles to a butifull plain on the upper side where the panias once had a village this river widens above its mouth and is devided by sand and islands, the current verry rapid, not navagable for even canoos without great dificulty owing to its sands; the colour like that of the plat is light the heads of this river is not known, it corns into the missourie from the s. w. by west, and i am told that is genl. course some distance up is parrelel with the missourie [clark, september , ] th september wednesday, set out early the wind blew hard from the south as it has for some days past, we set up a jury mast & sailed, i saw a large gangue of turkeys, also grous seen passed a large island of about miles long in the middle of the river opposit the head of this island the poncarre river coms into the missourei on the l. s.--the s. s is a clift under which great numbers of springs run out of mineral water, saw several wild goats on the clift & deer with black tales,- sent shields & gibson to the poncas towns, which is situated on the ponca river on the lower side about two miles from its mouth in an open butifull plain, at this time this nation is out hunting the biffalow they raise no corn or beens, gibson killed a buffalow in the town, the two men which has been absent several days is ahead, we came to on the upper pt. of a large island at oclock to make a mast sent out some hunters on the island (which i call no preserve island, at this place we used the last of our preservs) they killed bucks, & two elk which welurked [clark, september , ] september th wednesday set out early the winds blew hard from the south, goats turkeys seen to day, passed a large island ( ) opsd. this island near the head the poncasar river coms into the missourie from the west this river is about yards wide. dispatched two men to the poncaries village situated in a handsom plain on the lower side of this creek about two miles from the missourie (the poncasars nation is small and at this time out in the praries hunting the buffalow), one of the men sent to the village killed a buffalow in the town, the other, a large buck near it, some sign of the two men who is a head. above the island on the s. s we passed under a bluff of blue earth, under which seveal mineral springs broke out of the water of which had a taste like salts, we came too on the upper point of a large island (which i call no preserves island) here we made a ceeder mast, our hunters brought in three bucks, and two elks this evening which we had jurked one of the hunter shields, informed that he saw several black tailed deer, near the poncaser village [lewis, september , ] sept th saw some wild goats or antelopes on the hill above the glauber salts springs they ran off we could not discover them sufficiently distinctly to discribe even their colour their track is as large as a deer reather broader & more blont at the point this day one of our hunters brought us a serpent beautifully variagated with small black spotts of a romboydal form on a light yellow white ground the black pedominates most on the back the whiteis yellow on the sides, and it is nearly white on the belly with a few party couloured scuta on which the black shews but imperfectly and the colouring matter seems to be underneath the scuta--it is not poisonous it hisses remarkably loud; it has scuta on the belly and on the tale, the eyes are of a dark black colour the tale terminates in a sharp point like the substance of a cock's spur--length ft. i. [clark, september , ] th septr thursday , a storm this morning from the n w. at day light which lasted a fiew minits, set out after the storm was over and proceeded on a hard wind ahead passed the island which is seperated from the l. side by a narrow channel. the morning is verry cold. camped on s. side before night no timbering in reach ahead, r. fields killed deer saw buffalow, & goats this evening, the river riseing a little [clark, september , ] septr. th thursday a storm this morning from the n. w. which lasted a fiew minits, we set out and proceeded on passed the head of the isd. which is seperated from the l. s by a narrow channel, a hard wind from the n. w. a verry cold day--we camped on the s. s. at the upper point of some timber, some time before night, no timber, no timber being in reach. i saw several goats on the hills on the s. s. also buffalow in great numbers [clark, september , ] th september friday . a verry cold morning set out at day light near the foot of this high nole we discovered a village of an annamale the french call the prarie dog which burrow in the grown & with the rattle snake and killed one & caught one dog alive caught in a whole frogs near the hole killed a dark rattle snake with a prairie dog in him the village of those little dogs is under the ground a conisiderable distance we dig under feet thro rich hard clay without getting to their lodges some of their wholes we put in barrels of water without driveing them out, we caught one by the water forceing him out. ther mouth resemble the rabit, head longer, legs short, & toe nails long ther tail like a ground squirel which they shake and make chattering noise ther eyes like a dog, their colour is gray and skin contains soft fur [clark, september , ] th septr. septr. th friday a verry cold morning set out at day light we landed after proceding / miles, near the foot of a round mounting which i saw yesterday resembling a dome. capt lewis & my self walked up, to the top which forms a cone and is about feet higher than the high lands around it, the bass is about foot in decending this cupola, discovered a village of small animals that burrow in the grown (those animals are called by the french pitite chien) killed one & cought one a live by poreing a great quantity of water in his hole we attempted to dig to the beds of one of thos animals, after diging feet, found by running a pole down that we were not half way to his lodges, we found frogs in the hole, and killed a dark rattle snake near with a ground rat in him, (those rats are numerous) the village of those animals covs. about acrs of ground on a gradual decent of a hill and contains great numbers of holes on the top of which those little animals set erect make a whistleing noise and whin allarmed slip into their hole--we por'd into one of the holes barrels of water without filling it, those animals are about the size of a small squrel shorter & thicker, the head much resembling a squirel in every respect, except the ears which is shorter, his tail like a ground squirel which thy shake & whistle when allarmd. the toe nails long, they have fine fur & the longer hair is gray, it is said that a kind of lizard also a snake reside with those animals. camped [lewis and clark, september , ] th of september satturday. set out early and proceeded on under a gentle breese from the s. e. at mes passed the place where trodow wintered one winter i went out to day on the s. s with a view to find some of the little dogs, and coats, traveled over a riged and mountanious countrey without water & riseing to or hundred feet, islands & sands interveneing prevt. my getting to the boat untill after night, in my absent capt. lewis killed a buffalow, i saw greid many buffalow & white wolves. (sailed all day) [clark, september , ] th of september satturday set out early and proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. e, at mes. passed the house of troodo where he wintered in . called the pania house, above is high hills on the s. s. on the s. s. much higher hills than usial appear to the north distant miles recently burnt- pass small islands at about miles on this course on the s. s. here capt. lewis killed a buffalow in the river, and this men one other came to on the lower point of an island in the midlle of the river called boat island and incamped, jurked the meet killed to day consisting of buffalow, one large buck elk one small, deer turkeys & a squirel, i joined the boat at this camp, the countrey on the s s. is pore & broken. [clark and whitehouse, september , ] th septembr sunday, set out at sunrise and proceeded on passed the island several gangus of buffalow on the sides of the hils on the l. s. halted on l. side took breakfast. capt. clark walked on shore, we proceeded on r. fields came to the boat had killed one buffalow. passed red ceeder on the edge of the hills on bouth sides of the river but most on the bluff on [clark, september , ] th september sunday set out at sunrise and proceeded on passed the head of the island on which we camped, passed three sand & willow islands, the sand bars so noumerous, it is not worth mentioning them, the river shoal or shallow wind s e came too and camped on a sand bar on the l. s. capt lewis went out to kill a buffalow. i walked on shore all this evening with a view to kill a goat or some prarie dogs in the evening after the boat landed, i derected my servent york with me to kill a buffalow near the boat from a numbr. then scattered in the plains, i saw at one view near the river at least buffalow, those animals have been in view all day feeding in the plains on the l. s. every copse of timber appear to have elk or deer. d. killed deer, i kiled a buffalow y. , r. fields one. [lewis, september , ] sept. th capt. clark found on the lard shore under a high bluff issuing from a blue earth a bittuminus matter resembling molasses in consistance, colour and taste- [clark, september , ] th september monday a cloudy morning set out early under a gentle breeze from the s e. passed two small islands one on the l. s. & the other on the s. s. both in the first course at / miles passed the lower pt. of ceder island situated in a bend to the l. s. this island is about miles long covered with red ceder, the river is verry shallow opsd. this island--below the island on the top of a ridge we found a back bone with the most of the entire laying connected for feet those bones are petrified, some teeth & ribs also connected. at mes. above ceder i passed a large island on the s. s. to this island several elk swam above this island on the midle is situated islands small one above the other, those islands are called mud islands and camped on the upper island of them buffalow elk &c. killed to day, river falling a large salt spring of remarkable salt water much frequented by buffalow, some smaller springs on the side of the hill above less salt, the water excesiv salt, and is / miles from the river on the s. w. or l. s. opposit ceder island- [clark, september , ] th september monday . a cloudy dark morning set out early, a gentle breeze from the s. e, passed two small islands on the l. s. and one on the s. s. all in the first course at / miles passed the lower point of an ( ) island covered with red ceeder situated in a bend on the l. s. this island is about moles in length ( ) below this on a hill on the l. s. we found the back bone of a fish, feet long tapering to the tale, &c. those joints were seperated and all petrefied, opposit this island / miles from the river on the l. s. is a large salt spring of remarkable salt water. one other high up the hill / me. not so salt. we proceeded on under a stiff breeze. three miles above ceder island passed a large island on the s. s, no water on that side ( ) several elk swam to this island passed a small island near the center of the river, of a mile in length, and camped on one aboav seperated from the other by a narrow chanel, those islands are called mud islands--the hunters killed fuffalow & one elk to day. the river is falling a little, great number of buffalow & elk on the hill sides feeding deer scerce we came too at the mouth of a creek on the l. s. at dark in a heavy shower of rain, it continued to rain the greater part of the night, with a hard wind from the n w cold [clark, september , ] septr. th tuesday set out early a cloudy morning the river verry wide from one hill to the other, with many sand bars passed the isd. on which we lay at a mile passed three isds. one on the l. s. ( / of a mile from it on the l. s. a village of little dogs. i killed four, this village is yards wide & yds. long on a jentle slope of a hill in a plain, those animals are noumerous) the other two islands are on the s. s. the river is verry shallow & wide, the boat got a ground several times--the man g shannon, who left us with the horses above the mahar village, and beleving us to be ahead pushed on as long as he could, joined us he shot away what fiew bullets he had with him, and in a plentiful) countrey like to have starvd. he was days without provision, subsisting on grapes at the same the buffalow, would come within yards of his camp, one of his horses gave out & he left him before his last belluts were consumed--i saw large spoted foxes today a black tailed deer, & killed a buck elk & deer, one othr elk deer & a porkipine killed to day at oclock it became cloudy and rained all the after noon, & night. [clark, september , ] sept. th tuesday a cloudy morning, set out verry early, the river wide & shallow the bottom narrow, & the river crouded with sand bars, passed the island on which we lay at one mile-, pased three islands one on the l. s. and on the s. s. opposit the island on the l. s. i saw a village of barking squriel yds. long, and yds. wide situated on a gentle slope of a hill, those anamals are noumerous, i killed with a view to have their skins stufed. here the man who left us with the horses days ago and has been a head ever since joined, us nearly starved to death, he had been days without any thing to eate but grapes & one rabit, which he killed by shooting a piece of hard stick in place of a ball-. this man supposeing the boat to be a head pushed on as long as he could, when he became weak and fiable deturmined to lay by and waite for a tradeing boat, which is expected keeping one horse for the last resorse,--thus a man had like to have starved to death in a land of plenty for the want of bulletes or something to kill his meat we camped on the l. s. above the mouth of a run a hard rain all the after noon, & most of the night, with hard wind from the n w. i walked on shore the fore part of this day over some broken country which continus about miles back & then is leavel & rich all plains, i saw several foxes & killed a elk & deer. & squirels the men with me killed an elk, deer & a pelican some rain all day to day & cold i walked on shore saw several foxes several villages of prarie dogs, and a number of grouse [clark, september , ] septr. th wednesday a dark cloudy day the wind hard from the n. w. we passed ( ) a island the middle of the river at the head of which we found great dificuelty in passing between the sand bars the water swift and shallow, it took / of the day to make one mile, we camped on the l. s. opsd. a village of barking prarie squriels i walked out in the morning and saw several villages of those little animals, also a great number of grous & foxes, and observed slate & coal mixed, some verry high hills on each side of the river. rains a little all day. [clark, september , ] th septr. thursday a dark drizzley day, g d cought beaver last night the winds from the n w. cold set out early and proceeded on verry well passed a number of sand bars, capt lewis killed a porcupin on a cotton treee fieeding on the leaves & bowers of the said tree, the water is verry shallow being crouded with sand bars camped on the s. side under a bluff. the bluffs on the s. s. not so much impregnated with mineral as on the l. s. muskeetors verry troublesom-. [lewis, september , ] september th killed a bluewinged teal and a porcupine; found it in a cottonwood tree near the river on the lard. shore--the leaves of the cottonwood were much distroyed--as were those of the cottonwood trees in it's neighbourhood. i therefore supposed that it fed on the folage of trees at this season, the flesh of this anamal is a pleasant and whoalsome food--the quills had not yet obtained their usual length--it has four long toes, before on each foot, and the same number behind with the addition of one short one on each hind foot on the inner side. the toes of the feet are armed with long black nails particularly the fore feet- they weigh from to lbs--they resemble the slowth very much in the form of their hands, or fore feet. their teeth and eyes are like the bever [clark, september , ] septr th friday course dists & rifur. set out early proceeded on passed several sand bars water wide & shallow n. ° w. / mes. to a pt. of high land on the l. s. passed a round island on the s s.--caught beaver last night, some drizzeley rain cloudy & disagreeable and som hard showers, i walked on shore with a view to find an old volcano said to be in this neghbourhood by mr. mckey i was some distance out could not see any signs of a volcanoe, i killed a goat, which is peculier to this countrey about the hite of a grown deer shorter, its horns coms out immediately abov its eyes broad short prong the other arched & soft the color is a light gray with black behind its ears, white round its neck, no beard, his sides & belly white, and around its taile which is small & white and down its hams, actively made his brains on the back of its head, his noisterals large, his eyes like a sheep only hoofs on each foot no antelrs (more like the antelope or gazella of africa than any other specis of goat). shields killed a hare weighing / lb. verry pore, the head narrow and its ears inches wide and long, from the fore to the end of the hind foot; is feet inch. hite foot / its tail long & thick white, clearly the mountain hare of europe, a rainy evening all wett the soil of those plains washes down into the flats, with the smallest rain & disolves & mixes with the water we see back from the river high hills in a leavel plain, evidently the remains of mountains, what mud washed into the river within those few days has made it verry mudy, passed two small creeks on the l. s. & camped below a rd on the l. s. rained all evening [clark, september , ] th septr. friday . set out early proceeded on passed several sand bars the river wide and shallow beaver caught last night, drizeley rain in the forepart of this day, cloudy and disagreeable, i walked on shore with a view to find an old vulcanio, said to be in this neighbourhood by mr. j. mckey of st. charles. i walked on shore the whole day without seeing any appearance of the villcanoe, in my walk i killed a buck goat of this countrey, about the hight. of the grown deer, its body shorter, the horns which is not very hard and forks / up one prong short the other round & sharp arched, and is imediately above its eyes the colour is a light gray with black behind its ears down its neck, and its jaw white round its neck, its sides and its rump round its tail which is short & white verry actively made, has only a pair of hoofs to each foot. his brains on the back of his head, his norstral large, his eyes like a sheep--he is more like the antilope or gazella of africa than any other species of goat. shields killed a hare like the mountain hare of europe, waighing / pounds (altho pore) his head narrow, its ears large i, e, inches long & inchs wide one half of each white, the other & out part a lead grey from the toe of the hind foot to toe of the for foot is feet inches, the hith is foot inche & / , his tail long thick & white. the rain continued the greater part of the day in my ramble i observed, that all those parts of the hills which was clear of grass easily disolved and washed into the river and bottoms, and those hils under which the river run, sliped into it and disolves and mixes with the water of the river, the bottoms of the river was covered with the water and mud frome the hills about three inches deep--those bottoms under the hils which is covered with grass also a great quantity of mud. passed small creeks on the l. s and camped below the third, (the place that shannon the man who went a head lived on grapes) some heavy showers of rain all wet, had the goat & rabit stufed rained all night [lewis, september , ] september th this day capt. clark killed a male wild goat so called--it's weight lbs. f i length from point of nose to point of tail hight to the top of the wethers - do. behind - girth of the brest girth of the neck close to the shoulders do. near the head eye deep sea green, large percing and reather prominent, & at or near the root of the horn within one / inches [lewis, september , ] sept. th . shields killed a hare of the prarie, weight six pounds and / f. i. length from point of hind to extremity fore feet hight when standing erect / length from nose to tale girth of body / length of tale length of the year -- / width of do. do. -- / from the extremity of the hip to the toe of the hind foot / the eye is large and prominent the sight is circular, deep sea green, and occupyes one third of the width of the eye the remaining two thirds is a ring of a bright yellowish silver colour. the years ar placed at the upper part of the head and very near to each other, the years are very flexable, the anamall moves them with great ease and quickness and can contrat and foald them on his back or delate them at pleasure--the front outer foald of the year is a redis brown, the inner foalds or those which ly together when the years are thrown back and wich occupy two thirds of the width of the year is of a clear white colour except one inch at the tip of the year which is black, the hinder foald is of a light grey--the head back sholders and outer part of the thighs are of a ledcoloured grey the sides as they approache the belly grow lighter becomeing gradually more white the belly and brest are white with a shad of lead colour--the furr is long and fine--the tale is white round and blounty pointed the furr on it is long and extreemly fine and soft when it runs it carry's it's tale strait behind the direction of the body--the body is much smaller and more length than the rabbit in proportion to it's height--the teeth are like those of the hair or rabbit as is it's upper lip split--it's food is grass or herbs--it resorts the open plains, is extreemly fleet and never burrows or takes shelter in the ground when pursued, i measured the leaps of one which i suprised in the plains on the th inst. and found them feet the ground was a little decending they apear to run with more ease and to bound with greater agility than any anamall i ever saw. this anamal is usually single seldom associating in any considerable numbers. [clark, september , ] september the th satturday set out early passed the mouth of a creek on the l s. where shannon lived on grapes waiting for mr. clintens boat supposeing we had went on, capt lewis and my self halted at the mouth of white river & wend up a short crossed &, this river is about yards, the water confined within yards, the current regularly swift, much resembling the missourie, sand bars makeing out from the points, some islands we sent up two men to go up this river one day and meet us to morrow we proceeded on passed a small island covered with ceder timber, & great number of rabits, no game except rabits, and camped on the s. s. opposit a large creek, on which there is more wood than usial on creeks in this quaterr this creek raised feet last rain i killed a buck elk & a deer. [clark, september , ] th september satturday set out early passed the mo of the creek, and the mouth of white river; ( ) capt lewis and my self went up this river a short distance and crossed, found that this differed verry much from the plat or que courre, threw out but little sand, about yard wide, the water confind within yards, the current regular & swift much resemblig the missourie, with sand bars from the points a sand island in the mouth, in the point is a butifull situation for a town gradual assents, and a much greater quantity of timber about the mouth of this river than usial, we concluded to send some distance up this river detached sjt. gass & r. fields. we proceeded on passed a small ( ) island covered with ceeder on i saw great numbers of rabits & grapes, this island is small & seperated from a large sand isd. at its upper point by a narrow channel, & is situated nearest the l. side. camped on the s. s. opposit the mouth of a large creek on which there is more timber than is usial on creeks of this size, this creek raised feet the last rains. i killed a buck elk & deer, this evening is verry cold, great many wolves of different sorts howling about us. the wind is hard from the n w this evening [lewis, september , ] sunday september th . this morning set out at an early hour, and come too at / after a.m. on the lard. shore / miles above the mouth of a small creek which we named corvus, in consequence of having kiled a beatiful bird of that genus near it we concluded to ly by at this place the ballance of this day and the next, in order to dry our baggage which was wet by the heavy showers of rain which had fallen within the last three days, and also to lighten the boat by transfering a part of her lading to the red perogue, which we now determined to take on with us to our winter residence wherever that might be; while some of the men were imployed in this necessary labour others were dressing of skins washing and mending their cloaths &c. capt. clark and myself kiled each a buck immediately on landing near our encampment; the deer were very gentle and in great numbers on this bottom which had more timber on it than any part of the river we had seen for many days past, consisting of cottonwood elm, some indifferent ash and a considerable quanty of a small species of white oak which is loaded with acorns of an excellent flavor very little of the bitter roughness of the nuts of most species of oak, the leaf of this oak is small pale green and deeply indented, it seldom rises higher than thirty feet is much branched, the bark is rough and thick and of a light colour; the cup which contains the acorn is fringed on it's edges and imbraces the nut about one half; the acorns were now falling, and we concluded that the number of deer which we saw here had been induced thither by the acorns of which they are remarkably fond. almost every species of wild game is fond of the acorn, the buffaloe elk, deer, bear, turkies, ducks, pigegians and even the wolves feed on them; we sent three hunters out who soon added eight deer and two buffaloe to our strock of provisions; the buffaloe were so pour that we took only the tongues skins and marrow bones; the skins were particularly acceptable as we were in want of a covering for the large perogue to secure the baggage; the clouds during this day and night prevented my making any observations. sergt. gass and reubin fields whom we had sent out yesterday to explore the white river returnd at four oclock this day and reported that they had foil meanders of that stream about miles r's general course west, the present or principal channel iro yards wide; the coulour of the water and rapidity and manner of runing resembled the missouri presisely; the country broken on the border of the river about a mile, when the level planes commence and extend as far as the eye can reach on either side; as usual no timber appeared except such as from the steep declivities of hills, or their moist situations, were sheltered from the effects of the fire. these extensive planes had been lately birnt and the grass had sprung up and was about three inches high. vast herds of buffaloe deer elk and antilopes were seen feeding in every direction as far as the eye of the observer could reach. [clark, september , ] september th sunday, we proceeded on / miles and camped on the l. side in a butifull plain surounded with timber in which we saw severall der, we delayed here for the purpose of drying the articles which were wet & the cloathes to load the perogue which we had intended to send back, finding the water too shoal deturmind to take on the perogue also to make some observations for longitude &c. the two men g. & r. f. joined us and informed "that the river as far as they were up had much the appearance of the river about the mouth, but little timber and that chiefly elm", the up land between this river & the white river is fine, great numbers of goat, deer of three kinds, buffalow, & wolves, & barking squrels, the fallow deer, cloudy, all day cleaning out the boat examining & drying the goods, & loading the perogue, i killed deer capt lewis one & a buffalow, one buffalow & five other deer killed. i observed pine burs & burch sticks in the drift wood up white river which coms in on the l. s. imedeately in the point is a butifull situation for a town gentle rises, & more timber about the mouth of this river than usial [clark, september , ] th of september sunday we set out verry early & proceed'd on / miles between sand bars and came too on the l. s. ( )--deturmined to dry our wet thig and liten the boat which we found could not proceed with the present load for this purpose we concluded to detain the perogue we had intended to send back & load her out of the boat & detain the soldiers untill spring & send them from our winter quarters. we put out those articles which was wet, clean'd the boat & perogus, examined all the locker bails &. &c. &. this camp is situated in a butifull plain serounded with timber to the extent of / of a mile in which there is great quantities of fine plumbs the two men detachd up the white river joined us here & informed that the river as far as they were up had much the appearance of the missourie som islands & sands little timber elm, (much signs of beaver, great many buffalow) & continud its width, they saw & well as my self pine burs & sticks of birch in the drift wood up this river, they saw also number of goats such as i killed, also wolves near the buffalow falling deer, & the barking squrels villages capt. lewis went to hunt & see the countrey near the kamp he killed a buffalow & a deer cloudy all day i partly load the empty perogue out of the boat. i killed deer & the party deer & a buffalow the we kill for the skins to cover the perogus, the meet too pore to eat. capt lewis went on an island above our camp, this island is abt. one mile long, with a great purpotion ceder timber near the middle of it i gave out a flannel shirt to each man, & powder to those who had expended thers [lewis, september , ] monday september th . having for many days past confined myself to the boat, i determined to devote this day to amuse myself on shore with my gun and view the interior of the country lying between the river and the corvus creek- accordingly before sunrise i set out with six of my best hunters, two of whom i dispatched to the lower side of corvus creek, two with orders to hunt the bottoms and woodland on the river, while i retained two others to acompany me in the intermediate country. one quarter of a mile in rear of our camp which was situated in a fine open grove of cotton wood passed a grove of plumb trees loaded with fruit and now ripe. observed but little difference between this fruit and that of a similar kind common to the atlantic states. the trees are smaller and more thickly set. this forrest of plumb trees garnish a plain about feet more lelivated than that on which we were encamped; this plain extends back about a mile to the foot of the hills one mile distant and to which it is gradually ascending this plane extends with the same bredth from the creek below to the distance of near three miles above parrallel with the river, and is intirely occupyed by the burrows of the barking squril hertefore discribed; this anamal appears here in infinite numbers, and the shortness and virdue of grass gave the plain the appearance throughout it's whole extent of beatifull bowlinggreen in fine order. it's aspect is s. e. a great number of wolves of the small kind, balks and some pole-cats were to be seen. i presume that those anamals feed on this squirril.--found the country in every direction for about three miles intersected with deep reveries and steep irregular hills of to feet high; at the tops of these hills the country breakes of as usual into a fine leavel plain extending as far as the eye can reach. from this plane i had an extensive view of the river below, and the irregular hills which border the opposite sides of the river and creek. the surrounding country had been birnt about a month before and young grass had now sprung up to hight of inches presenting the live green of the spring. to the west a high range of hills, strech across the country from n. to s and appeared distant about miles; they are not very extensive as i could plainly observe their rise and termination no rock appeared on them and the sides were covered with virdue similar to that of the plains this senery already rich pleasing and beatiful, was still farther hightened by immence herds of buffaloe deer elk and antelopes which we saw in every direction feeding on the hills and plains. i do not think i exagerate when i estimate the number of buffaloe which could be compreed at one view to amount to . my object was if possible to kill a female antelope having already procured a male; i pursued my rout on this plain to the west flanked by my two hunters untill eight in the morning when i made the signal for them to come to me which they did shortly after. we rested our selves about half an hour, and regailed ourselves on half a bisquit each and some jirk of elk which we had taken the precaution to put in our pouches in the morning before we set out, and drank of the water of a small pool which had collected on this plain from the rains which had fallen some days before. we had now after various windings in pursuit of several herds of antelopes which we had seen on our way made the distance of about eight miles from our camp. we found the antelope extreemly shye and watchfull insomuch that we had been unable to get a shot at them; when at rest they generally seelect the most elivated point in the neighbourhood, and as they are watchfull and extreemly quick of sight and their sense of smelling very accute it is almost impossible to approach them within gunshot; in short they will frequently discover and flee from you at the distance of three miles. i had this day an opportunity of witnessing the agility and superior fleetness of this anamal which was to me really astonishing. i had pursued and twice surprised a small herd of seven, in the first instance they did not discover me distinctly and therefore did not run at full speed, tho they took care before they rested to gain an elivated point where it was impossible to approach them under cover except in one direction and that happened to be in the direction from which the wind blew towards them; bad as the chance to approach them was, i made the best of my way towards them, frequently peeping over the ridge with which i took care to conceal myself from their view the male, of which there was but one, frequently incircled the summit of the hill on which the females stood in a group, as if to look out for the approach of danger. i got within about paces of them when they smelt me and fled; i gained the top of the eminece on which they stood, as soon as possible from whence i had an extensive view of the country the antilopes which had disappeared in a steep revesne now appeared at the distance of about three miles on the side of a ridge which passed obliquely across me and extended about four miles. so soon had these antelopes gained the distance at which they had again appeared to my view i doubted at ferst that they were the same that i had just surprised, but my doubts soon vanished when i beheld the rapidity of their flight along the ridge before me it appeared reather the rappid flight of birds than the motion of quadrupeds. i think i can safely venture the asscertion that the speed of this anamal is equal if not superior to that of the finest blooded courser.--this morning i saws [clark, september , ] th of septr. monday above white river dried all those articles which had got wet by the last rain, a fine day capt lewis went hunting with a vew to seethe countrey &its productions, he was out all day killed a buffalow & a remarkable bird of the spicies of corvus, long tail of a greenish purple, varigated a beck like a crow white round its neck comeing to a point on its back, its belley white feet like a hawk abt. the size of a large pigeon capt lewis returned at dark. i took the meridian & equal altitudes to day made the lattitude. colter killed a goat, & a curious kind of deer, a darker grey than common the hair longer & finer, the ears verry large & long a small resepitical under its eye its tail round and white to near the end which is black & like a cow in every other respect like a deer, except it runs like a goat. large. the hunters brought in fallow deer & common deer to day, great numbers of buffalow in the praries, also a light coloured woolf covered with hair & corse fur, also a small wolf with a large bushey tail--some goats of a different kind seen to day,--great many plumbs, rabits, porcupines & barking squrels, capt lewis killed a rattle snake in a village of the squirel's and saw a hair to day. wind from the s. w. we finished drying our provisions some of which was wet and spoiled, [clark, september , ] th of september monday dried all our wet articles this fine day, capt lewis went out with a view to see the countrey and its productions, he was out all day he killed a buffalow and a remarkable bird of the corvus species long tail the upper part of the feathers & also the wing is of a purplish variated green, the black, a part of the wing feather are white edjed with black, white belley, white from the root of the wings to center of the back is white, the head nake breast & other parts are black the becke like a crow. abt. the size of a large pigion. a butifull thing (see suplement in no. ) i took equal altitudes and a meridian altitude. capt. lewis returned at dark, colter killed a goat like the one i killed and a curious kind of deer of a dark gray colr. more so than common, hair long & fine, the ears large & long, a small reseptical under the eyes; like an elk, the taile about the length of common deer, round (like a cow) a tuft of black hair about the end, this speces of deer jumps like a goat or sheep fallow deer common & buffalow killed to day, capt. lewis saw a hare & killed a rattle snake in a village of b. squerels the wind from s. w. dryed our provisions, some of which was much damaged. [lewis, september , ] sept. th one of the hunters killed a bird of the corvus genus and order of the pica & about the size of a jack-daw with a remarkable long tale. beautifully variagated. it note is not disagreeable though loud it is twait twait twait, twait; twait, twait twait, twait. f i from tip to tip of wing do. beak to extremity of tale / of which the tale occupys from extremity of middle toe to hip / it's head, beak, and neck are large for a bird of it's size; the beak is black, and of a convex and cultrated figure, the chops nearly equal, and it's base large and beset with hairs--the eyes are black encircled with a narrow ring of yellowish black it's head, neck, brest & back within one inch of the tale are of a fine glossey black, as are also the short fathers of the under part of the wing, the thies and those about the root of the tale. the belly is of a beatifull white which passes above and arround the but of the wing, where the feathers being long reach to a small white spot on the rump one inch in width--the wings have nineteen feathers, of which the ten first have the longer side of their plumage white in the midde of the feather and occupying unequal lengths of the same from one to three inches, and forming when the wing is spead a kind of triangle the upper and lower part of these party coloured feathers on the under side of the wing being of dark colour but not jut or shining black. the under side of the remaining feathers of the wing are darker. the upper side of the wing, as well as the short side of the plumage of the party coloured feathers is of a dark blackis or bluish green sonetimes presenting as light orange yellow or bluish tint as it happens to be presented to different exposures of ligt--the plumage of the tale consits of feathers of equal lengths by pairs, those in the center are the longest, and the others on each side deminishing about an inch each pair--the underside of the feathers is a pale black, the upper side is a dark bluefish green which like the outer part of the wings is changable as it reflects different portions of light. towards the the extremely of these feathers they become of an orrange green, then shaded pass to a redish indigo blue, and again at the extremity assume the predominant colour of changeable green--the tints of these feathers are very similar and equally as beatiful and rich as the tints of blue and green of the peacock--it is a most beatifull bird.--the legs and toes are black and imbricated. it has four long toes, three in front and one in rear, each terminated with a black sharp tallon from / ths to / an inch in length.--these birds are seldom found in parties of more than three or four and most usually at this season single as the balks and other birds of prey usually are--it's usual food is flesh--this bird dose not spread it's tail when it flys and the motion of it's wings when flying is much like that of a jay-bird- the white turkey of the black hills from information of a french lad who wintered with the chien indians about the size of the common wild turkey the plumage perfectly white--this bird is booted as low as the toes- [clark, september , ] septr. i killed a prarie wolf to day about the sise of a gray fox with a bushey tail the head and ears like a fox wolf, and barks like a small dog--the annimale which we have taken for the fox is this wolf, we have seen no foxes. septr. tuesday set out early wind from the n w. modrt. our boat being much litened goes much better than usial [clark, september , ] september th tuesday wind from the n w. we set out early the boat much lightened, the wind a head proceed on verry slowly ( ) passed an i a island about the middle of the river at mile this island is about a mile long, and has a great perpotion of red cedir on it, a small creek comes in on the s. s. opposit the head of the island, proceeded on passed many sand bars and camped on the l. s. before night the wind being verry hard & a head all day. the hunters killed deer to day and a prarie wolf, had it all jurked & skins stretchd after camping i walked on shore saw goats, elk, buffalow, black tail deer, & the common deer, i killed a prarie wollf, about the size of a gray fox bushey tail head & ear like a wolf, some fur burrows in the ground and barks like a small dog. what has been taken heretofore for the fox was those wolves, and no foxes has been seen; the large wolves are verry numourous, they are of a light colr. large & has long hair with corrs fur. some goats of a different kind wer seen yesterday great many porcupin rabits & barking squirils in this quarter. plumbs & grapes. [lewis, september , ] sept. th this day saw the first brant on their return from the north- [clark, september , ] ( ) & ( ) passed a large island situated nearest the s. s. / a mile from the lower pt. of this island, the st of the rivers mouths which is about yards wide, running from the n e. one mile above the nd comes in this is small not more that yards wide a short distance above a d comes in scattering its waters thro a bottom. i walked on shore to see this great pass of the sioux and calumet ground, found it a handsom situation, and saw the remains of their campt on the d river, for many years passed--( ) passed a creek on the l. s. yds wide we ( ) passed a creek yds wide ( ) passed a creek yd. wide on the l. s. i call night c. as i did not get to it untill late at night, above the mouth of this creek we camped, the wind being favourable, for the boat i killed a fat buffalow cow, and a fat buck elk, york my servent killed a buck, the huntes killed deer, & the boat crew killed buffalow swiming the river, handsom countrey of plains, i saw many trovs of buffalow & a gangue of or elk and othr scattering elk &c. a find evening i hurt my hands & feet last night [clark, september , ] th of september wednesday set out early, a cool morning verry clear the wind from the s. e a bluff on the l. s.--here commences a butifull countrey on both sides of the missourie, ( ) passed a large island called prospect island op posit this isd. the rivers coms in, passing thro a butifull plain, here i walked on shore & killed a fat cow & sent her to the boat and proceeded on to the first of the rivers, this river is about yards wide contains a good deel of water, i walked up this river miles & cross, the bottom is high and rich some timber, i crossed & returned to the mouth, & proceeded up one mile to the d river which is small yards wide, and on it but little timber, on this creek the seaux has frequently camped, as appears by the signs--the lands betwen those two creeks in a purpindicular bluff of about feet with a butifull plain & gentle assent back--a short distance above the nd a rd creek comes into the river in places scattering its waters over the large timbered bottom, this creek is near the size of the middle creek containing a greater quantity of water, those rivers is the place that all nations who meet are at peace with each other, called the seaux pass of the rivers. the boat proceeded on passd. the island ( ) passed a creek yds wide on the l. side ( ) passed a creek on the l. s. yards wide which i call elm creek passing thro a high plain ( ) passed a creek on the l. s. yds. wide above which the boat came too, i joined them late at night, and call this creek night creek the winds favourable all day, i killed a fat buck elk late and could only get his skin and a small part of his flesh to camp. my servent killed a buck, the crew in the boat killed buffalow in the river--the hunters on shore killed deer with black tails one of which was a buck with two men prongs on each side forked equally, which i never before seen. i saw several large gangs of buffaloes large herds of elk & goats &c. ( ) pass a small island on the s. s. opposit to this island on the l. s. a creek of about yards wide coms in passing thro a plain in which great quantities of the prickley pear grows. i call this creek prickley pear creek, this isld. is called the lower island it is situated at the commencement of what is called & known by the grand de tortu or big bend of the missourie. [clark, september , ] september the th thursday detchd. men across the big bend (called the grand detour) with the horse, to stay and hunt & jurk provisions untill we get around ( ) passed a island on the s. s. the river crouded with sand bars, th of september thursday (continued) ( ) at the n w. extremity of this bend passed an small island on the l. s. opposit the upper point of this solitary island came too to _____ at the mouth of a small run on the s. s. & newmon & tomson picked up some salt mixed with the sand in the run, such as the ottoes indians collect on the sands of the corn de cerf r. & make use of, camped on a sand bar on the s. s. above the island--i went out to examine the portage which i found quit short yards only, the prarie below & sides of the hills containing great quantites of the prickly piar which nearly ruind my feet, i saw a hare, & i beleve he run into a hole, he run on a hill & disapeared, i saw on this hill several holes. i saw several goats elk ders &c. & buffalow in every detection feeding. r. fields killed a deer & goats one a female, which differs from the male as to size being something smaller, small straight horns without any black about the neck camped late [clark, september , ] th of september, thursday a fair morning wind from the s e detached men to the st. creek abov the big bend with the horse to hunt and wait our arrival proceeded on passed the lower island opposit which the sand bars are verry thick & the water shoal. i walked on shore with a view of examining this bend crossed at the narost part which is a high irregular hills of about or feet, this place the gorge of the bend is mile & a quarter (from river to river or) across, from this high land which is only in the gouge, the bend is a butifull plain thro which i walked, saw numbrs of buffalow & goats, i saw a hare & believe he run into a hole in the side of a hill, he run up this hill which is small & has several holes on the side & i could not see him after, i joined the boat in the evening--passed a small island on the l. s. in the n. w. extremity of the bind called solitary island, and camped late on a sand bar near the s. s.--r. fields killed deer & goats one of them a feemale--she differs from the mail as to size being smaller, with small horns, stright with a small prong without any black about the neck none of those goats has any beard, they are all keenly made, and is butifull [lewis, september , ] septr. th on the lard. shore at the commencement of the big bend observed a clift of black porus rock which resembled lava tho on a closer examination i believe it to be calcarious and an imperfect species of the french burr--preserved a specemine, it is a brownish white, or black or yellowish brown- [clark, september , ] st of september friday , last night or reather this morng at a half past one oclock the sand bar on which we camped began to give way, which allarmed the serjt on guard & the noise waked me, i got up and by the light of the moon observed that the sand was giving away both above & beloy and would swallow our perogues in a few minits, ordered all hands on board and pushed off we had not got to the opposit shore before pt. of our camp fel into the river. we proceeded on to the gorge of the bend & brackfast, the distance of this bend around is miles, and / miles thro, the high lands extinds to the gauge and is about feet the plain in the bend as also the two opposit sides abov and below is delightfull plains with graduel assents from the river in which there is at this time great number of buffalow elk & goats feedg the course from the gauge on the l. s. is s. w. / miles to the pt. of ceder timber on the l. s. pass sands. worthy of remark the cat fish not so plenty abov white river & much smaller than usial, great nunbers of brant & plover, also goat and black tail deer. [clark, september , ] st of september friday at half past one oclock this morning the sand bar on which we camped began to under mind and give way which allarmed the sergeant on guard, the motion of the boat awakened me; i get up & by the light of the moon observed that the land had given away both above and below our camp & was falling in fast. i ordered all hands on as quick as possible & pushed off, we had pushed off but a few minets before the bank under which the boat & perogus lay give way, which would certainly have sunk both perogues, by the time we made the opsd. shore our camp fell in, we made a d camp for the remainder of the night & at daylight proceeded on to the gouge of this great bend and brackfast, we sent a man to measure step off the distance across the gouge, he made it yds. the distance arround is mes. the hills extend thro the gouge and is about foot above the water--in the bend as also the opposite sides both abov and below the bend is a butifull inclined plain in which there is great numbers of buffalow, elk & goats in view feeding & scipping on those plains grouse, larks & the prarie bird is common in those plains. we proceeded on passed a ( ) willow island below the mouth of a small river called tylors r about yds. wide which corns in on the l. s. miles above the gorge of the bend, at the mouth of this river the two hunters a head left a deer & its skin also the skin of a white wolfwe observe an emence number of plover of different kind collecting and takeing their flight southerly, also brants which appear to move in the same direction. the cat fish is small and not so plenty as below ( ) the shore on each side is lined with hard rough gulley stones of different sides, which has roled from the hills & out of small brooks, ceder is comon here, this day is worm, the wind which is not hard blows from the s. e, we camped at the lower point of the mock island on the s. s. this now connected with the main land, it has the appearance of once being an island detached from the main land covered with tall cotton wood--we saw some camps and tracks of the seaux which appears to be old three or four weeks ago--one frenchman i fear has got an abscess on his they, he complains verry much we are makeing every exertion to releiv him the praries in this quarter contains great qts. of prickley pear. [clark, september , ] nd september satturday a thick fog this morning untill oclock which detained us, saw some old tracks of the indians on the s. s. proceeded on--one french man with a abscess on his thigh which pains him verry much for or days a butifull plain on both sides low high land under which there is a number of lage stone, we see great numbers of buffalow feeding [clark, september , ] a continuation of notes taken assending the missourie in -by w. clark satturday the nd of september - a thick fog this morning detained us untill oclock, the plains on both sides of the river is butifull and assends gradually from the river; noumerous herds of buffalow to be seen in every derections, ( ) took the altitude of the sun & found the lattitude to be ° ' " n- ( ) passed a small island on the l. s. and one on the s. s. imediately above, & about m. long, on the l. s. opposit this island a creek of about yds wide mouthes, called the creek of the sisters ( ) passed cedar island / m. long & m. wide situated a little above the last and nearest the s. s.near the upper part of this island on its s. side a tradeing fort is situated built of cedar-by a mr. louiselle of st louis, for the purpose of tradeing with the teton bands of soues (or "sieux") about this fort i saw numbers of indians temporary lodges, & horse stables, all of them round and to a point at top, i observed also numbers of cotton trees fallen for the purpose of feeding their horses on the bark of the limbs of those trees which is said to be excellent food for the horses--we came too on the s. s. below a small island called goat island, passed a no. of large round stones, som distance in the river as also in the sides of the hills,--i walked on the shore this evening and killed a verry large deer--our hunters killed deer & a beaver, they complain of the mineral quallities of the high land distroying their mockersons-. [clark, september , ] nd of september satturday a thick fog this morning detained us untill oclock passed a butifull inclined prarie on both sides in which we see great numbers of buffalow feeding--( ) took the meridean altitude of the suns upper leimb. ° ' " the sexsecnt the latd. produced from this obsivation is ° ' " / north ( ) passed a small island on the l. s. imediately above passed a island situated nearest the l. s. abt. miles long, behind this isd. on the l. s. a creek comes in about yards wide, this creek and islands are called the sisters a butifull plain on both sides of the river ( ) passed a island situated nearest the s. s. imedeately above the last called ceder island this island is about / miles long & nearly as wide covered with ceder, on the south side of this island mr. louiselle a trader from st. louis built a fort of ceder & a good house to trate with the seaux & wintered last winter; about this fort i observed a number of indian camps in a conicel form,--they fed their horses on cotton limbs as appears. here our hunters joined us havening killed deer & a beaver, they complain much of the mineral substances in the barren hills over which they passed distroying their mockersons. ( ) we proceeded on and camped late on the s. side below a small island in the bend s. s. called goat island. the large stones which lay on the sides of the banks in several places lay some distance in the river, under the water and is dangerous &. i walked out this evening and killed a fine deer, the musquiters is verry troublesom in the bottoms [clark, september , ] rd septr. sunday (days and nights equal) set out early under a gentle breeze from the s e n. °w / miles to the mo. of a creek on the s. s. passd. a pt. on the l. s. ( ) a small island opsd. in the bend to the s. s. this island is called goat island, ( ) this creek is yards wide. passed bad sand bars--s. °w / mes. a wood at a spring in the bend to the l. s. saw the prarie a fire behind us near the head of ceder island l. s. n. ° w. / to the lower pt of elk island pass willow islands & sand i saw this morning of those black & white birds of the corvus species. capt lewis went out to hund on the island a great number of buffalow in sight i must seal up all those scrips & draw from my journal at some other time win clark cpt. [clark, september , ] sunday the rd september set out under a gentle breeze from the s. e--( ) passed goat island situated in a bend to the s. s--above passed a small creek yards wide on the s. s.--we observed a great smoke to the sw. which is an indian signal of their haveing discovered us, i walked on shore and observed great numbers of buffalows. ( ) passed small willow islands with large sand bars makeing from their upper points ( ) passed elk island situated near the l. s. about / mes. long & / wide, covered with cotton wood, a red berry called by the french "grise de buff," grapes &c. the river is wide streight & contains a great numr of sand bars, ( ) passed a small creek on the s. s. yds wide i call reubens cr.--r. fields was the first who found it--came too & camped on the s. s. in a wood. soon after we landed three soues boys swam across to us, those boys informed us that a band of sieux called the tetons of lodges wer camped near the mouth of the next river, and lodges more a short distance above them, they had that day set the praries on fire to let those camps know of our approach--we gave those boys two twists of tobacco to carry to their chiefs & warriors to smoke, with derections to tell them that we wished to speak to them tomorrow, at the mouth of the next river--capt lewis walked on shore, r f. killed a she goat or "cabbra." [clark, september , ] rd of september sunday set out under a gentle breeze from the s. e, ( ) passed a small island situated in a bend to the l. s. called goat island, a short distance above the upper point a creek of yards wide corns in on the s. s. we observed a great smoke to the s w.--i walked on shore & observed buffalow in great herds at a distance ( ) passed two small willow islands with large sand bars makeing out from them, passed ( ) elk island about / miles long & / mile wide situated near the l. s. covered with cotton wood the read current called by the french gres de butiff & grapes &c. &c. the river is nearly streight for a great distance wide and shoal. ( ) passed a creek on the s. s. yards wide we call reubens creek, as r fields found it camped on the s. s. below the mouth of a creek on the l. s. three souex boys came to us swam the river and informd that the band of soauex called the teton of lodges were camped at the next creek above, & lodges more a short distance above, we gave those boys two carrots of tobacco to carry to their chiefs, with derections to tell them that we would speek to them tomorrow capt lewis walked on shore this evening, r. f killed a doe goat,- [clark, september , ] monday the th of september a fair morning set out early, wind from the east, passed the mouth of a creek on the l. s. called creek in high water. passed a large ( ) island on the l. s. about / miles long on which colter had camped & killed elk. the wind from the s. e.--we prepared some clothes a few medal for the chiefs of the teton band of sioux we expected to meet at the next river--much stone on the s. s. of the river, we saw one hare to day--our perogues called at the island for the elk, soon after we passed the island colter ran up the bank & reported that the sioux had taken his horse, we soon after saw five indians on the bank; who expressed a wish to come on board, we informed them we were friends, and wished to continue so, we were not abraid any indians--some of their young men had stolen a horse sent by their great father to their great chief, and we should not speak to them any more untill the horse was returned to us again--passed a island about / m. long on which we saw maney elk & buffalow, we came too off the mouth of a small river, the teton of the burnt woods is camped miles up this river, this river we call teton is yds wide and corns in on the s w side-i went on shore and smoked with a chief, called buffalow medison, who came to see us here. the chief said he knew nothing of the horse &c &. i informed them we would call the grand chiefs in council tomorrow, all continued on board all night [clark, september , ] th september monday set out early a fair day the wind from the e, pass the mouth of creek on the l. s. called on high water; passed (i ) a large island on the l. s. about miles & / long on which colter had camped & killed elk, the wind fair from the s. e. we prepared some clothes and a fiew meadels for the chiefs of the teton's hand of seaux which we expect to see to day at the next river, observe a great deel of stone on the sides of the hills on the s. s. we saw one hare to day, prepared all things for action in case of necessity, our perogus went to the island for the meet, soon after the man on shore run up the bank and reported that the indians had stolen the horse we soon after met inds. and ankered out some distance & spoke to them informed them we were friends, & wished to continue so but were not afraid of any indians, some of their young men had taken the horse sent by their great father for ther chief and we would not speek to them untill the horse was returned to us again. passed ( ) a island on the s. s. on which we saw several elk, about / miles long called good humered islds. came to about / miles above off the mouth of a small river about yards wide called by mr. evins the little mississou river, the tribes of the scouix called the teton, is camped about miles up on the n w side and we shall call the river after that nation, teton this river is yards wide at the mouth of water, and has a considerable current we anchored off the mouth the french perogue come up early in the morning, the other did not get up untill in the evening soon after we had came too. i went & smoked with the chief who came to see us here all well, we prepare to speek with the indians tomorrow at which time we are informed the indians will be here, the french man who had for some time been sick, began to blead which allarmed him-- / of our party camped on board the remainder with the guard on shore. [clark, september , ] th of september off teton river a fair morning the wind from the s. e. raised a flagg staff and formed an orning & shade on a sand bar in the mouth of teton r to council under, the greater portion of the party to continue on boardabout oclock the st & d chief arrived, we gave them to eat; they gave us some meat, (we discover our interpeter do not speak the language well) at oclock the councill commenced & after smokeing agreeable to the usial custom c. l. delivered a written speech to them, i some explinations &c. all party paraded, gave a medal to the grand chief in indian un-ton gar-sar bar, or black buffalow-- d torto-hongar, partezon (bad fellow) the d tar-ton-gar-wa-ker, buffalow medison--we invited those chiefs & a soldier on board our boat, and showed them many curiossites, which they were much surprised, we gave they / a wine glass of whiskey which they appeared to be exceedingly fond of they took up an empty bottle, smelted it, and made maney simple jestures and soon began to be troublesom the d chief effecting drunkness as a cloak for his vilenous intintious (as i found after wards,) realed or fell about the boat, i went in a perogue with those chief who left the boast with great reluctians, my object was to reconsile them and leave them on shore, as soon as i landed of their young ment seased the cable of the perogue, one soldiar huged the mast and the d chief was exceedingly insolent both in words and justures to me declareing i should no go off, saying he had not recived presents suffient from us- i attempted to passify but it had a contrary effect for his insults became so personal and his intentions evident to do me injurey, i drew my sword at this motion capt louis ordered all in the boat under arms, the fiew men that was with me haveing previously taken up their guns with a full deturmination to defend me if possible--the grand chief then took hold of the cable & sent all the young men off, the soldier got out of the perogue and the nd chief walked off to the party at about yards back, all of which had their bows strung & guns cocked- i then spoke in verry positive terms to them all, principaly addressing myself to the st chief, who let the roape go and walked to the indian, party about, i again offered my hand to the st chief who refused it--(all this time the indians were pointing their arrows blank-) i proceeded to the perogue and pushed off and had not proceeded far before the st & r chief & principal men walked into the water and requested to go on board, i took them in and we proceeded on abot a mile, and anchored near a small island, i call this island bad humered island [clark, september , ] th septr a fair morning the wind from the s. e. all well, raised a flag staff & made a orning or shade on a sand bar in the mouth of teton river for the purpose of speeking with the indians under, the boat crew on board at yards distance from the bar the indians which we met last night continued, about oclock the s & d chief came we gave them some of our provsions to eat, they gave us great quantites of meet some of which was spoiled we feel much at a loss for the want of an interpeter the one we have can speek but little. met in council at oclock and after smokeing, agreeable to the usial custom, cap lewis proceeded to deliver a speech which we oblige to curtail for want of a good interpeter all our party paraded. gave a medal to the grand chief calld. in indian un ton gar sar bar in french beefe nure black buffalow said to be a good man, chief torto hon gar- or the partisan-or partizan-bad the rd is the beffe de medison his name is tar ton gar wa ker . contesabe man war zing go . do second bear = ma to co que pan envited those cheifs on board to show them our boat and such curiossities as was strange to them, we gave them / a glass of whiskey which they appeared to be verry fond of, sucked the bottle after it was out & soon began to be troublesom, one the d cheif assumeing drunkness, as a cloake for his rascally intentions i went with those cheifs (which left the boat with great reluctiance) to shore with a view of reconseleing those men to us, as soon as i landed the perogue three of their young men seased the cable of the perogue, the chiefs soldr. huged the mast, and the d chief was verry insolent both in words & justures declareing i should not go on, stateing he had not recved presents suffient from us, his justures were of such a personal nature i felt my self compeled to draw my sword, at this motion capt. lewis ordered all under arms in the boat, those with me also showed a disposition to defend themselves and me, the grand chief then took hold of the roop & ordered the young warrers away, i felt my self warm & spoke in verry positive terms most of the warriers appeared to have ther bows strung and took out their arrows from they quves. as i was not permited to return, i sent all the men except inpt. to the boat, the perogu soon returned with about of our detumind men ready for any event this movement caused a no. of the indians to withdraw at a distance,--their treatment tome was verry rough & i think justified rough ness on my part, they all left my perogue and councild. with themselves the result i could not lern and nearly all went off after remaining in this situation some time i offered my hand to the & chief who refusd to recve it. i turned off & went with my men on board the perogue, i had not progd. more the paces before the st cheif rd & brave men waded in after me. i took them in & went on board we proceeded on about mile & anchored out off a willow island placed a guard on shore to protect the cooks & a guard in the boat, fastened the perogues to the boat, i call this island bad humered island as we were in a bad humer. [clark, september , ] th of septr set out early and proceeded on--the river lined with indians, came too & anchored by the particular request of the chiefs to let their womin & boys see the boat, and suffer them to show us some friendship--great members of men womin & children on the bank viewing us--those people are spritely small legs ille looking set men perticularly, they grease & black themselves when they dress, make use of hawks feathers about thier heads, cover with a roab each a polecat skin to hold their smokeables, fond of dress, badly armed. ther women appear verry well, fine teeth, high cheek dress in skin peticoats, & a roabe with the flesh side out and harey ends turned back over their sholdes, and look well--they doe all the laborious work, and i may say are perfect slaves to thier husbands who frequently have several wives- capt lewis & men went on shore with the chiefs, who appeared to wish to become friendly they requested us to remain one night & see them dance &c.--in the evening i walked on shore, and saw several mahar womin & boys in a lodge & was told they were prisones laterly taken in a battle in which they killed a number & took prisoners--i advised the chiefs to make peace with that nation and give up the prisoners, if they intended to follow the words of their great father they promised that they would do so--i was in several lodges neetly formed, those lodges are about to feet diametr stretched on poles like a sugar loaf, made of buffalow skins dressed about oclock i was approached by well dressed young men with a neet buffalow roab which they set down before me & requested me to get in they carried me to ther council tents forming / circle & set me down betwn chefs where about men were seated in a circle, in front of the chief feet square was cleared & the pipe of peace raised on forks & sticks, under which was swans down scattered, the flags of spane & the one we gave them yesterday was displayed a large fire was made on which a dog was cooked, & in the center about wt of buffalow meat which they gave us,--soon after, i took my seat the young men went to the boat & brought capt lewis in the same way & placed him by me soon after an old man rose & spoke approveing what we had done. requesting us to take pitty on them &c. answered--they form their camp in a circle the great chief then rose in great state and spoke to the same purpos and with solemnity took up the pipe of peace and pointed it to the heavens, the quartrs and the earth, he made some divistation, & presented the sten to us to smoke, after smokeing & a short harrang to his people we were requested to take the meat, and the flesh of the dog gavin us to eat--we smoked untill dark, at which time all was cleared away & a large fire made in the center, several men with tamborens highly decorated with der & cabra hoofs to make them rattle, assembled and began to sing & beat--the women came forward highly decerated with the scalps & trofies of war of their fathes husbands & relations, and danced the war dance, which they done with great chearfulness untill oclock, when we informed the chief we intended return on bord, (they offered us women, which we did not except) chiefs accompanied us to the boat and staid all night--those people have a description of men which they call soldiars, those men attend to the police of the band, correct all vices &. i saw one to day whip squars who appeared to have fallen out, when the soldier approached all appeared give way and flee at night they keep or men at different distances walking around their camp singing the acursenes of the night all in spirits this evening wind hard from the s e i saw squars & boys taken days ago in a battle with the mahars, in which they destroyed lodges, killed men & boys, & took prisones which they promised us should be delivered to mr. durion now with the yankton _____, we gave our mahar interpeter a few alls & &. to give those retched prisonis, i saw homney of ground potatos a spoon of the big horn animals which will hold quarts. [clark, september , ] th septr. bad hd isd. th of september wednesday set out early proceeded on and came to by the wish of the chiefs for to let their squars & boys see the boat and suffer them to treat us well great number of men women & children on the banks viewing us, these people shew great anxiety, they appear spritely, generally ill looking & not well made thier legs & arms small generally--they grese & black themselves with coal when they dress, make use of a hawks feather about their heads the men a robe & each a polecats skins, for to hold ther bais roly for smokeing fond of dress & show badly armed with fuseis &. the squaws are chearfull fine lookg womin not handson, high cheeks dressed in skins a peticoat and roab which foldes back over thir sholder, with long wool. doe all ther laborious work & i may say perfect slaves to the men, as all squars of nations much at war, or where the womin are more noumerous than the men--after comeing too capt. lewis & men went on shore with the chiefs, who appeared desposed to make up & be friendly, after captain lewis had been on shore about hours i became uneasy for fear of some deception & sent a serjeant to see him and know his treatment which he reported was friendly, & thy were prepareing for a dance this evening the made frequent selecitiation for us to remain one night only and let them show their good disposition towards us, we deturmined to remain, after the return of capt. lewis, i went on shore i saw several maha prisoners and spoke to the chiefs it was necessary to give those prisoners up & become good friends with the mahars if they wished to follow the advice of their great father i was in several lodges neetly formed as before mentioned as to the bauruly tribe--i was met by about well dressd. yound men who took me up in a roabe highly a decrated and set me down by the side of their chief on a dressed robe in a large council house this house formed a / cercle of skins well dressed and sown together under this shelter about men set forming a circle in front of the chiefs a plac of feet diameter was clear and the pipe of peace raised on sticks under which there was swans down scattered, on each side of the circle two pipes, the flags of spain & the flag we gave them in front of the grand chief a large fire was near in which provisions were cooking, in the center about wt. of excellent buffalo beif as a present for us soon after they set me down, the men went for capt lewis brough him in the same way and placed him also by the chief in a fiew minits an old man rose & spoke approveing what we had done & informing us of their situation requesting us to take pity on them &c which was answered the great chief then rose with great state to the same purpote as far as we could learn & then with great solemnity took up the pipe of peace whin the principal chiefs spoke with the pipe of peace he took in one hand some of the most delicate parts of the dog which was prepared for the feist & made a sacrifise to the flag--& after pointing it to the heavins the quarter of the globe & the earth,, lit it and prosist presented the stem to us to smoke, after a smoke had taken place, & a short harange to his people, we were requested to take the meal put before us the dog which they had been cooking, & pemitigon & ground potatoe in several platters. pemn is buffo meat dried or baked pounded & mixed with grease raw dog sioux think great dishused on festivals. eat little of dog pemn & pote good we smoked for an hour dark & all was cleared away a large fire made in the center, about misitions playing on tamberins. long sticks with deer & goats hoofs tied so as to make a gingling noise and many others of a similer kind, those men began to sing, & beet on the tamboren, the women came foward highly deckerated in theire way, with the scalps and trofies of war of ther father husbands brothers or near connection & proceeded to dance the war dance which they done with great chearfullness untill oclock when we informed the cheifs that they were fatigued &c. they then retired & we accompd. by chiefs returned to our boat, they stayed with us all night. those people have some brave men which they make use of as soldiers those men attend to the police of the village correct all errors i saw one of them to day whip squars who appeared to have fallen out, when he approachd all about appeared to flee with great turrow at night thy keep two or men at deffinit distances walking around camp singing the accurrunces of the night all the men on board paces from shore wind from the s. e. moderate one man verry sick on board with a dangerass abscess on his hip. all in spirits this eveninge in this tribe i saw squars and boys taken days ago in a battle with the mahars in this battle they destroyd lodges, killed men, & som boys & children, & took prisones womin & boys which they promis both capt. lewis and my self shall be delivered up to mr. durion at the tribe, those are a retched and dejected looking people the squars appear low & corse but this is an unfavourabl time to judge of them we gave our mahar inteptr. some fiew articles to give those squats in his name such as alls needle &. &c. i saw & eat pemitigon the dog, groud potatoe made into a kind of homney, which i thought but little inferior--i also saw a spoon made of a horn of an animile of the sheep kind the spoon will hold quarts. [clark, september , ] th of septr. --the bank as usial lined with sioux, gave the principal chiefs a blanket & a peck of corn each, capt lewis accompanied the chiefs to their lodges, they informed us that a great part of their nation had not arrived, & would arrive to night and requested us to delay one day longer, that they might see us i rote a letter to mr. durion, & prepared some commissions & a meadel & sent to captain lewis--at oclock capt lewis retuned with chiefs & a brave man named war-cha pa--after a delay of half an hour i went with them on shore, they left the boat with reluctiance (we suspect they are treacherous and are at all times guarded & on our guard) they again offered me a young woman and wish me to take her & not dispise them, i wavered the subject, at dark the dance began as usial and performed as last night. womin with ther husbands & relations cloths arms scalps on poles &c. &c. capt lewis joined me & we continued until about oclock and chief accompaned us to the boat i with cheifs was in a perogue going on board, by bad stearing the parogu struk the cable with such force as to brake it near the anchor (cap lewis) and or men on shore, i had all hands up and was compelled to land--the chief got allarmed & allarmed the indians the s chief & about men came down in great hast armd and for action, and found it was false, about of them camped on shore all night--this allarm cap lewis & well as my self viewed as the signal of their intentions, one half on guard, our misfortune of loseing our anchor obliged us to lay under a falling in bank much exposed to the accomplishment of the hostile intentions of those tetons (who we had every reason to believe from ther conduct intended to make an attempt to stop our progress & if possible rob us-) peter crusat who spoke mahar came in the night and informed me that the mahar prisoners told him that the tetons intended to stop us--we shew'd but little sign of a knowledge of there intentions. [clark, september , ] th of septr. thursday i rose early aftr a bad nights sleep found the chief all up, and the bank as usial lined with spectators we gave the great cheifs a blanket a peace, or rethr they took off agreeable to their custom the one they lay on and each one peck of corn after brackfast capt. lewis & the chiefs went on shore, as a verry large part of their nation was comeing in, the disposition of whome i did not know one of us being suffcent on shore, i wrote a letter to mr. p. durion & prepared a meadel & some comsns. & sent to cap lewis at oclock capt. lewis returned with chiefs & a brave man named war cha pa or on his guard. when the friends of those people die they run arrows through their flesh above and below their elbous as a testimony of their greaf after staying about half an hour, i went with them on shore, those men left the boat with reluctience, i went first to the d chiefs lodge, where a croud came around after speeking on various subjects i went to a princpal mans lodge from there to the grand chiefs lodge, after a fiew minits he invited me to a lodge within the circle in which i stayed with all their principal men untill the dance began, which was similer to the one of last night performed by their womn which poles on which scalps of their enemies were hung, some with the guns spears & war empliments their husbands in their hands capt. lewis came on shore and we continued untill we were sleepy & returned to our boat, the nd chief & one principal man accompanid us, those two indians accompanied me on board in the small perogue, capt. lewis with a guard still on shore, the man who steered not being much acustomed to steer, passed the bow of the boat & peroge came broad side against the cable & broke it which obliged me to order in a loud voice all hands all hands up & at their ores, my preempty order to the men and the bustle of their getting to their ores allarmd the cheifs, togethr with the appearance of the men on shore, as the boat turnd. the cheif hollowered & allarmed the camp or town informing them that the mahars was about attacting us. in about minits the bank was lined with men armed the st cheif at their head, about men appeared and after about / hour returned all but about men who continued on the bank all night, the cheifs contd. all night with us--this allarm i as well as captn. lewis considered as the signal of their intentions (which was to stop our proceeding on our journey and if possible rob us) we were on our guard all night, the misfortune of the loss of our anchor obliged us to lay under a falling bank much exposd. to the accomplishment of their hostile intentions p. c--our bowman who cd. speek mahar informed us in the night that the maha prisoners informed him we were to be stoped--we shew as little sighns of a knowledge of their intentions as possible all prepared on board for any thing which might hapen, we kept a strong guard all night in the boat no sleep [clark, september , ] th of septr friday i made maney attempts in defferent ways to find our anchor without sukcess, the sand had covered her up, we deturmined to proceed on to day--and after brackfast we with great dificuelty got the chiefs out of the boat, and when we were about setting out the class called the soldiars took possession of the cable- the st cheif was still on board and intended to go a short distance up with us, was informed that the men set on the cable, he went out and told capt lewis who was at the bow, they wanted tobacco the d chief demanded a flag & tobacco which we refused to give, stateing proper reasons to them for it, after much rangleing, we gave a carrot of tobacco to the st cheif and he to the men &lurked the cable from them & proceeded on under a breeze from the s e. we took in the rd cheif who was sitting on a sand bar miles above--he told us the rope was held by order of the d chief who was a double spoken man--soon after we saw a man rideing full speed up the bank, we brought him on board, & he proved to be the sun of the d cheif, by him we sent a talk to the nation, explanitory of our hoisting the red flag under the white, if they were for peace stay at home and doe as we had derected them and if they were for war or deturmined to attempt to stop us, we were ready to defend our selves (as i had before said)--we substituted large stones in place of an anchor, we came to at a small sand bar in the middle of the river and stayed all night-i am verry unwell i think for the want of sleep [clark, september , ] th of september friday made many attemps in different ways to find our anchor but could not, the sand had covered it, from the misfortune of last night our boat was laying at shore in a verry unfavourable situation, after finding that the anchor could not be found we deturmined to proceed on, with great difficuelty got the chiefs out of our boat, and when we was about setting out the class called the soldiers took possession of the cable the s chief which was still on board & intended to go a short distance up with us, i told him the men of his nation set on the cable, he went out & told capt lewis who was at the bow the men who set on the roap was soldiers and wanted tobacco capt. l. said would not agree to be forced into any thing, the d chief demanded a flag & tobacco which we refusd. to give stateing proper reasons to them for it after much difucelty-which had nearly reduced us to hostility i threw a carot of tobacco to s chief spoke so as to touch his pride took the port fire from the gunner the chief gives the tobaco to his soldiers & he jurked the rope from them and handed it to the bows man we then set out under a breeze from the s. e. about miles up we observed the rd chief on shore beckining to us we took him on board he informed us the roap was held by the order of the d chief who was a double spoken man, soon after we saw a man comeing full speed, thro the plains left his horse & proceeded across a sand bar near the shore we took him on board & observed that he was the son of the chief we had on board we sent by him a talk to the nation stateent the cause of our hoisting the red flag undr. the white, if they were for peace stay at home & do as we had derected them, if the were for war ore were deturmined to stop us we were ready to defend our selves, we halted one houre & / on the s. s. & made a substitute of stones for a ancher, refreshed our men and proceeded on about miles higher up & came too a verry small sand bar in the middle of the river & stayed all night, i am verry unwelle for want of sleep deturmined to sleep to night if possible, the men cooked & we rested well. [clark, september , ] capt. w. clarks notes continued as first taken- th of september satturday --set out early some bad sand bars, at oclock we observed the d chief with men and squars on shore, they wished to go up with us as far as the other part of their band, which would meet us on the river above not far distant we refused to let one more come on board stateing suffient reasons, observd they would walk on shore to the place we intended to camp, offered us women we objected and told them we should not speake to another teton except the one on board with us, who might go on shore when ever he pleased, those indians proceeded on untill later in the evening when the chief requested that the perogue might put him across the river which we agreed to--saw numbers of elk on the sand bars today, passed an old ricara village at the mouth of a creek without timber we stayed all night on the side of a sand bar / a mile from the shore. [clark, september , ] th of septr. satturday set out early some bad sand bars, proceeded on at oclock we observed the d chief & principal men one man & a squar on shore, they wished to go up with us as far as the other part of their band, which they said was on the river a head not far distant we refused stateing verry sufhcint reasons and was plain with them on the subject, they were not pleased observed that they would walk on shore to the place we intended to camp to night, we observed it was not our wish that they should for if they did we could not take them or any other tetons on board except the one we had now with us who might go on shore when ever he pleased- they proceeded on, the chief on board askd. for a twist of tobacco for those men we gave him / a twist, and sent one by them for that part of their band which we did not see, & continued on saw great numbers of elk at the mouth of a small creek called no timber (-as no timber appeared to be on it.) above the mouth of this creek the parties had a village years ago,--the d chief came on the sand bar & requested we would put him across the river, i sent a perogue & crossed him & one man to the s. s. and proceeded on & came too on a sand bar on about / mile from the main shore & put on it sentinals continud all night at anchor (we substitute large stones for anchors in place of the one we lost) all in high spirits &c [clark, september , ] th of september sunday had not proceeded far before we discovered an indian running after us, he requstd to go with us to the ricaras, we refused to take him, i discovered at a great distanc a great number of men women & children decending a hill towards the river above which the chief with us told us was the other band, some rain & hard wind at about oclock we anchored opposit the camps of this band and told them we took them by the hand, and sent to each chief a carrot of tobacco & some to the principal men and farther said that after staying with the band below days to see them we had been badly treated and should not land again, as we had not time to delay--refured then to mr. durion for a full account of us, and an explination of what had been said, they appeard ansioes for us to eat with them and observed they were friendly we apoligised & proceeded on under a double reafed sale--the chief on board threw out to those that ran up small pieces of tobacco & told them to go back and open thier ears, we saw great number of white guls--refresh the party with whiskey, in the evening we saw indians at a distance, the boat turned by accident & was nearly filling and rocked verry much, allarmed the indian chief on board who ran and hid himself, we landed & the indian express a wish to return, we gave him a blanket knife & some tobacco and advised him to keep his men away, we camped on a sand bar. verry cold & windy- [clark, september , ] th of septr. sunday . set out this morning early had not proceeded on far before we discovered an indn. running after us, he came up with us at oclock & requested to come on bord and go up to the recorees we refused to take any of that band on board if he chose to proceed on shore it was verry well soon after i discovered on the hills at a great distance great numbers of indians which appeared to be makeing to the river above us, we proceeded on under a double reafed sail, & some rain at oclock observed a large band of indians the same which i had before seen on the hills incamping on the bank the l. s. we came too on a sand bar brackfast & proceeded on & cast the ancher opposit their lodgs. at about yards distand, and informed the indians which we found to be a part of the band we had before seen, that took them by the hand and sent to each chief a carrot of tobacco, as we had been treated badly by some of the band below, after staying days for them, we could not delay any time, & refured them to mr. duron for a full account of us and to here our talk sent by him to the tetons, those were verry selecitious for us to land and eate with them, that they were friendly &c. &. we appoligised & proceeded on, sent the peroge to shore above with the tobacco & delivd. it to a soldr. of the chief with us several of them ran up the river, the chf. on board threw then out a small twist of tobacco & told them to go back & open ther ears. they recved the tobacco & returned to their lodges--we saw great numbers of white guls this day is cloudy & rainey--refresh the men with a glass of whisky after brackfast. we saw about miles above indians who came to the bank and looked at us a about / an hour & went over the hills to the s w. we proceeded on under a verry stiff breeze from the s., the stern of the boat got fast on a log and the boat turned & was verry near filling before we got her righted, the waves being verry high, the chief on board was so fritined at the motion of the boat which in its rocking caused several loose articles to fall on the deck from the lockers, he ran off and hid himself, we landed he got his gun and informed us he wished to return, that all things were cleare for us to go on we would not see any more tetons &c. we repeated to him what had been said before and advised him to keep his men away, gave him a blanket a knife & some tobacco, smokd a pipe & he set out. we also set sale and came to at a sand bar, & camped, a verrey cold evening, all on our guard [clark, october , ] st of october monday the wind blew hard from the s. e. all last night, set out early passed a large island in the middle of the river opposit this island the ricaras lived in villages on the s w. side, about miles above the upper point of the island the chyenne river coms in on the l. s. and is about yards wide dischargeing but little water for a r. of its size, the current jentle, and navagable, to the black mountains we haule the boat over a sand bar, river wide & shoal, pass'd a creek at mils we call sentinal creek, a small one above, but little timber about this river, the hills not so high as usial, the upper creek i call lookout creek, camped on a sand bar, opposit a tradeing house, where a mr. valles & men had some fiew goods to trade with the sioux, a boy came to us, this mr. vallie informed us he wintered last winter legus up the chyemne river under the black mountains, he sais the river is rapid and bad to navagate, it forks leagus up the n. fork enters the black mountain leagues above the forks the countrey like that on the missouri less timber more cedar, the coat nur or black m. is high and some parts retain snow all summer, covered with timber principally pine, great number of goats and a kind of anamal with verry large horns about the size of a small elk, white bear no bever on the chien great numbers in the mountains, the chyenne nation has about lodges hunt the buffalow, steel horses from the spanish settlements, which they doe in month--the chanal of this river is corse gravel, those mountains is inhabited also by the white booted turkeys worthy of remark that the grouse or prarie hen is booted, the toes of their feet so constructed as to walk on the snow, and the tail short with long stiff feathers in the middle. sand bars are so noumerous, that it is impossible to discribe them, & think it unnecessary to mention them. [clark, october , ] st of october monday the wind blew hard all last night from the s. e. verry cold set out early the wind still hard passed a large island in the middle of the river ( ) opsd. the lower point of this island the ricrerees formerly lived in a large town on the l. s. above the head of the island about miles we passed the ( ) river) l. s. this river comes in from the s w. and is about yards wide, the current appears gentle, throwing out but little sands, and appears to throw out but little water the heads of this river is indians live some distance up this river, the presise distance i cant learn, above the mouth of this river the sand bars are thick and the water shoal the river still verry wide and falling a little we are obliged to haul the boat over a sand bar, after makeing several attempts to pass. the wind so hard we came too & stayed hours after it slackened a little we proceeded on round a bend, the wind in the after part of the day a head--( ) passed a creek on the l. s. which we call the sentinal, this part of the river has but little timber, the hills not so high. the sand bars now noumerous, & river more than one mile wide including the sand bars. ( ) pass a small creek above the latter which we call lookout c-. continued on with the wind imediately a head, and came too on a large sand bar in the middle of the river, we saw a man opposit to our camp on the l. s. which we discovd. to be a frenchman, a little of the willows we observed a house, we call to them to come over, a boy came in a canoo & informed that french men were at the house with good to trade with the seauex which he expected down from the rickerries everry day, severl large parties of seauex set out from the rics for this place to trade with those men--this mr. jon vallie informs us that he wintered last winter leagues up the chien river under the black mountains, he informs that this river is verry rapid and dificiult even for canoos to assend and when riseing the swels is verry high, one hundred leagues up it forks one fork comes from the s. the other at leagues above the forks enters the black mountain. the countrey from the missourie to the black mountain is much like the countrey on the missourie, less timber & a greatr perpotion of ceder. the black mountains he says is verry high, and some parts of it has snow on it in the summer great quantities of pine grow on the mountains, a great noise is heard frequently on those mountains-, on the mountains great numbers of goat, and a kind of anamale with large circuler horns, this animale is nearly the size of an argalia small elk. white bear is also plenty--the chien inds. inhabit this river principally, and steel horses from the spanish settlements this excurtion they make in one month the bottoms & sides of r chien is corse gravel. this frenchman gives an account of a white booted turkey an inhabitant of the cout noie- [clark, october , ] st of october monday at the mouth of river chien or dog r we proceeded now from the mouth of this river miles and camped on a sand bar in the river opposit to a tradeing house verry windy & cold- miles above the chien r [clark, october , ] the red berry is called by the rees nar-nis- the ricares names of the nations who come to the ricares to trafick and bring horses & robes . * kun-na-nar-wesh gens de vash blue beeds . ° noo-tar-wau hill climbers . * au ner-hoo the people who pen buffalow to catch them . * to-che-wah-coo fox indians . * to-pah-cass white hair's . * cat-tar kah paducar . * kie-wah tideing indians . * too war sar skin pricks . shar ha (chien) the village on the other side . we hee shaw (chien) the villages on this side those nation all live on the praries from s w. by s. to west of the ricaries, all speek different languages and are numerous all follow the buffalow and winter in the mountains. the mandans call a red berry common to the upper part of the missouri as-say the engages call the same berry grease de buff--grows in great abundance a makes a delightfull tart [clark, october , ] nd of october tuesday , mr. vallie came on board, lat. ° ' n. we observed some indians on a hill on the s. s. one came to the river & fired off his gun and asked us to come he wish us to go to his camp near at hand we refused, passed a large island on the s. s., here we expected the tetons would attempt to stop us, and prepared for action, &c. opposit this island on the l. s. a small creek comes in, we call this caution island, camped on a sand bar / mile from the main shore the wind hard from the n w. cold, the current of the river less rapid, & retains less sediment than below. [clark, october , ] nd of octr. nd of october tuesday a violent wind all night from the s. e. slackened a little and we proceeded on. mr. jon vallee came on board and proceeded on miles with us, a verry cold morning some black clouds flying took a meridian altitude & made the lattitude ° ' " north this was taken at the upper part of the gouge of the lookout bend, the sentinal heard a shot over the hills to the l. s. dureing the time we were dineing on a large sand bar. the after part of this day is pleasent, at oclock opposit a wood on the l. s. we observed some indians on a hill on the s. s. one came down to the river opposit to us and fired off his gun, & beckind. to us to come too, we payed no attention to him he followed on some distance, we spoke a few words to him, he wished us to go a shore and to his camp which was over the hill and consisted of lodges, we excused our selves advised him to go and here our talk of mr. durion he enquired for traders we informed him one was in the next bend below & parted, he returned--& we proceeded on ( ) passed a large island, the s. s. here we expected the tetons would attempt to stop us and under that hear we prepared our selves for action which we expected every moment. opsd. this island on the l. s. a small creek comes in, this island we call isd. of caution we took in some wood on a favourable situation where we could defend our men on shore & ( ) camped on a sand bar / a mile from the main shore. the wind changed to the n. w. & rose verry high and cold which continud. the current of the missourie is less rapid & contains much less sediment of the same colour. [clark, october , ] nd of october tuesday proceeded on as mentioned in journal no. twelve miles camped above a large island on a sand bar, verry windy and cold the after part of this day, the mid day verry worm, the lattitude as taken to day is ° ' "--observe great caution this day expecting the seaux intentions some what hostile towards our progression, the river not so rapid as below the chien, its width nearly the same miles [clark, october , ] rd of october wednesday the n w. wind blew verry hard all night with some rain, we set out early, at examoned our stores & goods, several bags cut by the mice and corn scattered, some of our cloth also cut by them also papers &c. &c. at oclock an indian came to the bank s. s, with a turkey on his back other soon joined him some rain, saw brant & white guts flying southerly [clark, october , ] rd of october wednesday wind blew hard all night from the n w. some rain and verry cold. we set out at oclock & proceeded on [clark, october , ] rd of october wednesday the n. w. wind blew verry hard all night with some rain a cold morning, we set out at oclock and proceeded on at oclock landed on a bare l. s. examined the perogus & factle of the boat to see if the mice had done any damage, several bags cut by them corn scattered &. some of our clothes also spoiled by them, and papers &c. &. at oclock an indian came to the bank s. s. with a turkey on his back, four others soon joined him, we attempted several chanels and could not find water to assend, landed on a sand bar & concluded to stay all night, & send out and hunt a chanell, some rain this after noon--saw brant & white gulls flying southerly in large flocks- [clark, october , ] th of october thursday--the wind blew all night from the n w. some rain we were obliged to drop down miles to get a channel sufficient deep to pass several indians on the bank, call'd to us frequently to land, one gave yels & sciped a ball before us, we payed no attention to them, while at brackfast one swam across to us, beged for powder, we gave him a small piece of tobacco & put him over on a sand bar, passed a large island in the middle of the river good hope i. passed a small creek l. s. passed a creek l s camped on a sand bar at the upper point of an island on which is the remains of an old ricara village fortified called la hoo it was circular, this village appears to have been deserted about or years, houses yet remain, the island contains but little timber, the evening verry cold and wood scerce, make use of drift wood [clark, october , ] th of october thursday the wind blew all night from the nw. some rain, we were obliged to drop down miles to get the chanel suft. deep to pass up, several indians on the shore viewing of us called to us to land one of them gave yels & sciped a ball before us, we payed no attention to him, proceeded on and came too on the l. s. to brackft one of those indians swam across to us beged for powder, we gave him a piece of tobacco & set him over on a sand bar, and set out, the wind hard a head ( ) passed a island in the middle of the river about miles in length, we call goodhope island, ( ) at miles passed a ( ) creek on the l. s. about yards wide capt. lewis and men walked on shore & crossed over to an ( ) island situated on the s. s. of the current & near the center of the river this isld. is about / miles long & nearly / as wide, in the center of this island was an old village of the rickeries called la ho catt it was circular and walled containing lodges and it appears to have been deserted about five years, the island contains but little timber. we camped on the sand bar makeing from this island, the day verry cool. [clark, october , ] th of october friday frost this morning, set out early passed a small creek on the l. s. saw tetons on the s. s. they beged some tobacco, we proceed on passed a creek on the s. s. i saw a white brant in a gangue on the sand bar saw a large herd of cabra or antelopes swiming the river, we killed four of them passed a small island on the l. s. a large creek on the l. s. at the head of the island white brant creek, i walked on the island which is covered with wild rye, i killed a buck & a small wolf this evening, clear pleasant evening, camped on a mud bar s. s. refreshd the men with whiskey. [clark, october , ] th of october friday frost this morning, we set out early and proceeded on ( ) passed a small creek on the l. s. at oclock heard some yels proceeded on saw indians of the teton band, they called to us to come on shore, beged some tobacco, we answd. them as usial and proceeded on, passed ( ) a creek on the s. s. at mes. abov the mouth we saw one white brant in a gang of about , the others all as dark as usial, a discription of this kind of gees or brant shall be given here after saw a gang of goats swiming across the river out of which we killed four they were not fatt. in the evening passed a small ( ) island situated close to the l. side, at the head of this isd. a large creek coms in on the l. s. saw white or brants, we call this creek white brant creek--i walked on the isd. found it covered with wild rye, i shot a buck, saw a large gang of goat on the hills opposit, one buck killed, also a prarie wolf this evening, the high land not so high as below, river about the same width, the sand bars as noumerous, the earth black and many of the bluffs have the appearance of being on fire, we came too and camped on a mud bar makeing from the l. s. the evening is calm and pleasant, refreshed the men with a glass of whiskey- [clark, october , ] th of october satturday cold wind from the n. saw many large round stones near the middle of the river passed an old ricara village of lodges picketed in those lodges in nearly an octagon form, to feet diameter specious covered with earth and as close as they can stand, a number of skin canoes in the huts, we found squashes of different kinds growing in the village shields killed an elk close by- the magpy is common here, we camped off the mouth of otter creek on the s. s. this creek is yds. wide & heads near the r. jacque,--contains much water. [clark, october , ] th october satturday a cool morning wind from the north set out early passed a willow island ( ) situated near the s. shore at the upper point of som timber on the s. s. many large round stones near the middle of the river, those stones appear to have been washed from the hills ( ) passed a village of about neet lodges covered with earth and picketed around, those loges are spicious of an octagon form as close together as they can possibly be placed and appear to have been inhabited last spring, from the canoes of skins mats buckets & found in the lodges, we are of appinion they were the recrereis we found squashes of different kinds growing in the village, one of our men killed an elk close by this village, i saw wolves in persute of another which appeared to be wounded and nearly tired, we proceeded on found the river shole we made severl. attempts to find the main channel between the sand bars, and was obliged at length to drag the boat over to save a league which we must return to get into the deepest channel, we have been obgd to hunt a chanl. for some time past the river being devided in many places in a great number of chanels, saw gees, swan, brants, & ducks of different kinds on the sand bars to day, capt lewis walked on shore saw great numbers of prarie hens, i observe but fiew gulls or pleaver in this part of the river, the corvos or magpye is verry common in this quarter we camped on a large sand bar off the mouth of otter creek on the s. s. this creek is about yards wide at the mouth and contains a greater perpotion of water than common for creeks of its sise [clark, october , ] th of october sunday frost last night, passed a river yds. wide the ricaras call sur-war-kar-ne all the water of this river runs in a chanel of yards, the current appears jentle, i walked up this river a mile, saw the tracks of white bear, verry large, also a old ricara village partly burnt, fortified about lodges built in the same form of those passed yesterday, many canoes & baskets about the huts--about oclock we saw indians on the s. s. they asked for something to eat & told us they were tetons of the band we left below on ther way to the ricaras we gave them meat & wind hard from the south, passed a large open island covered with grass and wild rye, i walked on the isd & men they killed a braroe & a black tale doe with a black breast, the largest deer i ever saw, the great numbers of grous on it, we call it grous island, camped opposit the island near the s. side. [clark, october , ] th of october sunday a cloudy morning, some little rain frost last night, we set out early proceeded on miles to the mouth of a ( ) river on the l. s. and brackfast this river whin full is yards wide the water is at this time confined within yards, the current appears jentle, this river throws out but little sand at the mouth of this river we saw the tracks of white bear which was verry large, i walked up this river a mile- below the ( ) mouth of this river, is the remains of a rickorrie village or wintering camp fortified in a circular form of a bout lodges, built in the same form of those passed yesterday this camp appears to have been inhabited last winter, many of their willow & straw mats, baskets & buffalow skin canoes remain intire within the camp, the ricares call this river sur-war-kar-na or park from this river we proceeded on under a gentle breeze from the s. w. at oclock we saw indians, on the s. s. they asked for something to eate, & informed us they were part of the beiffs de medisons lodge on their way to the rickerreis, passed ( ) a willow island in a bind to the s. s. ( ) at miles passd. a willow island on the s. s.--wind hard from the south in the evening i walked on an ( ) island nearly the middle of the river called grous island, one of the men killed a shee brarrow, another man killed a black tail deer, the largest doe i ever saw (black under her breast) this island is nearly / ms. squar no timbr high and covered with grass wild rye and contains great numbers of grouse, we proceeded on a short distance above the island and camped on the s. s. a fine evening. [clark, october , ] th of october monday a cool morning wind from the n. w. passed the mouth of a small creek on the l. s. about / miles above the isd. passed the mouth of a river on the l. s. called by the ricaries we-tar-hoo. this river is yards wide, the water confined within yards, throws out mud with little sand, great quanties of red berries, resembling currents near the mouth of this river latd. ° ' n. this river heads in the s black mountain, miles higher up passed a small river on the l. s. called maropa yards wide chocked up with mud--our hunters discovered a ricara village on an island a fiew miles above we passed the s ricara village about the center of the island, in presence of great numbers of spectators and camped above the island on the l. s. at the foot of some high land. (mr. gravotine a french man joined us as an interpeter) the island on which is ricara village is situated, is about miles long seperated from the main l. side by a narrow deep channel, those indians cultivate on the island corn beens simmins, tobacco &c &c. after landing capt. lewis with mr. gravelin and men went to the village, i formd a camp on shore with the perogue crew & guard, with the boat at anchor, capt lewis returned late, a french man and a spaniard accompanied him [clark, october , ] th of october monday a cool morning set out early the wind from the n. w. proceeded on passed the mouth of a small creek on the l. s. about / miles above grouse island, ( ) passed a willow island which divides the current equilly. ( ) passed the mouth of a river called by the ricares we tar hoo on the l. s. this river is yards wide, the water of which at this time is confined within yards, dischargeing but a small quantity, throwing out mud with small propotion of sand, great quantities of the red berries, ressembling currents, are on the river in every bend-- ° ' " lattitude from the obsevation of to day at the mouth of this river is ° ' "-north--proceeded on passed a ( ) small river of yards wide called ( ) or beaver dam r this river is intirely chocked up with mud, with a streem of inch diamiter passing through, discharging no sand, at ( ) mile passed the lower pint of an island close on the l. s. of our men discovered the reckerrei village, about the center of the island on the l. side on the main shore. this island is about miles long, seperated from the l. s. by a channel of about yards wide verry deep, the isld. is covered with fields, where those people raise their corn tobacco beens &c. &c. great numbers of those people came on the island to see us pass, we passed above the head of the island & capt. lewis with interpeters & men went to the village i formed a camp of the french & the guard on shore, with one sentinal on board of the boat at anchor, a pleasent evening all things arranged both for peace or war, this village ( ) is situated about the center of a large island near the l. side & near the foot of some high bald uneaven hills, several french men came up with capt lewis in a perogue, one of which is a mr. gravellin a man well versed in the language of this nation and gave us some information relitive to the countrey naton &c [clark, october , ] orders october the th robert frazer being regularly inlisted and haveing become on of the corps of vollenteers for north western discovery, he is therefore to be viewed & respected accordingly; and will be anexed to sergeant gass's mess. win clark cpt &. meriwether lewis river marapa capt. st u.s. regt. infty [clark, october , ] th of october tuesday a windey night some rain, and the wind continued so high & cold we could not speck in council with the indians, we gave them some tobacco and informed them we would speek tomorrow, all the grand chiefs visited us to day also mr taboe, a trader from st. louis--many canoes of a single buffalow skin made in the form of a bowl carrying generally and sometimes & men, those canoes, ride the highest waves--the indians much asstonished at my black servent and call him the big medison, this nation never saw a black man before, the wind verry high, i saw at several times to day squars in single buffalow skin canoes loaded with meat cross the river, at the time the waves were as high as i ever saw them in the missouri [clark, october , ] th of october tuesday a windey rainey night, and cold, so much so we could not speek with the indians to day the three great chiefs and many others came to see us to day, we gave them some tobacco and informed them we would speek on tomorrow, the day continued cold & windey some rain sorry canoos of skins passed down from the villages a short distance above, and many came to view us all day, much asstonished at my black servent, who did not lose the oppertunity of his powers strength &c. &. this nation never saw a black man before. several hunters came in with loads of meat, i observed several canoos made of a single buffalow skin with & thre squars cross the river to day in waves as high as i ever saw them on this river, quite uncomposed i have a slite plurise this evening verry cold &c. &. st chiefs name ka kawissassa (lighting crow.) d do do pocasse (or hay) d do do piaa he to (or eagles feather) [clark, october , ] th of october at oclock the wind shifted from s. e to n w. mr. taboe visited us--we hear that some jealousy exists as to the chiefs to be made--at oclock the cheifs all assembled under an orning near the boat, and under the american flag. we delivered a similar speech to those delivered the ottoes & sioux, made three chiefs, one for each village and gave them clothes & flags-- s chief is name ka-ha-wiss assa lighting ravin d chief po-casse (hay) & the rd piaheto or eagles feather--after the council was over we shot the air gun, which astonished them, & they all left us, i observed sioux in the council one of them i had seen below, they came to interceed with the ricaras to stop us as we were told--the inds. much astonished at my black servent, who made him self more turrible in thier view than i wished him to doe as i am told telling them that before i cought him he was wild & lived upon people, young children was verry good eating showed them his strength &c. &c.--those indians are not fond of licquer of any kind- [clark, october , ] th of october wednesday . a fine forming wind from the s. e at about oclock the wind shifted, to the n. w. we prepare all things ready to speak to the indians, mr. tabo & mr. gravolin came to brackfast with us the chiefs &. came from the lower town, but none from the upper towns, which is the largest, we continue to delay & waite for them at oclock dispatchd gravelin to envite them to come down, we have every reason to believe that a jellousy exists between the villages for fear of our makeing the st cheif from the lower village, at one oclock the cheifs all assembled & after some little cerrimony the council commenced, we informd them what we had told the others before i e ottoes & seaux. made cheif for each village. gave them presents. after the council was over we shot the air guns which astonished them much, they then departed and we rested secure all night, those indians wer much astonished at my servent, they never saw a black man before, all flocked around him & examind. him from top to toe, he carried on the joke and made himself more turibal than we wished him to doe. (thos indians were not fond of spirits licquer. of any kind) [clark, october , ] th of october thursday wind s. e. at oclock met the s chief in council, he thanked us for what we had given him & his people promised to attend to our advise, and said the road was open for us and no one dare shut it &c. &. we took him and one chief on board and set out, on our way took in the d chief at the mo of a small creek, and came too off the d village which is miles above the island, we walked up with the & chiefs to their villages which is situated on each side of a small creek, they gave us something to eat in thier way, after conversations on various subjects & beareing the civilities of those people who are both pore & dirtey we informed the chiefs we would here what they had to say tomorrow and returned on board about oclock p m. those people gave us to eat corn & beans, a large well flavoured been which they rob the mice of in the plains and is verry nurishing-all tranquillity [clark, october , ] th october thursday a fine morning the wind from the s. e. at oclock we met the grand chief in council & and he made a short speech thanking us for what we had given him & his nation promisseing to attend to the council we had given him & informed us the road was open & no one dare shut it, & we might departe at pleasure, at oclock we set out for the upper villages miles distant, the grand chief & nephew on board, proceeded on at mile took in the d chief & came too off the first second village seperated from the rd by a creek after arrangeing all matters we walked up with the d chief to his village, and set talking on various subjects untile late we also visited the upper or rd village each of which gave us something to eate in their way, and a fiew bushels of corn beens &. &c. after being treated by everry civility by those people who are both pore & durtey we returned to our boat at about oclk. p m. informing them before we departed that we would speek to them tomorrow at there seperate villages. those people gave us to eate bread made of corn & beens, also corn & beans boild. a large been, which they rob the mice of the prarie which is rich & verry nurrishing also [clark, october , ] (ricares) october the th thursday we met in council to hear what the grand chief ka kaw issassa had to say in answer to the speech of yesterday the grand chief rose and spoke as follows i, e, my fathers-! my heart is glader than it ever was before to see my fathers.--a repetition. if you want the road open no one can provent it it will always be open for you. can you think any one dare put their hands on your rope of your boat. no! not one dar when you get to the mandans we wish you to speak good words with that nation for us. we wish to be at peace with them. it gives us pain that we do not know how to work the beaver, we will make buffalow roabs the best we can. when you return if i am living you will see me again the same man the indian in the prarie know me and listen to my words, when you come they will meet to see you. we shall look at the river with impatient for your return. finished [clark, october , ] th of october friday after brackfast we joined the chiefs & indians on the bank who wer waiting for us, and proseeded to the st village and lodge of the pocasse, this man spok at some lengths, to the same purpote of the s chief, & declareing his intentions of visiting his great father, some doubts as to his safty in passing the sioux, requested us to take a chief of their nation and make a good peace with the mandan for them, that they knew that they were the cause of the war by killing the mandan chiefs--this chief & people gave us about bushels of corn, some tobacco of their own make, and seed legins & a robe we proceeded to the rd chiefs village which is the largest, after the usial seremoney of eating smokg. &. he spoke to near the same amount of the last chief, & more pleasently, he gave us bushels of corn, some beens & simmins, after he had spoken, and i gave some sketches of the power & magnitude of our countrey, we returned to our boat, i have the rhumetism on my neck the chiefs accompanied us on board, we gave them some sugar salt and a sun glass each, and after eating a little they returned on shore leaveing one to accompany us to the mandans, and we set out viewed by men womin & children of each village proceeded on about / miles and camped on the s s. clear & cold--the ricaras are about men mr. taboe say able to bear arms, and the remains of ten different tribes of panias reduced by the small pox & wares with the sioux, they are tall stout men corsily featured, their womin small & industerous raise great quantites of corn beans &c also tobacco for the men to smoke, they collect all the wood and doe the drudgery common amongst savages--their language is so corrupted that many lodges of the same village with dificuelty under stand all that each other say--they are dirty, kind, pore, & extravegent; possessing natural pride, no begers, rcive what is given them with pleasure, thier houses are close together & towns inclosed with pickets, thier lodges are to feet in diamuter covered with earth on neet poles set end wise resting on forks supporting beems set in a square form near the center, and lower about feet high other forks all around supt. strong beems, from to of those, with a opening at top of about to feet square, on the poles which pass to the top, small willow & grass is put across to support the earth--the sioux exchange, some merchndze of small value which they get from mr. cameron of st. peters for corn &c and have great influence over this people treat them roughly and keep them in contineal dread--the ricaras are at war with the crow indians and mandans-&c. &--the ricaras, have a custom similar to the sioux in maney instances, they think they cannot show a sufficient acknowledgement without to their guest handsom squars and think they are despised if they are not recved the sioux followed us with women two days we put them off. the ricarries we put off dureing the time we were near their village-- were sent by a man to follow us, and overtook us this evening, we still procisted in a refusial-the dress of the ricara men is simpally a pr. of mockersons & legins, a flap, and a buffalow robe--their hair is long and lais loose their arms & ears are decerated with trinkets the womin dress mockersons & legins & skirt of the skin of the cabre or antelope, long fringed & roab to the fringes & with sleaves, verry white, and roabes--all were dressed to be without hare in the summer those people make large beeds of diferrent colours, out of glass or beeds of dift colours, verry ingeniously [clark, october , ] th october friday i rose early after brackfast we joined the indians who were waiting on the bank for us to come out and go and council, we accordingly joined them and went to the house of the nd chief lassil where there was many chief and warriers & about bushels of corn, a pr leagins a twist of their tobacco & seeds of kind of tobacco we set some time before the councill commenced this man spoke at some length declareing his dispotion to believe and prosue our councils, his intention of going to visit his great father acknowledged the satisfaction in receiveing the presents &c. rais'g a doubt as to the safty on passing the nations below particularly the souex. requested us to take a chief of their nation and make a good pact with mandins & nations above. after answering those parts of the d chiefs speech which required it, which appeared to give general satisfaction we went to the village of the rd chief and as usial some serimony took place before he could speek to us on the great subject. this chief spoke verry much in the stile on nearly the same subjects of the other chief who set by his side, more sincear & pleasently, he presented us with about bushels of corn some beens & quashes all of which we acksepted with much pleasure, after we had ansd. his speech & give them some account of the magnitude & power of our countrey which pleased and astonished them verry much we returned to our boat, the chiefs accompanied us on board, we gave them some sugar a little salt, and a sun glass, & set on shore & the third proceeded on with us to the mandens by name, at oclock we set out the inhabitints of the two villages viewing us from the banks, we proceeded on about / miles and camped on the s. s. at some woods passed, the evening clear & pleasent cooler the nation of the rickerries is about men able to bear arms a great perpotion of them have fusees they appear to be peacefull, their men tall and perpotiend, womin small and industerous, raise great quantities of corn beens simmins &c. also tobacco for the men to smoke they collect all the wood and do the drugery as common amongst savages. thise nation is made up of different tribes of the pania, who had formerly been seperate, but by commotion and war with their neighbours have come reduced and compelled to come together for protection, the curruption of the language of those different tribes has so reduced the language that the different villages do not understade all the words of the others.--those people are durtey, kind, pore, & extravigent pursessing national pride. not beggarley reive what is given with great pleasure, live in worm houses large and built in an oxigon form forming a cone at top which is left open for the smoke to pass, those houses are generally or foot diamiter. covd. with earth on poles willows & grass to prevent the earths passing thro, those people express an inclination to be at peace with all nations the seaux who trade the goods which they get of the british traders for their corn, and great influence over the rickeres, poisen their minds and keep them in perpetial dread. i saw some of the chien or dog indians, also a man of a nation under the court new-this nation is at war with the crow indians & have children prisoners. a curious cuistom with the souix as well as the reckeres is to give handsom squars to those whome they wish to show some acknowledgements to--the seauix we got clare of without taking their squars, they followed us with squars th two days. the rickores we put off dureing the time we were at the towns but handsom young squars were sent by a man to follow us, they came up this evening and peresisted in their civilities. dress of the men of this nation is simply a pr. mockerson, leagins, flap in front & a buffalow roabe, with ther arms & ears deckorated the women, wore mockersons leagins fringed and a shirt of goat skins, some with sleaves. this garment is longe & genlry. white & fringed, tied at the waste with a roabe, in summer without hair. [clark, october , ] nd chief ricaras my father, i am glad to see this is a fine day to here the good councils & talk good talk i am glad to see you & that your intentions are to open the road for all we see that our grand father has sent you to open the road we see it our grand father by sending you means to take pity on us our grand father has sent you with tobacco to make peace with all nations, we think the first nation who has recomended the road to be clear and open. you come here & have directed all nations which you have met to open & clear the road. you come to see the water & roads to clear them as clear as possible you just now come to see us, & we wish you to tell our grand ftar that we wish the road to be kept clear & open. i expect the chief in the next town will tell you the same to move on & open the road i think when you saw the nations below they wish you to open the road- (or something to that amount) when you passd. the souex they told you the same i expect. we see you here to day we are pore our women have no strouds & knives to cut their meat take pitty on us when you return. you come here & derect us to stay at home & not go to war, we shall do so, we hope you will when you get to the mandins you will tell them the same & cleer the road, no one dar to stop you, you go when you please, the you tell us to go down, we will go and see our grand father & here & receve his gifts, and think fully that our nation will be covered after our return, our people will look for us with the same impatience that our grand father looks for your return, to give him if i am going to see my grand father, many bad nations on the road, i am not afraid to die for the good of my people (all cried around him.) the chief by me will go to the mandans & hear what they will say. (we agree'd.) the verry moment we set out to go down we will send out my brother to bring all the nation in the open prarie to see me part on this great mission to see my great father. our people hunting shall be glad to here of your being here & they will all come to see, as you cannot stay they must wate for your return to see you, we are pore take pity on our wants the road is for you all to go on, who do you think will injure a white man when they come to exchange for our roabes & beaver after you set out many nations in the open plains may come to make war against us, we wish you to stop their guns & provent it if possible. finished d chief of ricares my fathers i will see the indians below & see if they have the hart as they tell you the nation below is the mahas & ottes & but one nation, (the souix) has not a good heart. i always look at the t chief & the d whin they go & will also follow ther example & go on also you see those men they are chiefs, when i go they will take care, they beleve your words. mabie we will not tell the trooth, as to the child perhaps they will not wish to go. my children the old women & men whin i return i can then give them, some a knife some powder & others ball &c. what is the matter if we was to go for nothing my great chief wish to go, i wish to go also. when i go to see my grand father i wish to return quicke for fear of my people being uneasy. my children are small & perhaps will be uneasy whin i may be safe i must go, i also wish to go, perhaps i may when i return make my people glad i will stay at home & not go to war even if my people are struck we will believ your word but i fear the indians above will not believe your word. i will think that / of the men who will return will stay in this village / below in the other villages what did the seaus tell you--(we informd them) [clark, october , ] th of october satturday newmon confined for mutinous expressions, proceeded on passed a camp of sioux on the s. s. those people did not speak to us. passed a creek on the s. s. miles above the ricaras i call stone idol creek, this creek heads in a small lake at no great distance, near which there is a stone to which the indians asscribe great virtue &. &c. at miles passed a creek yds wide on the l. s i call pocasse, we observed great quantites of grapes, a fine breez from s e camped on the l. s. some rain thus evening, we formed a court martial of of our party to try newmon, they senteenced him lashes and banishment from the party--the river narrow current jentle & wood plenty on the bottoms the up land is as usial open divircified plains, generally rich & leavel. [clark, october , ] th of october satturday one man j. newmon confined for mutinous expression set out early proceeded on, passd. a camp of seauex on the s. s. those people only viewed us & did not speak one word--the visiters of last evening all except one returned which is the brother of the chief we have on board passed ( ) a creek on the s. s. yds. at me. above the town heading in some ponds a short diste. to the n. e we call stone idol c. (well to observe here that the yankton or r jacque heads at about days march of this place easterly, the r de seauex one day further, the chien a branch of r. rouche still beyend, and the river st. peters days march from this place on the same direction informtn. of the rickores). passed large willow ( ) & sand islands above the mouth of the last creek--at miles above the village passed a ( ) creek about yards wide on the l. s. we call after d chief pocasse (or hay) nearly opposit this creek a fiew miles from the river on the s. s. stones resembling humane persons & one resembling a dog is situated in the open prarie, to those stone the rickores pay great reverance make offerings whenever they pass (infomtn. of the chief & intepeter) those people have a curious tredition of those stones, one was a man in love, one a girl whose parents would not let marry, the dog went to mourn with them all turned to stone gradually, commenceing at the feet. those people fed on grapes untill they turned, & the woman has a bunch of grapes yet in her hand on the river near the place those are said to be situated, we obsd. a greater quantity of fine grapes than i ever saw at one place. the river about the island on which the lower rickores village is situated is narrow and conts. a great propotion of timber than below, the bottoms on both sides is covered with timber the up lands naked the current jentle and sand bars confined to the points generally we proceeded on under a fine breeze from the s.e. and camped late at the upper part of some wood on the starboard side, cold & some rain this evening. we sent out hunters killed one deer. we tried the prisoner newmon last night by of his peers they did "centence him lashes & disbanded the party." [lewis and clark, october , ] orders th of october a court martial to consist of nine members will set to day at oclock for the trial of john newman now under confinement capt. clark will attend to the forms & rules of a president without giveing his opinion detail for the court martial sert. john ordaway sergeant pat. gass jo. shields h. hall jo. collins wm. werner wm. bratten jo. shannon silas goodrich meriwether lewis capt. st u s. regt. infty. win clark capt or e. n w d in conformity to the above order the court martial convened this day for the trial of john newman, charged with "having uttered repeated expressions of a highly criminal and mutinous nature; the same having a tendency not only to distroy every principle of military discipline, but also to alienate the affections of the individuals composing this detachment to their officers, and disaffect them to the service for which they have been so sacredly and solemnly engaged."--the prisonar plead not guilty to the charge exhibited against him. the court after having duly considered the evidence aduced, as well as the defense of the said prisonor, are unanimously of opinion that the prisonar john newman is guilty of every part of the charge exhibited against him, and do sentence him agreeably to the rules and articles of war, to receive seventy five lashes on his bear back, and to be henceforth discarded from the perminent party engaged for north western discovery; two thirds of the court concurring in the sum and nature of the punishment awarded. the commanding officers approve and confirm the sentence of the court, and direct the punishment take place tomorrow between the hours of one and two p.m.--the commanding officers further direct that john newman in future be attatched to the mess and crew of the red perogue as a labouring hand on board the same, and that he be deprived of his arms and accoutrements, and not be permited the honor of mounting guard untill further orders; the commanding officers further direct that in lue of the guard duty from which newman has been exempted by virtue of this order, that he shall be exposed to such drudgeries as they may think proper to direct from time to time with a view to the general relief of the detachment.- [clark, october , ] th of october sunday some rain last night we set out in the rain which continued all day passed a creek on the l. s. piaheto yds wide, halted on a sand bar and had the punishmt inflicted on newmon, which caused the indian chieif to cry untill the thing was explained to him camped opposit an antient fortification which is on the l. s, when i explained to the chief the cause of whipping n--he observed that examples were necessary & that he himself had made them by death, but his nation never whiped even from their bearth. [clark, october , ] th of october sunday . some rain last night all wet & cold, we set early the rain contind all day at ____ miles we passed a ( ) creek in the l. s. yards wide this creek we call after the rd chief piaheto (or eagles feather) at oclock we halted on a sand bar & after dinner executed the sentence of the court martial so far as giveing the corporal punishment, & proceeded on a fiew miles, the wind a head from n. e. camped in a cove of the bank on the s. s. imediately opposit our camp on the l. side i observe an antient fortification the walls of which appear to be or feet high, the evening wet and disagreeable, the river something wider more timber on the banks the punishment of this day allarmd. the indian chief verry much, he cried aloud (or effected to cry) i explained the cause of the punishment and the necessity he thought examples were also necessary, & he himself had made them by death, his nation never whiped even their children, from their burth. [clark, october , ] th of october rained all last night, passed a ricara hunting camp on the s.s. & halted at another on the l.s, several from the t camp visited us and gave meat as also those of the camp we halted at, we gave them fish hooks some beeds &c. as we proceeded on we saw a number of indians on both sides all day, saw l. s some curious nnobs high and much the resemblance of a hiped rough house, we halted at a camp of lodges of ricaras on the s. s., we visited thier lodges & were friendly recved by all--their women fond of our men--&c. [clark, october , ] th of october monday rained all last night, we set out early and proceeded on at miles passed an ind. camp on the s. s. we halted above and about of the indians came over in their canoos of skins, we eate with them, they give us meat, in return we gave fishhooks & some beeds, about a mile higher we came too on the l. s. at a camp of ricres of about lodges, we also eate & they gave some meat, we proceded on saw numbers of indians on both sides passing a creek, saw many curious hills, high and much the resemblance of a house with a hiped roof, at oclock it cleared away and the evening was pleasent, wind from the n. e.--at sunset we arrived at a camp of ricares of lodges on the s. s. we came too and camped near them capt lewis & my self went with the chief who accompanis us, to the huts of several of the men all of whome smoked & gave us something to eate also some meat to take away, those people were kind and appeared to be much plsd. at the attentioned paid them. those people are much pleased with my black servent--their womin verry fond of carressing our men. &. [clark, october , ] th of october tuesday some rain this morning squars verry anxious to accompany us we set out with our chief on board by name ar ke tar nar shar (or chief of the town) a little above our camp on the l. s. passed an old shyenne village, which appears to have been serounded with a wall of earth; this is the retreat & first stand of this nation after being reduced by the sioux and drove from their countrey on the heads of red river of l winipic where they cultivated the landspassed a creek i call so-harch or girl creek l. s. miles higher passed woman crreek or char-parts passed an island situated in a bend to the s. s. at the lower point of this island a creek comes in called kee-tooth sar-kar-nar--or the place of beaver above the island a small river on the same s. side called war-re-con nee elk shed their horns, this river is yards wide & heads near the river au jacque, carp island wind hard a head from the n w. saw great numbers of goats or antelope on shore, capt lewis one man & the ricara chief walked on shore, in the evening i discovered a number of indians on each side and goats in the river or swiming & on sand bars, when i came near saw the boys in the water swiming amongst the goats & killing them with sticks, and then hauling them to the shore those on shore kept them in the water, i saw killed in this way and on the shore, the hunter with cap lewis shot goats i came too and camped above the ricara camp on the l. s. several indians visited us duereing the night some with meat, sang and were merry all night. [clark, october , ] th october tuesday some rain this morning, young squars verry anxious to accompany us, we set out with our chief on board by name ar ke tar na shar or chief of the town, a little above our camp on the l. s. passed a circular work, where the, shar ha (or chien, or dog indians) formerly lived, a short distance abov passed a creek which we call chien creek, above is a willow island situated near (i ) the l. side a large sand bar above & on both sides ( ) passed a creek above the island on the l. s. call so-harch (or girls) creek, at miles higher up ( ) passed a creek on l. s. call char part (or womins) creek passed ( ) an island situated in a bend to the s. s. this isd. is about / miles long, covered with timber such as cotton wood, opsd. the lower point a creek coms in on the s. s. called by the indians kee tooth sar kar nar (or place of beavr) above the island a small river about yards wide corns in called war re con ne or (elk shed their horns). the island is called carp island by ivens. wind hard from the n. w. saw great numbers of goats on the shore s. s. proceeded on capt. lewis & the indian chief walked on shore, soon after i discovered great numbers of goats in the river, and indians on the shore on each side, as i approached or got nearer i discovered boys in the water killing the goats with sticks and halling them to shore, those on the banks shot them with arrows and as they approachd. the shore would turn them back of this gangue of goats i counted of which they had killed & on the shore, one of our hunters out with cap lewis killed three goats, we passed the camp on the s. s. and proceeded / mile and camped on the l. s. many indians came to the boat to see, some came across late at night, as they approach they hollowed and sung, after staying a short time went for some meat, and returned in a short time with fresh & dried buffalow, also goat, those indians strayed all night, they sung and was verry merry the greater part of the night [lewis, october , ] october th this day took a small bird alive of the order of the ____ or goat suckers. it appeared to be passing into the dormant state. on the morning of the th the murcury was at above . the bird could scarcely move.--i run my penknife into it's body under the wing and completely distroyed it's lungs and heart--yet it lived upwards of two hours this fanominon i could not account for unless it proceeded from the want of circulation of the blood.--the recarees call this bird to'-na it's note is at-tah-to'-nah'; at-tah'to'-nah'; to-nah, a nocturnal bird, sings only in the night as does the whipperwill.--it's weights oz grains troy [clark, october , ] th of october wind s. w. i walked on shore with the ricara chief and an inteprieter, they told me maney extroadenary stories, i killed dear & a elk, the chief killed a deer and our hunters killed deer, in my absenc the wind rose so high that the boat lay too all day; latd ° ' " n, i caught a small uncommon whiperwill we observe emence herds of goats, or antelopes flocking down from the n e side & swiming the river, the chief tels me those animals winter in the black mountain, and in the fall return to those mounts from every quarter, and in the spring disperse in the planes, those emence herds we see all of which is on the n e side of the river is on their way to the mountain, and in the spring they will be as noumeroes on their return (some ganges winter on the missouri)--camped on the l. s. note from the ricares to the river jacque near n. e. is about mes. to the chien a fork of r rogue passing the souix river near the chien this from information of mr. graveline who passed through this countrey [clark, october , ] th october wednesday . set out early a fine morning the wind from the n w. after brackfast i walked on shore with the indian chief & interpeters, saw buffalow elk and great numbers of goats in large gangues (i am told by mr. g. that those animals winter in the black mountains and this is about the season they cross from the east of the missouris to go to that mountain, they return in the spring and pass the missourie in great numbers). this chief tells me of a number of their treditions about turtles, snakes, &. and the power of a perticiler rock or cave on the next river which informs of everr thing none of those i think worth while mentioning--the wind so hard a head the boats could not move aftr oclock, capt louis took the altitude of the sun laid. ° ' " i killed deer and the hunters with me killed also the indian shot one but could not get it--i scaffeled up the deer & returned & met the boat after night on the l. s. about miles above the place we camped last night--one of the men saw a number of snakes, capt lewis saw a large beaver house s. s. i cought a whipprwill small & not common-. the leaves are falling fast-. the river wide and full of sand bars,-. great numbers of verry large stone on the sides of the hills & some rock of a brownish colour in the ld. bend below this-. great numbers of goats are flocking down to the s. side of the river on their way to the black mountains where they winter those animals return in the spring in the same way & scatter in different directions. [clark, october , ] th of october . at miles passed the mouth of la bullet or cannon ball river on the l. side about yards wide, and heads near the black mountains above the mouth of this river, in and at the foot of the bluff, and in the water is a number of round stones, resembling shells and cannon balls of different sises, and of excellent grit for grindstons--the bluff continus for about a mile, the water of this river is confined within yards--we met french men in a canoe, who informed us they wer trapping near the mandans and were robed of traps, & part of their skins and several other articles by indians he took to be mandans those men return with us, saw emence numbers of goats all day s. s. our hunters kill sevral passed a large creek called che wah or fish creek on the s. s. yds. wide, passed a small creek at m on the l. s. camped on the l. s. saw a no of buffalow, & in one gangue elk our hunters killed deer & elk this evening, the countrey is leavel and fine some high short hills, and ridges at a distance, bottoms fine and partially timbered with cotton wood principally some ash & elm. [clark, october , ] th of october thursday set out early proceeded on at mes. passed the mouth of ( ) la boulet (or cannon ball river) about yards wide on the l. s. this river heads in the court not or black mountains) (a fine day) above the mouth of this river great numbers of stone perfectly round with fine grit are in the bluff and on the shore, the river takes its name from those stones which resemble cannon balls.--the water of this river is confined within yards. we met french men in a perogue desending from hunting, & complained of the mandans robing them of traps ther fur & seeveral othr articles those men were in the imploy of our ricaree interpeter mr. gravelin they turned & followered us. saw great numbers of goats on the s. s. comeing to the river our hunters killed of them some run back and others crossed & prosceed on their journey to the court noir, at ( ) passed a small river called che wah or fish river on the s. s. this river is about yards wide and heads to the n. e, passed a small creek on the l. s. mile abov the last, and camped on a sand bar on the l. s. opposit to us we saw a gangue of buffalow bulls which we did not think worth while to kill- our hunters killd. goats deer elk & a pelican & informs that they saw in one gang elk, (i walked on shore, in the evining with a view to see some of those remarkable places mentioned by evens, none of which i could find,) the countrey in this quarter is generally leavel & fine some high short hills, and some ragid ranges of hills at a distans the ricara indians inform us that they find no black tail deer as high up as this place, those we find are of the fallow deer kind the ricareis are not fond of spiritous liquers, nor do they apper to be fond of receiveing any or thank full for it [clark, october , ] th of october friday . set out early under a gentle breeze from the s. e. more timber than common in the bottoms passed a large pond on the s. s. i walked out on the high land l. side and observed great numbers of buffalows, i counted in view at one time gangues of buffalow & of elk, besides deer & goats &c. all the streems falling from the hills or high lands so brackish that the water can't be drank without effecting the person making use of it as globesalts-, i saw in my walk several remarkable high conocal hills, one feet, one and others smaller-the indian chief say that the callemet bird live in the hollows of those hills, which holes are made by the water passing from the top & &. i also saw an old village fortified situated on the top of a high point, which the ricarra chief tels me were mandans, we camped on the l. s. i killed a deer & saw swans &c. our hunters killed elk and deer to day [clark, october , ] th october friday a fine morning wind from the s. e. we set out early under a gentle breeze and proceeded on verry well, more timber than common on the banks on this part of the river--passed a large pond on the s. s.--i walked out on the hills & observed great numbers of buffalow feedeing on both sides of the river i counted gangues of buffalow & of elk at one view, all the runs which come from the high hills which is generally about one or miles from the water is brackish and near the hills (the salts are) and the sides of the hills & edges of the streems, the mineral salts appear i saw som remarkable round hills forming a cone at top one about foot one & several others smaller, the indian chief say that the callemet bird live in the holes of those hills, the holes form by the water washing thro some parts in its passage down from the top--near one of those noles, on a point of a hill feet above the lower plane i observed the remains of an old village, which had been fortified, the indian chief with us tels me, a party of mandins lived there, here first saw ruins of mandan nation we proceeded on & camped on the l. s. opposit the upper of those conocal hills our hunters killed elk deer & a pelican, i saw swans in a pond & killed a fat deer in my walk, saw above wolves. this day is pleasent [clark, october , ] th of october wind from the s e, i walked out to view those remarkable places pointed out by evens, and continud all day saw an old village of the mandans below the chess chi ter r. appear to have been fortified above the village on the same l. s. is a coal bank where we campd. passed a small creek on the s. s. and an island on the l. s covered with willows small cotton the countrey thro which i passed this day is delightfull, timber in the bottoms, saw great nos. of buffalow elk goats & deer as we were in want of them i killed deer, our hunters deer and wounded a white bear, i saw several fresh tracks of that animal double the sise of the largest track i ever saw, great numbers of wolves, those animals follow the buffalow and devour, those that die or are killed, and those too fat or pore to keep up with the gangue [clark, october , ] th of october satterday set out early this morning and proceeded on the wind from the s. e after brackfast i walked out on the l. side to see those remarkable places pointed out by evins, i saw an old remains of a villige on the side of a hill which the chief with us too ne tels me that nation lived in a number villages on each side of the river and the troubleson seauex caused them to move about miles higher up where they remained a fiew years & moved to the place they now live, ( ) passed a small creek on the s. s. ( ) and one on the l. s. passed ( ) a island covered with willows laying in the middle of the river no current on the l. s. camped on the l. s. above a bluff containing coal ( ) of an inferior quallity, this bank is imedeately above the old village of the mandans- the countrey is fine, the high hills at a distanc with gradual assents, i kild deer the timber confined to the bottoms as usial which is much larger than below. great numbers of buffalow elk & deer, goats. our hunters killed deer & a goat to day and wounded a white bear i saw several fresh track of those animals which is times as large as a mans track-, the wind hard all day from the n. e. & east, great numbers of buffalow swiming the river i observe near all large gangues of buffalow wolves and when the buffalow move those anamals follow and feed on those that are killed by accident or those that are too pore or fat to keep up with the gangue. [lewis, october , ] th october peter crusat this day shot at a white bear he wounded him, but being alarmed at the formidable appearance of the bear he left his tomahalk and gun; but shortly after returned and found that the bear had taken the oposite rout.--soon after he shot a buffaloe cow broke her thy, the cow pursued him he concealed himself in a small raviene.- [clark, october , ] t of october sunday a verry cold night wind hard from the n. e. some rain in the night which feesed as it fell, at day began to snow and continued all the fore part of the day, at / of a mile passed the mouth of chess-che tar (or heart) river l. s. yards wide, this river heads near turtle mountain with knife river on this river is a smothe stone which the indians have great fath in & consult the stone on all great occasions which they say marks or simblems are left on the stone of what is to take place &c. an old mandan village above the mouth of this little river, i saw a single tree in the open plains which the mandans formerly paid great devotion to run cords thro their flesh & tie themselves to the tree to make them brave, passed an old village on a small run on the s s. one on the bank l. and camped, i killed a fat buffalow this evening--little gun all my hunting [clark, october , ] st october sunday a verry cold night wind hard from the n. e some rain in the night which frosed up it fell at day light it began to snow and continud all the fore part of the day passed just above our camp ( ) a small river on the l. s. called by the indians chiss-cho-tar this river is about yards wide containing a good deel of water some distance up this river is situated a stone which the indians have great fath in & say they see painted on the stone, "all the calemites & good fortune to hapin the nation & partes who visit it"--a tree (an oak) which stands alone near this place about miles off in the open prarie which has with stood the fire they pay great respect to, make holes and tie strings thro the skins of their necks and around this tree to make them brave (all this is the information of too ne is a whipper will) the chief of the ricares who accompanied us to the mandins, at miles ( ) passed the nd villages of the manden, which was in existance at the same time with the st this village is at the foot of a hill on the s. s. on a butifull &extensive plain--at this time covered with buffalow--a cloudy afternoon, i killed a fine buffalow, we camped on the l. s. verry cold ground covered with snow. one orter kim. [clark, october , ] nd of october last night at about oclock i was violently attacked with rhumetism in my neck, which was so violently i could not move, cap l. applied a hot stone raped in flannel which gave temperry ease, we passed a war party of tetons on their way as we supposed to the mandans of men on the l. s. we gave them nothing and refused to put them across the river, passed old villages at the mouth of a large creek l. s and a small island at the head of which is a bad place, an old village on the s. s. and the upper of the villages the mandans occupied about years ago this village was entirely cut off by the sioux & one of the others nearly, the small pox distroyed great numbers [clark, october , ] nd october monday last night at oclock i was violently and suddinly attacked with the rhumitism in the neck which was so violent i could not move capt. applied a hot stone raped in flannel, which gave me some temporry ease,-. we set out early, the morning cold at oclock we came too at a camp of teton seaux on the l. s. those people in number were naikd and had the appearanc of war, we have every reason to believ that they are going or have been to steel horses from the mandins, they tell two stories, we gave them nothing after takeing brackfast proceeded on--my neck is yet verry painfull at times spasms. camped on the l side, passed an island situated on the l. side at the head of which & mandans village s. s. we passd a bad place--the hunters killed a buffalow bull, they say out of about buffalow which they saw, they did not see one cow. great deel of beaver sign. several cought every night. [clark, october , ] rd of october some snow, passed lodges fortified the place the two french men were robed those are the hunting camps of the mandans, who has latterly left them. we camped on the l. s. [clark, october , ] rd of october tuesday a cloudy morning some snow set out early pass five lodges which was diserted, the fires yet burning we suppose those were the indians who robed the french trappers a fiew days ago those men are now with us going up with a view to get their property from the indians thro us. cold & cloudy camped on the l. s. of the river [clark, october , ] th of october cloudy some little snow (my rhumetism continue, not so bad as the last days,) a butufull countrey on both sides, bottoms covered with wood, we see no game to day, passed an old village of a band of me ne tarres called mah har ha where they lived year ago on the l. s. came too on an island caused by the river cutting through a narrow point years ago, on this island we wer visited by the grand chief of the mandans a d chief and some other, who wer camped on the island, those chief met our ricarra chief with great corduallity, & smoked together cap lewis visited the camps lodges, and proceeded on & camped near a d camp of mandans on the s. s. nearly opposit the old ricara & manden village which the ricarras abandaned in the year [clark, october , ] th october wednesday set out early a cloudy day some little snow in the morning i am something better of the rhumutim in my neck--a butifull countrey on both sides of the river. the bottoms covd. with wood, we have seen no game on the river to day a prof of the indians hunting in the neighbourhod ( ) passed a island on the s. s. made by the river cutting through a point, by which the river is shortened several miles--on this isld. we saw one of the grand chiefs of the mandins, with five lodges hunting, this cheif met the chief of the ricares who accompanied us with great cordiallity & sermony smoked the pipe & capt. lewis with the interpeter went with the chiefs to his lodges at mile distant, after his return we admited the grand chief & his brother for a few minits on our boat. proceeded on a short distance and camped on the s. s. below the old village of the mandins & ricares.--soon after our landg. mandins came from a camp above, the ricares chief went with them to their camp, th of october thursday . a gentle breeze from the s. e by e passed an ( ) old village on a high plain where the mandans onced lived & after they left the village & moved higher the ricaras took possession & live until when they abandoned it & flew from the just revenge of the mandans, a verry extensive bottom above the village above the center of which ( ) the mandans lived in the villages on the l. ., but little timber- several parties of indians on each side of the river going up. in view in every directions--we are informed that the sioux has latterly taken horses from the big bellies or minitaries and on their way homerwards they fell in with the assinniboins who killed them and took the horses & a frenchman menard who resided with the mandan for years past was killed a fiew days ago on his way from the britishment astablishments on the assineboin river, miles n. of this place to the mandans by the assinniboin indians--we were frequently called to by parties of indians & requested to land & talk, passed a verry bad place & camped on a point s s. opposit a high hill several indians visit us this evening the sun of the late great chief of the mandans who had of his fingers off and appeared to be pearced in maney places on inquiring the reason, was informed that it was a testimony to their grief for deceased freinds, they frequently cut off sevral fingers & pierced themselves in different parts, a mark of savage effection, wind hard from the s. w. verry cold r fields with a rhumitisum in his neck one man r. in his hips my self much better, those indians appear to have similar customs with the ricaras, their dress the same more mild in their language & justures &c. &c. [clark, october , ] th of october thursday a cold morning set out early under a gentle breeze from the s. e. by e proceeded on, passed ( ) the rd old village of the mandans which has been desd. for many years, this village was situated on an eminance of about foot above the water on the l. s. back for several miles is a butifull plain ( ) at a short distance above this old village on a continuation of the same eminance was situated the which have been avacuated only six years, above this village a large and extensive bottom for several miles in which the squars raised ther corn, but little timber near the villages, on the s. s. below is a point of excellent timber, and in the point several miles above is fine timber, several parties of mandins rode to the river on the s. s. to view us indeed they are continuelly in sight satisying their curiossities as to our apperance &c. we are told that the seaux has latterly fallen in with & stole the horses of the big belley, on their way home they fell in with the ossiniboin who killed them and took the horses--a frenchman has latterly been killed by the indians on the track to the tradeing establishment on the ossinebine r. in the north of this place (or british fort) this frenchman has lived many years with the mandins--we were frequently called on to land & talk to parties of the mandins on the shore, wind shifted to the s. w at about oclock and blew hard untill ock. clouded up river full of sand bars & we are at a great loss to find the channel of the river, frequently run on the sand bars which detain us much passed a verry bad riffle of rocks in the evining by takeing the l. s. of a sand bar and camped on a sand point on the s. s. opposit a high hill on the l. s. several indians come to see us this evening, amongst others the sun of the late great cheif of the mandins, this man has his two little fingers off-; on inqureing the cause, was told it was customary for this nation to show their greaf by some testimony of pain, and that it was not uncommon for them to take off smaller fingers of the hand and some times more with ther marks of savage effection the wind blew verry hard this evening from the s. w. verry cold r. fields with the rhumitim in his neck, p. crusat with the same complaint in his legs--the party other wise is well, as to my self i feel but slight simptoms of that disorder at this time, [clark, october , ] th of october wind from the s. e we set the ricara chief on shore with some mandans, many on each side veiwing of us, we took in chiefs (coal and big man) and halted a feiw minits at their camps, on the l. s. fortified in their way, here we saw a trader from the ossinniboin river called mccracken, this man arrived day ago with goods to trade for horses & roabs one other man with him--we camped on the l. side a short distanc below the r st rnandan village on the l. s. many men women & children flocked down to see us--capt lewis walked to the village with the chief and interpeters, my rheumitism increasing prevented me from going also, and we had deturmined that both would not leave the boat at the same time untill we knew the desposition of the nativs, some chieef visited me & i smoked with them--they appeared delighted with the steel mill which we were obliged to use, also with my black servent, capt lewis returned late [clark, october , ] th of october friday set out early wind from the s w proceeded on saw numbers of the mandins on shore, we set the ricare chief on shore, and we proceeded on to the camp of two of their grand chiefs where we delayed a fiew minits, with the chiefs and proceeded on takeing two of their chiefs on board & some of the heavy articles of his house hole, such as earthen pots & corn, proceeded on, at this camp saw a mccracken englishmon from the n. w company this mana came nine days ago to trade for horses & buffalo robes,--one other man came with him. the indians continued on the banks all day--but little wood on this part of the river, many sand bars and bad places, water much devided between them for the th. octr. we came too and camped on the l. s. about / a mile below the ist. manddin town on the l. s. soon after our arrival many men womin & children flocked down to see us, capt lewis walked to the village with the principal chiefs and our interpters, my rhumatic complaint increasing i could not go--if i was well only one would have left the boat & party untill we new the disposition of the inds. i smoked with the cheifs who came after. those people apd much pleased with the corn mill which we were obliged to use, & was fixed in the boat. [clark, october , ] th of october satturday we set out early and came too at the village on the l. s. where we delayed a few minits, i walked to a chiefs logg & smoked with them, but could not eat, which did displease them a little, here i met with a mr. jessomme, who lived in this nation years, i got him to interpet & he proceedd on with us we proceeded on to a centeral point opposit the knife river, & formed a camp on the s. s. above the d mandan village & opsd. the mah-har-ha village--and raised a flag staff--capt lewis & the intepeters walked down to the d village of mandans, & returned in about an hour, we sent carrotes of tobacco to the other villages & enviting them to come down and council with us tomorrow,--we endeaver to precure some knowledge of the principal chiefs of the different nations &.--well to give my ideas as to the impression thais man makes on me is a cunin artfull an insoncear--he tels me he was once empld. by my brother in the illinois & of his description i conceve as a spye upon the british of michillinicknac & st joseph,s we think he may be made use full to us & do employ him as an interpeter--no. of indians bring their wives &c. to the campes of our party on shore &c. [clark, october , ] th of october satturday we set out arly came too at this village on the l. s. this village is situated on an eminance of about feet above the water in a handson plain it containes houses in a kind of picket work. the houses are round and verry large containing several families, as also their horses which is tied on one side of the enterance, a discription of those houses will be given hereafter, i walked up & smoked a pipe with the cheifs of this village they were anxious that i would stay and eat with them, my indisposition provented my eating which displeased them, untill a full explination took place, i returned to the boat and sent carrots of tobacco for them to smoke, and proceeded on, passed the d village and camped opsd. the village of the weter soon or ah wah bar ways which is situated on an eminance in a plain on the l. s. this village is small and contains but fiew inhabitents. above this village & also above the knife river on the same side of the missouri the big bellies towns are situated a further discription will be given here after as also of the town of mandans on this side of the river i e s. side a fine worm day we met with a french man by the name of jassamme which we imploy as an interpeter this man has a wife & children in the village--great numbers on both sides flocked down to the bank to view us as wee passed. capt. lewis with the interpetr. walked down to the village below our camp after delaying one hour he returned and informed me the indians had returned to their village &c., &c., we sent three carrots of tobacco by three young men, to the three villages above inviting them to come down & council with us tomorrow. many indians came to view us some stayed all night in the camp of our party--we procured some information of mr. jessomme of the chiefs of the different nations [clark, october , ] th of october the wind so hard from the s. w. we could not meet the indians in councils, those who visited us we sent to the nearest village, consulted the black cat m chief about the chiefs of the different villages, who gave his oppinion to us. [clark, october , ] sunday th of october a windey day, fair and clear many of the grosvantres (or big bellies) and watersons came to see us and hear the council the wind being so violently hard from the s. w. provented our going into councel, (indeed the chiefs of the manodans from the lower village could not cross, we made up the presents and entertained several of the curious cheifs whome, wished to see the boat which was verry curious to them viewing it as great medison, as they also viewed my black servent the black cat grand chief of the mandans, capt lewis & my self with an interpeter walked up the river about / miles our views were to examine the situation & timbers for a fort, we found the situation good but the timber scerce, or at least small timbr such as would answer us-, we cunsulted the grand chief in respect to the other chiefs of the defferent villages he gave the names of --george drewyer cought beaver above our camp last night, we had several presents from the woman of corn boild homney, soft corn &c. &c. i prosent ajar to the chiefs wife who recved it with much pleasure our men verry chearfull this evening--we sent the cheifs of the gross vantres to smoke a pipe with the grand chef of the mandins in his village, & told them we would speek tomorrow. [clark, october , ] th of october a fine morning after brackfast we were visited by the old chief of the big bellies or me ne tar res, this man has given his power to his son who is now on a war party against the snake indians who inhabit the rockey mountains, the s w wind verry high--we met in council under an orning and our sales stretched round to keep out as much wind as possible & delivered a long speach similar to what had been said to the nations below, the old chief was restless before the speech was half ended, observed his camp was exposed & could wait no longer &c. at the conclusion of the speach we mentioned the ricaras & requested them to make a peace & smoke out of the sacred stem with their chief which i intreduced and gave him the pipe of peace to hand around, they all smoked with eagerness out of the pipe held by the ricara chief ar-ke-tar-na-shar we mentioned our hands that were to be discharged here, also the roberrey commited on th french men below, & requested them to answere us tomorrow, gave the chief small preasents and a fiew presents for each village shot the air gun which both surprised and astonished the nativs, and soon dispersed our ricara chief came told me he wished to return to his nation tomorrow i put him off & said we would send a talk by him after the chiefs had spoken to us--we gave a steel mill to the mandans which was verry pleasing to them the chief who recved medals to day are as follows viz-in council is mandan village ma-too-ton kai s chief sha-ha-ka big white nd ka-goh-ha-me little crows do village roop tar-hee s & grand chief poss-cop-sa-he black cat d chief car-gar-no-mok-she raven man chief mah har-ha village is chief ta-tuck-co pin re has, white buffalow skin unfolded little menetarre village is chief omp-se-ha-ra black mockerson. d chief oh-hark little fox. the grand village of manetarres, the one eye is the principal chief and he is out on a hunting party. we send by the grape all the articles for this grand chief and all the village what goods was intended for that village--the prarie got on fire and went with such violenc & speed as to catch a man & woman & burn them to death, several escapd. among other a small boy who was saved by getting under a green buffalow skin, this boy was half white, & the indians say all white flesh is medisan, they say the grass was not burnt where the boy sat &c. &. this fire passed us at oclock, and lookd truly tremendious. [clark, october , ] th october monday a fair fine morning after brackfast we were visited by the old cheaf of the big bellies or ____ this man was old and had transfered his power to his sun, who was then out at war against the snake indians who inhabit the rockey mountains--at oclock the s w. wind rose verry high, we collected the chiefs and commened a council ounder a orning and our sales stretched around to keep out as much wind as possible, we delivered a long speech the substance of which similer to what we had delivered to the nations below. the old chief of the grossanters was verry restless before the speech was half ended observed that he could not wait long that his camp was exposed to the hostile indians, &c. &. he was rebuked by one of the chiefs for his uneasiness at such a time as the present, we at the end of the speech mentioned the ricare who accompanied us to make a firm peace, they all smoked with him (i gave this cheaf a dollar of the american coin as a meadel with which he was much pleased) in councel we prosented him with a certificate of his sincrrity and good conduct &c. we also spoke about the fur which was taken from french men by a mandan, and informd of our intentions of sending back the french hands--after the council we gave the presents with much seremoney, and put the meadels on the cheifs we intended to make viz. one for each town to whome we gave coats hats & flags, one grand cheif to each nation to whome we gave meadels with the presidents likeness in councel we requested them to give us an answer tomorrow or as soon as possible to some points which required their deliberation- after the council was over we shot the air gun which appeared to assonish the nativs much, the greater part them retired soon after the ricare cheaf ar-ke-tar-na-shar came to me this evening and tells me that he wishes to return to his village & nation, i put him off saying tomorrow we would have an answer, to our talk to the satisfaction & send by him a string of wompom informing what had passed here. a iron or steel corn mill which we gave to the mandins, was verry thankfully recived--(rte the prarie was set on fire (or cought by accident) by a young man of the mandins, the fire went with such velocity that it burnt to death a man and woman, who could not get to any place of safty, one man a woman & child much burnt and several narrowly escaped the flame--a boy half white was saved un hurt in the midst of the flaim, those ignerent people say this boy was saved by the great spirit medisin because he was white--the cause of his being saved was a green buffalow skin was thrown over him by his mother who perhaps had more fore sight for the pertection of her son, and less for herself than those who escaped the flame, the fire did not burn under the skin leaving the grass round the boy this fire passed our camp last about oclock p.m. it went with great rapitidity and looked tremendious the following chiefs were made in councel to day mar-too-ton-ha or lower village of the mandans st cheif sha-ha-ka or big white do ka-goh-ha-mi or little raven roop-tar-hee or second village of the mandans st and grand cheif-pass-cop-sa-he or black cat nd cheif car-gar-no-mok-she raven man cheaf mah-har-ha rd village chief ta-tuck-co-pin-re-ha (white buffalow robe unfolded) me-ne-tar-re me-te har-tar st cheif-omp-se-ha-ra. black mockersons do. oh-harh or little fox we sent the presents intended for the grand chief of the mi-ne-tar-re or big belley, and the presents flag and wompoms by the old chief and those, and those intended for the cheif of the lower village by a young cheif the following cheifs were recommended in addition to those viz. st village oh-hee-nar big man--a chien sho-ta-har ro-ra d village taw nish-e-o--bel-lar sa ra ar-rat-ta na-mock-she--wolf man chief rd village min-nis-sur-ra-ree (neighing horse) lo-tong-gar-ti har--old woman at a distance th village mar-noh-tah the big steeler man-se-rus-se--tale of callumet bird th village ad hako ho pin nee little wolfs medisons ar-rat-toe-no mook-gu (man wolf chief) (at war) cal-tar co ta--(cherry grows on a bush) old chief and father to the above mentd. chief maw-pah'-pir-re-cos-sa too--this chief is near this hunting and a verry considerable man to the st chiefs we gave a medal with the imp. of the president of the u s. to the d chiefs a medal of weaveing & domestic animals. to the rd chiefs a medal with the impression of a man sowing wheat. th village ea pa no pa--two taled calumet bird young chief war he ras sa the red shield young chief of big belley-big town [clark, october , ] th of october tuesday many indian chief visit us today i went in th perogou to the island miles above to look out a proper place for to winter, it being near the tim the ice begins to run at this place, and the countrey after a few leagues high is said to be barron of timber, i found no place soutable, & we concluded to drop down to th next point below & build a fort to winter in the party danced which delited the indians. [clark, october , ] th october tuesday two chiefs came to have some talk one the princapal of the lower village the other the one who thought himself the principal mane, & requested to hear some of the speech that was delivered yesterday they were gratified, and we put the medal on the neck of the big white to whome we had sent clothes yesterday & a flag, those men did not return from hunting in time to join the counell, they were well pleased ( d of those is a chien) i took men in a small perogue and went up the river as far as the st island about miles to see if a situation could be got on it for our winter quarters, found the wood on the isd. as also on the pt. above so distant from the water that, i did not think that we could get a good wintering ground there, and as all the white men here informed us that wood was sceres, as well as game above, we deturmined to drop down a fiew miles near wood and game on my return found maney inds. at our camp, gave the party a dram, they danced as is verry comn. in the evening which pleased the savages much. wind s. e [clark, october , ] mandans ka gar no mogh ge the d chief of the d village of mandins came the t of octr. and spoke to us as follows. viz will you be so good as to go to the village the grand chief will speek & give some corn, if you will let some men take bags it will be well. i am going with, the chief of the ricares to smoke a pipe with that nation--i concluded to go down mockerson indians the principal chief of the wau to soon came and spoke a fiew words on various subjects not much to the purpose. we smoked and after my shooting the air gun he departed, those nations know nothing of reagular councils, and know not how to proceed in them, they are restless &c- [clark, october , ] st of october wednesday the main chief of the mandans sent cheifs for to envite us to come to his lodge, and here what he has to say i with interpetes walked down, and with great cerimony was seated on a robe by the side of the chief; he threw a robe highly decoraterd over my sholders, and after smokeing a pipe with the old men in the circle, the chief spoke he belived all we had told him, and that peace would be genl. which not only gave himself satisfaction but all his people; they now could hunt without fear & their women could work in the fields without looking every moment for the ememey, as to the ricaras addressing himself to the chief with me you know we do not wish war with your nation, you have brought it on your selves, that man pointing to the d chief and those young warriers will go with you & smoke in the pipes of peace with the ricaras--i will let you see my father addressing me that we wish to be at peace with all and do not make war upon any--he continud to speak in this stile (refer to notes) he delivered of the traps to me which was taken from the french men, gave me bushels of corn, i answered the speech which appeared to give general satisfactionand returned to the boat, in the evening the chief visited us dressed in his new suit, &delayed untill late the men dancd untill oclock which was common with them wrote to the n w copanys agent on the ossinniboin river by a mr. mccruckin. [clark, october , ] st of october wednesday a fine morning, the chief of the mandans sent a d chief to invite us to his lodge to recive some corn & here what he had to say i walked down and with great ceremoney was seeted on a roab by the side of the chief, he threw a handsom roabe over me and after smokeing the pipe with several old men arround, the chief spoke said he believed what we had told them, and that peace would be general, which not only gave him satisfaction but all his people, they now could hunt without fear, & ther womin could work in the fields without looking everry moment for the enemey, and put off their mockersons at night, as to the reares we will show you that we wish peace with all, and do not make war on any without cause, that chief pointing to the d and some brave men will accompy. the ricare chief now with you to his village & nation, to smoke with that people, when you came up the indians in the neighbouring villages, as well as those out hunting when they heard of you had great expectations of reciving presents they those hunting imediately on hearing returned to the village and all was disapointed, and some dessatisfied, as to himself he was not much so but his village was--he would go and see his great father &c. &c. he had put before me of the steel traps which was robed from the french a short tim ago. about bushels of corn which was brought and put before me by the womin of the village after the chief finished & smoked in great cerrimony, i answered the speech which satisfied them verry much and returned to the boat. met the princapal chief of the d village and the little crow both of which i invited into the cabin and smoked & talked with for about one hour. soon after those chiefs left us the grand chief of the mandans came dressed in the clothes we had given with his small suns, and requested to see the men dance which they verry readily gratified him in,--the wind blew hard all the after part of the day from the n e and continud all night to blow hard from that point, in the mornig it shifed n w. capt lewis wrote to the n w companys agent on the orsineboine river abt. north of this place [clark, october , ] black cat or pose-cop-sa-he st chief of the mandans & d village "i believe what you have told us in council, & that peace will be general, which not only givs me pleasure, but satisfaction to all the nation, they now can hunt without fear, and our womin can work in the fields without looking every moment for the enimey-" as to the ricares we will show you that we wish piace with all, and do not make war on any with out cause, that chief pointing to the d of the village and some young men will accompany the ricrea chief home to his nation to smoke with that people--when the indians of the different villages heard of your comeing up they all came in from hunting to see, they expected great presents. they were disapointed, and some dissatisfied- as to my self i am not much so, but my village are--he believed the roade was open; and he would go and see his great father--he delivered up traps which had been taken from the french, & gave me a roabe & about bushels of corn--& smoked &c i answered the speech it explained, many parts which he could not understand-of the speech of yesterday. [lewis, october , ] wednesday october st . the river being very low and the season so far advanced that it frequently shuts up with ice in this climate we determined to spend the winter in this neighbourhood, accordingly capt. clark with a party of men reconnoitred the countrey for some miles above our encampment; he returned in the evening without having succeed in finding an eligible situation for our purpose.- [clark, november , ] november visited by several chiefs of the lower village who requested we would call on them &c. spoke to the same purpote with the grand chief. we set out in the evening & i with the party droped down to the place we intended to winter & cap lewis called at the village miles above &. &. [clark, november , ] st of november thursday the wind hard from the n w. mr. mccrackin a trader set out at oclock to the fort on the ossiniboin by him send a letter, (incloseing a copy of the british ministers protection) to the principal agent of the company--at about oclock the cheifs of the lower village cam and after a short time informed us they wished they would us to call at their village & take some corn, that they would make peace with the ricares they never made war against them but after the rees killed their chiefs they killed them like the birds, and were tired and would send a chief and some brave men to the ricares to smoke with that people in the evening we set out and fell down to the lower village where capt. lewis got out and continud at the village untill after night i proceeded on & landed on the s. s. at the upper point of the st timber on the starboard side after landing & continuinge--all night droped down to a proper place to build capt lewis came down after night, and informed me he intended to return the next morning by the perticular request of the chiefs. we passed the villages on our decent in veiw of great numbers of the inhabitents [clark, november , ] the st of novr. mandins is village the main chief big white & others i e the big man or sha-ha-ca and ____ came early to talk, and spoke as follows, after smoking, viz. is it certain that the ricares intend to make good with us our wish is to be at peace with all, we will send a chief with the pania chief and some young men to smoke and make good peace-? are you going to stay abov or below this cold.--answer by c. l we are going down a few miles to look a place we can find no place abov proper. the panias know's we do not begin the war, they allway begin, we sent a chief and a pipe to the pania to smoke and they killed them-, we have killed enough of them we kill them like the birds, we do not wish to kill more, we will, make a good peace we were sorry when we heard of your going up but now you are going down, we are glad, if we eat you shall eat, if we starve you must starve also, our village is too far to bring the corn to you, but we hope you will call on us as you pass to the place you intend to stop c l answered the above- [lewis, november , ] thursday november st the wind blew so violently during the greater part of this day that we were unable to quit our encampment; in the evening it abated;--we droped down about seven miles and land on n. e. side of the river at a large point of woodland. [clark, november , ] nd novr. friday--capt lewis returned to the village & i fixed on a place for to build a fort and set to work cap lewis returned in the eveng with bushels of corn, the ricarre chief set out for his village accompanied by several mandans [clark, november , ] nd november friday this morning at day light i went down the river with men to look for a proper place to winter proceeded down the river three miles & found a place well supld. with wood, & returned, capt. lewis went to the village to here what they had to say & i fell down, and formed a camp near where a small camp of indian were huntig cut down the trees around our camp, in the evening capt. lewis returned with a present of bushels of corn, our recaree chief set out acccompanied by one chief and several brave men, he called for some small article which we had given but as i could not understand him he could not get. the wind from the s. e. a fine day--many indians to day [lewis, november , ] friday november nd " this morning early we fixed on the site for our fortification which we immediately set about. this place we have named fort mandan in honour of our neighbours. [clark, november , ] rd of november satturday wind hard from the west commence building our cabins, dispatched hunters in a perogue down the river to hunt, discharged the french hands, mr. jessomme his squar & child moved to camp, the little crow loaded his squar with meat for us also a roabe, we gave the squar an ax & &. cought bever near camp [clark, november , ] rd of november satterday a fine morning wind hard from the west we commence building our cabins, send down in perogue men to hunt engaged one man, set the french who intend to return to build a perogue, many indians pass to hunt, mr. jessomme with his squar & children. come down to live, as interpter, we recive a hors for our sirvice, in the evening the ka goh ha mi or little ravin came & brought us on his squar about wt. of dried buffalow meat a roabe, & pot of meal &. they delayed all night- we gave his squar an ax & a fiew small articles & himself a piece of tobacco, the men were indulged with a dram, this evening two beaver cought this morning--and one trap lost [clark, november , ] th of novr. a french man by name chabonah, who speaks the big belley language visit us, he wished to hire & informed us his squars were snake indians, we engau him to go on with us and take one of his wives to interpet the snake language the indians horses & dogs live in the same lodge with themselves [clark, november , ] th november sunday fort mandan a fine morning we continued to cut down trees and raise our houses, a mr. chaubonee, interpeter for the gross vintre nation came to see us, and informed that he came down with several indians from a hunting expedition up the river, to here what we had told the indians in councl this man wished to hire as an interpeter, the wind rose this evining from the east & clouded up--great numbers of indians pass hunting and some on the return- [clark, november , ] th november monday i rose verry early and commenced raising the range of huts the timber large and heavy all to carry on hand sticks, cotton wood & elm som ash small, our situation sandy, great numbers of indians pass to and from hunting a camp of mandans, a fiew miles below us cought within two days goat, by driveing them in a strong pen, derected by a bush fence widening from the pen &c. &. the greater part of this day cloudy, wind moderate from the n. w. i have the rhumitism verry bad, cap lewis writeing all day--we are told by our interpeter that ossiniboin indians, have arrived at the camps of the gross venters & lodges are comeing [clark, november , ] th of nov. mr. gravolin our ricara interpreter & of our french hands & boys set out in a canoe for the ricaras mr. ravellin is to accompany the ricaras chiefs to the city of washington in the spring, great numbers of geese pass to the south which is a certain approach of ice [clark, november , ] th november tuesday fort mandan last night late we wer awoke by the sergeant of the guard to see a nothern light, which was light, not red, and appeared to darken and some times nearly obscered, and open, many times appeared in light streeks, and at other times a great space light & containing floating collomns which appeared opposite each other & retreat leaveing the lighter space at no time of the same appearence this morning i rose a day light the clouds to the north appeared black at oclock the wind begun to blow hard from the n w. and cold, and continud all day mr. jo gravilin our ricare interpeter paul premor, lajuness & french boys, who came with us, set out in a small perogue, on their return to the ricaree nation & the illinois, mr. gravilin has instructions to take on the recarees in the spring &c.--continue to build the huts, out of cotton timber, &c. this being the only timber we have. [clark, november , ] th november wednesday a termperate day we continued to building our hut, cloudy and fogging all day [clark, november , ] th novr. thursday a cloudy morning jussome our interpreter went to the village, on his return he informed us that three english men had arrived from the hudsons bay company, and would be here tomorrow, we contd. to build our huts, many indians come to see us and bring their horses to grass near us [clark, november , ] th novr. friday a verry hard frost this morning we continue to build our cabens, under many disadvantages, day cloudy wind from the n w. several indians pass with flying news, we got a white weasel, (taile excepted which was black at the end) of an indian capt lewis walked to the hill abt. / of a mile--we are situated in a point of the missouri north side in a cotton wood timber, this timber is tall and heavy containing an imence quantity of water brickle & soft food for horses to winter (as is said by the indians) the mandans graze their horses in the day on grass, and at night give them a stick of cotton wood to eate, horses dogs & people all pass the night in the same lodge or round house, covd. with earth with a fire in the middle great number of wild gees pass to the south, flew verry high [clark, november , ] th november satturday rose early continued to build our fort numbers of indians came to see us a chief half partia & brought a side of a buffalow, in return we gave some fiew small things to himself & wife & son, he crossed the river in the buffalow skin canoo & and, the squar took the boat and proceeded on to the town miles the day raw and cold wind from the n w, the gees continue to pass in gangues as also brant to the south, some ducks also pass [clark, november , ] th november sunday fort mandan a cold day continued at work at the fort two men cut themselves with an ax, the large ducks pass to the south an indian gave me several roles of parched meal two squars of the rock mountain, purchased from the indians by a frenchmen came down the mandans out hunting the buffalow [clark, november , ] th november monday a verry cold night early this morning the big white princapal chief of the lower village of the mandans came down, he packd about w. of fine meet on his squar for us, we made some small presents to the squar, & child gave a small ax which she was much pleased-- men sick with the ____ several, wind changeable verry cold evening, freesing all day some ice on the edges of the river. swans passing to the south, the hunters we sent down the river to hunt has not returned the interpeter says that the mandan nation as they old men say came out of a small lake where they had gardins, maney years ago they lived in several villages on the missourie low down, the smallpox destroyed the greater part of the nation and reduced them to one large village and some small ones, all nations before this maladey was affrd. of them after they were reduced the sioux and other indians waged war, and killed a great maney, and they moved up the missourie, those indians still continued to wage war, and they moved still higher, untill they got in the countrey of the panias, whith this ntn. they lived in friendship maney years, inhabiting the same neighbourhood untill that people waged war, they moved up near the watersoons & winataree where they now live in peace with those nations, the mandans specke a language peculial to themselves they can rase about men, the winatarees about and the big bellies about or men. the mandans and seauex have the same word for water-the big bellies winitarees & ravin indians speake nearly the same language and the presumption is they were origionally the same nation the ravin indians have lodges & about men, & follow the buffalow, or hunt for their subsistance in the plains & on the court not & rock mountains, & are at war with the sioux snake indians the big bellies & watersoons are at war with the snake indians & seauex, and were at war with the ricares untill we made peace a fiew days passd.--the mandans are at war with all who make war on them, at present with the seauex only, and wish to be at peace with all nations, seldom the agressors- [clark, november , ] th the ice begin to run we move into our hut, visited by the grand chief of the mandans, and che chark lagru a chief of the assinniboins & men of that nation, i smoke with them and gave the chief a cord & a carrot of tobacco--this nation rove in the plains above this and trade with the british companes on the ossinniboin river, they are divided into several bands, the decendants of the sioux & speak nearly their langguage a bad disposed set & can raies about moo men in the bands near this place, they trade with the nations of this neighbourhood for horses corn & snow all day capt. l. at the village. [clark, november , ] th novr. tuesday the ice began to run in the river / past oclock p. m we rose early & onloaded the boat before brackfast except, the cabin, & stored away in a store house--at oclock a m the black cat the mandin chief and lagru che chark chief & men of note visited us at fort mandan, i gave him a twist of tobacco to smoke with his people & a gold cord with a view to know him again, the nation consists of about men, hunt in the plains & winter and trade on the ossiniboin river, they are decendants of the siaux and speake their language, they come to the nations to this quarter to trade or (make preasthts) for horses the method of this kind of trafick by addoption shall be explained hereafter &, snow'd all day, the ice ran thick and air cold. [clark, november , ] fort mandan th of november wednesday a cloudy morning, ice runing verry thick river rose / inch last night some snow falling, only two indians visit us to day owing to a dance at the village last night in concluding a serimoney of adoption, and interchange of property, between the ossiniboins, christinoes and the nations of this neighbourhood--we sent one man by land on hors back to know the reason of the delay of our hunters, this evening french men who were traping below came up-with beaver we are compelled to use our pork which we doe spearingly for fear of some falur in precureing a sufficiency from the woods. our interpeter informs that lodges one of bands of assinniboins & some crestinoes, are at the mandan village. the crrirstinoes are abt. men speak the chipaway-language, the live near fort de peare [clark, november , ] th of november thursday a cloudy morning, the ice run much thicker than yesterday at oclock g drewyer & the frenchman we dispatched yesterday came up from the hunters, who is incamped about miles below--after a about one hour we dispatched a man with orders to the hunters to proceed on without delay thro the floating ice, we sent by the man tin, to put on the parts of the perogue exposed to the ice & a toe roape--the wind changeable--all hands work at their huts untill oclock at night swans passing to the south--but fiew fowls water to be seen--not one indian came to our fort to day [clark, november , ] th november friday a verry white frost all the trees all covered with ice, cloudy, all the men move into the huts which is not finishd several indians come to camp to day, the ossiniboins is at the big bellie camp, some trouble like to take place between them from the loss of horses &c. as is said by an old indian who visited us with buffalow robes & corn to trade for a pistol which we did not let him have, men imployed untill late in dobing their huts, some horses sent down to stay in the woods near the fort, to prevent the ossniboins steeling them [clark, november , ] th november satturday a fine morning, last night was cold, the ice thicker than yesterday, several indians visit us, one chief stayed all day we are much engaged about our huts. [clark, november , ] th novr. sunday a cold morning some wind the black cat, chief of the mandans came to see us, he made great inquiries respecting our fashions. he also stated the situation of their nation, he mentioned that a council had been held the day before and it was thought advisable to put up with the resent insults of the ossiniboins & christonoes untill they were convinced that what had been told thim by us, mr. evins had deceived them & we might also, he promised to return & furnish them with guns & amunitiion, we advised them to remain at peace & that they might depend upon getting supplies through the channel of the missouri, but it requred time to put the trade in opperation. the assiniboins &c have the trade of those nations in their power and treat them badly as the soux does the ricarees and they cannot resent for fear of loseing their trade &. [clark, november , ] th of november our hunters return with deerr, elk & a buffalow ice ran which detained the huntes much cap lewis visit the me ne tar rees, the th and returned the th of nov. with chiefs &c. &c. and told me that clerks & men of the n w company & several of the hudsons bay company had arrived with goods to trade with the indians a mr. la roche & mc kinzey are the celerks (distant miles across) [clark, november , ] th novr. monday a cold day the ice continue to run our perogue of hunters arrive with deer, elk & a buffalow, all of this meat we had hung up in a smoke house, a timeley supply--several indians here all day--the wind bley hard from the n. w. by w. our men move into their huts, several little indian aneckdts. told me to day [clark, november , ] th november tuesday capt lewis & my self move into our huts, a verry hard wind from the w. all the after part of the day a temperate day several indians came down to eat fresh meat, three chiefs from the d mandan village stay all day, they are verry curious in examining our works. those chiefs informs us that the souix settled on the missourie above dog river, threten to attacked them this winter, and have treated ricares who carried the pipe of peace to them verry roughly. whiped & took their horses from them &c. &c. & is much displeased with ricares for makeing a peace with the mandans &. &. through us, &. we gave them a sattisfactory answer. &c. &c. [clark, november , ] st novr. wednesday a fine day dispatched a perogu and collected stone for our chimnys, some wind from the s. w. arrange our different articles--maney indians visit us to day, g d hurd his hand verry bad- all the party in high spirits--the river clear of ice, & riseing a little [clark, november , ] nd of november thursday a fine morning dispatched a perogue and men under the derection of sergeant pryor to the nd village for bushels of corn in ears which mr. jessomme, let us have did not get more than bushels--i was allarmed about oclock by the sentinal, who informed that an indian was about to kill his wife in the interpeters fire about yards below the works, i went down and spoke to the fellow about the rash act which he was like to commit and forbid any act of the kind near the fort- some missunderstanding took place between this man & his wife about days ago, and she came to this place, & continued with the squars of the interpeters, days ago she returned to the villg. in the evening of the same day she came to the interpeters fire appearently much beat, & stabed in places--we detected that no man of this party have any intercourse with this woman under the penelty of punishment--he the husband observed that one of our serjeants slept with his wife & if he wanted her he would give her to him, we derected the serjeant odway to give the man some articles, at which time i told the indian that i believed not one man of the party had touched his wife except the one he had given the use of her for a nite, in his own bed, no man of the party should touch his squar, or the wife of any indian, nor did i believe they touch a woman if they knew her to be the wife of another man, and advised him to take his squar home and live hapily together in future,--at this time the grand chief of the nation arrived, & lecturd him, and they both went off apparently dis the grand chief continued all day a warm day fair afternoon--many indian anickdotes one chief & his familey stay all night. [clark, november , ] rd, a fair warm day, wind from the s. e. send after stone several men with bad colds, one man sheilds with the rhumitism the river on a stand haveing rose inches in all [clark, november , ] th of november satturday a warm day several men with bad coalds we continue to cover our huts with hewed punchens, finishd. a cord to draw our boat out on the bank, this is made straps of elk skin,--the wind from the s. e. [clark, november , ] th of novr. sunday a fine day warm & pleasent capt. lewis interpeters & men set out to see the indians in the different towns & camps in this neighbour hood, we continu to cover & dob our huts, two chiefs came to see me to day one named wau-ke-res-sa-ra, a big belley and the first of that nation who has visited us since we have been here, i gave him a handkerchef paint & a saw band, and the other some fiew articles, and paid a perticular attention which pleased them verry much, the interpeters being all with capt. lewis i could not talk to them. we compleated our huts--several men with bad colds, river fall / inch [clark, november , ] th of novr. monday fort mandan a little before day light the wind shifted to the n. w. and blew hard and the air keen & cold all day, cloudy and much the appearance of snow; but little work done to day it being cold &c. [clark, november , ] th of november tuesday a cloudy morning after a verry cold night, the river crouded with floating ice wind from the n w. finished dobing capt. lewis returned from the villages with two chiefs mar-noh toh & man-nes-sur ree & a considerate man with the party who accompanied him, the menitares, (or big bellies) were allarmed at the tales told them by the mandans viz: that we intended to join the seaux to cut off them in the course of the winter, many circumstances combind to give force to those reports i e the movements of the interpeters & their families to the fort, the strength of our work &. &. all those reports was contridicted by capt louis with a conviction on the minds of the indians of the falsity of those reports--the indians in all the towns & camps treated capt lewis & the party with great respect except one of the principal cheifs mar par pa par ra pas a too or (horned weasel) who did not chuse to be seen by the capt. & left word that he was not at home &. seven traders arrived from the fort on the ossinaboin from the n w companey one of which lafrances took upon himself to speak unfavourably of our intentions &. the princpal mr. la rock, (& mr. mckensey) was informed of the conduct of their interpeter & the consiquinces if they did not put a stop to unfavourable & ill founded assursions &c. &. the two chiefs much pleased with their treatments & the cherefullness of the party, who danced to amuse them &c. &c. the river fall inches verry cold and began to snow at oclock p m and continued all night--some miss understanding with jussomm & his woman--at day the snow seased [clark, november , ] th novr. wednesday a cold morning wind from the n. w river full of floating ice, began to snow at oclock a m and continued all day at oclock the poss-cop-so-he or black cat grand chief of the mandans came to see us, after showing those chiefs many thing which was curiossities to them, and giveing a fiew presents of curioes handkerchiefs arm bans & paint with a twist of tobaco they departed at oclock much pleased, at parting we had some little talk on the subject of the british trader mr. le rock giveing meadils & flags, and told those chiefs to impress it on the minds of their nations that those simbells were not to be recved by any from them, without they wished incur the displieasure of their great american father--a verry disagreeable day--no work done to day river fall inch to day [clark, november , ] th november thursday a verry cold windey day wind from the n. w by w. some snow last night the detpt of the snow is various in the wood about inches, the river closed at the village above and fell last night two feet mr. la rock and one of his men came to visit us we informed him what we had herd of his intentions of makeing chiefs &c. and forbid him to give meadels or flags to the indians, he denied haveing any such intention, we agreeed that one of our interpeters should speak for him on conditions he did not say any thing more than what tended to trade alone--he gave fair promises &. [clark, november , ] h of nov. an indian chief came and informed us that five men of the mandans nation was on a hunting party to the s w, distance about eight leagues, they were surprised one man killed two wounded and nine horses taken, severale others men wer on hunting partes & were to have returned several days ago & had not yet returned, & that they expected to be attacked by an army of sioux i took men and went to the village deturmined to collect the warriers of the different villages and meet the sioux--the village not expecting such strong aid in so short a time was a little alarmed of the formable appearance of my party the principal chiefs met me at yards distance from the town, and envited me to his lodge. i told the nation the cause of comeing &. was to assist in chastiseing the enimies of my dutifull children--i requested great chief to repeat the cercunstance of the sioux attack as it realy happined which he did--i told them to send runners to the other villages & assemble the warriers & we would go and chastize the sioux for spilling the blood of my dutifull children--after a conversation of a few minits amongst themselves, a chief said that they now saw that what we had told them was the trooth and we were ready to protect them and kill those who did not listen to our councils (and after a long speech) he concluded said "the sious who spilt our blood is gorn home--the snow is deep and it is cold, our horses cannot travel thro the plains in pursute--if you will go and conduct us in the spring after the snow is gorn, we will assemble all the warriers & brave men in all the villages and go with you." i answered the speach at some length, explained to them their situation declareing our intentions of defending them at any time dureing the time we should stay in ther nieghbourhood, explained the situation of the ricaras & told them not to get angrey with them untill they were certain of their haveing violated the treaty &c. &. i crossed the river on the ice and returned to the fort [clark, november , ] th in the morning early a indian came to the river opposit & requsted to be brought over, that he had some thing to say from his nation we sent for him, and after he had smoked--he said he thought the river was frosted across here & expected to cross on the ice or mandans out hunting in a s. w, derection from this place about leagues, after they had made their hunt and on their return was attackted by a large party of seaux, one of the party a young chief was killed wounded & horses taken, the men who made their escape say the one half of the party who attacked them was panias- the two panias who came here a fiew days ago was imediately sent home, for fear of their being put to death by the party defeated two of the attacting party was known to be panies. the man who was killed mentioned that after he was wounded, that he had been at war & been wounded, "this day i shall die like a man before my enimies,! tell my father that i died bravely, and do not greive for me-" of the big bellies who were camped near thos is missing, and searching for him in their camps above--no one dare to go to the ground where the battle was for fear of the sioux being noumerous-. [clark, november , ] th of november friday this morning at oclock an indian calld from the other side and informed that he had something of consequence to communicate. we sent a perogue for him & he informed us as follows. viz: "five men of the mandan nation out hunting in a s. w. derection about eight leagues was suprised by a large party of sceoux & panies, one man was killed and two wounded with arrows & horses taken, of the we ter soon nation was missing, & they expected to be attacked by the souix &c. &." we thought it well to show a disposition to ade and assist them against their enimies, perticularly those who came in oppersition to our councils, and i deturmined to go to the town with some men, and if the sceoux were comeing to attact the nation to collect the worriers from each village and meet them, thos ideas were also those of capt lewis, i crossed the river in about an hour after the arrival of the indian express with men including the interpeters and flankd the town & came up on the back part the indians not expecting to receive such strong aide in so short a time was much supprised, and a littled allarmed at the formadable appearance of my party--the principal chiefs met me some distance from the town (say yards) and invited me in to town, i ord my pty into dft. lodges & i explained to the nation the cause of my comeing in this formadable manner to their town, was to asst and chastise the enimies of our dutifull children,--i requested the grand cheif to repeat the circumstancies as they hapined which he did as was mentioned by the express in the morning--i then informed them that if they would assemble their warrers and those of the different towns i would to meet the army of souix & chastise thim for takeing the blood of our dutifull children &c. after a conversation of a fiew minits anongst themselves, one chief the big man cien said they now saw that what we hade told them was the trooth, whin we expected the enimies of their nation was comeing to attact them, or had spilt their blood were ready to protect them, and kill those who would not listen to our good talk--his people had listened to what we had told them and cearlessly went out to hunt in small parties believing themselves to be safe from the other nations--and have been killed by the panies & seauex. "i knew said he that the panies were tiers, and told the old chief who came with you (to confirm a piece with us) that his people were hers and bad men and that we killed them like the buffalow, when we pleased, we had made peace several times and you nation have always commened the war, we do not want to kill you, and will not suffer you to kill us or steal our horses, we will make peace with you as our two fathers have derected, and they shall see that we will not be the ogressors, but we fear the ricares will not be at peace-long--my father those are the words i spoke to the ricare in your presents--you see they have not opened their ears to your good "councils but have spuilt our blood. two ricarees whome we sent home this day for fear of our peoples killing them in their greaf-informed us when they came here several days ago, that two towns of the ricares were makeing their mockersons, and that we had best take care of our horses & a number of sieuex were in their towns, and they believed not well disposed towards us--four of the wetersoons are now absent they were to have been back in days they have been out we fear they have fallen. my father the snow is deep and it is cold our horses cannot travel thro the the plains,--those people who have spilt our blood have gorn back? if you will go with us in the spring after the snow goes off we will raise the warriers of all the towns & nations around about us, and go with you." i told this nation that we should be always willing and ready to defend them from the insults of any nation who would dare to come to doe them injurey dureing the time we would remain in their neighbourhood, and requstd. that they would inform us of any party who may at any time be discovered by their patroles or scouts. i was sorry that the snow in the plains had fallen so deep sence the murder of the young chief by the scioux as prevented, their horses from traveling i wished to meet those scioux & all others who will not open their ears, but make war on our dutifull children, and let you see that the wariers of your great father will chastize the enimies of his dutifull children the mandans, wetersoons & winitarees, who have opend. their ears to his advice--you say that the panies or ricares were with the sciaux, some bad men may have been with the sciaux you know there is bad men in all nations, do not get mad with the racarees untill we know if those bad men are counternoncd. by their nation, and we are convsd. those people do not intend to follow our councils--you know that the sceaux have great influence over the ricarees and perhaps have led some of them astray--you know that the ricarees, are dependant on the sceaux for their guns, powder, & ball, and it was policy in them to keep on as good terms as possible with the siaux untill they had some other means of getting those articles &c. &. you know your selves that you are compelled to put up with little insults from the christinoes & ossinaboins (or stone inds.) because if you go to war with those people, they will provent the traders in the north from bringing you guns powder & ball and by that means distress you verry much, but whin you will have certain suppliers from your great american father of all those articls you will not suffer any nation to insult you &c. after about two hours conversation on various subjects all of which tended towards their situation &c. i informed them i should return to the fort, the chief said they all thanked me verry much for the fatherly protection which i showed towards them, that the village had been crying all the night and day for the death of the brave young man, who fell but now they would wipe away their tears, and rejoice in their fathers protection-and cry no more i then paraded & crossed the river on the ice and came down on the n. side the snow so deep, it was verry fatigueing arrved at the fort after night, gave a little taffee, a cold night the river rise to its former hite--the chief frequently thanked me for comeing to protect them--and the whole village appeared thankfull for that measure [clark, december , ] s decr. a young chief arrived chiens came to the village with a pipe & the ricares who came here a fiew days ago & sent off yesterday have returned and say that the sieaux & ricares are camped together [clark, december , ] st of december satturday wind from the n w. all hands ingaged in pitting pickets &. at oclock the half brother of the man who was killed came and informd. us that after my departure last night six chiens so called by the french shar ha indians had arrived with a pipe and said that the mandans apprehended danger from the shar has as they were at peace with the seaux; and wished to kill them and the ricarees (or parties) but the cheifs informed the nation "it was our wish that they should not be hurt, and forbid being killed &c." we gave a little tobacco &c. & this man departed well satisfied with our councils and advice to him in the evening a mr. g henderson in the imploy of the hudsons bay company sent to trade with the gros ventre-or big bellies so called by the french traders [clark, december , ] d of decr. visited by several mandan chiefs and chyannes inds. who came with a pipe to the mandans, sent a speech to ther nation a flag & some tobacco, also written a speech to the ricaras & sioux, informe them what they might depend on if they would not open their ears, & &. [clark, december , ] nd of december sunday the latter part of last night was verry warm and continued to thaw untill ____ oclock when the wind shifted to the north at oclock the chiefs of the lower village of the mandans with maney of theire young men and of the shar-ha's who had come to smoke with the pipe of peace with the mandans, we explained to them our intentions our views and advised them to be at peace, gave them a flag for theire nation, some tobacco with a speech to deliver to their nation on theire return, also sent by them a letter to mrs. tabbo & gravoline, at the ricares village, to interseid in proventing hostilities, and if they could not effect those measures to send & informe us of what was going on, stateing to the indians the part we intend to take if the rickores & seauex did not follow our derections and be at peace with the nations which we had addopted--we made some fiew small presents to those shar ha's and also some to the mandans & at oclock they all departed well pleased, haveing seen many curisossties, which we showed them-. river rise one inch [clark, december , ] rd december monday . a fine morning the after part of the day cold & windey the wind from the n w. the father of the mandan who was killed came and made us a present of some dried simnens & a little pemicon, we made him some small preasents for which he was much pleased [clark, december , ] th of december tuesday a cloudy raw day wind from the n. w. the black cat and two young chiefs visit us and as usial stay all day the river rise one inch finish the main bastion, our interpetr. we discover to be assumeing and discontent'd [clark, december , ] th december wednesday a cold raw morning wind from the s. e. some snow, two of the n w. companey came to see us, to let us know they intended to set out for the establishment on the osinniboin river in two days-& their party would consist of men, several indians also visited us one brought pumpkins or simmins as a preasent a little snow fell in the evening at which time the wind shifted round to n. e. [clark, december , ] fort mandan th of december thursday the wind blew violently hard from the n, n w. with some snow the air keen and cold. the thermometer at oclock a, m, stood at dgs. above o--at oclock a man & his squar came down with some meat for the inturpeter his dress was a par mockersons of buffalow skin pr. legins of goat skin & a buffalow robe, ring of brass on his fingers, this metel the mandans ar verry fond off--cold after noon river rise / inch to day [clark, december , ] at fort mandan th of december , we were informed by a chief that great numbers of buffalow were on the hills near us cap lewis with a party went out & killed three in view of our fort, the weather so excesive cold & wolves plenty, we only saved of them, i with a party turned on the th out and found the buffalow at ms. distant killed & a deer, i returned with cows leaving men with remaining meat--several men badly frost bit--the themormeter stood this morning at d. below breizing. capt lewis went out th & stayed all night out killed buffalowmaney of the buffalow killed were so meager that they not fit for use collected by the ade of some horses the best of the meat in fact all we could save from wolves & i went on a hunting party the & of decr.--much snow verry cold ° below freesinge. n w. & h bay clerks visit us the th also mr hainey, cold tem. ° below freesing i visit the mandans on the s of january capt lewis the nd [clark, december , ] th of december friday a verry cold day wind from the n w. the big white grand chief of the s village, came and informed us that a large drove of buffalow was near and his people was wating for us to join them in a chase capt. lewis took men & went out joined the indians, who were at the time he got up, killing the buffalows on horseback with arrows which they done with great dexterity, his party killed buffalow, five of which we got to the fort by the assistance of a horse in addition to what the men packed on their backs--one cow was killed on the ice after drawing her out of a vacancey in the ice in which she had fallen, and butchered her at the fort--those we did not get in was taken by the indians under a custon which is established amongst them i e. any person seeing a buffalow lying without an arrow sticking in him, or some purticular mark takes possesion, many times (as i am told) a hunter who kills maney buffalow in a chase only gets a part of one, all meat which is left out all night falls to the wolves which are in great numbers, always in the buffalows--the river closed opposit the fort last night / inches thick the thermometer stood this morning at d. below o- three men frost bit badly to day [clark, december , ] th december satturday a verry cold morning, the thermometer stood at d. below which is d. below the freesing point, wind from the n w i with men turned out indians joined us on horseback, shot with arrows rode along side of buffaloel and killed buffalow & one deer, one cow and calf was brought in, two cows which i killed at miles dst. i left men to skin & keep off the wolves, and brought in one cow & a calf, in the evening on my return to the fort saw great numbers of buffalow comeing into the bottoms on both sides of the river this day being cold several men returned a little frost bit; one of men with his feet badly frost bit my servents feet also frosted & his p-s a little, i feel a little fatigued haveing run after the buffalow all day in snow many places inches deep, generally or , two men hurt their hips verry much in slipping down--the indians kill great numbers of buffalow to day-- reflectings suns to day [clark, december , ] th december sunday the thermometer stood this morning at ° above , wind from the e. capt lewis took men & horses and went out send in the meet killed yesterday and kill more, the sun shown to day clear, both interpeters went to the villages to day at oclock two chiefs came loaded with meat one with a dog & slay also loaded with meat, capt. lewis sent in hors's loaded with meat, he continued at the hunting camp near which they killed buffalow. [clark, december , ] th monday decr. fort mandan a verry cold day the thermometer to day at & degrees below ., capt. lewis returned, to day at oclock leaveing men at the camp to prepare the meat for to pack horse loads came in, capt lewis had a cold disagreeable night last in the snow on a cold point with one small blankett the buffaloe crossed the river below in emence herds without brakeing in. only buffalow killed to day one of which was too pore to skin, the men which was frost bit is gitting better. the rise / inch wind north [clark, december , ] th december tuesday a verry cold morning wind from the north the thermomettr at ( oclock a m at °) sunrise at ° see list. below which is ° below the freesing point and getting colder, the sun shows and reflects two imigies, the ice floating in the atmespear being so thick that the appearance is like a fog despurceing sent out three horses for meat & with derections for all the hunters to return to the fort as soon as possible at oclock the horses returned loaded at night all the hunters returned, several a little frosted, the black cat chief of the mandans paid us a visit to day continue cold all day river at a stand [clark, december , ] th december wednesday a clear cold morning wind from the north the thormometer at sun rise stood at ° below , moderated untill oclock at which time it began to get colder. i line my gloves and have a cap made of the skin of the louservia (lynx) (or wild cat of the north) the fur near inches long a indian of the shoe nation came with the half of a cabra ko ka or antilope which he killed near the fort, great numbers of those animnals are near our fort but the weather is so cold that we do not think it prudent to turn out to hunt in such cold weather, or at least untill our consts. are prepared to under go this climate. i measure the river from bank to bank on the ice and make it yards [clark, december , ] th december thursday the last night was verry clear & the frost which fell covered the ice old snow & thos parts which was naked / of an inch, the thermotr. stands this morning at ° below , a fine day. find it imposible to make an observation with an artifical horsison joseph fields kill a cow and calf to day one mile from the fort river falls [clark, december , ] th december friday a fine morning. wind from the s. e. the murckerey stood at ' ' this morning i went with a party of men down the river miles to hunt buffalow, saw two bulls too pore to kill, the cows and large gangues haveing left the river, we only killed two deer & camped all night with some expectation of seeing the buffalow in the morning, a verry cold night, snowed. [clark, december , ] th of december satturday a cold clear morning, saw no buffalow, i concluded to return to the fort & hunt on each side of the river on our return which we did without success--the snow fell / inches deep last night. wind north- on my return to the fort found several chiefs there [clark, december , ] fort mandan th december, sunday a clear cold morning, the thermtr. at sun rise stood at ° below , a verry singaler appearance of the moon last night, as she appeared thro the frosty atmispear--mr. henny, from the establishment on river ossinnniboin, with a letter from, mr charles chaboillez one of the cos arrived in days, mr. c in his letters expressed a great anxiety to serve us in any thing in his power- a root discribed by mr. henry for the cure of a mad dog mr. le rock a clerk, of the n w company and mr. george bunch a clerk of the hudsons bay compy accompanied mr. henny from the village [clark, december , ] th december monday a verry cold morning the thrmt. stood a ° below . we found mr. henny a verry intelligent man from whome we obtained some scetches of the countrey between the mississippi & missouri, and some sketches from him, which he had obtained from the indins. to the west of this place also the names and charecktors of the sceoux &c about oclock p m. the thermometer fell to ° below the freesing pointe--the indian chiefs sent word that buffalow was in our neighbourhood, and if we would join them, in the morning they would go and kill them- [clark, december , ] th december tuesday the themometer the same as last night mr. haney & la rocke left us for the grossventre camp, sent out men to hunt for the buffalow they found the weather too cold & returned, several indians came, who had set out with a veiw to kill buffalow, the river rise a little i imploy my self makeing a small map of connection &. sent jessomme to the main chief of the mandans to know the cause of his detaining or takeing a horse of chabonoe our big belly interpeter, which we found was thro the rascallity of one lafrance a trader from the n w. company, who told this cheif that chabonah owd. him a horse to go and take him he done so agreeable to an indian custom--he gave up the horse [clark, december , ] th december wednesday the wind from s. w. the weather moderated a little, i engage my self in connecting the countrey from information. river rise a little [clark, december , ] th december thursday the wind from the n w a moderate day, the thermometr ° above , which givs an oppertunity of putting up our pickets next the river, nothing remarkable took place to day river fall a little [clark, december , ] st december friday a fine day worm and wind from the n w by w, the indian whome i stoped from commiting murder on his wife, thro jellousy of one of our interpeters, came & brought his two wives and showed great anxiety to make up with the man with whome his joulassey sprung--a womin brought a child with an abcess on the lower part of the back, and offered as much corn as she could carry for some medison, capt lewis administered &c. [clark, december , ] nd december satturday a number of squars womn & men dressed in squars clothes came with corn to sell to the men for little things, we precured two horns of the animale the french call the rock mountain sheep those horns are not of the largest kind--the mandans indians call this sheep ar-sar-ta it is about the size of a large deer, or small elk, its horns come out and wind around the head like the horn of a ram and the teckere not unlike it much larger and thicker perticelarly that part with which they but or outer part which is ____ inchs thick, the length of those horns, which we have is [clark, december , ] rd december sunday a fine day great numbers of indians of all discriptions came to the fort many of them bringing corn to trade, the little crow, loadd. his wife & sun with corn for us, cap. lewis gave him a few presents as also his wife, she made a kettle of boild simnins, beens, corn & choke cherris with the stones which was paletable this dish is considered, as a treat among those people, the chiefs of the mandans are fond of stayin & sleeping in the fort [clark, december , ] december monday several chiefs and members of men womin and children at the fort to day, some for trade, the most as lookers on, we gave a fellet of sheep skin (which we brought for spunging) to chiefs one to each of inches wide, which they lay great value (priseing those felets equal to a fine horse), a fine day we finished the pickingen around our works [clark, december , ] th december christmass tuesday i was awakened before day by a discharge of platoons from the party and the french, the men merrily disposed, i give them all a little taffia and permited cannon fired, at raising our flag, some men went out to hunt & the others to danceing and continued untill oclock p, m, when the frolick ended &c. [clark, december , ] th decr. wednesday a temperate day no indians to day or yesterday. a man from the n w company came down from the gross vintres to get one of our interpeters to assist them in trade this man informed that the party of gross ventres who persued the ossinboins that stold their horses, has all returned in their usial way by small parties, the last of the party bringing horses which they stole from a camp of asniboins which they found on mouse river- [clark, december , ] th december thursday a little fine snow weather something colder than yesterday several indians here to day, much surprised at the bellos & method of makeing sundery articles of iron wind hard from the n w. [clark, december , ] th of december friday blew verry hard last night, the frost fell like a shower of snow, nothing remarkable to day, the snow drifting from one bottom to another and from the leavel plains into the hollows &c [clark, december , ] th december satturday the frost fell last night nearly a / of an inch deep and continud to fall untill the sun was of some bite, the murcurey stood this morning at d below which is not considered cold, as the changes take place gradually without long intermitions a number of indians here [clark, december , ] th december sunday cold the termtr. at d below a number of indians here to day they are much supprised at the bellows one deer killed [clark, december , ] fort mandan st of december monday a fine day some wind last night which mixed the snow and sand in the bend of the river, which has the appearance of hillocks of sand on the ice, which is also covered with sand & snow, the feost which falls in the night continues on the earth & old snow &c. &c.--a number of indians here every day our blcksmitth mending their axes hoes &c. &c. for which the squars bring corn for payment [clark, january , ] fort mandan on the n e bank of the missouries miles up january the st tuesday the day was ushered in by the discharge of two cannon, we suffered men with their musick to visit the st village for the purpose of danceing, by as they said the perticular request of the chiefs of that village, about oclock i with an inturpeter & two men walked up to the village (my views were to alay some little miss understanding which had taken place thro jelloucy and mortificatiion as to our treatment towards them) i found them much pleased at the danceing of our men, i ordered my black servent to dance which amused the croud verry much, and some what astonished them, that so large a man should be active &c. &. i went into the lodges of all the men of note except two, whome i heard had made some expressions not favourable towards us, in compareing us with the trabers from the north--those cheifs observed what they sayed was in just & lafture.--just as i was about to return the d chief and the black man, also a chief returnd from a mission on which they had been sent to meet a large party of gross ventres who were on their way down from their camps miles above to revenge on the shoe tribe an injurey which they had received by a shoe man steeling a gross venters girl, those chiefs gave the pipe turned the party back, after delivering up the girl, which the shoe chief had taken and given to them for that purpose. i returned in the evening, at night the party except returned, with robes, an strings of corn which the indians had given them, the day was worm, themtr. ° abov , some fiew drops of rain about sunset, at dark it began to snow, and snowed the greater part of the night, (the temptr for snow is about o) the black cat with his family visited us to day and brought a little meet [clark, january , ] nd of january wednesdey a snowey morning a party of men go to dance at the nd village to dance, capt lewis & the interptr visit the d village, and return in the evening, some snow to day verry cold in the evining [clark, january , ] rd of january thursday soome snow to day; men go to hunt the buffalow, killed a hare & wolf several indians visit us to day & a gross ventre came after his wife, who had been much abused, & come here for protection. [clark, january , ] fort mandan th of january friday a worm snowey morning, the themtr. at ° abov , cloudy, sent out men to hunt down the river, several indians came today the little crow, who has proved friendly came we gave him a handkerchf & files, in the evening the weather became cold and windey, wind from the n w. i am verry unwell the after part of the daye [clark, january , ] th of january satturday a cold day some snow, several indians visit us with thier axes to get them mended, i imploy my self drawing a connection of the countrey from what information i have recved--a buffalow dance (or medison) for nights passed in the st village, a curious custom the old men arrange themselves in a circle & after smoke a pipe, which is handed them by a young man, dress up for the purpose, the young men who have their wives back of the circle go to one of the old men with a whining tone and request the old man to take his wife (who presents necked except a robe) and--the girl then takes the old man (who verry often can scercely walk) and leades him to a convenient place for the business, after which they return to the lodge, if the old man (or a white man) returns to the lodge without gratifying the man & his wife, he offers her again and again; it is often the case that after the d time without kissing the husband throws a nice robe over the old man & and begs him not to dispise him, & his wife (we sent a man to this medisan last night, they gave him girls) all this is to cause the buffalow to come near so that they may kill thim [clark, january , ] th of january sunday a cold day but fiew indians to day i am ingaged as yesterday [clark, january , ] th of january monday fort mandan a verry cold clear day, the themtr stood at d below wind n w., the river fell inch several indians returned from hunting, one of them the big white chef of the lower mandan village, dined with us, and gave me a scetch of the countrey as far as the high mountains, & on the south side of the river rejone, he says that the river rejone recves small rivers on the s. side, & that the countrey is verry hilley and the greater part covered with timber, great numbers of beaver &c.--the men returned from hunting, they kill'd deer & wolves, saw buffalow a long ways off, i continue to draw a connected plote from the information of traders, indians & my own observation & idea--from the best information, the great falls is about miles nearly west,- [clark, january , ] th of january tuesday a cold day but fiew indians at the fort to day wind from the n, w, one man at the village [clark, january , ] th of january wednesday a cold day themometer at ° below , great numbers of indians go to kill cows, the little crow brackft. with us, several indians call at the fort nearly frosed, one man reported that he had sent his son a small boy to the fort about oclock, & was much distressed at not finding him here, the after part of this day verry cold, and wind keen [clark, january , ] th of january this morning a boy of years of age came to the fort with his feet frozed, haveing stayed out all night without fire, with no other covering than a small robe goat skin leagens & a pr. buffalow skin mockersons--the murcery stood at ° below the freesing point--several others stayed out all night not in the least hurt, this boy lost his toes only- [clark, january , ] th of january thursday last night was excessively cold the murkery this morning stood at ° below which is ° below the freesing point, we had one man out last night, who returned about oclock this morning the indians of the lower villages turned out to hunt for a man & a boy who had not returnd from the hunt of yesterday, and borrowd a slay to bring them in expecting to find them frosed to death about oclock the boy about years of age came to the fort with his feet frosed and had layen out last night without fire with only a buffalow robe to cover him, the dress which he wore was a pr of cabra legins, which is verry thin and mockersons--we had his feet put in cold water and they are comeing too- soon after the arrival of the boy, a man came in who had also stayed out without fire, and verry thinly clothed, this man was not the least injured customs & the habits of those people has ancered to bare more cold than i thought it possible for man to indure send out men to hunt elk below about miles [clark, january , ] th january friday verry cold, send out men to join now below & hunt, pose-cop se ha or black cat came to see us and stay all night sho sa har ro ra or coal also stayd all night, the inturpeter oldst wife sick, some of our men go to see a war medison made at the village on the opposit side of the river, this is a [clark, january , ] fort manden th of january satturday a verry cold day three of our hunters j. & r fields withe elk on a slay sent one more hunter out. [clark, january , ] th of january sunday ( ) a cold clear day (great number of indians move down the river to hunt) those people kill a number of buffalow near their villages and save a great perpotion of the meat, their custom of makeing this article of life general leaves them more than half of their time without meat their corn & beans &c they keep for the summer, and as a reserve in case of an attack from the soues, which they are always in dread, and sildom go far to hunt except in large parties, about / the mandan nation passed this to day to hunt on the river below, they will stay out some days, mr. chabonee (our inturpeter) and one man that accompanied him to some loges of the minatarees near the turtle hill returned, both frosed in their faces. chaboneu informs that the clerk of the hudsons bay co. with the me ne tar res has been speaking some fiew expressns. unfavourable towards us, and that it is said the n w co. intends building a fort at the mene tar re's--he saw the grand chief of the big bellies who spoke slightly of the americans, saying if we would give our great flag to him he would come to see us. [clark, january , ] th of january monday this morning early a number of indians men womin children dogs &c & passed down on the ice to joine those that passed yesterday, we sent sergt pryor and five men with those indians to hunt one of our hunters sent out several days arived & informs that one man (whitehouse) is frost bit and can't walk home- [clark, january , ] fort mandan th january tuesday between & oclock this morning we had a total eclips of the moon, a part of the observations necessary for our purpose in this eclips we got which is at h m s total darkness of the moon @ end of total darkness of this moon @ end of the eclips- this morning not so cold as yesterday wind from the s. e. wind choped around to the n w. still temperate four considerate men of the minetarre came to see us we smoked in the pipe, maney mands. present also, we showed to those men who had been impressed with an unfavourable oppinion of us. [clark, january , ] th january wednesday about thirty mandans came to the fort to day, chiefs. those me ne to rees told them they were liars, had told them if they came to the fort the whites men would kill them, they had been with them all night, smoked in the pipe and have been treated well and the whites had danced for them, observing the mandans were bad and ought to hide themselves- one of the st war chiefs of the big belles nation came to see us to day with one man and his squar to wate on him we shot the air gun, and gave two shots with the cannon which pleased them verry much, the little crow d chf of the lower village came & brought us corn &. men of ours who had been hunting returned one frost'd this war chief gave us a chart in his way of the missourie, he informed us of his intentions of going to war in the spring against the snake indians we advised him to look back at the number of nations who had been distroyed by war, and reflect upon what he was about to do, observing if he wished the hapiness of his nation, he would be at peace with all, by that by being at peace and haveing plenty of goods amongst them & a free intercourse with those defenceless nations, they would get on easy terms a great number of horses, and that nation would increas, if he went to war against those defenceless people, he would displease his great father, and he would not receive that pertection & care from him as other nations who listened to his word--this chief who is a young man yr. old replied that if his going to war against the snake indians would be displeasing to us he would not go, he had horses enough. we observed that what we had said was the words of his great father, and what we had spoken to all the nations which we saw on our passage up, they all promis to open their ears and we do not know as yet if any of them has shut them (we are doubtfull of the souxs) if they do not attend to what we have told them their great father will open their ears--this cheif said that he would advise all his nation to stay at home untill we saw the snake indians & knew if they would be friendly, he himself would attend to what we had told him [clark, january , ] th january thursday a verry windey morning hard from the north thermometer at , several indians here to day [clark, january , ] th january friday a fine worm morning, mr. la rock & mckinzey came down to see us with them several of the grosse venrees. [clark, january , ] th january satturday . a find day messrs. larock & mckinzey returned home, sent three horses down to our hunting camp for the meet they had killed, jussoms squar, left him and went to the village [clark, january , ] th a cold fair day several indians at the fort to day a miss understanding took place between the two inturpeters on account of their squars, one of the squars of shabownes squars being sick, i ordered my servent to, give her some froot stewed and tee at dift tims which was the cause of the misundstd [clark, january , ] fort mandan st monday january a number of indians hereto day a fine day nothing remarkable one ban verry bad with the pox [clark, january , ] nd january tuesday a find warm day attempted to cut the boat & the perogues out of the ice, found water at about inches under the st ice, the next thickness about feet [clark, january , ] rd january wednesday a cold day snow fell inches deep, the occurrences of this day is as is common [clark, january , ] th january thursday a fine day, our inturpeters appear to understand each others better than a fiew days past sent out several hunters, they returned without killing any thing, cut coal wood [clark, january , ] th of january friday we are informed of the arrival of a band of asniboins at the villages with the grand cheif of those tribes call the (fee de petite veau) to trade, one of our interpeter & one man set out to the big belley camp opposit the island men employ'd in cutting the boat out of the ice, and collecting coal wood. [clark, january , ] th of january satturday a verry fine warm day several indians dine with us and are much pleased--one man taken violently bad with the plurisee, bleed & apply those remedeis common to that disorder. [lewis, january , ] saturday january th observed meridian altitude of sun's u. l. with sextant and artificl. horzn. of water ° latitude deduced from this observatn. n. [clark, january , ] th of january sunday a fine day, attempt to cut our boat and canoos out of the ice, a deficuelt task i fear as we find waters between the ice, i bleed the man with the plurisy to day & swet him, capt lewis took of the toes of one foot of the boy who got frost bit some time ago, shabonoe our interpeter returned, & informed that the assiniboins had returned to their camps, & brough horses of mr. laroches to stay here for fear of their being stolen by the assiniboins who are great rogues--cut off the boy toes [clark, january , ] th january monday attempt to cut through the ice &c get our boat and canoo out without suckcess, several indians here wishing to get war hatchets made this shape the man sick yesterday is getting well mr. jessome our interpeter was taken verry unwell this evening warm day [clark, january , ] th january tuesday gave jassome a dost of salts we send & collect stones and put them on a large log heap to heet them with a view of warming water in the boat and by that means, sepperate her from the ices, our attempt appears to be defeated by the stones all breaking & flying to peaces in the fire, a fine warm day, we are now burning a large coal pit, to mend the indians hatchets, & make them war axes, the only means by which we precure corn from them [clark, january , ] th january wednesday a fine morning, clouded up at oclock, mr. la rocke paid us a visit, & we gave him an answer respecting the request he made when last here of accompanying us on our journey &c. [clark, january , ] st january thursday, snowed last night, wind high from the n w. sawed off the boys toes sent men down the river to hunt with horses, our interpeter something better, george drewyer taken with the ploursey last evening bled & gave him some sage tea, this morning he is much better--cold disagreeable [clark, february , ] st of february friday a cold windey day our hunters returnd. haveing killed only one deer, a war chief of the me ne tar ras came with some corn requested to have a war hatchet made, & requested to be allowed to go to war against the souis & ricarres who had killed a mandan some time past--we refused, and gave reassons, which he verry readily assented to, and promised to open his ears to all we said this man is young and named (seeing snake mar-book, she-ah-o-ke-ah) this mans woman set out & he prosued her, in the evening [clark, february , ] nd of february satturday a find day one deer killed our interpeter still unwell, one of the wives of the big belley interptr taken sick--mr. larocke leave us to day (this man is a clerk to the n w company, & verry anxious to accompany us) [lewis, february , ] rd of february sunday . a fine day; the blacksmith again commences his opperations. we were visited by but few of the natives today. the situation of our boat and perogues is now allarming, they are firmly inclosed in the ice and almost covered with snow. the ice which incloses them lyes in several stratas of unequal thicknesses which are seperated by streams of water. this peculiarly unfortunate because so soon as we cut through the first strata of ice the water rushes up and rises as high as the upper surface of the ice and thus creates such a debth of water as renders it impracticable to cut away the lower strata which appears firmly attatched to, and confining the bottom of the vessels. the instruments we have hitherto used has been the ax only, with which, we have made several attempts that proved unsuccessful) from the cause above mentioned. we then determined to attempt freeing them from the ice by means of boiling water which we purposed heating in the vessels by means of hot stones, but this expedient proved also fruitless, as every species of stone which we could procure in the neighbourhood partook so much of the calcarious genus that they burst into small particles on being exposed to the heat of the fire. we now determined as the dernier resort to prepare a parse) of iron spikes and attatch them to the end of small poles of convenient length and endeavour by means of them to free the vessels from the ice. we have already prepared a large rope of elk-skin and a windless by means of which we have no doubt of being able to draw the boat on the bank provided we can free from the ice. [clark, february , ] rd of february our provisions of meat being nearly exorsted i concluded to decend the river on the ice & hunt, i set out with about men horses & slays descended nearly miles killed & loaded the horses back, & made pens which we filed with meat, & returned on the th we killed deer, bulls elk, maney so meager that they were unfit for use [lewis, february , ] th february, monday . this morning fair tho could the thermometer stood at ° below naught, wind from n. w. capt clark set out with a hunting party consisting of sixteen of our command and two frenchmen who together with two others, have established a small hut and resided this winter within the vicinity of fort mandane under our protection. visited by many of the natives today. our stock of meat which we had procured in the months of november & december is now nearly exhausted; a supply of this articles is at this moment peculiarly interesting as well for our immediate consumption, as that we may have time before the approach of the warm season to prepare the meat for our voyage in the spring of the year. capt. clark therefore deturmined to continue his rout down the river even as far as the river bullet unless he should find a plenty of game nearer--the men transported their baggage on a couple of small wooden slays drawn by themselves, and took with them pack horses which we had agreed should be returned with a load of meat to fort mandane as soon as they could procure it. no buffaloe have made their appearance in our neighbourhood for some weeks; and i am informed that our indian neighbours-suffer extreemly at this moment for the article of flesh. shields killed two deer this evening, both very lean--one a large buck, he had shed his horns. [lewis, february , ] th february tuesday . pleasent morning wind from n. w. fair; visited by many of the natives who brought a considerable quanty of corn in payment for the work which the blacksmith had done for them--they are pecuarly attatched to a battle ax formed in a very inconvenient manner in my opinion. it is fabricated of iron only, the blade is extreemly thin, from to nine inches in length and from / , to inches on it's edge, from whence the sides proceed nearly in a straight line to the eye where it's width is generally not more than an inch. the eye is round & about one inch in diameter. the handle seldom more than fourteen inches in length, the whole weighing about one pound--the great length of the blade of this ax, added to the small size of the handle renders a stroke uncertain and easily avoided, while the shortness of the handel must render a blow much less forceable if even well directed, and still more inconvenient as they uniformly use this instrument in action on horseback. the oalder fassion is still more inconvenient, it is somewhat in the form of the blade of an espantoon but is attatchd to a helve of the dementions before discribed the blade is sometimes by way of ornament purforated with two three or more small circular holes--the following is the general figure it is from to inces in length [lewis, february , ] th february wednesday . fair morning wind from n. w. had a sley prepared against the return of the horses which capt clark had promised to send back as soon as he should be able to procure a load of meat. visited by many of the natives among others the big white, the coal, big-man, hairy horn and the black man, i smoked with them, after which they retired, a deportment not common, for they usually pester us with their good company the ballance of the day after once being introduced to our apartment. shields killed three antelopes this evening. the blacksmiths take a considerable quantity of corn today in payment for their labour. the blacksmith's have proved a happy resoce to us in our present situation as i believe it would have been difficult to have devised any other method to have procured corn from the natives. the indians are extravegantly fond of sheet iron of which they form arrow-points and manufacter into instruments for scraping and dressing their buffaloe robes--i permited the blacksmith to dispose of a part of a sheet-iron callaboos which had been nearly birnt out on our passage up the river, and for each piece about four inches square he obtained from seven to eight gallons of corn from the natives who appeared extreemly pleased with the exchange- [lewis, february , ] th february thursday . this morning was fair thermometer at ° above naught much warmer than it has been for some days; wind s. e. continue to be visited by the natives. the sergt. of the guard reported that the indian women (wives to our interpreters) were in the habit of unbaring the fort gate at any time of night and admitting their indian visitors, i therefore directed a lock to be put to the gate and ordered that no indian but those attatched to the garrison should be permitted to remain all night within the fort or admitted during the period which the gate had been previously ordered to be kept shut which was from sunset untill sunrise. [lewis, february , ] th february friday . this morning was fair wind s. e. the weather still warm and pleasent- visited by the black-cat the principal chief of the roop-tar-he, or upper mandane vilage. this man possesses more integrety, firmness, inteligence and perspicuety of mind than any indian i have met with in this quarter, and i think with a little management he may be made a usefull agent in furthering the views of our government. the black cat presented me with a bow and apologized for not having completed the shield he had promised alledging that the weather had been too could to permit his making it, i gave him som small shot fishing-hooks and yards of ribbon his squaw also presented me with pair of mockersons for which in return i gave a small lookingglass and a couples of nedles. the chief dined with me and left me in the evening. he informed me that his people suffered very much for the article of meat, and that he had not himself tasted any for several days. [lewis, february , ] th february saturday . the morning fair and pleasent, wind from s. e.--visted by mr. mckinzey one the n. w. company's clerks. this evening a man by the name of howard whom i had given permission to go the mandane vilage returned after the gate was shut and rether than call to the guard to have it opened scaled the works an indian who was looking on shortly after followed his example. i convinced the indian of the impropryety of his conduct, and explained to him the riske he had run of being severely treated, the fellow appeared much allarmed, i gave him a small piece of tobacco and sent him away howard i had comitted to the care of the guard with a determineation to have him tryed by a courtmartial for this offence. this man is an old soldier which still hightens this offnce- [lewis, february , ] th february sunday . this morning was cloudy after a slight snow which fell in the course of the night the wind blue very hard from n. w. altho the thermometer stood at ° above naught the violence of the wind caused a degree of could that was much more unpleasent than that of yesterday when thermometer stood at ° only above the same point. mr. mckinzey left me this morning. charbono returned with one of the frenchmen and informed that he had left the three horses and two men with the meat which capt. clark had sent at some distance below on the river--he told me that the horses were heavy loaded and that not being shod it was impossible for horses to travel on the ice. i determined to send down some men with two small slays for the meat and accordingly i gave orders that they should set out early the next morning. two men were also sent to conduct the horses by way of the plain. [lewis, february , ] th february monday . the party that were ordered last evening set out early this morning. the weather was fair and could wind n. w. about five oclock this evening one of the wives of charbono was delivered of a fine boy. it is worthy of remark that this was the first child which this woman had boarn and as is common in such cases her labour was tedious and the pain violent; mr. jessome informed me that he had freequently adminstered a small portion of the rattle of the rattle-snake, which he assured me had never failed to produce the desired effect, that of hastening the birth of the child; having the rattle of a snake by me i gave it to him and he administered two rings of it to the woman broken in small pieces with the fingers and added to a small quantity of water. whether this medicine was truly the cause or not i shall not undertake to determine, but i was informed that she had not taken it more than ten minutes before she brought forth perhaps this remedy may be worthy of future experiments, but i must confess that i want faith as to it's efficacy.- [lewis, february , ] th february tuesday . the morning was fair tho could, thermometer at ° below naught wind s. e. ordered the blacksmith to shoe the horses and some others to prepare some gears in order to send them down with three slays to join the hunting party and transport the meat which they may have pocured to this place--the the men whom i had sent for the meat left by charbono did not return untill oclock this evening. drewyer arrived with the horses about the same time, the horses appeared much fatieged i directed some meal brands given them moisened with a little water but to my astonishment found that they would not eat it but prefered the bark of the cotton wood which forms the principall article of food usually given them by their indian masters in the winter season; for this purpose they cause the trees to be felled by their women and the horses feed on the boughs and bark of their tender branches. the indians in our neighbourhood are freequently pilfered of their horses by the recares, souixs and assinniboins and therefore make it an invariable rule to put their horses in their lodges at night. in this situation the only food of the horse consists of a few sticks of the cottonwood from the size of a man's finger to that of his arm. the indians are invariably severe riders, and frequently have occasion for many days together through the whole course of the day to employ their horses in pursuing the buffaloe or transporting meat to their vilages during which time they are seldom suffered to tast food; at night the horse returned to his stall where his food is what seems to me a scanty allowance of wood. under these circumstances it would seem that their horses could not long exist or at least could not retain their flesh and strength, but the contrary is the fact, this valuable anamall under all those disadvantages is seldom seen meager or unfit for service.--a little after dark this evening capt. clark arrived with the hunting party--since they set out they have killed forty deer, three buffaloe bulls, & sixteen elk, most of them were so meager that they were unfit for uce, particularly the buffaloes and male elk--the wolves also which are here extreemly numerous heped themselves to a considerable proportion of the hunt--if an anamal is killed and lyes only one night exposed to the wolves it is almost invariably devoured by them. [lewis, february , ] th february wednesday . the morning cloudy thermometer ° below naught wind from s. e. visited by the black-cat gave him a battle ax with which he appeared much gratifyed. [clark, february , ] i returned last night from a hunting party much fatigued, haveing walked miles on the ice and through of wood land points in which the snow was nearly knee deep the st day i left the fort proceeded on the ice to new mandan island, miles & camped killed nothing, & nothing to eat, the d day the morning verry cold & windey, i broke thro the ice and got my feet and legs wet, sent out hunters thro a point to kill a deer & cook it by the time the party should get up, those hunters killed a deer & buffalow bulls the buffalow too meagur to eate, we eate the deer & proceeded on to an old indian lodge, sent out the hunters & they brought in three lean deer, which we made use of for food,--walking on uneaven ice has blistered the bottom of my feat, and walking is painfull to me rd day cold morning the after party of the day worm, camped on a sand point near the mouth of a creek on the s w. side we call hunting creek, i turned out with the hunters, i killed deer the hunters killed an elk, buffalow bull & deer. all meager th day hunted the two bottoms near the camp killed elk, deer, brought to camp all the meat fit to eate & had the bones taken out. every man ingaged either in hunting or collecting & packing the meat to camp th day dispatched one of the party our interpeter & french men with the horses loaded with the best of the meat to the fort miles distant, the remaining meat i had packed on the slays & drawn down to the next point about miles below, at this place i had all the meat collected which was killed yesterday & had escaped the wolves, raven & magpie, (which are verry noumerous about this place) and put into a close pen made of logs to secure it from the wolves & birds & proceeded on to a large bottom nearly opposit the chisscheter (heart) river, in this bottom we found but little game, great no. of wolves, on the hills saw several parsels of buffalow.--camped. i killed a buck th day the buffalow seen last night provd to be bulls. lean & unfit for to make uce of as food, the distance from camp being nearly miles, and the packing of meat that distance attended with much difficuity deturmined me to return and hunt the points above, we set out on our return and halted at an old indian lodge miles below fort mandan killed elk & deer-. th day a cold day wind blew hard from the n. w. j fields got one of his ears frosed deturmined to lay by and hunt today killed an elk & deer,* this meat i had boned & put onto a close pen made of logs--*all that was fit for use th day air keen halted at the old camp we stayed in on the d night after we left the fort, expecting to meat the horses at this place, killed deer, several men being nearly out of mockersons & the horses not returning deturmind me to return to the fort on tomorrow th day. set out early, saw great numbers of grouse feeding on the young willows, on the sand bars one mans i sent in persute of a gangue of elk killed three near the old ricara village and joined at the fort, sent him back to secure the meat one man with him--the ice on the parts of the river which was verry rough, as i went down, was smothe on my return, this is owing to the rise and fall of the water, which takes place every day or two, and caused by partial thaws, and obstructions in the passage of the water thro the ice, which frequently attaches itself to the bottom.--the water when riseing forses its way thro the cracks & air holes above the old ice, & in one night becoms a smothe surface of ice to inchs thick,--the river falls & the ice sink in places with the water and attaches itself to the bottom, and when it again rises to its former hite, frequently leavs a valley of several feet to supply with water to bring it on a leavel surfice. the water of the missouri at this time is clear with little tinges. i saw several old villages near the chisscheta river on enquirey found they were mandan villages destroyed by the sous & small pox, they noumerous and lived in villages near that place. [clark, february , ] th sent men with the horses shod & slays down for the meat i had left, miles below those men were rushed on by sioux who robed them of of their horses--& they returned [clark, february , ] th of february thursday the snow fell inches deep last night, a fine morning, dispatched george drewyer & men with two slays drawn by horses for the meat left below- [clark, february , ] th capt. lewis with a party of men & indians went in pursute of the sioux, the indians returned the next day & informed me that the sioux had burnt all my meat & born home (they saw me but was afraid to attact me) capt lewis returned the st with l. of meat, haveing killed deer & elk, the sioux burnt one of my meet houses; they did not find the other [clark, february , ] th of february friday at oclock p m. last night the men that dispatched yesterday for the meat, returned and informed us that as they were on their march down at the distance of about miles below the fort about indians which they took to be souis rushed on them and cut their horses from the slays, two of which they carried off in great hast, the rd horse was given up to the party by the intersetion of an indian who assumd some authority on the accasion, probably more thro fear of himself or some of the indians being killed by our men who were not disposed to be robed of all they had tamely, they also forced of the mens knives & a tamahawk, the man obliged them to return the tamahawk the knives they ran off with g drewyer frasure, s gutterage, & newmon with a broken gun we dispatched two men to inform the mandans, and if any of them chose to pursue those robers, to come down in the morning, and join capt lewis who intended to set out with a party of men verry early, by oclock the chief of the ed village big white came down, and soon after one other chief and several men--the chief observed that all the young men of the villages were out hunting, and but verry fiew guns were left,capt. lewis set out at sunrise with men, to meet those soues &c. several indians accompanied him some with bows & arrows some withe spears & battle axes, a with fusees--the morning fine the thermometer stood at ° below , nought, visited by of the big bellies this evening,--one chief of the mandans returned from capt lewises party nearly blind--this complaint is as i am infomd. common at this season of the year and caused by the reflection of the sun on the ice & snow, it is cured by jentilley swetting the part affected by throweng snow on a hot stone verry cold part of the night--one man killed a verry large red fox to day [clark, february , ] th of february satturday a fine morning, visited by but fiew indians to day, at dusk two of the indians who wint down with capt. lewis returned, soon after two others and one man (howard) with his feet frosted, and informed that the inds. who commited the roberry of the horses was so far a head that they could not be overtaken, they left a number of pars of mockersons which, the mandans knew to be souix mockersons,--this war party camped verry near the last camp i made when on my hunting party, where they left some corn, as a deception, with a view to induc a belief that they were ricarras. capt lewis & party proceeded on down the meat i left at my last camp was taken. [clark, february , ] th of february sunday this morning worm & a little cloudy, the coal & his son visited me to day with about w. of drid buffalow meat, & some tallow mr. mckinsey one of the n w. compys. clerks visited me (one of the hoses the sous robed a fiew days past belonged to this man) the after part of the day fair, [clark, february , ] th of february monday a cloudy morning some snow, several indians here today mr. mckinsey leave me, the after part of the day fine i am much engaged makeing a discriptive list of the rivers from information our store of meat is out to day [clark, february , ] th of february tuesday a fine day visited by several of the mandans to day, our smiths are much engaged mending and makeing axes for the indians for which we get corn [clark, february , ] fort mandan th february wednesday a butifull day, visited by the little raven verry early this morning i am informed of the death of an old man whome i saw in the mandan village. this man, informed me that he "was winters old, he requested his grand children to dress him after death & set him on a stone on a hill with his face towards his old village or down the river, that he might go streight to his brother at their old village under ground"i observed several mandan verry old chiefly men [clark, february , ] st february thursday a delightfull day put out our clothes to sun--visited by the big white & big man they informed me that several men of their nation was gorn to consult their medison stone about day march to the south west to know what was to be the result of the insuing year--they have great confidence in this stone and say that it informs them of every thing which is to happen, & visit it every spring & sometimes in the summer "they haveing arrived at the stone give it smoke and proceed to the wood at some distance to sleep the next morning return to the stone, and find marks white & raised on the stone representing the piece or war which they are to meet with, and other changes, which they are to meet" this stone has a leavel surface of about feet in surcumfrance, thick and pores, and no doubt has some mineral qualtites effected by the sun. the big bellies have a stone to which they ascribe nearly the same virtues capt lewis returned with slays loaded with meat, after finding that he could not overtake the souis war party, (who had in their way distroyd all the meat at one deposit which i had made & burnt the lodges) deturmined to proceed on to the lower deposit, which he found had not been observed by soux he hunted two day killed deer & elk, several of them so meager, that they were unfit for use, the meet which he killed and that in the lower deposit amounting to about wt was brought up on two slays, one drawn by men had about wt on it [clark, february , ] fort mandan nd of february friday . a cloudy morning, at about oclock it began to rain and continud for a fiew minits, and turned to snow, and continud snowing for about one hour, and cleared away fair the two hunters left below arrived, they killed two elk, and hung them up out of the reach of the wolves--the coal a ricara who is a considerable chief of the mandans visited us to day, and maney others of the three nations in our neighbourhood. [clark, february , ] rd of february satturday all hands employed in cutting the perogus loose from the ice, which was nearly even with their top; we found great difficuelty in effecting this work owing to the different devisions of ice & water after cutting as much as we could with axes, we had all the iron we could get & some axes put on long poles and picked throught the ice, under the first water, which was not more the or inches deep--we disengaged one perogue, and nearly disingaged the nd in course of this day which has been warm & pleasent vised by a no of indians, jessomme & familey went to the shoes indians villag to day the father of the boy whose feet were frose near this place, and nearly cured by us took him home in a slay- [clark, february , ] th february sunday the day fine, we commenced very early to day the cutting loose the boat which was more difficuelt than the perogus with great exertions and with the assistance of great prises we lousened her and turned the second perogue upon the ice, ready to draw out, in lousening the boat from the ice some of the corking drew out which caused her to leake for a few minits untill we discovered the leake & stoped it--jessomme our interpeter & familey returned from the villages several indians visit us today [clark, february , ] th of february monday we fixed a windlass and drew up the two perogues on the upper bank and attempted the boat, but the roap which we bade made of elk skins proved too weak & broke several times night comeing on obliged us to leave her in a situation but little advanced- we were visited by the black mockerson chief of the little village of big bellies, the cheef of the shoe inds and a number of others those chiefs gave us some meat which they packed on their wives, and one requested a ax to be made for hies sun, mr. bunch, one of the under traders for the hudsons bay companey--one of the big bellies asked leave for himself & his two wives to stay all night, which was granted, also two boys stayed all night, one the sun of the black cat. the day has been exceedingly pleasent [clark, february , ] th of feby drew up the boat & perogus, after cutting them out of the ice with great dificuelty-& trouble [clark, february , ] th february tuesday a fine day commencd verry early in makeing preparations for drawing up the boat on the bank, at sunset by repeated exertions the whole day we accomplished this troublesom task, just as we were fixed for having the boat the ice gave away near us for about yds in length--a number of indians here to day to see the boat rise on the bank [clark, february , ] th of february wednesday a fine day, prepareing the tools to make perogues all day--a feiw indians visit us to day, one the largest indian i ever saw, & as large a man as ever i saw, i commence a map of the countrey on the missouries & its waters &c. &c.- [clark, february , ] th of february thursday mr. gravilin frenchmen and ricaras arrived from the ricaras with letters from mr. tahoe &c. informing us of the deturmination of the ricaras to follow our councils--and the threts & intintions of the sioux in killing us whenever they again met us--and that a party of several bands were formeing to attacke the mandans &c. &c. we informed the mandans & others of this information & also the wish the ricars had to live near them & fite the sioux &c. &c. &c. despatched men miles abov to build canoes for the voyage, being deturmend to send back the barge [clark, february , ] th of february thursday a fine morning, two men of the n w compy arrve with letters and sacka comah also a root and top of a plant presented by mr. haney, for the cure of mad dogs snakes &c, and to be found & used as follows vz: "this root is found on high lands and asent of hills, the way of useing it is to scarify the part when bitten to chu or pound an inch or more if the root is small, and applying it to the bitten part renewing it twice a day. the bitten person is not to chaw nor swallow any of the root for it might have contrary effect." sent out men to make four perogus those men returned in the evening and informed that they found trees they thought would answer. mr. gravelin two frenchmen & two inds. arrive from the ricara nation with letters from mr. anty tabeaux, informing us of the peaceable dispositions of that nation towards the mandans & me ne to res & their avowed intentions of pursueing our councils & advice, they express a wish to visit the mandans, & know if it will be agreeable to them to admit the ricaras to settle near them and join them against their common enimey the souis we mentioned this to the mandans, who observed they had always wished to be at peace and good neighbours with the ricaras, and it is also the sentiments of all the big bellies, & shoe nations mr. gravilin informs that the sisetoons and the upper bands of the tetons, with the yanktons of the north intend to come to war in a short time against the nations in this quarter, & will kill everry white man they see--mr. t. also informes that mr. cameron of st peters has put arms into the hands of the souls to revenge the death of of his men killed by the chipaways latterly--and that the band of tetons which we saw is desposed to doe as we have advised them--thro the influenc of their chief the black buffalow mr. gravilin further informs that the party which robed us of the horses laterly were all sieoux in number, they called at the ricaras on their return, the ricares being displeased at their conduct would not give them any thing to eate, that being the greatest insult they could peaceably offer them, and upbraded them. [clark, march , ] march st friday a fine day i am ingaged in copying a map, men building perogus, makeing ropes, burning coal, hanging up meat & makeing battle axes for corn [clark, march , ] nd of march satturday a fine day the river brake up in places all engaged about something mr. la rocque a clerk of the n w company visit us, he has latterly returned from the establishments on the assinniboin river with merchindize to tarade with indians--mr. l informs us the n, w. & x y companies have joined, & the head of the n w. co. is dead mr. mctavish of monteral,- visted by the coal & several indians [clark, march , ] rd of march sunday a fine day wind from the w, a large flock of ducks pass up the rivervisited by the black cat, chief of the mandans d cheif and a big belley, they stayed but a short time we informed those chiefs of the news recved from the ricaras, all hands employd [clark, march , ] fort mandan th march monday a cloudy morning wind from the n w the after part of the day clear, visited by the black cat & big white, who brought a small present of meat, an engage of the n w co. came for a horse, and requested in the name of the woman of the princapal of his department some silk of three colours, which we furnished-. the assinniboins who visited the mandans a fiew days ago returned and attempted to take horses of the minetarres & were fired on by them [clark, march , ] th march tuesday a fine day themometer at ° abo . several indians visit us to day one frenchman cross to join a indian the two pass through by land to the ricaras with a letter to mr. tabbow [clark, march , ] th of march wednesday a cloudy morning & smokey all day from the burning of the plains, which was set on fire by the minetarries for an early crop of grass as an endusement for the buffalow to feed on--the horses which was stolen some time ago by the assinniboins from the minetarries were returned yesterday--visited by oh-harh or the little fox d chief of the lower village of the me ne tar ries--one man shannon cut his foot with the ads in working at a perogue, george & graviline go to the village, the river rise a little to day- [clark, march , ] th of march thursday a little cloudy and windey n e. the coal visited us with a sick child, to whome i gave some of rushes pills--shabounar returned this evening from the gross vintres & informed that all the nation had returned from the hunting--he our menetarre interpeter had received a present from mr. chaboilleiz of the n. w. company of the following articles brace of cloath brace of scarlet a par corduroy overalls vests brace blu cloth brace red or scarlet with bars, balls & powder, bracs tobacco, knives. [clark, march , ] th of march friday a fair morning cold and windey, wind from the east, visited by the greesey head & a riarca to day, those men gave some account of the indians near the rockey mountains a young indian same nation & differnt village stole the doughter of the black man, he went to his village took his horse & returned & took away his doughter [clark, march , ] on the th of march we were visited by the grand chief of the minetarres, to whome we gave a medal & some cloths & a flag. sent a french man & a indian with a letter to mr. tabboe informing them the ricarras of the desire the mandans had to see them &. &. [clark, march , ] th of march satturday a cloudy cold and windey morning wind from the north--walked up to see the party that is makeing perogues, about miles above this, the wind hard and cold on my way up i met the main chief of the manitarres with four indians on thier way to see us, i requested him to proceed on to the fort where he would find capt. lewis i should be there my self in corse of a fiew hours, sent the interpeter back with him and proceeded on my self to the canoes found them nearly finished, the timber verry bad, after visiting all the perogues where i found a number of indans i wind to the upper mandan village & smoked a pipe the greatest mark of friendship and attention with the chief and returned on my return found the manitarree chief about setting out on his return to his village, having recieved of captain m. lewis a medel gorget armbans, a flag shirt, scarlet &c. &c. &c. for which he was much pleased those things were given in place of sundery articles sent to him which he sais he did not receive guns were fired for this great man [clark, march , ] th of march sunday . a cold winday day. we are visited by the black mockersons, chief of the d manetarre village and the chief of the shoeman village or mah ha ha v. those chiefs stayed all day and the latter all night and gave us many strang accounts of his nation &c this little tribe or band of menitaraies call themselves ah-nah-haway or people whose village is on the hill. nation formerleyed lived about miles below this but beeing oppressed by the asinniboins & sous were compelled to move miles the minitaries, where, the assinniboins killed the most of. them those remaining built a village verry near to the minitarries at the mouth of knife r where they now live and can raise about men, they are intermixed with the mandans & minatariers--the manclans formerly lived in large villages at and above the mouth of chischeter or heart river five villages on the west side & two on the east one of those villages on the east side of the missouri & the larges was intirely cut off by the sioux & the greater part of the others and the small pox reduced the others. [clark, march , ] fort mandan th of march monday a cloudy cold windey day, some snow in the latter part of the day, we deturmin to have two other perogues made for us to transport our provisions &c. we have every reason to believe that our menetarre interpeter, (whome we intended to take with his wife, as an interpeter through his wife to the snake indians of which nation she is) has been corupted by the ____ companeys &c. some explenation has taken place which clearly proves to us the fact, we give him to night to reflect and deturmin whether or not he intends to go with us under the regulations stated. [clark, march , ] th a fine day some snow last night our interpeter shabonah, detumins on not proceeding with us as an interpeter under the terms mentioned yesterday he will not agree to work let our situation be what it may not stand a guard, and if miffed with any man he wishes to return when he pleases, also have the disposial of as much provisions as he chuses to carrye. in admissable and we suffer him to be off the engagement which was only virbal wind n w [clark, march , ] th of march wednesday a fine day visited by mr. mckinsey one of the clerks of the n w companey, the river riseing a little--maney inds. here to day all anxiety for war axes the smiths have not an hour of idle time to spear wind s w [clark, march , ] th march thursday . a fine day set all hands to shelling corn &c. mr. mckinsey leave us to day maney indians as usial. wind west river still riseing [clark, march , ] th of march friday a fine day i put out all the goods & parch meal clothing &c to sun, a number of indians here to day they make maney remarks respecting our goods &c. set some men about hulling corn &c. [lewis, march , ] march th, . mr. gurrow a frenchman who has lived many years with the ricares & mandans shewed us the process used by those indians to make beads. the discovery of this art these nations are said to have derived from the snake indians who have been taken prisoners by the ricaras. the art is kept a secret by the indians among themselves and is yet known to but few of them. the prosess is as follows,--take glass of as many different colours as you think proper, then pound it as fine as possible puting each colour in a seperate vessel. wash the pounded glass in several waters throwing off the water at each washing. continue this opperation as long as the pounded glass stains or colours the water which is poured off and the residium is then prepared for uce. you then provide an earthen pot of convenient size say of three gallons which will stand the fire; a platter also of the same materials sufficiently small to be admitted in the mouth of the pot or jar. the pot has a nitch in it's edge through which to watch the beads when in blast. you then provide some well seasoned clay with a propertion of sand sufficient to prevent it's becoming very hard when exposed to the heat. this clay must be tempered with water untill it is about the consistency of common doe. of this clay you then prepare, a sufficient number of little sticks of the size you wish the hole through the bead, which you do by roling the clay on the palm of the hand with your finger. this done put those sticks of clay on the platter and espose them to a red heat for a few minutes when you take them off and suffer them to cool. the pot is also heated to cles it perfectly of any filth it may contain. small balls of clay are also mad of about an ounce weight which serve each as a pedestal for a bead. these while soft ar distributed over the face of the platter at such distance from each other as to prevent the beads from touching. some little wooden paddles are now provided from three to four inches in length sharpened or brought to a point at the extremity of the handle. with this paddle you place in the palm of the hand as much of the wet pounded glass as is necessary to make the bead of the size you wish it. it is then arranged with the paddle in an oblong form, laying one of those little stick of clay crosswise over it; the pounded glass by means of the paddle is then roped in cilindrical form arround the stick of clay and gently roled by motion of the hand backwards an forwards until you get it as regular and smooth as you conveniently can. if you wish to introduce any other colour you now purforate the surface of the bead with the pointed end of your little paddle and fill up the cavity with other pounded glass of the colour you wish forming the whole as regular as you can. a hole is now made in the center of the little pedestals of clay with the handle of your shovel sufficiently large to admit the end of the stick of clay arround which the bead is formed. the beads are then arranged perpindicularly on their pedestals and little distance above them supported by the little sticks of clay to which they are attatched in the manner before mentioned. thus arranged the platter is deposited on burning coals or hot embers and the pot reversed with the apparture in it's edge turned towards coverd the whole. dry wood pretty much doated _; is then plased arron the pot in sush manner as compleatly to cover it is then set on fire and the opperator must shortly after begin to watch his beads through the apparture of the pot lest they should be distroyed by being over heated. he suffers the beads to acquire a deep red heat from which when it passes in a small degree to a pailer or whitish red, or he discovers that the beads begin to become pointed at their upper extremities he removes the fire from about the pot and suffers the whole to cool gradually. the pot is then removed and the beads taken out. the clay which fills the hollow of the beads is picked out with an awl or nedle, the bead is then fit for uce. the indians are extreemly fond of the large beads formed by this process. they use them as pendants to their years, or hair and sometimes wear them about their necks. [clark, march , ] th of march satturday a cloudy day wind from the s. e one indian much displeased with whitehouse for strikeing his hand when eating with a spoon for behaveing badly. mr. garrow shew'd us the way the ricaras made their large beeds [clark, march , ] th of march sunday a windey day attempted to air our goods &. mr. chabonah sent a french man of our party that he was sorry for the foolissh part he had acted and if we pleased he would accompany us agreeabley to the terms we had perposed and doe every thing we wished him to doe &c. &c. he had requested me some thro our french inturpeter two days ago to excuse his simplicity and take him into the cirvise, after he had taken his things across the river we called him in and spoke to him on the subject, he agreed to our terms and we agreed that he might go on with us &c &c. but fiew indians here to day; the river riseing a little and severall places open. [clark, march , ] th of march a cold cloudy day wind from the n. i pack up all the merchindize into packs equally devided so as to have something of every thing in each canoe & perogue i am informed of a party of christanoes & assinniboins being killed by the sioux, in number near the estableishments on the assinniboin r. a fiew days ago (the effect of mr. cammeron, revenge on the chipaway for killing of his men) mr. tousent chabono, enlisted as an interpreter this evening, i am not well to day. [clark, march , ] th of march cold windey day cloudy some little snow last night visited to day by the big white & little crow, also a man & his wife with a sick child, i administer for the child i am told that two parties are gorn to war from the big bellies and one other party going to war shortly. [clark, march , ] i visited the mandans on the th & have the canoes taken to the river, ready to decend to the fort when the river clears, [clark, march , ] fort mandan th march wednesday . i with all the men which could be speared from the fort went to canoes, there i found a number of indians the men carried to the river about / miles thro the bottom, i visited the chief of the mandans in the course of the day and smoked a pipe with himself and several old men. cloudy wind hard from n. [clark, march , ] i return on the st and on my return i passed on the points of the high hills s. s. where i saw an emence quantity of pumice stone, and evident marks of the hills being on fire i collected some pumice stone, burnt stone & hard earth and put them into a furnace, the hard earth melted and glazed the other two a part of which i, e, the hard clay became a pumice-stone, i also collected a plant the root of which is a cure for the bite of a mad dog & snake which i shall send--mr. haney (i think it grows in the blue r barrens) the indians make large beeds of different colours- [clark, march , ] st march thursday a cloudy day some snow, the men carried the remaining the remained canoes to the river, all except left to take care & complete the canoes, returned to the fort with their baggage, on my return to day to the fort i came on the points of the high hills, saw an emence quantity of pumice stone on the sides & foot of the hills and emence beds of pumice stone near the tops of the hills with evident marks of the hill haveing once been on fire, i collected some the differnt i e stone pumice stone & a hard earth and put them into a furnace the hard earth melted and glazed the others two and the hard clay became a pumice stone glazed. i collected some plants &c. [clark, march , ] nd of march visited by the nd chief of the grand village of the minetarrees to whome we gave a medal & some clothes acknowledging him as a d chief, he delayed all night, & saw the men dance, which is common amusement with the men he returned the rd with mr. la rocque & mckinsey two of the n w. companys clerks--some few drops of rain this evening for the first time this winter visited by many indians to day [clark, march , ] march , rd of march friday a cloudy day visited by mrs. lack mckinsey & the d chief of the bigbellies, the white wolf and many other menataries, we gave a medal some clothes and wampoms to the chief and delivered a speach, which they all appeared well pleased with in the evening the men danced mr. jessomme displeased [clark, march , ] th of march satturday after brackfast mr. la rocke and mr. mckinsey and the chiefs & men of the minetarras leave us--soon after we were visited by a brother of the burnia who gave us a vocabulary of his language--the coal & many other mandans also visit us to day. a find day in the fore part in the evening a little rain & the first this winter [clark, march , ] th of march sunday a cloudy morning wind from the n e the after part of the day fair, several indians visit us today, prepareing to set out on our journey saw swans & wild gees flying n e this evening [clark, march , ] march , h the ice broke up in several places in the evenig broke away and was nearly takeing off our new canoes river rise a little [clark, march , ] th of march monday a find day wind s. w. but fiew inds visit us to day the ice haveing broken up in several places, the ice began to brake away this evening and was near distroying our canoes as they wer decnding to the fort, river rose only inches to day prepareing to depart [clark, march , ] th of march tuesday the river choked up with ice opposit to us and broke away in the evening raised only / inch all employed prepareing to set out [clark, march , ] th had all the canoes, the perogus corked pitchd & lined cover the cotton wood, which is win shaken (the mandans feed their horses on the cotton wood sticks in places of corn). [clark, march , ] th of march friday a windey blustering day wind s w ice running the river blocked up in view for the space of hours and gave way leaveing great quantity of ice on the shallow sand bars. had all the canoes corked pitched & tirred in and on the cracks and windshake which is universially in the cotton wood [clark, march , ] march , th the ice stoped running owing to some obstickle above all prepareing to set out but few indians visit us to day they are watching to catch the floating buffalow which brake through the ice in crossing, those people are fond of those animals tainted and catch great numbers every spring [clark, march , ] th of march satturday the ice has stoped running owing to som obstickle above, repare the boat & perogues, and prepareing to set out but few indians visit us to day they are now attending on the river bank to catch the floating buffalow [clark, march , ] th of march. the ice is passing in great quantites, river ran a little, the plains are on fire on both sides of the river it is common for the indians to set those plains on fire near their village for the advantage of early grass for the hors & as an inducement to the buffalow to visit them [clark, march , ] th of march sunday the obstickle broke away above & the ice came dow in great quantites the river rose inches the last hours i observed extrodanary dexterity of the indians in jumping from one cake of ice to another, for the purpose of catching the buffalow as they float down maney of the cakes of ice which they pass over are not two feet square. the plains are on fire in view of the fort on both sides of the river, it is said to be common for the indians to burn the plains near their villages every spring for the benifit of ther horse, and to induce the buffalow to come near to them. [clark, march , ] h of march monday cloudy several gangus of ducks and gees pass up not much ice floating. all the party in high spirits, but fiew nights pass without a dance they are helth. except the-vn.--which is common with the indians and have been communicated to many of our party at this place--those favores bieng easy acquired. all tranquille [clark, march , ] t of march monday cloudy day seven gangs of gees and ducks pass up the river--but a small portion of ice floating down to day--but fiew inds visit us to day all the party in high spirits they pass but fiew nights without amuseing themselves danceing possessing perfect harmony and good understanding towards each other generally healthy except venerials complains which is verry commion amongst the natives and the men catch it from them [clark, april , ] april st we have thunder lightning hail and rain to day the first rain of note sinc the of october last, i had the boat perogus & canos put in the water, and expect to set off the boat with despatches in her will go americans frenchmen, and perhaps several ricarra chief imediately after we shall assend in perogus & canoes, accompanied by french who intends to assend a short distance to trap the beavr which is in great abundance highr up our party will consist of one interpter & hunter, one french man as an interpreter with his two wives (this man speaks minetary to his wives who are l hiatars or snake indians of the nations through which we shall pass, and to act as interpretress thro him)-- americans & french my servant and an mandan indian and provisions for months [clark, april , ] fort mandan april the st tuesday the fore part of to day haile rain with thunder & lightning, the rain continued by intimitions all day, it is worthey of remark that this is the st rain which has fallen since we have been here or since the of october last, except a fiew drops at two or three defferent times had the boat perogus & canoes all put into the water. [clark, april , ] april the nd a cold rain day we are writeing and prepareing dispatches all day--i conclude to send my journal to the president of the united states in its original state for his own perusial, untill i call for it or some friend if i should not return, an this journal is from the th of may untill the rd of april . wrote untill verry late at night but little time to devote to my friends, the river is falling fast. [clark, april , ] april the nd friday a cloudy day rained all the last night we are preparing to set out all thing nearly ready. the d chief of the d mandan village took a miff at our not attending to him perticelarely after being here about ten day and moved back to his village the mandans killed twenty one elk yesterday miles below this, they were so meager that they scercely fit for use [clark, april , ] rd of april we shall pack up to day and set out tomorrow. [clark, april , ] april the rd thursday a white frost this morning, some ice on the edge of the water, a fine day pack up and prepare to load mrs. la roche & mckinsey clerk to the n w. compy. visit us. mr. mckinzey wishes to get pay for his horse lost in our service this winter and one of which was robed this winter by the tetons, we shall pay this man for his horse. we are all day ingaged packing up sundery articles to be sent to the president of the u. s. bow an quiver of arrows-with some ricara's tobacco seed no. a martin skin, containing the tail of a mule deer, a weasel and three squirels from the rockey mountains. no. . the bones & skeleton of a small burrowing wolf of the praries the skin being lost by accident. no. the skeliton of the white and grey hare. box no. , contains buffalow robes, and a ear of mandan corn. the large trunk contains a male & female brarow and female's skeliton. a carrote of ricaras tobacco a red fox skin containing a magpie. no. minitarras buffalow robe containing some articles of indian dress. no. a mandan robe containing two burrowing squirels, a white weasel and the skin of a loucirvea. also red fox skins. white hare skin &. horns of the mountain ram robe representing a battle between the sioux & ricaras, minetarras and mandans. in box no. . nos. & the skins of the male & female antelope with their skelitons. & the skin of a yellow bear which i obtained from the scions no. . box specimens of plants numbered from to . specimens of plants numbered frome to . earthen pot such as the mandans manufacture and use for culinary purposes. box no continued tin box, containing insects mice &c. a specimine of the fur of the antelope. a specimon of a plant, and a parcel of its roots highly prized by the natives as an efficatious remidy in cases of the bite of the rattle snake or mad dog. in a large trunk skins of a male and female braro, or burrowing dog of the prarie, with the skeliton of the female. skin of the red fox containing a magpie. cased skins of the white hare. minitarra buffalow robe containing some articles of indian dress mandan buffalow robe containing a dressed lousirva skin, and cased skins of the burrowing squirel of the praries. red fox skins horns of the mountain ram or big horn. buffalow robe painted by a mandan man representing a battle fought years since by the sioux & ricaras against the mandans, menitarras & ah wah bar ways (mandans &c. on horseback) cage no. . contains a liveing burrowing squirel of the praries cage no. . contains liveing magpies cage no. . containing a liveing hen of the prarie a large par of elks horns containing by the frontal bone- [clark, april , ] april the th wednesday a blustering windey day the clerks of the n w. co. leave us we are arrangeing all things to set out &c. [clark, april , ] april the th thursday we have our perogues & six canoes loaded with our stores & provisions, principally provisions. the wind verry high from the n w. a number of mandans visit us to day [clark, april , ] april the th friday saturday a fine day visited by a number of mandans, we are informed of the arrival of the whole of the ricarra nation on the other side of the river near their old village. we sent an interpreter to see with orders to return imediately and let us know if their chiefs ment to go down to see their great father. [lewis, april , ] fort mandan april th . having on this day at p.m. completed every arrangement necessary for our departure, we dismissed the barge and crew with orders to return without loss of time to s. louis, a small canoe with two french hunters accompanyed the barge; these men had assended the missouri with us the last year as engages. the barge crew consisted of six soldiers and two ____ frenchmen; two frenchmen and a ricara indian also take their passage in her as far as the ricara vilages, at which place we expect mr. tiebeau to embark with his peltry who in that case will make an addition of two, perhaps four men to the crew of the barge. we gave richard warfington, a discharged corpl., the charge of the barge and crew, and confided to his care likewise our dispatches to the government, letters to our private friends, and a number of articles to the president of the united states. one of the frenchmen by the name of gravline an honest discrete man and an excellent boat-man is imployed to conduct the barge as a pilot; we have therefore every hope that the barge and with her our dispatches will arrive safe at st. louis. mr. gravlin who speaks the ricara language extreemly well, has been imployed to conduct a few of the recara chiefs to the seat of government who have promised us to decend in the barge to st. liwis with that view.- at same moment that the barge departed from fort mandan, capt. clark embaked with our party and proceeded up the river. as i had used no exercise for several weeks, i determined to walk on shore as far as our encampment of this evening; accordingly i continued my walk on the n. side of the river about six miles, to the upper village of the mandans, and called on the black cat or pose cop'se ha, the great chief of the mandans; he was not at home; i rested myself a minutes, and finding that the party had not arrived i returned about miles and joined them at their encampment on the n. side of the river opposite the lower mandan village. our party now consisted of the following individuals. sergts. john ordway, nathaniel prior, & patric gass; privates, william bratton, john colter, reubin, and joseph fields, john shields, george gibson, george shannon, john potts, john collins, joseph whitehouse, richard windsor, alexander willard, hugh hall, silas goodrich, robert frazier, peter crouzatt, john baptiest la page, francis labiech, hue mcneal, william werner, thomas p. howard, peter wiser, and john b. thompson. interpreters, george drewyer and tauasant charbono also a black man by the name of york, servant to capt. clark, an indian woman wife to charbono with a young child, and a mandan man who had promised us to accompany us as far as the snake indians with a view to bring about a good understanding and friendly intercourse between that nation and his own, the minetares and ahwahharways. our vessels consisted of six small canoes, and two large perogues. this little fleet altho not quite so rispectable as those of columbus or capt. cook were still viewed by us with as much pleasure as those deservedly famed adventurers ever beheld theirs; and i dare say with quite as much anxiety for their safety and preservation. we were now about to penetrate a country at least two thousand miles in width, on which the foot of civillized man had never trodden; the good or evil it had in store for us was for experiment yet to determine, and these little vessells contained every article by which we were to expect to subsist or defend ourselves. however as this the state of mind in which we are, generally gives the colouring to events, when the immagination is suffered to wander into futurity, the picture which now presented itself to me was a most pleasing one. entertaing as i do, the most confident hope of succeading in a voyage which had formed a darling project of mine for the last ten years, i could but esteem this moment of my departure as among the most happy of my life. the party are in excellent health and sperits, zealously attatched to the enterprise, and anxious to proceed; not a whisper of murmur or discontent to be heard among them, but all act in unison, and with the most perfect harmony. i took an early supper this evening and went to bed. capt. clark myself the two interpretters and the woman and child sleep in a tent of dressed skins. this tent is in the indian stile, formed of a number of dressed buffaloe skins sewed together with sinues. it is cut in such manner that when foalded double it forms the quarter of a circle, and is left open at one side where it may be attatched or loosened at pleasure by strings which are sewed to its sides to the purpose. to erect this tent, a parsel of ten or twelve poles are provided, fore or five of which are attatched together at one end, they are then elivated and their lower extremities are spread in a circular manner to a width proportionate to the demention of the lodge, in the same position orther poles are leant against those, and the leather is then thrown over them forming a conic figure. [clark, april , ] th of april satturday " a windey day, the interpreter we sent to the villages returned with chief of the ricara's & men of that nation this chief informed us that he was sent by his nation to know the despositions of the nations in this neighbourhood in respect to the recara's settleing near them, that he had not yet made those arrangements, he request that we would speek to the assinniboins, & crow inds. in their favour, that they wished to follow our directions and be at peace with all, he viewed all nations in this quarter well disposed except the sioux. the wish of those recaras appears to be a junction with the mandans & minetarras in a defensive war with the sioux who rob them of every spece of property in such a manner that they cannot live near them any longer. i told this chief we were glad to see him, and we viewed his nation as the dutifull children of a great father who would extend his protection to all those who would open their ears to his good advice, we had already spoken to the assinniboins, and should speeke to the crow indians if we should see them &c. as to the sioux their great father would not let them have any more good guns &c. would take care to prosu such measurs as would provent those sioux from murding and taking the property from his dutyfull red children &c.--we gave him a certificate of his good conduct & a small medal, a carrot of tobacco and a string of wompom--he requested that one of his men who was lame might decend in the boat to their nation and returned to the mandans well satisfied the name of this chief of war is kah-kah, we to-raven brave. this cheif delivered us a letter from mr. taboe. informing us of the wish of the grand chiefs of the ricarras to visit their great father and requesting the privolage of put'g on board the boat w of skins &c. & adding hands and himself to the party. this preposeal we shall agree to, as that addition will make the party in the boat strong and more able to defend themselves from the seoux &c. [clark, april , ] fort mandan april th " sunday, at oclock p m, the boat, in which was soldiers frenchmen & an indian, all under the command of a corporal who had the charge of dispatches, &c.-and a canoe with french men, set out down the river for st. louis. at the same time we sout out on our voyage up the river in perogues and canoes, and proceded on to the st villg. of mandans & camped on the s. s.--our party consisting of sergt. nathaniel pryor sgt. john ordway sgt. pat. gass, william bratten, john colter joseph & reubin fields, john shields george gibson george shannon, john potts, john collins, jos. whitehouse, richard windser, alexander willard, hugh hall, silas gutrich, robert frazure, peter crouzat, john baptiest la page, francis labich, hugh mcneal, william werner, thomas p. howard, peter wiser, j. b. thompson and my servent york, george drewyer who acts as a hunter & interpreter, shabonah and his indian squar to act as an interpreter & interpretress for the snake indians-one mandan & shabonahs infant. sah-kah-gar we a [lewis, april , ] april th set out early this morning, the wind blew hard against us from the n. w. we therefore traveled very slowly. i walked on shore, and visited the black cat, took leave of him after smoking a pipe as is their custom, and then proceeded on slowly by land about four miles where i wated the arrival of the party, at oclock they came up and informed me that one of the small canoes was behind in distress. capt clark returned foud she had filled with water and all her loading wet. we lost half a bag of hisquit, and about thirty pounds of powder by this accedent; the powder we regard as a serious loss, but we spread it to dry immediately and hope we shall still be enabled to restore the greater part of it. this was the only powder we had which was not perfectly secure from geting wet. we took dinner at this place, and then proceed on to oure encampment, which was on the s. side opposite to a high bluff. the mandan man came up after we had encamped and brought with him a woman who was extreemly solicitous to accompany one of the men of our party, this however we positively refused to permit. from the upper point on an island (being the point to which capt. clark took his last course when he assended the river in surch of a place for winter quarters st november last) to a point of wood land stard side, passing a high bluff on the lard. n ° w. / [clark, april , ] th of april monday set out verry early wind hard a head from the n. w. proceeded on passed all the villages the inhabitents of which flocked down in great numbers to view us, i took my leave of the great chief of the mandans who gave me a par of excellent mockersons, one canoe filed with water every thing in her got wet. / of a barrel of powder lost by this accedent. camped on the s. s. opsd. a high bluff an indian joined us, also an indian woman with a view to accompany us, the woman was sent back the man being acquainted with the countrey we allowed him to accompanie ns [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th set out as early as it was possible to see this morning and proceed about five miles where we halted and took beakfas--the indian man who had promised us to accompany us as far as the snake indians, now informed us of his intention to relinquish the journey, and accordingly returned to his village. we saw a great number of brant passing up the river, some of them were white, except the large feathers in the first and second joint of the wing which are black. there is no other difference between them and the common gray brant but that of their colour--their note and habits are the same, and they are freequently seen to associate together. i have not yet positively determined whether they are the same, or a different species.--capt clark walked on shore to-day and informed me on his return, that passing through the prarie he had seen an anamal that precisely resembled the burrowing squrril, accept in point of size, it being only about one third as large as the squirrel, and that it also burrows. i have observed in many parts of the plains and praries the work of an anamal of which i could never obtain a view. their work resembles that of the salamander common to the sand hills of the states of south carolina and georgia; and like that anamal also it never appears above the ground. the little hillocks which are thrown up by these anamals have much the appearance of ten or twelve pounds of loose earth poared out of a vessel on the surface of the plain. in the state they leave them you can discover no whole through which they throw out this earth; but by removing the loose earth gently you may discover that the soil has been broken in a circle manner for about an inch and a half in diameter, where it appears looser than the adjacent surface, and is certainly the place through which the earth has been thrown out, tho the operation is performed without leaving any visible aperture.--the bluffs of the river which we passed today were upwards of a hundred feet high, formed of a mixture of yellow clay and sand--many horizontal stratas of carbonated wood, having every appearance of pitcoal at a distance; were seen in the the face of these bluffs. these stratas are of unequal thicknesses from i to feet, and appear at different elivations above the water some of them as much as eighty feet. the hills of the river are very broken and many of them have the apearance of having been on fire at some former period. considerable quantities of pumice stone and lava appear in many parts of these hills where they are broken and washed down by the rain and melting snow. when we halted for dinner the squaw busied herself in serching for the wild artichokes which the mice collect and deposit in large hoards. this operation she performed by penetrating the earth with a sharp stick about some small collections of drift wood. her labour soon proved successful, and she procurrd a good quantity of these roots. the flavor of this root resembles that of the jerusalem artichoke, and the stalk of the weed which produces it is also similar, tho both the root and stalk are much smaller than the jarusalem artichoke. the root is white and of an ovate form, from one to three inches in length and usually about the size of a man's finger. one stalk produces from two to four, and somitimes six of these roots. at the distance of miles passed a large wintering or hunting camp of the minetares on the stard. side. these lodges about thirty in number are built of earth and timber in their usual stile. / miles higher we passed the entrance of miry creek, which discharges itself on the stard. side. this creek is but small, takes it's rise in some small lakes near the mouse river and passes in it's course to the missouri, through beatifull, level, and fertile plains, intirely destitute of timber.--three miles above the mouth of this creek we passed a hunting camp of minetares who had prepared a park and were wating the return of the antelope; which usually pass the missouri at this season of the year from the black hills on the south side, to the open plains on the north side of the river; in like manner the antelope repasses the missouri from n. to south in the latter end of autumn, and winter in the black hills, where there is considerable bodies of woodland. we proceed on / miles further and encamped on the n. side in a most beatifull high extensive open bottom [clark, april , ] th of april tuesday . set out this morning verry early under a gentle breeze from the s. e. at brackfast the indian deturmined to return to his nation. i saw a musquetor to day great numbers of brant flying up the river, the maple, & elm has buded & cotton and arrow wood beginning to bud. i saw in the prarie an animal resembling the prarie dog or barking squirel & burrow in the same way, this animal was about / as large as the barking squirel. but fiew resident birds or water fowls which i have seen as yet at miles passed an old hunting camp of menitarrees on the s. s. / miles higher passed the mouth of miry creek on the s. s. passed a hunting camp of minetarees on the s. s. waiting the return of the antilope, saw great numbers of gees feedin in the praries on the young grass, i saw flowers in the praries to day, juniper grows on the sides of the hills, & runs on the ground all the hills have more or less indefferent coal in stratias at different bites from the waters edge to feet. those stratias from inch to feet thick. we campd. on the s. s. above some rocks makeing out in the river in a butifull ellivated plain. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th . set out at an early hour this morning at the distance of three miles passed some minetares who had assembled themselves on the lard shore to take a view of our little fleet. capt clark walked on shore today, for several hours, when he returned he informed me that he had seen a gang of antelopes in the plains but was unable to get a shoot at them he also saw some geese and swan. the geese are now feeding in considerable numbers on the young grass which has sprung up in the bottom prariesthe musquetoes were very troublesome to us today. the country on both sides of the missouri from the tops of the river hills, is one continued level fertile plain as far as the eye can reach, in which there is not even a solitary tree or shrub to be seen except such as from their moist situations or the steep declivities of hills are sheltered from the ravages of the fire. at the distance of miles from our encampment of last night we arrived at the lower point of a bluff on the lard side; about / miles down this bluff from this point, the bluff is now on fire and throws out considerable quantities of smoke which has a strong sulphurious smell. the appearance of the coal in the blufs continues as yesterday. at p.m. we overtook three french hunters who had set out a few days before us with a view of traping beaver; they had taken since they left fort mandan. these people avail themselves of the protection which our numbers will enable us to give them against the assinniboins who sometimes hunt on the missouri and intend ascending with us as far as the mouth of the yellow stone river and continue there hunt up that river. this is the first essay of a beaver hunter of any discription on this river. the beaver these people have already taken is by far the best i have ever seen. the river bottoms we have passed to-day are wider and possess more timber than usualthe courant of the missouri is but moderate, at least not greater than that of the ohio in high tide; it's banks are falling in but little; the navigation is therefore comparitively with it's lower portion easy and safe.--we encamped this evening on a willow point, stard. side just above a remarkable bend in the river to the s. w. which we called the little bason.- [clark, april , ] th of april wednesday set out verry early. the morning cool and no wind proceeded on passed a camp of inds. on the l. s. this day proved to be verry worm, the misquetors troublesom. i saw several antilope on the s. s. also gees & swan, we over took french men trappers the countrey to day as usial except that the points of timber is larger than below, the coal continue to day, one man saw a hill on fire at no great distance from the river, we camped on the s. s. just above a remarkable bend in the river to the s w, which we call the little bacon. [lewis, april , ] thursday april th set out at an early hour; i proceeded with the party and capt clark with george drewyer walked on shore in order to procure some fresh meat if possible. we proceeded on abot five miles, and halted for breakfast, when capt clark and drewyer joined us; the latter had killed, and brought with him a deer which was at this moment excepable as we had had no fresh meat for several days. the country from fort mandan to this place is so constantly hunted by the minetaries that there is but little game we halted at two p.m. and made a comfortable dinner on a venison stake and beavers tales with the bisquit which got wet on the th inst. by the accidant of the canoe filling with water before mentioned. the powder which got wet by the same accedent, and which we had spread to dry on the baggage of the large perogue, was now examined and put up; it appears to be almost restored, and our loss is therefore not so great as we had at first apprehended.--the country much the same as yesterday. on the sides of the hills and even the banks of the rivers and sandbars, there is a white substance that appears in considerable quantities on the surface of the earth, which tastes like a mixture of common salt and glauber salts. many of the springs which flow from the base of the river hills are so strongly impregnated with this substance that the water is extreemly unpleasant to the taste and has a purgative effect.--saw some large white cranes pass up the river- these are the largest bird of that genus common to the country through which the missouri and mississippi pass. they are perfectly white except the large feathers of the two first joints of the wing which are black. we encamped this evening on the stard. shore just above the point of woodland which formed to extremity of the last course of this day. there is a high bluff opposite to us, under which we saw some indians, but the river is here so wide that we could not speake to them; suppose them to be a hunting party of minetares.--we killed two gees today. [clark, april , ] th of april thursday set out verry early i walked on shore, saw fresh bear tracks, one deer & beaver killed this morning in the after part of the day killed two gees; saw great numbers of gees brant & mallard some white cranes swan & guls, the plains begin to have a green appearance, the hills on either side are from to miles asunder and in maney places have been burnt, appearing at a distance of a redish brown choler, containing pumic stone & lava, some of which rolin down to the base of those hills--in maney of those hills forming bluffs to the river we procieve several stratums of bituminious substance which resembles coal; thong some of the pieces appear to be excellent coal it resists the fire for some time, and consumes without emiting much flaim. the plains are high and rich some of them are sandy containing small pebble, and on some of the hill sides large stones are to be seen--in the evening late we observed a party of me ne tar ras on the l. s. with horses and dogs loaded going down, those are a part of the menetarras who camped a little above this with the ossinniboins at the mouth of the little missouri all the latter part of the winter we camped on the s. s. below a falling in bank. the river raise a little. [lewis, april , ] friday april the th . set out at an early hour. our peroge and the canoes passed over to the lard side in order to avoid a bank which was rappidly falling in on the stard. the red perogue contrary to my expectation or wish passed under this bank by means of her toe line where i expected to have seen her carried under every instant. i did not discover that she was about to make this attempt untill it was too late for the men to reembark, and retreating is more dangerous than proceeding in such cases; they therefore continued their passage up this bank, and much to my satisfaction arrived safe above it. this cost me some moments of uneasiness, her cargo was of much importance to us in our present advanced situation--we proceeded on six miles and came too on the lower side of the entrance of the little missouri on the lard shore in a fine plain where we determined to spend the day for the purpose of celestial observation. we sent out hunters to procure some fresh meat. at this place made the following observations.- the night proved so cloudy that i could make no further observations. george drewyer shot a beaver this morning, which we found swiming in the river a small distance below the entrance of the little missouri. the beaver being seen in the day, is a proof that they have been but little hunted, as they always keep themselves closly concealed during the day where they are so.--found a great quantity of small onions in the plain where we encamped; had some of them collected and cooked, found them agreeable. the bulb grows single, is of an oval form, white, and about the size of a small bullet; the leaf resembles that of the shive, and the hunters returned this eying with one deer only. the country about the mouth of this river had been recently hunted by the minetares, and the little game which they had not killed and frightened away, was so extreemly shy that the hunters could not get in shoot of them. the little missouri disembogues on the s. side of the missouri miles from the confluence of the latter with the mississippi. it is yards wide at it's mouth, and sets in with a bould current but it's greatest debth is not more than / feet. it's navigation is extreemly difficult, owing to it's rapidity, shoals and sand bars. it may however be navigated with small canoes a considerable distance. this river passes through the northern extremity of the black hills where it is very narrow and rapid and it's banks high an perpendicular. it takes it's rise in a broken country west of the black hills with the waters of the yellow stone river, and a considerable distance s. w. of the point at which it passes the black hills. the country through which it passes is generally broken and the highlands possess but little timber. there is some timber in it's bottom lands, which consists of cottonwood red elm, with a small proportion of small ash and box alder. the under brush is willow, red wood, (sometimes called red or swamp willow-) the red burry, and choke cherry the country is extreamly broken about the mouth of this river, and as far up on both sides, as we could observe it from the tops of some elivated hills, which stand betwen these two rivers, about miles from their junction. the soil appears fertile and deep, it consists generally of a dark rich loam intermixed with a small proportion of fine sand. this river in it's course passed near the n. w. side of the turtle mountain, which is said to be no more than or leagues distant from it's entrance in a straight direction, a little to the s. of west.--this mountain and the knife river have therefore been laid down too far s. w. the colour of the water, the bed of the river, and it's appearance in every respect, resembles the missouri; i am therefore induced to believe that the texture of the soil of the country in which it takes it's rise, and that through which it passes, is similar to the country through which the missouri passes after leaving the woody country, or such as we are now in.--on the side of a hill not distant from our camp i found some of the dwarf cedar of which i preserved a specimen (see no. ). this plant spreads it's limbs alonge the surface of the earth, where they are sometimes covered, and always put forth a number of roots on the under side, while on the upper there are a great number of small shoots which with their leaves seldom rise higher than or eight inches. they grow so close as perfectly to conceal the eath. it is an evergreen; the leaf is much more delicate than the common cedar, and it's taste and smell the same. i have often thought that this plant would make very handsome edgings to the borders and walks of a garden; it is quite as handsom as box, and would be much more easily propegated.--the appearance of the glauber salts and carbonated wood still continue. [clark, april , ] th april friday a fine morning set out verry early, the murcery stood ° above . proceeded on to the mouth of the little missouri river and formed a camp in a butifull elivated plain on the lower side for the purpose of takeing some observations to fix the latitude & longitude of this river. this river falls in on the l. side and is yards wide and feet inches deep at the mouth, it takes its rise in the n w extremity of the black mountains, and through a broken countrey in its whole course washing the n w base of the turtle mountain which is situated about leagues s w of its mouth, one of our men baptiest who came down this river in a canoe informs me that it is not navagable, he was days descending. one of our men shot a beaver swimming below the mouth of this river. i walked out on the lower side of this river and found the countrey hilley the soil composed of black mole & a small perportion of sand containing great quantity of small peable some limestone, black flint, & sand stone i killed a hare changeing its colour some parts retaining its long white fur & other parts assumeing the short grey, i saw the magpie in pars, flocks of grouse, the old field lark & crows, & observed the leaf of the wild chery half grown, many flowers are to be seen in the plains, remains of minetarra & ossinneboin hunting camps are to be seen on each side of the two missouris the wind blew verry hard from the s. all the after part of the day, at oclock p m. it became violent & flowey accompanied with thunder and a little rain. we examined our canoes &c found several mice which had already commenced cutting our bags of corn & parched meal, the water of the little missouri is of the same texture colour & quallity of that of the big missouri the after part of the day so cloudy that we lost the evening observation. [lewis, april , ] saturday april th being disappointed in my observations of yesterday for longitude, i was unwilling to remain at the entrance of the river another day for that purpose, and therefore determined to set out early this morning; which we did accordingly; the wind was in our favour after a.m. and continued favourable untill three p.m. we therefore hoisted both the sails in the white perogue, consisting of a small squar sail, and spritsail, which carried her at a pretty good gate, untill about in the afternoon when a suddon squall of wind struck us and turned the perogue so much on the side as to allarm sharbono who was steering at the time, in this state of alarm he threw the perogue with her side to the wind, when the spritsail gibing was as near overseting the perogue as it was possible to have missed. the wind however abating for an instant i ordered drewyer to the helm and the sails to be taken in, which was instant executed and the perogue being steered before the wind was agin placed in a state of security. this accedent was very near costing us dearly. beleiving this vessell to be the most steady and safe, we had embarked on board of it our instruments, papers, medicine and the most valuable part of the merchandize which we had still in reserve as presents for the indians. we had also embarked on board ourselves, with three men who could not swim and the squaw with the young child, all of whom, had the perogue overset, would most probably have perished, as the waves were high, and the perogue upwards of yards from the nearest shore; however we fortunately escaped and pursued our journey under the square sail, which shortly after the accident i directed to be again hoisted. our party caught three beaver last evening; and the french hunters . as there was much appearance of beaver just above the entrance of the little missouri these hunters concluded to remain some days; we therefore left them without the expectation of seeing them again.--just above the entrance of the little missouri the great missouri is upwards of a mile in width, tho immediately at the entrance of the former it is not more than yards wide and so shallow that the canoes passed it with seting poles. at the distance of nine miles passed the mouth of a creek on the stard. side which we called onion creek from the quantity of wild onions which grow in the plains on it's borders. capt. clark who was on shore informed me that this creek was yards wide a mile & a half above it's entrance, discharges more water than creeks of it's size usually do in this open country, and that there was not a stick of timber of any discription to be seen on it's borders, or the level plain country through which it passes. at the distance of miles further we passed the mouth of a large creek; discharging itself in the center of a deep bend. of this creek and the neighbouring country, capt clark who was on shore gave me the following discription "this creek i took to be a small river from it's size, and the quantity of water which it discharged. i ascended it / miles, and found it the discharge of a pond or small lake, which had the appearance of having formerly been the bed of the missouri. several small streems discharge themselves into this lake. the country on both sides consists of beautifull level and elivated plains; asscending as they recede from the missouri; there were a great number of swan and gees in this lake and near it's borders i saw the remains of temperary indian lodges, which i presume were those of the assinniboins who are now in the neighbourhood of the british establishments on the assinniboin river-" this lake and it's discharge we call boos egg from the circumstance of capt clark shooting a goose while on her nest in the top of a lofty cotton wood tree, from which we afterwards took one egg. the wild gees frequently build their nests in this manner, at least we have already found several in trees, nor have we as yet seen any on the ground, or sand bars where i had supposed from previous information that they most commonly deposited their eggs.- saw some bufhaloe and elk at a distance today but killed none of them. we found a number of carcases of the buffaloe lying along shore, which had been drowned by falling through the ice in winter and lodged on shore by the high water when the river broke up about the first of this month. we saw also many tracks of the white bear of enormous size, along the river shore and about the carcases of the buffaloe, on which i presume they feed. we have not as yet seen one of these anamals, tho their tracks are so abundant and recent. the men as well as ourselves are anxious to meet with some of these bear. the indians give a very formidable account of the strengh and ferocity of this anamal, which they never dare to attack but in parties of six eight or ten persons; and are even then frequently defeated with the loss of one or more of their party. the savages attack this anamal with their bows and arrows and the indifferent guns with which the traders furnish them, with these they shoot with such uncertainty and at so short a distance, that they frequently mis their aim & fall a sacrefice to the bear. two minetaries were killed during the last winter in an attack on a white bear. this anamall is said more frequently to attack a man on meeting with him, than to flee from him. when the indians are about to go in quest of the white bear, previous to their departure, they paint themselves and perform all those superstitious rights commonly observed when they are about to make war uppon a neighbouring nation. oserved more bald eagles on this part of the missouri than we have previously seen saw the small hawk, frequently called the sparrow hawk, which is common to most parts of the u states. great quantities of gees are seen feeding in the praries. saw a large flock of white brant or gees with black wings pass up the river; there were a number of gray brant with them; from their flight i presume they proceed much further still to the n. w.--we have never been enabled yet to shoot one of these birds, and cannot therefore determine whether the gray brant found with the white are their brude of the last year or whether they are the same with the grey brant common to the mississippi and lower part of the missouri.--we killed antelopes today which we found swiming from the s. to the n. side of the river; they were very poor.--we encamped this evening on the stard. shore in a beautiful) plain, elivated about feet above the river. [clark, april , ] th of april satturday set out this morning at oclock, the missouri above the mouth of little missouri widens to nearly a mile containing a number of sand bars this width &c. of the river continues generally as high as the rochejhone river. cought beaver this morning, at miles passd. the mouth of a creek on the s. s. on the banks of which there is an imence quantity of wild onions or garlick, i was up this creek / a m. and could not see one stick of timber of any kind on its borders, this creek is yds wide / a mile up it and discharges more water than is common for creeks of its size. at about miles higher we pass a creek about yards wide in a deep bend to the n w. this creek i took to be a small river from its size & the quantity of water which it discharged, i ascended it / mes and found it the discharge of a pond or small lake which has appearance of haveing been once the bead of the river, some small streams discharge themselves into this lake. the countery on both side is butifull elevated plains assending in some parts to a great distance near the aforesaid lake (which we call goose egg l from a circumstance of my shooting a goose on her neast on some sticks in the top of a high cotton wood tree in which there was one egg) we saw buffalow at a distance, we also saw several herds of elk at a distance which were verry wild, i saw near the lake the remains of lodges, which has latterly been abandond i suppose them to have been ossinniboins and now near the british establishments on the ossinniboin river tradeing. we camped on the s. s. in a butifull plain. i observe more bald eagles on this part of the missouri than usial also a small hawk killed antelopes in the river to day emence numbers of geese to be seen pared &c. a gange of brant pass one half of the gange white with black wings or the large feathers of the s & d joint the remds. of the comn. color. a voice much like that of a goos & finer &c. [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . one of the hunters saw an otter last evening and shot at it, but missed it. a dog came to us this morning, which we supposed to have been lost by the indians who were recently encamped near the lake that we passed yesterday. the mineral appearances of salts, coal and sulpher, together with birnt hills & pumicestone still continue.--while we remained at the entrance of the little missouri, we saw several pieces of pumice stone floating down that stream, a considerable quanty of which had lodged against a point of drift wood a little above it's entrance. capt. clark walked on shore this morning, and on his return informed me that he had passed through the timbered bottoms on the n. side of the river, and had extended his walk several miles back on the hills; in the bottom lands he had met with several uninhabited indian lodges built with the boughs of the elm, and in the plains he met with the remains of two large encampments of a recent date, which from the appearance of some hoops of small kegs, seen near them we concluded that they must have been the camps of the assinniboins, as no other nation who visit this part of the missouri ever indulge themselves with spirituous liquor. of this article the assinniboins are pationately fond, and we are informed that it forms their principal inducement to furnish the british establishments on the assinniboin river with the dryed and pounded meat and grease which they do. they also supply those establishments with a small quantity of fur, consisting principally of the large and small wolves and the small fox skins. these they barter for small kegs of ruin which they generally transport to their camps at a distance from the establishments, where they revel with their friends and relations as long as they possess the means of intoxication, their women and children are equally indulged on those occations and are all seen drunk together. so far is a state of intoxication from being a cause of reproach among them, that with the men, it is a matter of exultation that their skill and industry as hunters has enabled them to get drunk frequently. in their customs, habits, and dispositions these people very much resemble the siouxs from whom they have descended. the principal inducement with the british fur companies, for continuing their establishments on the assinniboin river, is the buffaloe meat and grease they procure from the assinniboins, and christanoes, by means of which, they are enabled to supply provision to their engages on their return from rainy lake to the english river and the athabaskey country where they winter; without such resource those voyagers would frequently be straitened for provision, as the country through which they pass is but scantily supplyed with game, and the rappidity with which they are compelled to travel in order to reach their winter stations, would leave therm but little leasure to surch for food while on their voyage. the assinniboins have so recently left this neighbourhood, that the game is scarce and very shy. the river continues wide, and not more rapid than the ohio in an averge state of it's current. the bottoms are wide and low, the moister parts containing some timber; the upland is extreemly broken, chonsisting of high gaulded nobs as far as the eye can reach on ether side, and entirely destitute of timber. on these hills many aromatic herbs are seen; resembling in taste, smel and appearance, the sage, hysop, wormwood, southernwood and two other herbs which are strangers to me; the one resembling the camphor in taste and smell, rising to the hight of or feet; the other about the same size, has a long, narrow, smooth, soft leaf of an agreeable smel and flavor; of this last the atelope is very fond; they feed on it, and perfume the hair of their foreheads and necks with it by rubing against it. the dwarf cedar and juniper is also found in great abundance on the sides of these hills. where the land is level, it is uniformly fertile consisting of a dark loam intermixed with a proportion of fine sand. it is generally covered with a short grass resembling very much the blue grass.--the miniral appearances still continue; considerable quantities of bitumenous water, about the colour of strong lye trickles down the sides of the hills; this water partakes of the taste of glauber salts and slightly of allumn.--while the party halted to take dinner today capt clark killed a buffaloe bull; it was meagre, and we therefore took the marrow bones and a small proportion of the meat only. near the place we dined on the lard. side, there was a large village of burrowing squirrels. i have remarked that these anamals generally celect a south easterly exposure for their residence, tho they are sometimes found in the level plains.--passed an island, above which two small creeks fall in on lard side; the upper creek largest, which we called sharbono's creek after our interpreter who encamped several weeks on it with a hunting party of indians. this was the highest point to which any whiteman had ever ascended; except two frenchmen who having lost their way had straggled a few miles further, tho to what place precisely i could not learn.--i walked on shore above this creek and killed an elk, which was so poor that it was unfit for uce; i therefore left it, and joined the party at their encampment on the stard shore a little after dark. on my arrival capt clark informed me that he had seen two white bear pass over the hills shortly after i fired, and that they appeared to run nearly from the place where i shot. the lard. shore on which i walked was very broken, and the hills in many places had the appearance of having sliped down in masses of several acres of land in surface.--we saw many gees feeding on the tender grass in the praries and several of their nests in the trees; we have not in a single instance found the nest of this bird on or near the ground. we saw a number of magpies their nests and eggs. their nests are built in trees and composed of small sticks leaves and grass, open at top, and much in the stile of the large blackbird comm to the u states. the egg is of a bluish brown colour, freckled with redish brown spots. one of the party killed a large hooting owl. i observed no difference between this burd and those of the same family common to the u states, except that this appeared to be more booted and more thickly clad with feathers.- [clark, april , ] th of april sunday . a fine morning, a dog came to us this morning we suppose him to be left by the inds. who had their camps near the lake we passd. yesterday not long sence, i observed several single lodges built of stiks of cotten timber in different parts of the bottoms. in my walk of this day which was through the wooded bottoms and on the hills for several miles back from the river on the s. s. i saw the remains of two indian incampments with wide beeten tracks leading to them. those were no doubt the camps of the ossinnaboin indians (a strong evidence is hoops of small kegs were found in the incampments) no other nation on the river above the sioux make use of spiritious licquer, the ossinniboins is said to be pasionately fond of licquer, and is the principal inducement to their putting themselves to the trouble of catching the fiew wolves and foxes which they furnish, and recive their liquor always in small kegs. the ossinniboins make use of the same kind of lodges which the sioux and other indians on this river make use of--those lodges or tents are made of a number of dressed buffalow skins sowed together with sinues & deckerated with the tales, & porcupine quils, when open it forms a half circle with a part about inches wide projecting about or inches from the center of the streight side for the purpose of attaching it to a pole to it the hight they wish to raise the tent, when they errect this tent four poles of equal length are tied near one end, those poles are elevated and or other poles are anexed forming a circle at the ground and lodging in the forks of the four attached poles, the tents are then raised, by attach the projecting part to a pole and incumpassing the poles with the tent by bringing the two ends together and attached with a cord, or laied as high as is necessary, leaveing the lower part open for about feet for to pass in & out, and the top is generally left open to admit the smoke to pass--the borders of the river has been so much hunted by those indians who must have left it about or days past and i prosume are now in the neighbourhood of british establishments on the osinniboin; the game is scerce and verry wild. the river continues wide and the current jentle not more rapid than the current of the ohio in middle state--the bottoms are wide and low and the moist parts of them contain som wood such as cotton elm & small ash, willow rose bushes &c. &c. &. next to the hills great quantity of wild isoop, the hills are high broken in every direction, and the mineral appearance of salts continue to appear in a greater perportion, also sulpher, coal & bitumous water in a smaller quantity, i have observed but five burnt hills, about the little missouri, and i have not seen any pumey stone above that river i saw buffalow on the l. s. crossed and dureing the time of dinner killed a bull, which was pore, we made use of the best of it, i saw a village of burrowing dogs on the l. s. passed a island above which two small creeks falls in on the l. s. the upper of which is the largest and we call shabonas creek after our interpreter who incamped several weeks on this creek and is the highest point on the missouri to which a white man has been previous to this time. capt. lewis walked out above this creek and killed an elk which he found so meager that it was not fit for use, and joined the boat at dusk at our camp on the s. s. opposit a high hill several parts of which had sliped down. on the side of those hills we saw two white bear running from the report of capt. lewis shot, those animals assended those steep hills with supprising ease & verlocity. they were too far to discover their prosise colour & size--saw several gees nests on trees, also the nests & egs of the magpies, a large grey owl killed, booted & with ears &c. [lewis, april , ] monday april th . set out at an early hour this morning. i walked on shore, and capt. clark continued with the party it being an invariable rule with us not to be both absent from our vessels at the same time. i passed through the bottoms of the river on the stard. side. they were partially covered with timber & were extensive, level and beatifull. in my walk which was about miles i passed a small rivulet of clear water making down from the hills, which on tasting, i discovered to be in a small degree brackish. it possessed less of the glauber salt, or alumn, than those little streams from the hills usually do.--in a little pond of water fromed by this rivulet where it entered the bottom, i heard the frogs crying for the first time this season; their note was the same with that of the small frogs which are common to the lagoons and swamps of the u states.--i saw great quantities of gees feeding in the bottoms, of which i shot one. saw some deer and elk, but they were remarkably shy. i also met with great numbers of grouse or prarie hens as they are called by the english traders of the n. w. these birds appeared to be mating; the note of the male is kuck, kuck, kuck, coo, coo, coo. the first part of the note both male and female use when flying. the male also dubbs something like the pheasant, but by no means as loud. after breakfast capt. clark walked on the std. shore, and on his return in the evening gave me the following account of his ramble. "i ascended to the high country, about miles distant from the missouri. the country consists of beatifull, level and fertile plains, destitute of timber i saw many little dranes, which took their rise in the river hills, from whence as far as i could see they run to the n. e." these streams we suppose to be the waters of mous river a branch of the assinniboin which the indians informed us approaches the missouri very nearly, about this point. "i passed," continued he, "a creek about yards wide," which falls into the missouri; the bottoms of this creek are wide level and extreemly fertile, but almost entirely destitute of timber. the water of this creek as well as all those creeks and rivulets which we have passed since we left fort mandan was so strongly impregnated with salts and other miniral substances that i was incapable of drinking it. i saw the remains of several camps of the assinniboins; near one of which, in a small ravene, there was a park which they had formed of timber and brush, for the purpose of taking the cabrie or antelope. it was constructed in the following manner. a strong pound was first made of timbers, on one side of which there was a small apparture, sufficiently large to admit an antelope; from each side of this apparture, a curtain was extended to a considerable distance, widening as they receded from the pound.--we passed a rock this evening standing in the middle of the river, and the bed of the river was formed principally of gravel. we encamped this evening on a sand point on lard. side. a little above our encampment the river was confined to a channel of yards in width.- [clark, april , ] th of april monday set out at an early hour, captn lewis walked on shore and killed a goose, passed a island in a bend to the l. s. the wind hard from the s. e. after brackfast i walked on shore and assended to the high countrey on the s. s. and off from the missouri about three miles the countrey is butifull open fertile plain the dreans take theer rise near the clifts of the river and run from the river in a n e derection as far as i could see, this is the part of the river which mouse river the waters of lake winnipec approaches within a fiew miles of missouri, and i believe those dreans lead into that river. we passed a creek about yds. wide on the s. s. the bottoms of this creek is extensive & fertile, the water of this as also, all the streams which head a fiew miles in the hills discharge water which is black & unfit for use (and can safely say that i have not seen one drop of water fit for use above fort mandan except knife and the little missouris rivers and the missouri, the other streams being so much impregnated with mineral as to be verry disagreeble in its present state.) i saw the remains of several camps of ossinniboins, near one of those camps & at no great distance from the mouth of the aforesid creek, in a hollow, i saw a large strong pen made for the purpose of catching the antelope, with wings projecting from it widining from the pen saw several gangs of buffalow and some elk at a distance, a black bear seen from the perogues to day--passed a rock in the middle of the river, some smaller rocks from that to the l. shore, the dog that came to us yesterday morning continues to follow us, we camped on a sand point to the l. s. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th . set out very early this morning. capt. clark walked on shore this morning, and killed an antelope, rejoined us at / after eight a.m.- he informed me that he had seen many buffaloe elk and deer in his absence, and that he had met with a great number of old hornets nests in the woody bottoms through which he had passed.--the hills of the river still continue extreemly broken for a few miles back, when it becomes a fine level country of open fertile lands immediately on the river there are many fine leavel extensive and extreemly fertile high plains and meadows. i think the quantity of timbered land on the river is increasing. the mineral appearances still continue. i met with several stones today that had the appearance of wood first carbonated and then petrefyed by the water of the river, which i have discovered has that effect on many vegitable substances when exposed to it's influence for a length of time. l believe it to be the stratas of coal seen in those hills which causes the fire and birnt appearances frequently met with in this quarter. where those birnt appearances are to be seen in the face of the river bluffs, the coal is seldom seen, and when you meet with it in the neighbourhood of the stratas of birnt earth, the coal appears to be presisely at the same hight, and is nearly of the same thickness, togeter with the sand and a sulphurious substance which ususually accompanys it. there was a remarkable large beaver caught by one of the party last night. these anamals are now very abundant. i have met with several trees which have been felled by them inches in diameter. bark is their only food; and they appear to prefer that of the cotton wood and willow; as we have never met with any other species of timber on the missouri which had the appearance of being cut by them.--we passed three small creeks on the stard. side. they take their rise in the river hills at no great distance. we saw a great number of geese today, both in the plains and on the river--i have observed but few ducks, those we have met with are the mallard and blue winged teal [clark, april , ] th of april tuesday wind hard from the s. e i walked on shore and killed an antilope which was verry meagre, saw great numbers of elk & some buffalow & deer, a verry large beaver cought this morning. some verry handsom high planes & extensive bottoms, the mineral appearances of coal & salt together with some appearance of burnt hils continue. a number of old hornets nests seen in every bottom more perticularly in the one opposit to the place we camped this night--the wooded bottoms are more extensive to day than common. passed three small creeks on the s. s. to day which take their rise in the hills at no great distance, great numbers of gees in the river & in the plains feeding on the grass. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th . a delightfull morning, set out at an erly hour. the country though which we passed to (lay was much the same as that discribed of yesterday; there wase more appearance of birnt hills, furnishing large quanties of lava and pumice stone, of the latter some pieces were seen floating down the river. capt. clark walked on shore this morning on the stard. side, and did not join us untill half after six in the evening. he informed me that he had seen the remains of the assinniboin encampments in every point of woodland through which he had passed. we saw immence quantities of game in every direction around us as we passed up the river; consisting of herds of buffaloe, elk, and antelopes with some deer and woolves. tho we continue to see many tracks of the bear we have seen but very few of them, and those are at a great distance generally runing from us; i thefore presume that they are extreemly wary and shy; the indian account of them dose not corrispond with our experience so far. one black bear passed near the perogues on the th and was seen by myself and the party but he so quickly disappeared that we did not shoot at him.--at the place we halted to dine on the lard. side we met with a herd of buffaloe of which i killed the fatest as i concieved among them, however on examining it i found it so poar that i thought it unfit for uce and only took the tongue; the party killed another which was still more lean. just before we encamped this evening we saw some tracks of indians who had passed about hours; they left four rafts of timber on the stard. side, on which they had passed. we supposed them to have been a party of the assinniboins who had been to war against the rocky mountain indians, and then on their return. capt. clark saw a curlou today. there were three beaver taken this morning by the party. the men prefer the flesh of this anamal, to that of any other which we have, or are able to procure at this moment. i eat very heartily of the beaver myself, and think it excellent; particularly the tale, and liver. we had a fair wind today which enabled us to sail the greater part of the distance we have travled, encamped on the lard shore the extremity of the last course [clark, april , ] th of april wednesday a fine morning wind from the s e. genly to day handsom high extencive rich plains on each side, the mineral appearances continue with greater appearances of coal, much greater appearance of the hills haveing been burnt, more pumice stone & lava washed down to the bottoms and some pumice stone floating in the river, i walked on the s. s. saw great numbs. of buffalow feeding in the plains at a distance capt. lewis killed buffalow buls which was near the water at the time of dineing, they were so pore as to be unfit for use. i saw several small parties of antelopes large herds of elk, some white wolves, and in a pond (formed on the s. s. by the missouries changeing its bead) i saw swan gees & different kinds of ducks in great numbers also a beaver house. passed a small creek on the s. s. & several runs of water on each side, saw the remains of indian camps in every point of timbered land on the s. s. in the evining a thunder gust passed from the s w, without rain, about sunset saw some fresh indians track and four rafts on the shore s. s. those i prosume were ossinniboins who had been on a war party against the rockey mountain indians--saw a curlow, some verry large beaver taken this morning. those animals are made use of as food and preferred by the party to any other at this season [lewis, april , ] thursday april th . a fine morning, set out at an early hour. one beaver caught this morning by two traps, having a foot in each; the traps belonged to different individuals, between whom, a contest ensued, which would have terminated, most probably, in a serious rencounter had not our timely arrival at the place prevented it. after breakfast this morning, capt. clark walked on stad. shore, while the party were assending by means of their toe lines, i walked with them on the bank; found a species of pea bearing a yellow flower, and now in blume; it seldom rises more than inches high, the leaf & stalk resembles that of the common gardin pea, the root is pirenial. (see specimen of vegitables no. .) i also saw several parsels of buffaloe's hair hanging on the rose bushes, which had been bleached by exposure to the weather and became perfectly white. it every appearance of the wool of the sheep, tho much finer and more silkey and soft. i am confident that an excellent cloth may be made of the wool of the buffaloe. the buffaloe i killed yesterday had cast his long hare, and the poll which remained was very thick, fine, and about inches in length. i think this anamal would have furnished about five pounds of wool. we were detained today from one to five p.m. in consequence of the wind which blew so violently from n. that it was with difficulty we could keep the canoes from filling with water altho they were along shore; i had them secured by placing the perogues on the out side of them in such manner as to break the waves off them. at we proceed, and shortly after met with capt. clark, who had killed an elk and a deer and was wating our arrival. we took the meat on board and continued our march untill nearly dark when we came too on the stard side under a boald welltimbered bank which sheltered us from the wind which had abated but not yet ceased. here we encamped, it being the extremity of the last course of this day.- [clark, april , ] th of april thursday set out at an early hour one beaver & a musrat cought this morning, the beaver cought in two traps, which like to have brought about a missunderstanding between two of the party &c. after brackfast i assended a hill and observed that the river made a great bend to the south, i concluded to walk thro the point about miles and take shabono, with me, he had taken a dost of salts &c. his squar followed on with his child, when i struck the next bend of the river could see nothing of the party, left this man & his wife & child on the river bank and went out to hunt, killed a young buck elk, & a deer, the elk was tolerable meat, the deer verry pore, butcherd the meat and continued untill near sunset before capt lewis and the party came up, they were detained by the wind, which rose soon after i left the boat from the n w. & blew verry hard untill verry late in the evening. we camped on the s. s. in an excellent harbor, soon after we came too, two men went up the river to set their beaver traps they met with a bear and being without their arms thought prodent to return &c. the wild cheries are in bloom, great appearance of burnt hills pumice stone &c. the coal & salt appearance continued, the water in the small runs much better than below,--saw several old indian camps, the game, such as buffalow elk, antelopes & deer verry plenty [lewis, april , ] friday april th . the wind blew so hard this morning from n. w. that we dared not to venture our canoes on the river.--observed considerable quantities of dwarf juniper on the hillsides (see specimen no. ) it seldom rises higher then feet.--the wind detained us through the couse of this day, tho we were fortunate in having placed ourselves in a safe harbour. the party killed one elk and a beaver today. the beaver of this part of the missouri are larger, fatter, more abundant and better clad with fur than those of any other part of the country that i have yet seen; i have remarked also that their fur is much darker. [clark, april , ] th of april friday a blustering windey day the wind so hard from the n, w. that we were fearfull of ventering our canoes in the river, lay by all day on the s. side in a good harber, the praries appear to green, the cotton trees bigin to leave, saw some plumb bushes in full bloom, those were the plumb bushes which i have seen for some time. killed an elk an a beaver to day--the beaver of this river is much larger than usial, great deal of sign of the large bear, [lewis, april , ] saturday april th . the wind continued to blow tolerably hard this morning but by no means as violently as it (lid yesterday; we determined to set out and accordingly departed a little before seven. i walked on shore on the n. side of the river, and capt clark proceeded with the party. the river bottoms through which i passed about seven miles were fertil and well covered with cottonwood some box alder, ash and red elm. the under brush, willow, rose bushes honeysuccle, red willow, goosbury, currant and servicebury & in the open grounds along the foot of the river hills immence quantities of the hisop. in the course of my walk i killed two deer, wounded an elk and a deer; saw the remains of some indian hunting camps, near which stood a small scaffold of about feet high on which were deposited two doog slays with their harnis. underneath this scaffold a human body was lying, well rolled in several dressed buffaloe skins and near it a bag of the same materials containg sundry articles belonging to the disceased; consisting of a pare of mockersons, some red and blue earth, beaver's nails, instruments for dressing the buffalo skin, some dryed roots, several platts of the sweet grass, and a small quantity of mandan tobacco.--i presume that the body, as well as the bag containing these articles, had formerly been placed on the scaffold as is the custom of these people, but had fallen down by accedent. near the scaffold i saw the carcase of a large dog not yet decayed, which i supposed had been killed at the time the human body was left on the scaffold; this was no doubt the reward, which the poor doog had met with for performing the ____-friendly office to his mistres of transporting her corps to the place of deposit. it is customary with the assinniboins, mandans, minetares &c who scaffold their dead, to sacrefice the favorite horses and doggs of their disceased relations, with a view of their being servicable to them in the land of sperits. i have never heard of any instances of human sacrefices on those occasions among them. the wind blew so hard that i concluded it was impossible fror the perogues and canoes to proceed and therefore returned and joined them about three in the evening. capt. clark informed me that soon after seting out, a part of the bank of the river fell in near one of the canoes and had very nearly filled her with water. that the wind became so hard and the waves so high that it was with infinite risk he had been able to get as far as his present station. the white perrogue and several of the canoes had shiped water several times but happily our stores were but little injured; those which were wet we put out to dry and determined to remain untill the next morning. we sent out four hunters who soon added elk gees and deer to our stock of provisions. the party caught six beaver today which were large and in fine order. the buffaloe, elk and deer are poor at this season, and of tours are not very palitable, however our good health and apetites make up every necessary deficiency, and we eat very heartily of them.- encamped on stard side; under a high well timbered bank. [clark, april , ] th of april satturday wind a head from the n w. we set out at oclock proceeded on, soon after we set out a bank fell in near one of the canoes which like to have filled her with water, the wind became hard and waves so rought that we proceeded with our little canoes with much risque, our situation was such after setting out that we were obliged to pass round the st point or lay exposed to the blustering winds & waves, in passing round the point several canoes took in water as also our large perogue but without injuring our stores & much i proceeded on to the upper part of the st bend and came too at a butifull glade on the s. s., about mile below capt lewis who had walked thro the point, left his coat & a deer on the bank which we took on board,-. a short distance below our camp i saw some rafts on the s. s. near which, an indian woman was scaffeled in the indian form of deposing their dead, & fallen down she was or had been raised about feet inclosed in several robes tightly laced around her, with her dog slays, her bag of different coloured earths paint small bones of animals beaver nales and several other little trinkets, also a blue jay, her dog was killed and lay near her. capt. lewis joined me soon after i landed & informed me he has walked several miles higher, & in his walk killed deer & wounded an elk & a deer, our party shot in the river four beaver & cought two, which were verry fat and much admired by the men, after we landed they killed elk gees & deer we had some of our provisions & which got a little wet aired, the wind continued so hard that we were compelled to delay all day. saw several buffalow lodged in the drift wood which had been drouned in the winter in passing the river; saw the remains of which had lodged on the side of the bank & eate by the bears. this morning was verry cold, some snow about oclock from flying clouds, some frost this morning & the mud at the edge of the water was frosed [lewis, april , ] sunday april st . set out at an early hour this morning. capt clark walked on shore; the wind tho a head was not violent. the country through which we passed is very simelar in every rispect to that through which we have passed for several days.--we saw immence herds of buffaloe elk deer & antelopes. capt clark killed a buffaloe and deer in the course of his walk today; and the party with me killed deer, beaver, and buffaloe calves. the latter we found very delicious. i think it equal to any veal i ever tasted. the elk now begin to shed their horns. passed one large and two small creeks on the lard. side, tho neither of them discharge any water at present. the wind blew so hard this evening that we were obliged to halt several hours. we reached the place of incampment after dark, which was on the lard. side a little above white earth river which discharges itself on the stard. side. immediately at the mouth of this river it is not more than yards wide being choked up by the mud of the missouri; tho after leaving the bottom lands of this river, or even sooner, it becomes a boald stream of sixty yards wide and is deep and navigable. the course of this river as far as i could see from the top of cut bluff, was due north. it passes through a beatifull level and fertile vally about five miles in width. i think i saw about miles up this river, and did not discover one tree or bush of any discription on it's borders. the vally was covered with elk and buffaloe. saw a great number of gees today as usual, also some swan and ducks. [clark, april , ] st of april sunday set out early the wind gentle & from the n. w. the river being verry crooked, i concluded to walk through the point, the countrey on either side is verry similar to that we have passed, saw an emence number of elk & buffalow, also deer antelopes geese ducks & a fiew swan, the buffalow is about calveing i killed a buffalow & deer in my walk to day, the party killed deer beaver & buffalow calves, which was verry good veele. i saw old camps of indians on the l. side, we passed large & small creeks on the l. side neither of them discharge any water into the river, in the evening the wind became verry hard a head, we made camp at a late hour which was on the l. side a little above the mouth of white earth river which falls in on the stad side and is yds. wide, several mes. up [lewis, april , ] monday april cd . set out at an early hour this morning; proceeded pretty well untill breakfat, when the wind became so hard a head that we proceeded with difficulty even with the assistance of our toe lines. the party halted and cpt. clark and myself walked to the white earth river which approaches the missouri very near at this place, being about miles above it's entrance. we found that it contained more water than streams of it's size generally do at this season. the water is much clearer than that of the missouri. the banks of the river are steep and not more than ten or twelve feet high; the bed seems to be composed of mud altogether. the salts which have been before mentioned as common on the missouri, appears in great quantities along the banks of this river, which are in many places so thickly covered with it that they appear perfectly white. perhaps it has been from this white appearance of it's banks that the river has derived it's name. this river is said to be navigable nearly to it's source, which is at no great distance from the saskashawan, and i think from it's size the direction which it seems to take, and the latitude of it's mouth, that there is very good ground to believe that it extends as far north as latitude °.--this stream passes through an open country generally.--the broken hills of the missouri about this place exhibit large irregular and broken masses of rocks and stones; some of which tho feet above the level of the water seem at some former period to have felt it's influence, fo they appear smoth as if woarn by the agetation of the water. this collection consists of white & grey gannite, a brittle black rock, flint, limestone, freestone, some small specimens of an excellent pebble and occasionally broken stratas of a stone which appears to be petrefyed wood, it is of a black colour, and makes excellent whetstones. coal or carbonated wood pumice stone lava and other mineral apearances still continue. the coal appears to be of better quality; i exposed a specimen of it to the fire and found that it birnt tolerably well, it afforded but little flame or smoke, but produced a hot and lasting fire.--i asscended to the top of the cutt bluff this morning, from whence i had a most delightfull view of the country, the whole of which except the vally formed by the missouri is void of timber or underbrush, exposing to the first glance of the spectator immence herds of buffaloe, elk, deer, & antelopes feeding in one common and boundless pasture. we saw a number of bever feeding on the bark of the trees alonge the verge of the river, several of which we shot, found them large and fat. walking on shore this evening i met with a buffaloe calf which attatched itself to me and continued to follow close at my heels untill i embarked and left it. it appeared allarmed at my dog which was probably the cause of it's so readily attatching itself to me. capt clark informed me that he saw a large drove of buffaloe pursued by wolves today, that they at length caught a calf which was unable to keep up with the herd. the cows only defend their young so long as they are able to keep up with the herd, and seldom return any distance in surch of them.- [clark, april , ] nd of april monday a verry cold morning some frost, we set out at an early hour and proceeded on verry well untill brackfast at which time the wind began to blow verry hard ahead, and continued hard all day we proceeded on with much dificuelty with the assistance of the toe ropes. capt. lewis & my self walked to the ____ river which is near the missouri four miles above its mouth, this river is yards wide and contains a greater perportion of water at this time than is common for rivers of its size it appears navagable as fur as any of the party was, and i am told to near its source in morrasses in the open plains, it passes (as far as we can see which is or leagus) thro a butifull extinsive vallie, rich & fertile and at this time covered with buffalow, elk & antelopes, which may be seen also in any other direction in this quarter--this river must take its rise at no great distance easte of the saskashawan, and no doubt as far n. as latd. ° some of the high plains or the broken revien of the river contains great quantity of pebble stones of various sizes, the stratum of coal is much richer than below, the appearances of mineral & burnt hills still continue the river riseing a little, saw an emence number of beaver feeding on the waters edge & swiming killed several, capt. lewis assended a hill from the top of which he had a most inchanting prospect of the countrey around & the meanderings of the two rivers, which is remarkable crooked--a buffalow calf which was on the shore alone followed cap lewis some distance,--i observed a large drove of buffalow prosued by wolves the wolves cought one of their calves in my view, those animals defend their young as long as they can keep up with the drove [lewis, april , ] tuesday april rd set out at an early hour this morning. about nine a.m. the wind arose, and shortly after became so violent that we were unabled to proceed, in short it was with much difficulty and some risk that i was enabled to get the canoes and perogues into a place of tolerable safety, there being no timber on either side of the river at this place. some of the canoes shiped water, and wet several parsels of their lading, which i directed to be opened and aired we remained untill five in the evening when the wind abating in some measure, we reloaded, and proceeded. shortly after we were joined by capt. clark who had walked on shore this morning, and passing through the bottom lands had fallen on the river some miles above, and concluding that the wind had detained us, came down the river in surch of us. he had killed three blacktaled, or mule deer, and a buffaloe calf, in the course of his ramble. these hard winds, being so frequently repeated, become a serious source of detention to us.--incamped on the stard. side.- [clark, april , ] rd of april a cold morning at about oclock the wind as usial rose from the n w and continued to blow verry hard untill late in the evening i walked on shore after brackfast in my walk on the s side passed through extensive bottoms of timber intersperced with glades & low open plains, i killed mule or black tail deer, which was in tolerable order, saw several others, i also killed a buffalow calf which was verry fine, i struck the river above the perogus which had come too in a bend to the l. s. to shelter from the wind which had become violently hard, i joined capt lewis in the evening & after the winds falling which was late in the evening we proceeded on & encamped on the s. s. the winds of this countrey which blow with some violence almost every day, has become a serious obstruction in our progression onward, as we cant move when the wind is high without great risque, and if there was no risque the winds is generally a head and often too violent to proceed [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th the wind blew so hard during the whole of this day, that we were unable to move. notwithstanding that we were sheltered by high timber from the effects of the wind, such was it's violence that it caused the waves to rise in such manner as to wet many articles in the small canoes before they could be unloaded. we sent out some hunters who killed deer & elk, and caught some young wolves of the small kind.--soar eyes is a common complaint among the party. i believe it origenates from the immence quantities of sand which is driven by the wind from the sandbars of the river in such clouds that you are unable to discover the opposite bank of the river in many instances. the particles of this sand are so fine and light that they are easily supported by the air, and are carried by the wind for many miles, and at a distance exhibiting every appearance of a collumn of thick smoke. so penitrating is this sand that we cannot keep any article free from it; in short we are compelled to eat, drink, and breath it very freely. my pocket watch, is out of order, she will run only a few minutes without stoping. i can discover no radical defect in her works, and must therefore attribute it to the sand, with which, she seems plentifully charged, notwithstanding her cases are double and tight. [clark, april , ] th of april wednesday the wind rose last night and continued blowing from the n. & n w. and sometimes with great violence, untill oclock p. m, several articles wet in the perogues by their takeing water &c. as the wind was a head we could not move today sent out hunters, they killed deer elk & cought some young wolves of the small kind, the party complain much of the sand in their eyes, the sand is verry fine and rises in clouds from the points and bars of the river, i may say that dureing those winds we eat drink & breeth a prepotion of sand. [lewis, april , ] thursday april th . the wind was more moderate this morning, tho still hard; we set out at an early hour. the water friezed on the oars this morning as the men rowed. about oclock a.m. the wind began to blow so violently that we were obliged to lye too. my dog had been absent during the last night, and i was fearfull we had lost him altogether, however, much to my satisfaction he joined us at oclock this morning. the wind had been so unfavorable to our progress for several days past, and seeing but little prospect of a favourable chang; knowing that the river was crooked, from the report of the hunters who were out yesterday, and beleiving that we were at no very great distance from the yellow stone river; i determined, in order as mush as possible to avoid detention, to proceed by land with a few men to the entrance of that river and make the necessary observations to determine it's position, which i hoped to effect by the time that capt. clark could arrive with the party; accordingly i set out at t ock. on the lard. side, accompanyed by four men. we proceeded about four miles, when falling in with some bufaloe i killed a yearling calf, which was in good order; we soon cooked and made a hearty meal of a part of it, and renewed our march our rout lay along the foot of the river hills. when we had proceeded about four miles, i ascended the hills from whence i had a most pleasing view of the country, perticularly of the wide and fertile values formed by the missouri and the yellowstone rivers, which occasionally unmasked by the wood on their borders disclose their meanderings for many miles in their passage through these delightfull tracts of country. i could not discover the junction of the rivers immediately, they being concealed by the woods, however, sensible that it could not be distant i determined to encamp on the bank of the yellow stone river which made it's appearance about miles south of me. the whol face of the country was covered with herds of buffaloe, elk & antelopes; deer are also abundant, but keep themselves more concealed in the woodland. the buffaloe elk and antelope are so gentle that we pass near them while feeding, without apearing to excite any alarm among them, and when we attract their attention, they frequently approach us more nearly to discover what we are, and in some instances pursue us a considerable distance apparenly with that view.--in our way to the place i had determined to encamp, we met with two large herds of buffaloe, of which we killed three cows and a calf. two of the former, wer but lean, we therefore took their tongues and a part of their marrow-bones only. i then proceeded to the place of our encampment with two of the men, taking with us the calf and marrowbones, while the other two remained, with orders to dress the cow that was in tolerable order, and hang the meat out of the reach of the wolves, a precaution indispensible to it's safe keeping, even for a night. we encamped on the bank of the yellowstone river, miles south of it's confluence with the missouri. on rejoining capt. clark, the th in the evening, he informed me, that at p.m. after i left him the wind abated in some measure and he proceeded a few miles further and encamped. [clark, april , ] th of april thursday the wind was moderate & ahead this morning, we set out at an early hour the morning cold, some flying clouds to be seen, the wind from the n. ice collected on the ores this morning, the wind increased and became so violent about oclock we were obliged to lay by our canoes haveing taken in some water, the dog which was lost yesterday, joined us this morning. finding that the winds retarded our progression for maney days past, and no apparance of an alteration, and the river being crooked that we could never have miles fair wind, capt. lewis concluded to go by land as far as the rochejhone or yellow stone river, which we expect is at no great distance by land and make some selestial observations to find the situation of its mouth, and by that measure not detain the perogues at that place any time for the purpose of makeing those necessary observations he took men & proceeded on up the missouri on the l. side, at oclock the wind luled and we proceeded on and incamped. [lewis, april , ] friday april th . this morning i dispatched joseph fields up the yellowstone river with orders to examine it as far as he could conveniently and return the same evening; two others were directed to bring in the meat we had killed last evening, while i proceeded down the river with one man in order to take a view of the confluence of this great river with the missouri, which we found to be two miles distant on a direct line n. w. from our encampment. the bottom land on the lower side of the yellowstone river near it's mouth for about one mile in width appears to be subject to inundation; while that on the opposite side of the missouri and the point formed by the junction of these rivers is of the common elivation, say from twelve to feet above the level of the water, and of course not liable to be overflown except in extreem high water, which dose not appear to be very frequent there is more timber in the neighbourhood of the junction of these rivers, and on the missouri as far below as the white earth river, than there is on any part of the missouri above the entrance of the chyenne river to this place. the timber consists principally of cottonwood, with some small elm, ash and boxalder. the under growth on the sandbars and verge of the river is the small leafed willow; the low bottoms, rose bushes which rise to three or four feet high, the redburry, servicebury, and the redwood; the high bottoms are of two discriptions either timbered or open; the first lies next to the river and it's under brush is the same with that of the low timbered bottoms with the addition of the broad leafed willow, goosbury, choke cherry, purple currant; and honeysuckle bushis; the open bottoms border on the hills, and are covered in many parts by the wild hyssop which rises to the hight of two feet. i observe that the antelope, buffaloe elk and deer feed on this herb; the willow of the sandbars also furnish a favorite winter food to these anamals as well as the growse, the porcupine, hare, and rabbit. about olock i heard the discharge of several guns at the junction of the rivers, which announced to me the arrival of the paty with capt clark; i afterwards learnt that they had fired on some buffaloe which they met with at that place, and of which they killed a cow and several calves; the latter are now fine veal. i dispatched one of the men to capt clark requesting him to send up a canoe to take down the meat we had killed and our baggage to his encampmt, which was accordingly complyed with. after i had completed my observations in the evening i walked down and joined the party at their encampment on the point of land fromed by the junction of the rivers; found them all in good health, and much pleased at having arrived at this long wished for spot, and in order to add in some measure to the general pleasure which seemed to pervade our little community, we ordered a dram to be issued to each person; this soon produced the fiddle, and they spent the evening with much hilarity, singing & dancing, and seemed as perfectly to forget their past toils, as they appeared regardless of those to come. in the evening, the man i had sent up the river this morning returned, and reported that he had ascended it about eight miles on a streight line; that he found it crooked, meandering from side to side of the valley formed by it; which is from four to five miles wide. the corrent of the river gentle, and it's bed much interrupted and broken by sandbars; at the distance of five miles he passed a large island well covered with timber, and three miles higher a large creek falls in on the s. e. sides above a high bluff in which there are several stratas of coal. the country bordering on this river as far as he could percieve, like that of the missouri, consisted of open plains. he saw several of the bighorned anamals in the couse of his walk; but they were so shy that he could not get a shoot at them; he found a large horn of one of these anamals which he brought with him. the bed of the yellowstone river is entirely composed of sand and mud, not a stone of any kind to be seen in it near it's entrance. capt clark measured these rivers just above their confluence; found the bed of the missouri yards wide, the water occupying . it's channel deep. the yellowstone river including it's sandbar, yds. of which, the water occupyed yards; the depest part feet; it was falling at this time & appeard to be nearly at it's summer tide.--the indians inform that the yellowstone river is navigable for perogues and canoes nearly to it's source in the rocky mountains, and that in it's course near these mountains it passes within less than half a day's march of a navigable part of the missouri. it's extreem sources are adjacent to those of the missouri, river platte, and i think probably with some of the south branch of the columbia river. the first part of its course lies through a mountanous rocky country tho well timbered and in many parts fertile; the middle, and much the most extensive portion of the river lies through a delightfull rich and fertile country, well covered with timber, intersperced with plains and meadows, and well watered; it is some what broken in many parts. the lower portion consists of fertile open plains and meadows almost entirely, tho it possesses a considerable proportion of timber on it's borders. the current of the upper portion is extreemly rappid, that of the middle and lower portions much more gentle than the missouri. the water of this river is turbid, tho dose not possess as much sediment as that of the missouri. this river in it's course recieves the waters of many large tributary strains principally from the s. e. of which the most considerable are the tongue and bighorn rivers the former is much the largest, and heads with the river platte and bighorn river, as dose the latter with the tongue river and the river platte.--a suficient quantity of limestone may be readily procured for building near the junction of the missouri and yellowstone rivers. i could observe no regular stratas of it, tho it lies on the sides of the river hills in large irregular masses, in considerable quantities; it is of a light colour, and appears to be of an excellent quality.- [clark, april , ] th of april friday last night was verry cold. the thermometer stood at abov this morning. i set out at an early hour, as it was cold i walked on the bank, & in my walk shot a beaver & deer, one of the deer in tolerable order, the low bottom of the river is generaly covered with wood willows & rose bushes, red berry, wild cherry & red or arrow wood intersperced with glades the timber is cottonwood principally, elm small ash also furnish a portion of the timber, the clay of the bluffs appear much whiter than below, and contain several stratums of coal, on the hill sides i observe pebbles of different size & colour--the river has been riseing for several days, & raised inches last night, at oclock arrived at the forks of the roche johne & missouri and formed a camp on the point soon after george drewyer came from capt lewis & informed me that he was a little way up the roche johne and would join me this evining, i sent a canoe up to capt lewis and proceeded measure the width of the rivers, and find the debth. the missouri is yards wide above the point of yellow stone and the water covers yards; the yellowstone river is yards wide includeing its sand bar, the water covers yards and the deepest part is feet water, it is at this time falling, the missouri rising the indians inform that the yellow stone river is navagable for perogues to near its source in the rocky mountains, it has many tributary streams, principally on the s. e. side, and heads at no great distance from the missouri, the largest rivers which fall into it is tongue river which heads with the waters of river platt, and big horn river which also heads with platt & tongue r the current of this river is said to be rapid near its mouth it is verry jentle, and its water is of a whitish colour much clearer of sediment than the missouri. the countrey on this river is said to be broken in its whole course & contains a great deel of wood, the countrey about its mouth is verry fine, the bottoms on either side is wooded with cotton wood, ash, elm &c. near the banks of the river back is higher bottoms and covered with red berry, goose berry & rose bushes &. interspersed with small open glades, and near the high land is generally open rich bottoms--at our arrival at the forks i observed a drove of buffalow cows & calves on a sand bar in the point, i directed the men to kill the fattest cow, and or calves, which they did and let the others pass, the cows are pore, calves fine veele. capt lewis joined me in the evening after takeing equal altitudes a little way up the yellowstone river the countrey in every direction is plains except the moist bottoms of the river, which are covered with some indifferent timber such as cotton wood elm & small ash, with different kind of stubs & bushes in the forks about mile from the point at which place the rivers are near each other a butifull low leavel plain commences, and extends up the missourie & back, this plain is narrow at its commencement and widens as the missouri bends north, and is bordered by an extencive wood land for many miles up the yellow stone river, this low plain is not subject to over flow, appear to be a few inches above high water mark and affords a butifull commanding situation for a fort near the commencement of the prarie, about ____ miles from the point & ____ yards from the missouri a small lake is situated, from this lake the plain rises gradually to a high butifull countrey, the low plain continues for some distance up both rivers on the yellow stone it is wide & butifull opsd. the point on the s. side is some high timbered land, about / miles below on the same side a little distance from the water is an elivated plain--several of the party was up the yellow stone r several miles, & informed that it meandered throught a butifull countrey joseph fields discovered a large creek falling into the yellowstone river on the s e side miles up near which he saw a big horn animal, he found in the prarie the horn of one of those animals which was large and appeared to have laid several years i saw maney buffalow dead on the banks of the river in different places some of them eaten by the white bears & wolves all except the skin & bones, others entire, those animals either drounded in attempting to cross on the ice dureing the winter or swiming across to bluff banks where they could not get out & too weak to return we saw several in this situation. emence numbers of antelopes in the forks of the river, buffalow & elk & deer is also plenty beaver is in every bend. i observe that the magpie goose duck & eagle all have their nests in the same neighbourhood, and it is not uncommon for the magpie to build in a few rods of the eagle, the nests of this bird is built verry strong with sticks covered verry thickly with one or more places through which they enter or escape, the goose i make no doubt falls a pray to those vicious eagles [lewis, april , ] saturday april th . previous to our seting out this morning i made the following observations. this morning i walked through the point formed by the junction of the rivers; the woodland extends about a mile, when the rivers approach each other within less than half a mile; here a beatifull level low plain commences and extends up both rivers for many miles, widening as the rivers recede from each other, and extending back half a mile to a plain about feet higher than itself; the low plain appears to be a few inches higher than high water mark and of course will not be liable to be overflown; tho where it joins the high plain a part of the missouri when at it's greatest hight, passes through a channel of or yards wide and falls into the yellowstone river. on the missouri about / miles from the entrance of the yellowstone river, and between this high and low plain, a small lake is situated about yards wide extending along the edge of the high plain parallel with the missouri about one mile. on the point of the high plain at the lower extremity of this lake i think would be the most eligible site for an establishment. between this low plain and the yellowstone river their is an extensive body of timbered land extending up the river for many miles. this site recommended is about yards distant from the missouri and about double that distance from the river yellowstone; from it the high plain, rising very gradually, extends back about three miles to the hills, and continues with the same width between these hills and the timbered land on the yellowstone river, up that stream, for seven or eight miles; and is one of the hadsomest plains i ever beheld. on the missouri side the hills sircumscribe it's width, & at the distance of three miles up that river from this site, it is not more than yards wide. capt clark thinks that the lower extremity of the low plane would be most eligible for this establishment; it is true that it is much nearer both rivers, and might answer very well, but i think it reather too low to venture a permanent establishment, particularly if built of brick or other durable materials, at any considerable expence; for so capricious, and versatile are these rivers, that it is difficult to say how long it will be, untill they direct the force of their currents against this narrow part of the low plain, which when they do, must shortly yeald to their influence; in such case a few years only would be necessary, for the annihilation of the plain, and with it the fortification.--i continued my walk on shore; at a.m. the wind became very hard from n. w. insomuch that the perogues and canoes were unable either to proceede or pass the river to me; i was under the necessity therefore of shooting a goose and cooking it for my dinner. the wind abated about . p.m. and the party proceeded tho i could not conveniently join them untill night. altho game is very abundant and gentle, we only kill as much as is necessary for food. i believe that two good hunters could conveniently supply a regiment with provisions. for several days past we have observed a great number of buffaloe lying dead on the shore, some of them entire and others partly devoured by the wolves and bear. those anamals either drownded during the winter in attempting to pass the river on the ice during the winter or by swiming acrss at present to bluff banks which they are unable to ascend, and feeling themselves too weak to return remain and perish for the want of food; in this situation we met with several little parties of them.--beaver are very abundant, the party kill several of them every day. the eagles, magpies, and gees have their nests in trees adjacent to each other; the magpye particularly appears fond of building near the eagle, as we scarcely see an eagle's nest unaccompanyed with two or three magpies nests within a short distance.--the bald eagle are more abundant here than i ever observed them in any part of the country. [clark, april , ] th of april satturday after take the azmuth of the sun & brackfasting we set out wind moderate & a head, at oclock the wind rose and continued to blow verry hard a head from the n. w. untill oclock p m, which blew the sand off the points in such clouds as almost covered us on the opposit bank, at i set out from my unpleasent situation and proceeded on, capt. lewis walked on shore in the point to examine & view the countrey and could not get to the boats untill night, saw great numbers of goats or antilopes, elk, swan gees & ducks, no buffalow to day i saw several beaver and much sign, i shot one in the head which imediately sunk, altho the game of different kinds are in abundance we kill nothing but what we can make [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . set out this morning at an early hour; the wind was favourable and we employed our sails to advantage. capt clark walked on shore this morning, and i proceeded with the party. the country through which we passed today is open as usual and very broken on both sides near the river hills, the bottoms are level fertile and partially covered with timber. the hills and bluffs exhibit their usual mineral appearances, some birnt hills but no appearance of pumicestone; coal is in great abundance and the salts still increase in quantity; the banks of the river and sandbars are incrusted with it in many places and appear perfectly white as if covered with snow or frost.--the woods are now green, tho the plains and meadows appear to abate of the verdure those below exhibited some days past. we past three small runs today. two falling in on the stard. and one on the lard. side, they are but small afford but little water and head a few miles back in the hills. we saw great quantities of game today; consisting of the common and mule deer, elk, buffaloe, and antelopes; also four brown bear, one of which was fired on and wounded by one of the party but we did not get it; the beaver have cut great quantities of timber; saw a tree nearly feet in diameter that had been felled by them. capt. clark in the course of his walk killed a deer and a goose; & saw three black bear; he thinks the bottoms are not so wide as they have been for some days past. [clark, april , ] th of april sunday a fine day river falling, wind favourable from the s. e. and moderate, i walked on shore to view the countrey, from the top of the high hills, i beheld a broken & open countrey on both sides, near the river some verry handsom low plains, i killd. a deer & a goose, saw three black bear great numbers of elk antelopes & gangues of buffalow, the hills & bluffs shew the straturs of coal, and burnt appearances in maney places, in and about them i could find no appearance of pumice stone, the wood land have a green appearance, the plains do not look so green as below, the bottoms are not so wide this afternoon as below saw four bear this evening, one of the men shot at one of them. the antilopes are nearly red, on that part which is subject to change i e the sides & / of the back from the head, the other part as white as snow, small runs fall in on the s. side and one this evening on the lard side those runs head at a fiew miles in the hills and discharge but little water, the bluffs in this part as also below shew different straturs of coal or carbonated wood, and coloured earth, such as dark brown, yellow a lightish brown, & a dark red &c. [lewis, april , ] monday april th . set out this morning at the usual hour; the wind was moderate; i walked on shore with one man. about a.m. we fell in with two brown or yellow bear; both of which we wounded; one of them made his escape, the other after my firing on him pursued me seventy or eighty yards, but fortunately had been so badly wounded that he was unable to pursue so closely as to prevent my charging my gun; we again repeated our fir and killed him. it was a male not fully grown, we estimated his weight at lbs. not having the means of ascertaining it precisely. the legs of this bear are somewhat longer than those of the black, as are it's tallons and tusks incomparably larger and longer. the testicles, which in the black bear are placed pretty well back between the thyes and contained in one pouch like those of the dog and most quadrupeds, are in the yellow or brown bear placed much further forward, and are suspended in seperate pouches from two to four inches asunder; it's colour is yellowish brown, the eyes small, black, and piercing; the front of the fore legs near the feet is usually black; the fur is finer thicker and deeper than that of the black bear. these are all the particulars in which this anamal appeared to me to differ from the black bear; it is a much more furious and formidable anamal, and will frequently pursue the hunter when wounded. it is asstonishing to see the wounds they will bear before they can be put to death. the indians may well fear this anamal equiped as they generally are with their bows and arrows or indifferent fuzees, but in the hands of skillfull riflemen they are by no means as formidable or dangerous as they have been represented. game is still very abundant we can scarcely cast our eyes in any direction without percieving deer elk buffaloe or antelopes. the quantity of wolves appear to increase in the same proportion; they generally hunt in parties of six eight or ten; they kill a great number of the antelopes at this season; the antelopes are yet meagre and the females are big with young; the wolves take them most generally in attempting to swim the river; in this manner my dog caught one drowned it and brought it on shore; they are but clumsey swimers, tho on land when in good order, they are extreemly fleet and dureable. we have frequently seen the wolves in pursuit of the antelope in the plains; they appear to decoy a single one from a flock, and then pursue it, alturnately relieving each other untill they take it. on joining capt clark he informed me that he had seen a female and faun of the bighorned anamal; that they ran for some distance with great aparent ease along the side of the river bluff where it was almost perpendicular; two of the party fired on them while in motion without effect. we took the flesh of the bear on board and proceeded. capt. clark walked on shore this evening, killed a deer, and saw several of the bighorned anamals. there is more appearance of coal today than we have yet seen, the stratas are feet thick in some instances; the earth has been birnt in many places, and always appears in stratas on the same level with the stratas of coal. we came too this evening in the mouth of a little river, which falls in on the stard. side. this stream is about yards wide from bank to bank; the water occupyes about yards. the banks are of earth only, abrupt, tho not high--the bed, is of mud principally. capt clark, who was up this streeam about three miles, informed me that it continued about the same width, that it's current was gentle and it appeared navigable for perogus it meanders through an extensive, fertile, and beautifull vally as far as could bee seen about n. °w. there was but one solitary tree to be seen on the banks of this river after it left the bottom of the missouri. the water of this river is clear, with a brownish yelow tint. here the highlands receede from the missouri, leaving the vally formed by the river from seven to eight miles wide, and reather lower then usual.- this stream my friend capt. c. named marthas river [clark, april , ] th of april monday set out this morning at the usial hour. the wind is moderate & from the n e had not proceeded far eer we saw a female & her faun of the bighorn animal on the top of a bluff lying, the noise we made allarmed them and they came down on the side of the bluff which had but little slope being nearly purpindicular, i directed two men to kill those anamals, one went on the top and the other man near the water they had two shots at the doe while in motion without effect, those animals run & skiped about with great ease on this declivity & appeared to prefur it to the leavel bottom or plain. capt lewis & one man walkd on shore and he killed a yellow bear & the man with him wounded one other, after getting the flesh of the bear on bord which was not far from the place we brackfast, we proceeded on saw gangus of buffalow and great numbers of antelopes in every direction also saw elk and several wolves, i walked on shore in the evening & killed a deer which was so meager as to be unfit for use the hills contain more coal, and has a greater appearance of being burnt that below, the burnt parts appear on a parrilel with the stratiums of coal, we came too in the mouth of a little river on the s. s. which is about or yards from bank to bank, i was up this stream miles it continues its width and glides with a gentle current, its water is about yards wide at this time, and appears to be navagable for canoes &c. it meanders through a butifull & extencive vallie as far as can be seen about n ° w. i saw only a single tree in this fertile vallie the water of the river is clear of a yellowish colour, we call this river martheys river in honor to the selebrated m. f here the high land widen from five to eight miles and much lower than below, saw several of the big horn animals this evening. the wolves distroy great numbers of the antilopes by decoying those animals singularly out in the plains and prosueing them alternetly, those antelopes are curious and will approach any thing which appears in motion near them &c. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th . set out at sunrise. the wind blew hard all last night, and continued to blow pretty hard all day, but not so much, as to compell us to ly by. the country as usual is bare of timber; the river bottoms are level and fertile and extensive, but possess but little timber and that of an indifferent quality even of it's kind; principally low cottonwood, either too small for building, or for plank or broken and dead at top and unsound in the center of the trunk. saw great quantities of game as usual. capt. clark walked on shore the greater part of the day, past some old indian lodges built of drift wood; they appear to be of antient date and not recently inhabited. i walked on shore this evening and killed a buck elk, in tolerable order; it appeared to me to be the largest i had seen, and was therefore induced to measure it; found it five feet three inches from the point of the hoof, to the top of the sholders; the leg and hoof being placed as nearly as possible in the same position they would have been had the anamal been standing. [clark, april , ] th of april tuesday the wind blew hard from the n e all last night, we set out at sunrise the wind blew hard the greater part of the day and part of the time favourable, we did not lie by to day on account of the wind i walked on shore to day our interpreter & his squar followed, in my walk the squar found & brought me a bush something like the current, which she said bore a delicious froot and that great quantites grew on the rocky mountains, this srub was in bloom has a yellow flower with a deep cup, the froot when ripe is yellow and hangs in bunches like cheries, some of those berries yet remained on the bushes. the bottoms above the mouth of the last river is extensive level & fertile and covered with indifferent timber in the points, the up land appear to rise gradually, i saw great numbers of antelopes, also scattering buffalow, elk, deer, wolves, gees, ducks & grows--i killed gees which we dined on to day capt lewis walked on shore and killed an elk this evening, and we came too & camped on the s. s the countrey on both sides have a butifull appearance. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may st . set out this morning at an early, the wind being favourable we used our sales which carried us on at a good pace untill about ock. when the wind became so high that the small canoes were unable to proceed one of them which seperated from us just befor the wind became so violent, is now lying on the opposite side of the river, being unable to rejoin us in consequence of the waves, which during those gusts run several feet high. we came too on the lard. shore in a handsome bottom well stocked with cottonwood timber; here the wind compelled us to spend the ballance of the day. we sent out some hunters who killed a buffaloe, an elk, a goat and two beaver. game is now abundant. the country appears much more pleasant and fertile than that we have passed for several days; the hills are lower, the bottoms wider, and better stocked with timber, which consists principally of cottonwood, not however of large size; the under-growth willow on the verge of the river and sandbars, rose bushes, red willow and the broad leafed willow in the bottom lands; the high country on either side of the river is one vast plain, intirely destitute of timber, but is apparently fertile, consisting of a dark rich mellow looking lome. john shields sick today with the rheumatism. shannon killed a bird of the plover kind. weight one pound. it measured from the tip of the toe, to the extremity of the beak, foot inches; from tip to tip of wings when extended f. i.; beak / inches; tale / inches; leg and toe ins.--the eye black, piercing, prominent and moderately large. the legs are hat thin, slightly imbricated and of a pale sky blue colour, being covered with feathers as far as the mustle extends down it, which is about half it's length. it has four toes on each foot, three of which, are connected by a web, the fourth is small and placed at the heel about the / of an inch up the leg. the nails are black and short, that of the middle toe is extreemly singular, consisting of two nails the one laping on or overlaying the other, the upper one somewhat the longest and sharpest. the tale contains eleven feathers of equal length, & of a bluish white colour. the boddy and underside of the wings, except the large feathers of the st & cd joints of the same, are white; as are also the feathers of the upper part of the th joint of the wing and part of those of the rd adjacent thereto, the large feathers of the st or pinion and the cd joint are black; a part of the larger feathers of the rd joint on the upper side and all the small feathers which cover the upper part of the wings are black, as are also the tuft of long feathers on each side of the body above the joining of the wing, leaving however a stripe of white betwen them on the back. the head and neck are shaped much like the grey plover, and are of a light brickdust brown; the beak is black and flat, largest where it joins the head, and from thence becoming thiner and tapering to a very sharp point, the upper chap being / of an inch the longest turns down at the point and forms a little hook. the nostrils, which commence near the head are long, narrow, connected, and parallel with the beak; the beak is much curved, the curvature being upwards in stead of downwards as is common with most birds; the substance of the beak precisely resembles whalebone at a little distance, and is quite as flexable as that substance their note resembles that of the grey plover, tho is reather louder and more varied, their habits appear also to be the same, with this difference; that it sometimes rests on the water and swims which i do not recollect having seen the plover do. this bird which i shall henceforth stile the missouri plover, generally feeds about the shallow bars of the river; to collect it's food which consists of ____, it immerces it's beak in the water and throws it's head and beak from side to side at every step it takes. [clark, may , ] may the st wednesday we set out at sun rise under a stiff breeze from the east, the morning cool & cloudy. one man j. shields sick with rhumetism--one of the men (shannon) shot a gull or pleaver, which is about the size of an indian hen, with a sharp pointed bill turning up & inches long, the head and neck of a light brown, the breast, the underfeathers of the nd and d joint of the wings, the short feathers on the upper part of the rd joint of the wings, down the back the rump & tail white. the large feathers of the st joints of the wing the upper feathers of the d joints of the wings, on the body on the joints of the wing and the bill is black.--the legs long and of a skie blue. the feet webed &c. this fowl may be properly stiled the missouri pleaver--the wind became verry hard and we put too on the l. side, as the wind continued with some degree of violence and the waves too high for the canoes we were obliged to stay all day [lewis, may , ] may st . shannon killed a bird of the plover kind the weight one pound.--eye black percing and prominent measure f. inchs from the tip of the toe to the extremity of the beak from tip to tip of wing when extended length of beak / length of tale / length of leg and toe the legs are flat, of pale skye blue colour and but slightly imbricated. the second joint, as low as the mustle extends is covered with feathers which is about half it's length. it has three toes on a foot connected by a web. there is also a small toe on each foot placed about the eighth of an inch up the leg behind. the nails are black and short and those of the middle toes ar singular-there being two nails on each the one above the other the upper one the longest and sharpest.- the tale contains eleven feathers of the same length of a bluish white colour. the body and under side of the wings except the large feathers of the & cd joints of the wings are white, as are also the feathers of the upper part of the th joint of the wing. and some of those of the rd adjoining.--the large feathers of the pinion or first (joint) & the second joint are black; a part of the larger feathers of the third joint on the upper side and all the smaller feathers which cover the upper part of these joints ar black; as are also the tuft of long feathers on each side of the body above the joining of the wing, leaving however a stripe of white between them on the back. the head and neck are shaped much like the grey plover, and is a light brickdust brown. the beak is black and flat, largest where it joins the head and from thence tapering every way gradually to a very sharp point the upper beak being / of an inch the longest turning down at the point. the nostrils are parrallal with the beak and are long narrow and connected. the beak is curvated and invirted; the curvature being upwards in stead of downwards as those of most birds are--the substance of the beak is as flexable as whalebone and at a little distance precisely resembles that substance. their note is like that of the common whistling or grey plover tho reather louder, and more varied, and their habits are the same with that bird so far as i have been enabled to learn, with this difference however that this bird sometimes lights in the water and swims.--it generally feads about the shallow bars of the river; to collect it's food, it immerces it's beak in the water, and thows it's head and beak from side to side at every step it takes. [lewis, may , ] thursday may ed the wind continued violent all night nor did it abate much of it's violence this morning, when at daylight it was attended with snow which continued to fall untill about a.m. being about one inch deep, it formed a singular contrast with the vegitation which was considerably advanced. some flowers had put forth in the plains, and the leaves of the cottonwood were as large as a dollar. sent out some hunters who killed deer elk and several buffaloe; on our way this evening we also shot three beaver along the shore; these anamals in consequence of not being hunted are extreemly gentle, where they are hunted they never leave their lodges in the day, the flesh of the beaver is esteemed a delecacy among us; i think the tale a most delicious morsal, when boiled it resembles in flavor the fresh tongues and sounds of the codfish, and is usually sufficiently large to afford a plentifull meal for two men. joseph fields one of the hunters who was out today found several yards of scarlet cloth which had been suspended on the bough of a tree near an old indian hunting camp, where it had been left as a sacrefice to the deity by the indians, probably of the assinniboin nation, it being a custom with them as well as all the nations inhabiting the waters of the missouri so far as they are known to us, to offer or sacrefice in this manner to the deity watever they may be possessed off which they think most acceptable to him, and very honestly making their own feelings the test of those of the deity offer him the article which they most prize themselves. this being the most usual method of weshiping the great sperit as they term the deity, is practiced on interesting occasions, or to produce the happy eventuation of the important occurrances incident to human nature, such as relief from hungar or mallady, protection from their enemies or the delivering them into their hands, and with such as cultivate, to prevent the river's overflowing and distroying their crops &c. screfices of a similar kind are also made to the deceased by their friends and relatives. the are was very piercing this evening the water friezed on the oars as they rowed. the wind dying at p.m. we set out. every thing which is incomprehensible to the indians they call big medicine, and is the opperation of the presnts and power of the great sperit. this morning one of the men shot the indian dog that had followed us for several days, he would steal their cooked provision. [clark, may , ] may nd thursday the wind blew verry hard all the last night, this morning about sunrise began to snow, (the thermomtr. at abov o) and continued untill about oclock, at which time it seased, the wind continued hard untill about p.m. the snow which fell to day was about in deep, a verry extroadernaley climate, to behold the trees green & flowers spred on the plain, & snow an inch deep. we set out about oclock and proceeded on about five / miles and encamped on the std side, the evening verry cold, ice freesing to the ores, i shot a large beaver & drewyer three in walking on the bank, the flesh of those animals the party is fond of eating &c. [lewis, may , ] friday may rd . the morning being very could we did not set out as early as usual; ice formed on a kettle of water / of an inch thick. the snow has melted generally in the bottoms, but the hills still remain covered. on the lard side at the distance of miles we passed a curious collection of bushes which had been tyed up in the form of a faciene and standing on end in the open bottom it appeared to be about feet high and ten or twelve feet in diameter, this we supposed to have been placed there by the indians, as a sacrefice for some purpose. the wind continued to blow hard from the west but not so strong as to compel us to ly by. capt. clark walked on shore and killed an elk which he caused to be butched by the time i arrived with the party, here we halted and dined being about ock. our usual time of halting for that purpose. after dinner capt. clark pursued his walk, while i continued with the party, it being a rule which we had established, never to be absent at the same time from the party. the plains or high lands are much less elivated than they were, not being more than from to feet above the river bottom, which is also wider than usual being from to ms. in width; traces of the ancient beds of the river are visible in many places through the whole extent of this valley. since the hills have become lower the appearance of the stratas of coal burnt hills and pumice stone have in a great measure ceased; i saw none today. we saw vast quantities of buffaloe, elk, deer principally of the long tale kind, antelope or goats, beaver, geese, ducks, brant and some swan. near the entrance of the river mentioned in the th course of this day, we saw an unusual number of porcupines from which we determined to call the river after that anamal, and accordingly denominated it porcupine river. this stream discharges itself into the missouri on the stard. side miles above the mouth of the latter, it is a beatifull bold runing stream, yards wide at it's entrance; the water is transparent, it being the first of this discription that i have yet seen discharge itself into the missouri; before it enters a large sand bar through which it discharges itself into the missouri it's banks and bottom are formed of a stiff blue and black clay; it appears to be navigable for canoes and perogues at this time and i have no doubt but it might be navigated with boats of a considerable size in high water. it's banks appear to be from to ten feet high and seldom overflow; from the quantity of water furnished by this river, the appearance of the country, the direction it pursues, and the situation of it's entrance, i have but little doubt but it takes it's source not far from the main body of the suskashawan river, and that it is probably navigable miles; perhaps not very distant from that river. should this be the case, it would afford a very favorable communication to the athebaskay country, from whence the british n. w. company derive so large a portion of their valuable furs.--capt. clark who ascended this river several miles and passed it above where it entered the hills informed me on his return that he found the general width of the bed of the river about one hundred yards, where he passed the river the bed was yards wide, the water was knee deep and yard in width; the river which he could observe from the rising grounds for about miles, bore a little to the east of north. there was a considerable portion of timber in the bottom lands of this river. capt clark also met with limestone on the surface of the earth in the course of his walk. he also saw a range of low mountains at a distance to the w of n , their direction being n. w. the country in the neighborhood of this river, and as far as the eye can reach, is level, fertile, open and beatifull beyond discription. / of a mile above the entrance of this river a large creek falls in which we called mile creek. i sent rubin fields to examine it, he reported it to be a bold runing stream, it's bed yards wide. we proceeded about miles abov this creek and encamped on the stard. shore. i walked out a little distance and met with porcupines which were feeding on the young willow which grow in great abundance on all the sandbars; this anamal is exceedingly clumsy and not very watchfull i approached so near one of them before it percieved me that i touched it with my espontoon.--found the nest of a wild goose among some driftwood in the river from which we took three eggs. this is the only nest we have met with on driftwood, the usual position is the top of a broken tree, sometimes in the forks of a large tree but almost invariably, from to feet or upwards high.- [clark, may , ] may rd friday we set out reather later this morning than usial owing to weather being verry cold, a frost last night and the thermt. stood this morning at above which is degrees blow freeseing--the ice that was on the kittle left near the fire last night was / of an inch thick. the snow is all or nearly all off the low bottoms, the hills are entireley covered. three of our party found in the back of a bottom pieces of scarlet one brace in each, which had been left as a sacrifice near one of their swet houses, on the l. s. we passed to day a curious collection of bushes tied up in the shape of fascene about feet diamuter, which must have been left also by the natives as an offering to their medison which they convinced protected or gave them relief near the place, the wind continued to blow hard from the west, altho not sufficently so to detain us, i walked on shore and killed an elk & had him bucchured by the time the perogus came up which was the usial time of dineing. the high lands are low and from to miles apart and there is evident marks of the bead of the river having been changed frequently but little appearance of the coal & burnt hills to day- great numbers of buffalow, elk, deer, antilope, beaver, porcupins, & water fowls seen to day, such as, geese, ducks of dift. kinds, & a fiew swan--i continued my walk on shore after dinner, and arrived at the mouth of a river on the st. side, which appeared to be large, and i concluded to go up this river a few miles to examine it accordingly i set out north mile thro wood or timbered bottom, miles through a butifull leavel plain, and mile over a high plain about feet higher than the bottom & came to the little river, which i found to be a butifull clear stream of about yds. from bank to bank, (i waded this river at the narrowest part and made it steps from bank to bank and at this place which was a kind of fording place the water was near knee deep, and steps wide, the bottom of a hard stiff black clay,) i observed a great perportion of timber in the bottoms of this river as far as i could see which was to the east of n. or miles, it appears to be navigable at this time for canoes, and from appearances must be navagable a long distance for perogus & boats in high water. this river we call porcupine from the great number of those anamals found about it's mouth.--a short distance above about / mile and on the lard side a large creek falls in, which r. fields went to examine & reports that it is a bold running stream, yds wide as this creek is miles up the missouri we call it the mile creek, we proceeded on miles & camped on the s. s. here i joined capt lewis who had in my absens walkd. on the upper side of porcupine river for some distance--this river from its size & quantity of water must head at no great distance from the saskashawan on this river i saw emence herds elk & buffalow & many deer & porcupine. i also saw the top of a mountain which did not appear verry high to the west of n. & bore n w. i saw on the high land limestone & pebble--the countrey about the mouth of this river and as far as the eye can reach is butifull open countrey. the greater part of the snow is melted. [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . we were detained this morning untill about ock. in order to repare the rudder irons of the red perogue which were broken last evening in landing; we then set out, the wind hard against us. i walked on shore this morning, the weather was more plesant, the snow has disappeared; the frost seems to have effected the vegetation much less than could have been expected the leaves of the cottonwood the grass the box alder willow and the yellow flowering pea seem to be scarcely touched; the rosebushes and honeysuckle seem to have sustaned the most considerable injury. the country on both sides of the missouri continues to be open level fertile and beautifull as far as the eye can reach which from some of the eminences is not short of miles. the river bottoms are very extensive and contain a much greater proportion of timber than usual; the fore part of this day the river was bordered with timber on both sides, a circumstance which is extreemly rare and the first which has occurred of any thing like the same extent since we left the mandans, in the after part of the day we passed an extensive beautifull plain on the stard. side which gradually ascended from the river. i saw immence quantities of buffaloe in every direction, also some elk deer and goats; having an abundance of meat on hand i passed them without firing on them; they are extreemly gentle the bull buffaloe particularly will scarcely give way to you. i passed several in the open plain within fifty paces, they viewed me for a moment as something novel and then very unconcernedly continued to feed. capt. clark walked on shore this evening and did not rejoin us untill after dark, he struck the river several miles above our camp and came down to us. we saw many beaver some which the party shot, we also killed two deer today. much sign of the brown bear. passed several old indian hunting camps in the course of the day one of them contained two large lodges which were fortifyed with old driftwood and fallen timber; this fortification consisted of a circular fence of timber lade horizontally laping on and over laying each other to the hight of feet. these pounds are sometimes built from to feet in diameter and covered over with the trunks and limbs of old timber. the usual construction of the lodges we have lately passed is as follows. three or more strong sticks the thickness of a man's leg or arm and about feet long are attatched together at one end by a with of small willows, these are then set on end and spread at the base, forming a circle of ten twelve or feet in diameter; sticks of driftwood and fallen timber of convenient size are now placed with one end on the ground and the other resting against those which are secured together at top by the with and which support and give the form to the whole, thus the sticks are laid on untill they make it as thick as they design, usually about three ranges, each piece breaking or filling up the interstice of the two beneath it, the whole forming a connic figure about feet high with a small apperture in one side which answers as a door. leaves bark and straw are sometimes thrown over the work to make it more complete, but at best it affords a very imperfect shelter particularly without straw which is the state in which we have most usually found them. at noon the sun was so much obscured that i could not obtain his maridian altitude which i much wished in order to fix the latitude of the entrance of porcupine river. joseph fields was very sick today with the disentary had a high fever i gave him a doze of glauber salts, which operated very well, in the evening his fever abated and i gave him drops of laudnum.- [clark, may , ] may th satturday the rudder irons of our large perogue broke off last night, the replaceing of which detained us this morning untill oclock at which time we set out the wind a head from the west, the countrey on each side of the missouri is a rich high and butifull the bottoms are extencive with a great deal of timber on them all the fore part of this day the wood land bordered the river on both sides, in the after part a butifull assending plain on the std side we camped on the std. side a little above we passed a small creek on the l. side near which i saw where an indian lodge had been fortified many year past. saw great numbers of anamals of different kinds on the banks, i saw the black martin to day-in the evening i walkd. on shore on the std side & struck the river several miles above our camp & did not get to camp untill some time after night--we have one man sick, the river has been falling for several days passed; it now begins to rise a little; the rate of rise & fall is from one to inches in hours. [lewis, may , ] sunday may th a fine morning i walked on shore untill a m when we halted for breakfast and in the course of my walk killed a deer which i carried about a mile and a half to the river, it was in good order. soon after seting out the rudder irons of the white perogue were broken by her runing fowl on a sawyer, she was however refitted in a few minutes with some tugs of raw hide and nales. as usual saw a great quantity of game today; buffaloe elk and goats or antelopes feeding in every direction; we kill whatever we wish, the buffaloe furnish us with fine veal and fat beef, we also have venison and beaver tales when we wish them; the flesh of the elk and goat are less esteemed, and certainly are inferior. we have not been able to take any fish for some time past. the country is as yesterday beatifull in the extreme. saw the carcases of many buffaloe lying dead along the shore partially devoured by the wolves and bear. saw a great number of white brant also the common brown brant, geese of the common kind and a small species of geese which differ considerably from the common canadian goose; their neck head and beak are considerably thicker shorter and larger than the other in proportion to it's size, they are also more than a third smaller, and their note more like that of the brant or a young goose which has not perfectly acquired his notes, in all other rispects they are the same in colour habits and the number of feathers in the tale, they frequently also ascociate with the large geese when in flocks, but never saw them pared off with the large or common goose. the white brant ascociate in very large flocks, they do not appear to be mated or pared off as if they intended to raise their young in this quarter, i therefore doubt whether they reside here during the summer for that purpose. this bird is about the size of the common brown brant or two thirds of the common goose, it is not so long by six inches from point to point of the wings when extended as the other; the beak head and neck are also larger and stronger; their beak legs and feet are of a redish or fleshcoloured white. the eye is of moderate size, the puple of a deep sea green incircled with a ring of yellowish brown. it has sixteen feathers of equal length in the tale; their note differs but little from the common brant, their flesh much the same, and in my opinion preferable to the goose, the flesh is dark. they are entirely of a beatifull pure white except the large feathers of the st and second joints of the wings which are jut black. form and habits are the same with the other brant; they sometimes ascociate and form one common flock. capt clark found a den of young wolves in the course of his walk today and also saw a great number of those anamals; they are very abundant in this quarter, and are of two species the small woolf or burrowing dog of the praries are the inhabitants almost invariably of the open plains; they usually ascociate in bands of ten or twelve sometimes more and burrow near some pass or place much frequented by game; not being able alone to take a deer or goat they are rarely ever found alone but hunt in bands; they frequently watch and seize their prey near their burrows; in these burrows they raise their young and to them they also resort when pursued; when a person approaches them they frequently bark, their note being precisely that of the small dog. they are of an intermediate size between that of the fox and dog, very active fleet and delicately formed; the ears large erect and pointed the head long and pointed more like that of the fox; tale long; the hair and fur also resembles the fox tho is much coarser and inferior. they are of a pale redish brown colour. the eye of a deep sea green colour small and piercing. their tallons are reather longer than those of the ordinary wolf or that common to the atlantic states, none of which are to be found in this quarter, nor i believe above the river plat.--the large woolf found here is not as large as those of the atlantic states. they are lower and thicker made shorter leged. their colour which is not effected by the seasons, is a grey or blackish brown and every intermediate shade from that to a creen coloured white; these wolves resort the woodlands and are also found in the plains, but never take refuge in the ground or burrow so far as i have been able to inform myself. we scarcely see a gang of buffaloe without observing a parsel of those faithfull shepherds on their skirts in readiness to take care of the mamed & wounded. the large wolf never barks, but howls as those of the atlantic states do. capt. clark and drewyer killed the largest brown bear this evening which we have yet seen. it was a most tremendious looking anamal, and extreemly hard to kill notwithstanding he had five balls through his lungs and five others in various parts he swam more than half the distance acoss the river to a sandbar & it was at least twenty minutes before he died; he did not attempt to attact, but fled and made the most tremendous roaring from the moment he was shot. we had no means of weighing this monster; capt. clark thought he would weigh lbs. for my own part i think the estimate too small by lbs. he measured feet / inches from the nose to the extremety of the hind feet, f. to / inch arround the breast, f. i. arround the middle of the arm, & f. i. arround the neck; his tallons which were five in number on each foot were / inches in length. he was in good order, we therefore divided him among the party and made them boil the oil and put it in a cask for future uce; the oil is as hard as hogs lard when cool, much more so than that of the black bear. this bear differs from the common black bear in several respects; it's tallons are much longer and more blont, it's tale shorter, it's hair which is of a redish or bey brown, is longer thicker and finer than that of the black bear; his liver lungs and heart are much larger even in proportion with his size; the heart particularly was as large as that of a large ox. his maw was also ten times the size of black bear, and was filled with flesh and fish. his testicles were pendant from the belly and placed four inches assunder in seperate bags or pouches.--this animal also feeds on roots and almost every species of wild fruit. the party killed two elk and a buffaloe today, and my dog caught a goat, which he overtook by superior fleetness, the goat it must be understood was with young and extreemly poor. a great number of these goats are devowered by the wolves and bear at this season when they are poor and passing the river from s. w. to n. e. they are very inactive and easily taken in the water, a man can out swim them with great ease; the indians take them in great numbers in the river at this season and in autumn when they repass to the s. w. [clark, may , ] th of may sunday we set out verry early and had not proceeded far before the rudder irons of one of the perogus broke which detained us a short time capt lewis walked on shore this morning and killed a deer, after brackfast i walked on shore saw great numbers of buffalow & elk saw also a den of young wolves, and a number of (frown wolves in every direction, the white & grey brant is in this part of the missouri i shot at the white brant but at so great a distance i did not kill, the countrey on both sides is as yesterday, handsom & fertile--the river rising & current strong & in the evening we saw a brown or grisley beare on a sand beech, i went out with one man geo. drewyer & killed the bear, which was verry large and a turrible looking animal, which we found verry hard to kill we shot ten balls into him before we killed him, & of those balls through his lights this animal is the largest of the carnivorous kind i ever saw we had nothing that could way him, i think his weight may be stated at pounds, he measured feet / in. from his nose to the extremity of the toe, feet / in. arround the breast, feet ins. around the middle of the arm, feet ins. arround the neck his tallents was inches & / long, he was good order, and appeared verry different from the common black bear in as much as his tallents were blunt, his tail short, his liver & lights much larger, his maw ten times as large and contained meat or flesh & fish only--we had him skined and divided, the oile tried up & put in kegs for use. we camped on the stard side, our men killed three elk and a buffalow to day, and our dog cought an antilope a fair race, this animal appeared verry pore & with young. [lewis, may , ] monday may th . the morning being fair and pleasant and wind favourable we set sale at an early hour, and proceeded on very well the greater part of the day; the country still continues level fertile and beautifull, the bottoms wide and well timbered comparitively speaking with other parts of the river; no appearance of birnt hills pumice stone or coal, the salts of tartar or vegitable salts continues to appear on the river banks, sand bars and in many parts of the plains most generally in the little revines at the base of the low hills. passed three streames today which discharged themselves on the lard. side; the first of these we call little dry creek it contained some water in standing pools but discharged none, the ed yards wide no water, we called it big dry creek, the rd is bed of a conspicuous river yards wide which we called little dry river; the banks of these streams are low and bottoms wide with but little timber, their beds are almost entirely formed of a fine brown sand intermixed with a small proportion of little pebbles, which were either transparent, white, green, red, yellow or brown. these streams appeared to continue their width without diminution as far as we could perceive them, which with rispect to the river was many miles, they had recenly discharged their waters. from the appearance of these streams, and the country through which they passed, we concluded that they had their souces in level low dry plains, which probably is the character of the country for a great distance west of this, or to the vicinity of the black hills, that the country being low on the same level nearly and in the same parallel of latitude, that the rains in the spring of the year suddonly melts the snow at the same time and causes for a few days a vast quantity of water which finds it's way to the missouri through those channels; by reference to the diary of the weather &c it will be percieved that there is scarcely any rain during the summer autumn and winter in this open country distant from the mountains. fields still continues unwell. saw a brown bear swim the river above us, he disappeared before we can get in reach of him; i find that the curiossity of our party is pretty well satisfyed with rispect to this anamal, the formidable appearance of the male bear killed on the th added to the difficulty with which they die when even shot through the vital parts, has staggered the resolution several of them, others however seem keen for action with the bear; i expect these gentlemen will give us some amusement shotly as they soon begin now to coppolate. saw a great quantity of game of every species common here. capt clark walked on shore and killed two elk, they were not in very good order, we therefore took a part of the meat only; it is now only amusement for capt. c. and myself to kill as much meat as the party can consum; i hope it may continue thus through our whole rout, but this i do not much expect. two beaver were taken in traps this morning and one since shot by one of the party. saw numbers of these anamals peeping at us as we passed out of their wholes which they form of a cilindric shape, by burrowing in the face of the abbrupt banks of the river. [clark, may , ] may th monday a fine morning wind from the n. e. we set out early and proceeded on verry well under sail the greater part of the day, passed two creeks & a river to day on the lard. side, neither of them discharged any water into the missouri, they were wide and continued their width for some distance, the little water of those creeks & the little river must wash the low country, i believe those streams to be the conveyance of the water of the heavy rains & melting snows in the countrey back &c. &c. i walked on shore and killed two elk neither of which was fat, we saved the best of the meat, one beaver shot to day. the countrey on both sides butifull no appearances of either coal or pumice stone & burnt hills, the salts of tarter or white aprs. of salts are yet to be seen. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . a fine morning, set out at an early hour; the drift wood begins to come down in consequence of the river's rising; the water is somewhat clearer than usual, a circumstance i did not expect on it's rise. at a.m. the wind became so hard that we were compelled to ly by for several hours, one of the small canoes by the bad management of the steersman filled with water and had very nearly sunk; we unloaded her and dryed the baggage; at one we proceed on the wind having in some measure abated. the country we passed today on the north side of the river is one of the most beautifull plains we have yet seen, it rises gradually from the river bottom to the hight of or feet, then becoming level as a bowling green. extends back as far as the eye can reach; on the s. side the river hills are more broken and much higher tho some little destance back the country becomes level and fertile. no appearance of birnt hills coal or pumicestone, that of salts still continue. vegitation appears to have advanced very little since the th ulto.--we continue to see a great number of bald eagles, i presume they must feed on the carcases of dead anamals, for i see no fishing hawks to supply them with their favorite food. the water of the river is so terbid that no bird wich feeds exclusively on fish can subsist on it; from it's mouth to this place i have neither seen the blue crested fisher nor a fishing hawk. this day we killed buffaloe elk & beaver; two of the buffaloe killed by capt clark near our encampment of this evening wer in good order dressed them and saved the meat, the elk i killed this morning, thought it fat, but on examineation found it so lean that we took the tongue marrowbones and skin only. [clark, may , ] may th tuesday, a fine morning river rose / inches last night, the drift wood beginning to run the water something clearer than usial, the wind became verry hard, and at oclock one canoe by bad stearing filled with water, which detained us about hours, had a meridian altitude, the laid. from which is ° ' " / the countrey on the north side of the missouri is one of the handsomest plains we have yet seen on the river the plain rises from the river bottom gradually. the hills on the south side is high & uneavin. no appearance of coal or burnt hills, that of salts still appear; vegitation appears to be slow, i walked on the bank to day and shot beaver, in the evening killed two buffalow in tolerable order which we saved and camped on the lard side. beaver, buffalow & an elk killed to day [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th . set out at an early hour under a gentle brieze from the east. a black cloud which suddonly sprung up at s. e. soon over shaddowed the horizon; at a.m. it gave us a slight sprinke of rain, the wind became much stronger but not so much so as to detain us. we nooned it just above the entrance of a large river which disimbogues on the lard. side; i took the advantage of this leasure moment and examined the river about miles; i found it generally yards wide, and in some places . it is deep, gentle in it's courant and affords a large boddy of water; it's banks which are formed of a dark rich loam and blue clay are abbrupt and about feet high. it's bed is principally mud. i have no doubt but it is navigable for boats perogues and canoes, for the latter probably a great distance. the bottoms of this stream ar wide, level, fertile and possess a considerable proportion of timber, principally cottonwood. from the quantity of water furnised by this river it must water a large extent of country; perhaps this river also might furnish a practicable and advantageous communication with the saskashiwan river; it is sufficiently large to justify a belief that it might reach to that river if it's direction be such. the water of this river possesses a peculiar whiteness, being about the colour of a cup of tea with the admixture of a tablespoonful) of milk. from the colour of it's water we called it milk river. (we think it possible that this may be the river called by the minitares the river which scoalds at all others or ____) capt clark who walked this morning on the lard. shore ascended a very high point opposite to the mouth of this river; he informed me that he had a perfect view of this river and the country through which it passed for a great distance (probably or miles,) that the country was level and beautifull on both sides of the river, with large herds of buffaloe distributed throughout that the river from it's mouth boar n. w. for or miles when it forked, the one taking a direction nearly north, and the other to the west of n. west. from the appearance of the vallies and the timber on each of these streams capt. c. supposed that they were about the same size. great appearance of beaver on this river, and i have no doubt but what they continue abundant, there being plenty of cottonwood and willow, the timber on which they subsist. the country on the lard. side of the river is generally high broken hills, with much broken, grey black and brown grannite scattered on the surface of the earth in a confused manner. the wild licquorice is found on the sides of these hills, in great abundance. at a little distance from the river there is no timber to be seen on either side; the bottom lands are not more than one fifth covered with timber; the timber as below is confined to the borders of the river. in future it will be understood that there is no timber of any discription on the upland unless particularly mentioned; and also that one fifth of the bottom lands being covered with timber is considered a large proportion. the white apple is found in great abundance in this neighbourhood; it is confined to the highlands principally. the whiteapple, so called by the french engages, is a plant which rises to the hight of or inchs. rarely exceeding a foot; it puts forth from one to four and sometimes more stalks from the same root, but is most generally found with one only, which is branched but not defusely, is cylindric and villose; the leafstalks, cylindric, villose and very long compared with the hight of the plant, tho gradually diminish in length as they ascend, and are irregular in point of position; the leaf, digitate, from three to five in number, oval inch long, absolutely entire and cottony; the whole plant of a pale green, except the under disk of the leaf which is of a white colour from the cottony substance with which it is covered. the radix a tuberous bulb; generally ova formed, sometimes longer and more rarely partially divided or brancing; always attended with one or more radicles at it's lower extremity which sink from to inches deep. the bulb covered with a rough black, tough, thin rind which easily seperates from the bulb which is a fine white substance, somewhat porus, spungy and moist, and reather tough before it is dressed; the center of the bulb is penitrated with a small tough string or ligament, which passing from the bottom of the stem terminates in the extremity of the radicle, which last is also covered by a prolongation of the rind which invellopes the bulb. the bulb is usually found at the debth of inches and frequently much deeper. this root forms a considerable article of food with the indians of the missouri, who for this purpose prepare them in several ways. they are esteemed good at all seasons of the year, but are best from the middle of july to the latter end of autumn when they are sought and gathered by the provident part of the natives for their winter store. when collected they are striped of their rhind and strung on small throngs or chords and exposed to the sun or placed in the smoke of their fires to dry; when well dryed they will keep for several years, provided they are not permitted to become moist or damp; in this situation they usually pound them between two stones placed on a piece of parchment, untill they reduce it to a fine powder thus prepared they thicken their soope with it; sometimes they also boil these dryed roots with their meat without breaking them; when green they are generally boiled with their meat, sometimes mashing them or otherwise as they think proper. they also prepare an agreeable dish with them by boiling and mashing them and adding the marrow grease of the buffaloe and some buries, until the whole be of the consistency of a haisty pudding. they also eat this root roasted and frequently make hearty meals of it raw without sustaining any inconvenience or injury therefrom. the white or brown bear feed very much on this root, which their tallons assist them to procure very readily. the white apple appears to me to be a tastless insippid food of itself tho i have no doubt but it is a very healthy and moderately nutricious food. i have no doubt but our epicures would admire this root very much, it would serve them in their ragouts and gravies in stead of the truffles morella. we saw a great number buffaloe, elk, common and black taled deer, goats beaver and wolves. capt c. killed a beaver and a wolf, the party killed beaver and a deer. we can send out at any time and obtain whatever species of meat the country affords in as large quantity as we wish. we saw where an indian had recently grained, or taken the hair off of a goatskin; we do not wish to see those gentlemen just now as we presume they would most probably be the assinniboins and might be troublesome to us. capt c. could not be certain but thought he saw the smoke and some indian lodges at a considrable distance up milk river. [clark, may , ] may the th wednesday a verry black cloud to the s w. we set out under a gentle breeze from the n. e. about oclock began to rain, but not sufficient to wet, we passed the mouth of a large river on the starboard side yards wide and appears to be navagable. the countrey thro which it passes as far as could be seen from the top of a verry high hill on which i was, a butifull leavil plain this river forks about n w from its mouth or miles one fork runs from the north & the other to the west of n w. the water of this river will justify a belief that it has its sourse at a considerable distance, and waters a great extent of countrey--we are willing to believe that this is the river the minitarres call the river which scolds at all others the countrey on the lard. side is high & broken with much stone scattered on the hills, in walking on shore with the interpreter & his wife, the squar geathered on the sides of the hills wild lickerish, & the white apple as called by the angegies and gave me to eat, the indians of the missouri make great use of the white apple dressed in different ways--saw great numbers of buffalow, elk, antelope & deer, also black tale deer beaver & wolves, i killed a beaver which i found on the bank, & a wolf. the party killed beaver deer i saw where an indian had taken the hair off a goat skin a fiew days past--camped early on the lard. side. the river we passed today we call milk river from the peculiar whiteness of it's water, which precisely resembles tea with a considerable mixture of milk. [lewis, may , ] thursday may th . set out at an early hour; the wind being favourable we used our sails and proceeded very well; the country in appearance is much as yester, with this difference that the land appears more fertile particularly of the lard. hills which are not so stoney and less broken; the timber has also in some measure declined in quantity. today we passed the bed of the most extraordinary river that i ever beheld. it is as wide as the missouri is at this place or / a mile wide and not containing a single drop of runing water; some small standing pools being all the water that could be per-ceived. it falls in on the lard. side. i walked up this river about three miles and ascended an eminence from which i could perceive it many miles; it's course about south for or miles, when it viered around to the e of s. e. as far as i could see. the valley of this river is wide and possesses but a scanty proportion of timber; the hills which border it are not very high nor is the country very broken; it is what may properly be designated a wavy or roling country intersperced with some handsom level plains. the bank are low and abbrupt, seldom more than or eight feet above the level of the bed, yet show but little appearance of being overflown; they are of black or yellow clay or a rich sandy loam. the bed is entirely composed of a light brown sand the particles of which as well as that of the missoury are remarkably fine. this river i presume must extend back as far as the black hills and probably is the channel through which a great extent of plain country discharge their superfluous waters in the spring season. it had the appearance of having recently discharged it's waters; and from the watermark, it did not appear that it had been more than feet deep at it's greatest hight. this stream (if such it can properly be termed) we called big dry river. about a mile below this river on the same side a large creek falls in also dry at present. the mineral salts and quarts appear in large quantities in this neighbourhood. the sand of the missouri from it's mouth to this place has always possessed a mixture of granulated talk or i now think most probably that it is this quarts. capt c. killed bucks and buffaloe, i also killed one buffaloe which proved to be the best meat, it was in tolerable order; we saved the best of the meat, and from the cow i killed we saved the necessary materials for making what our wrighthand cook charbono calls the boudin blanc, and immediately set him about preparing them for supper; this white pudding we all esteem one of the greatest delacies of the forrest, it may not be amiss therefore to give it a place. about feet of the lower extremity of the large gut of the buffaloe is the first mosel that the cook makes love to, this he holds fast at one end with the right hand, while with the forefinger and thumb of the left he gently compresses it, and discharges what he says is not good to eat, but of which in the squel we get a moderate portion; the mustle lying underneath the shoulder blade next to the back, and fillets are next saught, these are needed up very fine with a good portion of kidney suit; to this composition is then added a just proportion of pepper and salt and a small quantity of flour; thus far advanced, our skilfull opporater c-o seizes his recepticle, which has never once touched the water, for that would intirely distroy the regular order of the whole procedure; you will not forget that the side you now see is that covered with a good coat of fat provided the anamal be in good order; the operator sceizes the recepticle i say, and tying it fast at one end turns it inwards and begins now with repeated evolutions of the hand and arm, and a brisk motion of the finger and thumb to put in what he says is bon pour manger; thus by stuffing and compressing he soon distends the recepticle to the utmost limmits of it's power of expansion, and in the course of it's longtudinal progress it drives from the other end of the recepticle a much larger portion of the ____ than was prevously discharged by the finger and thumb of the left hand in a former part of the operation; thus when the sides of the recepticle are skilfully exchanged the outer for the iner, and all is compleatly filled with something good to eat, it is tyed at the other end, but not any cut off, for that would make the pattern too scant; it is then baptised in the missouri with two dips and a flirt, and bobbed into the kettle; from whence after it be well boiled it is taken and fryed with bears oil untill it becomes brown, when it is ready to esswage the pangs of a keen appetite or such as travelers in the wilderness are seldom at a loss for. we saw a great quantity of game today particularly of elk and buffaloe, the latter are now so gentle that the men frequently throw sticks and stones at them in order to drive them out of the way. we also saw this evening emence quantities of timber cut by the beaver which appeared to have been done the preceeding year, in place particularly they had cut all the timber down for three acres in front and on nearly one back from the river and had removed a considerable proportion of it, the timber grew very thick and some of it was as large as a man's body. the river for several days has been as wide as it is generally near it's mouth, tho it is much shallower or i should begin to dispair of ever reaching it's source; it has been crouded today with many sandbars; the water also appears to become clearer, it has changed it's complexin very considerably. i begin to feel extreemly anxious to get in view of the rocky mountains. i killed four plover this evening of a different species from any i have yet seen; it resembles the grey or whistling plover more than any other of this family of birds; it is about the size of the yellow legged or large grey plover common to the lower part of this river as well as most parts of the atlantic states where they are sometimes called the jack curloo; the eye is moderately large, are black with a narrow ring of dark yellowish brown; the head, neck, upper part of the body and coverts of the wings are of a dove coloured brown, which when the bird is at rest is the predominant colour; the brest and belley are of a brownish white; the tail is composed of feathers of ins. being of equal length, of these the two in the center are black, with traverse bars of yellowish brown; the others are a brownish white. the large feathers of the wings are white tiped with blacked. the beak is black, / inches in length, slightly tapering, streight of a cilindric form and blontly or roundly pointed; the chaps are of equal length, and nostrils narrow. longitudional and connected; the feet and legs are smoth and of a greenish brown; has three long toes and a short one on each foot, the long toes are unconnected with a web, and the short one is placed very high up the leg behind, insomuch that it dose not touch the ground when the bird stands erect. the notes of this bird are louder and more various than any other of this family that i have seen. [clark, may , ] may th thursday a fine day wind from the east we proceeded on verry well the countrey much the appearance which it had yesterday the bottom & high land rich black earth, timber not so abondant as below, we passed the mouth of a river (or the appearance of a river) on the lard. side the bend of which as far as we went up it or could see from a high hill is as large as that of the missouri at this place which is near half a mile this river did not contain one drop of running water, about a mile below this river a large creeke joins the river l. s. which is also dry- those dry streams which are also verry wide, i think is the conveyance of the melted snow, & heavy rains which is probable fall in from the high mountanious countrey which is said to be between this river & the yellow stone river--i walked on shore the fore part of this day, & observed great quantities of the shining stone which we view as quarts, i killed bucks & a buffalow, capt lewis also killed one which verry good meat, i saw emunerable herds of buffalow, & goats to day in every derection--the missouri keeps its width which is nearly as wide as near its mouth, great number of sand bars, the water not so muddy & sand finer & in smaller perpotion. capt. lewis killed pleaver different from any i have ever before seen, larger & have white breast & the underfeathers of the wings are white &c. [lewis, may , ] may th . i killed four plover this evening of a different kind from any i have yet seen. it resembles the grey or whistling plover more than any other of this family of birds, tho it is much larger. it is about the size of the yellow leged plover common to the u states, and called the jack curlooe by some. the legs are of a greenish brown; the toes, three and one high at the heel unconnected with a webb, the breast and belly of a brownish white; the head neck upper part of the body and coverts of the wings are of a dove colured brown which when the bird is at rest is the predomanent colour. the tale has feathers of the same length of which the two in the center are black with transverse bars of yellowish bron, the others are a brownish white. the large feathers of the wings are white tiped with black. the eyes are black with a small ring of dark yellowish brown--the beak is black, / inches long, cilindrical, streight, and roundly or blountly pointed. the notes of this bird are louder and more various than of any other species which i have seen.- [lewis, may , ] friday may th . set out at sunrise and proceeded but a short distance ere the wind became so violent that we were obliged to come too, which we did on the lard. side in a suddon or short bend of the river where we were in a great measure sheltered from the effects of the wind. the wind continued violent all day, the clouds were thick and black, had a slight sprinkle of rain several times in the course of the day. we sent out several hunters to scower the country, to this we were induced not so much from the want of provision as to discover the indians whome we had reasons to believe were in the neighbourhood, from the circumstance of one of their dogs comeing to us this morning shortly after we landed; we still beleive ourselves in the country usually hunted by the assinniboins, and as they are a vicious illy disposed nation we think it best to be on our guard, accordingly we inspected the arms and accoutrements the party and found them all in good order. the hunters returned this evening having seen no tents or indians nor any fresh sign of them; they killed two mule deer, one common fallow or longtailed deer, buffaloe and beaver, and saw several deer of the mule kind of immence size, and also three of the bighorned anamals. from the appearance of the mule deer and the bighorned anamals we beleive ourselves fast approaching a hilly or mountainous country; we have rarely found the mule deer in any except a rough country; they prefer the open grounds and are seldom found in the woodlands near the river; when they are met with in the woodlands or river bottoms and are pursued, they invariably run to the hills or open country as the elk do. the contrary happens with the common deer ther are several esscential differences between the mule and common deer as well in form as in habits. they are fully a third larger in general, and the male is particularly large; i think there is somewhat greater disparity of size between the male and female of this speceis than there is between the male and female fallow deer; i am convinced i have seen a buck of this species twice the volume of a buck of any other species. the ears are peculiarly large; i measured those of a large buck which i found to be eleven inches long and / in width at the widest part; they are not so delicately formed, their hair in winter is thicker longer and of a much darker grey, in summer the hair is still coarser longer and of a paleer red, more like that of the elk; in winter they also have a considerable quantity of a very fine wool intermixed with the hair and lying next to the skin as the antelope has. the long hair which grows on the outer sides of the st joint of the hinder legs, and which in the common deer do not usually occupy more than inches in them occupys from to eight; their horns also differ, these in the common deer consist of two main beams from which one or more points project the beam graduly deminishing as the points procede from it, with the mule deer the horns consist of two beams which at the distance of or inches from the head divide themselves each into two equal branches which again either divide into two other equal branches or terminate in a smaller, and two equal ones; having either or points on a beam; the horn is not so rough about the base as the common deer and are invariably of a much darker colour. the most striking difference of all, is the white rump and tale. from the root of the tail as a center there is a circular spot perfectly white, of abot inches radius, which occupys a part of the rump and extremitys of the buttocks and joins the white of the belley underneath; the tail which is usually from to inches long, for the first or inches from it's upper extremity is covered with short white hairs, much shorter indeed than the hairs of the body; from hence for about one inch further the hair is still white but gradually becomes longer, the tail then terminates in a tissue of black hair of about inches long. from this black hair of the tail they have obtained among the french engages the appelation of the black taled deer, but this i conceive by no means characteristic of the anamal as much the larger portion of the tail is white. the year and the tail of this anamal when compared with those of the common (leer, so well comported with those of the mule when compared with the horse, that we have by way of distinction adapted the appellation of the mule deer which i think much more appropriate. on the inner corner of each eye there is a drane or large recepicle which seems to answer as a drane to the eye which gives it the appearance of weeping, this in the common deer of the atlantic states is scarcely perceptable but becomes more conspicuous in the fallow deer, and still more so in the elk; this recepticle in the elk is larger than in any of the pecora order with which i am acquainted. boils and imposthumes have been very common with the party bratton is now unable to work with one on his hand; soar eyes continue also to be common to all of us in a greater or less degree. for the imposthume i use emmolient poltices, and for soar eyes a solution of white vitriol and the sugar of lead in the proportion of grs. of the former and one of the latter to each ounce of water. [clark, may , ] may the th friday river fell / of an inch last night, wind from the n. w, we proceeded on but a short distance e'r'e the wind became so violent we could not proceed came to on the lard. side in a short bend, the wind continued all day several times in the course of the day we had some fiew drops of rain from verry black clouds, no thunder or lightning latterly, soon after we landed a dog came to us from the opposit side, which induced a belief that we had not passd. the assinniboin indians, parties wer sent on the hills in different derections to examine but saw no tents or fresh sign. examined the arms &c. of the party found all in good order. three mule deer, two buffalow & beaver killed, of the mountain ram seen. [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . set out this morning at an early hour, the courant strong; and river very crooked; the banks are falling in very fast; i sometimes wonder that some of our canoes or perogues are not swallowed up by means of these immence masses of earth which are eternally precipitating themselves into the river; we have had many hair breadth escapes from them but providence seems so to have ordered it that we have as yet sustained no loss in consequence of them. the wind blue very hard the forepart of last night but abated toward morning; it again arose in the after part of this day and retarded our progress very much. the high lands are broken, the hills higher and approach nearer the river, tho the soil of both hills and bottoms appear equally as furtile as below; it consists of a black looking tome with a moderate portion of sand; the hills and bluffs to the debth of or thirty feet, seemed to be composed entirely of this loam; when thrown in the water it desolves as readily as loaf sugar and effervesses like marle. great appearance of quarts and mineral salts, the latter appears both on the hills and bottoms, in the bottoms of the gullies which make down from the hills it lies incrusting the earth to the debth of or inches, and may with a fether be swept up and collected in large quantities, i preserved several specimines of this salts. the quarts appears most commonly in the faces of the bluffs. no coal, burnt hills, or pumice stone. saw today some high hills on the stard. whose summits were covered with pine. capt clark went on shore and visited them; he brought with him on his return som of the boughs of this pine it is of the pitch kind but i think the leaves somewhat longer than ours in virginia. capt c. also in his walk killed mule deer a beaver and two buffaloe; these last he killed about miles above where we encamped this evening in the expectation that we would reach that place, but we were unable to do so from the adverse winds and other occurrences, and he came down and joined us about dark. there is a dwarf cedar growing among the pine on the hills; it rises to the hight thre sometimes feet, but most generally spreads itself like a vine along the surface of the earth, which it covers very closely, puting out roots from the underside of the limbs; the leaf is finer and more delicate than the common red ceader, it's fruit and smell are the same with the red ceader. the tops of these hills which produce the pine and cedar is of a different soil from that just described; it is a light coloured poor sterile sandy soil, the base usually a yellow or white clay; it produces scarcely any grass, some scattering tuffts of sedge constitutes the greater part of it's grass. about p.m. my attention was struck by one of the party runing at a distance towards us and making signs and hollowing as if in distress, i ordered the perogues to put too, and waited untill he arrived; i now found that it was bratton the man with the soar hand whom i had permitted to walk on shore, he arrived so much out of breath that it was several minutes before he could tell what had happened; at length he informed me that in the woody bottom on the lard. side about / below us he had shot a brown bear which immediately turned on him and pursued him a considerable distance but he had wounded it so badly that it could not overtake him; i immediately turned out with seven of the party in quest of this monster, we at length found his trale and persued him about a mile by the blood through very thick brush of rosbushes and the large leafed willow; we finally found him concealed in some very thick brush and shot him through the skull with two balls; we proceeded dress him as soon as possible, we found him in good order; it was a monstrous beast, not quite so large as that we killed a few days past but in all other rispects much the same the hair is remarkably long fine and rich tho he appears parshally to have discharged his winter coat; we now found that bratton had shot him through the center of the lungs, notwithstanding which he had pursued him near half a mile and had returned more than double that distance and with his tallons had prepared himself a bed in the earth of about feet deep and five long and was perfectly alive when we found him which could not have been less than hours after he received the wound; these bear being so hard to die reather intimedates us all; i must confess that i do not like the gentlemen and had reather fight two indians than one bear; there is no other chance to conquer them by a single shot but by shooting them through the brains, and this becomes difficult in consequence of two large muscles which cover the sides of the forehead and the sharp projection of the center of the frontal bone, which is also of a pretty good thickness. the flece and skin were as much as two men could possibly carry. by the time we returned the sun had set and i determined to remain here all night, and directed the cooks to render the bear's oil and put it in the kegs which was done. there was about eight gallons of it. the wild hysop grows here and in all the country through which we have passed for many days past; tho from big dry river to this place it has been more abundant than below, and a smaller variety of it grows on the hills, the leaves of which differ considerably being more deeply indented near it's extremity. the buffaloe deer and elk feed on this herb in the winter season as they do also on the small willow of the sandbars. there is another growth that begins now to make it's appearance in the bottom lands and is becoming extreemly troublesome; it is a shrub which rises to the hight of from two to four feet, much branched, the bark of the trunk somewhat rough hard and of light grey colour; the wood is firm and stif, the branches beset with a great number of long, shap, strong, wooddy looking thorns; the leaf is about / or an inch long, and one / of an inch wide, it is obtuse, absolutely entire, veinless fleshy and gibbose; has no perceptable taste or smell, and no anamal appears to eat it. by way of designating when i mention it hereafter i shall call it the fleshey leafed thorn [clark, may , ] may the th satturday . wind hard fore part of last night the latter part verry cold a white frost this morning, the river riseing a little and verry crooked the high land is rugged and approaches nearer than below, the hills and bluff exhibit more mineral quats & salts than below, the gullies in maney places are white, and their bottoms one, two & inches deep of this mineral, no appearance of either burnt pumice stone or coal, the countrey hilley on both sides of a rich black earth, which disolves this kind of countrey continues of the same quallity for maney miles on either side, we observed some hills which appeared to be timbered, i walked to this timber and found it to pitch pine & dwarf cedar, we observe in every derection buffalow, elk, antelopes & mule deer inumerable and so jintle that we could approach near them with great ease, i killed mule deer for the benifit of their skins for the party, and about the place i expected the party would get to camp i killed fat bulls for theire use, in my absence they had killed a fine fat yellow bear below which detained them and they did not reach the place i expected, but had camped on the lard. side about miles below on my return to the party i killed a fat beaver the wind blew verry hard from the s. w. all the after part of this day which retarded our progress verry much. river rose in [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . set out at an early hour, the weather clear and calm; i walked on shore this morning for the benifit of exersize which i much wanted, and also to examine the country and it's productions, in these excurtions i most generally went alone armed with my rifle and espontoon; thus equiped i feel myself more than an equal match for a brown bear provided i get him in open woods or near the water, but feel myself a little diffident with respect to an attack in the open plains, i have therefore come to a resolution to act on the defencive only, should i meet these gentlemen in the open country. i ascended the hills and had a view of a rough and broken country on both sides of the river; on the north side the summits of the hills exhibit some scattering pine and cedar, on the south side the pine has not yet commenced tho there is some cedar on the face of the hills and in the little ravines. the choke cherry also grows here in the hollows and at the heads of the gullies; the choke cherry has been in blume since the ninth inst. this growth has freequently made it's appearance on the missouri from the neighbourhood of the baldpated prarie, to this place in the form of it's leaf colour and appearance of it's bark, and general figure of it's growth it resembles much the morillar cherry, tho much smaller not generally rising to a greater hight than from to feet and ascociating in thick clusters or clumps in their favorit situations which is usually the heads of small ravines or along the sides of small brooks which flow from the hills. the flowers which are small and white are supported by a common footstalk as those of the common wild cherry are, the corolla consists of five oval petals, five stamen and one pistillum, and of course of the class and order pentandria monogynia. it bears a fruit which much resembles the wild cherry in form and colour tho larger and better flavoured; it's fruit ripens about the begining of july and continues on the trees untill the latter end of september--the indians of the missouri make great uce of this cherry which they prepare for food in various ways, sometimes eating when first plucked from the trees or in that state pounding them mashing the seed boiling them with roots or meat, or with the prarie beans and white-apple; again for their winter store they geather them and lay them on skins to dry in the sun, and frequently pound them and make them up in small roles or cakes and dry them in the sun; when thus dryed they fold them in skins or put them in bags of parchment and keep them through the winter either eating them in this state or boiling them as before mentioned. the bear and many birds also feed on these burries. the wild hysop sage, fleshey leaf thorn, and some other herbs also grow in the plains and hills, particularly the arromatic herb on which the antelope and large hare feed. the soil has now changed it's texture considerably; the base of the hills and river bottoms continue the same and are composed of a rich black loam while the summits of the hills and about half their hight downwards are of a light brown colour, poor sterile and intermixed with a coarse white sand. about oclock the wind veered about to the n. w. and blew so hard that we were obliged to ly by the ballance of the day. we saw great quantities of game as usual. the bottom lands still becomeing narrower. about sunset it began to rain, and continued to fall a few drops at a time untill midnight; the wind blew violently all night. [clark, may , ] may th sunday . set out at an early hour, the morning clear and calm, capt. lewis walked on shore this morning about oclock the wind becam strong from the e. about half past one oclock the wind shifted round to the n. w. and blew verry hard all the latter part of the day, which obliged us to lay by--the countrey is hilley & rugged and the earth of a lightish brown and but indifferent, some small cedar is scattered on the sides of the hils & in the hollars, some pine ridges is also to be seen on the north side, we observe great quantites of game as usual. i killed a beaver in the water, saw several sitting on the bank near the waters edge about sunset it began to rain, and rained very moderately only a fiew drops at a time for about half the night, wind continued violent all night [lewis, may , ] monday may th . the wind continued to blow so violently this morning that we did not think it prudent to set out. sent out some hunters. at p.m. the wind abated, and altho the hunters had not all returned we set out; the courant reather stronger than usual and the water continues to become reather clearer, from both which i anticipate a change of country shortly. the country much the same as yesterday; but little timber in the bottoms and a scant proportion of pine an cedar crown the stard. hills. capt c. who was on shore the greater part of the day killed a mule and a common deer, the party killed several deer and some elk principally for the benefit of their skins which are necessary to them for cloathing, the elk skins i now begin to reserve for making the leather boat at the falls. the hunters joined us this evening; gibson had wounded a very large brown bear but it was too late in the evening to pursue him. [clark, may , ] th of may monday the wind continued to blow hard untill one oclock p m. to day at which time it fell a little and we set out and proceeded on verry well about miles and camped on the lard side. the countrey much the same appearance as yesterday but little timber in the bottoms; some pine in places on the stard. hills. i killed two deer this evening one a mule deer & the other a common deer, the party killed several this morning all for the use of their skins which are now good, one man gibson wounded a verry large brown bear, too late this evening to prosue him- we passed two creeks in a bend to the lard side neither them had any water, are somewhat wider; passed some high black bluffs. saw immence herds of buffaloe today also elk deer wolves and antelopes. passed three large creeks one on the stard. and two others on the lard. side, neither of which had any runing water. capt clark walked on shore and killed a very fine buffaloe cow. i felt an inclination to eat some veal and walked on shore and killed a very fine buffaloe calf and a large woolf, much the whitest i had seen, it was quite as white as the wool of the common sheep. one of the party wounded a brown bear very badly, but being alone did not think proper to pursue him. in the evening the men in two of the rear canoes discovered a large brown bear lying in the open grounds about paces from the river, and six of them went out to attack him, all good hunters; they took the advantage of a small eminence which concealed them and got within paces of him unperceived, two of them reserved their fires as had been previously conscerted, the four others fired nearly at the same time and put each his bullet through him, two of the balls passed through the bulk of both lobes of his lungs, in an instant this monster ran at them with open mouth, the two who had reserved their fires discharged their pieces at him as he came towards them, boath of them struck him, one only slightly and the other fortunately broke his shoulder, this however only retarded his motion for a moment only, the men unable to reload their guns took to flight, the bear pursued and had very nearly overtaken them before they reached the river; two of the party betook themselves to a canoe and the others seperated an concealed themselves among the willows, reloaded their pieces, each discharged his piece at him as they had an opportunity they struck him several times again but the guns served only to direct the bear to them, in this manner he pursued two of them seperately so close that they were obliged to throw aside their guns and pouches and throw themselves into the river altho the bank was nearly twenty feet perpendicular; so enraged was this anamal that he plunged into the river only a few feet behind the second man he had compelled take refuge in the water, when one of those who still remained on shore shot him through the head and finally killed him; they then took him on shore and butched him when they found eight balls had passed through him in different directions; the bear being old the flesh was indifferent, they therefore only took the skin and fleece, the latter made us several gallons of oil; it was after the sun had set before these men come up with us, where we had been halted by an occurrence, which i have now to recappitulate, and which altho happily passed without ruinous injury, i cannot recollect but with the utmost trepidation and horror; this is the upseting and narrow escape of the white perogue it happened unfortunately for us this evening that charbono was at the helm of this perogue, in stead of drewyer, who had previously steered her; charbono cannot swim and is perhaps the most timid waterman in the world; perhaps it was equally unluckey that capt. c. and myself were both on shore at that moment, a circumstance which rarely happened; and tho we were on the shore opposite to the perogue, were too far distant to be heard or to do more than remain spectators of her fate; in this perogue ____ were embarked, our papers, instruments, books medicine, a great part of our merchandize and in short almost every article indispensibly necessary to further the views, or insure the success of the enterprize in which we are now launched to the distance of miles. surfice it to say, that the perogue was under sail when a sudon squawl of wind struck her obliquely, and turned her considerably, the steersman allarmed, in stead of puting her before the wind, lufted her up into it, the wind was so violent that it drew the brace of the squarsail out of the hand of the man who was attending it, and instantly upset the perogue and would have turned her completely topsaturva, had it not have been from the resistance mad by the oarning against the water; in this situation capt. c and myself both fired our guns to attract the attention if possible of the crew and ordered the halyards to be cut and the sail hawled in, but they did not hear us; such was their confusion and consternation at this moment, that they suffered the perogue to lye on her side for half a minute before they took the sail in, the perogue then wrighted but had filled within an inch of the gunwals; charbono still crying to his god for mercy, had not yet recollected the rudder, nor could the repeated orders of the bowsman, cruzat, bring him to his recollection untill he threatend to shoot him instantly if he did not take hold of the rudder and do his duty, the waves by this time were runing very high, but the fortitude resolution and good conduct of cruzat saved her; he ordered of the men to throw out the water with some kettles that fortunately were convenient, while himself and two others rowed her ashore, where she arrived scarcely above the water; we now took every article out of her and lay them to drane as well as we could for the evening, baled out the canoe and secured her; there were two other men beside charbono on board who could not swim, and who of course must also have perished had the perogue gone to the bottom. while the perogue lay on her side, finding i could not be heard, i for a moment forgot my own situation, and involluntarily droped my gun, threw aside my shot pouch and was in the act of unbuttoning my coat, before i recollected the folly of the attempt i was about to make, which was to throw myself into the river and indevour to swim to the perogue; the perogue was three hundred yards distant the waves so high that a perogue could scarcely live in any situation, the water excessively could, and the stream rappid; had i undertaken this project therefore, there was a hundred to one but what i should have paid the forfit of my life for the madness of my project, but this had the perogue been lost, i should have valued but little.--after having all matters arranged for the evening as well as the nature of circumstances would permit, we thought it a proper occasion to console ourselves and cheer the sperits of our men and accordingly took a drink of grog and gave each man a gill of sperits. [clark, may , ] th of may tuesday a verry clear cold morning a white frost & some fog on the river the thermomtr stood at above , wind from the s. w. we proceeded on verry well untill about oclock a squawl of wind struck our sale broad side and turned the perogue nearly over, and in this situation the perogue remained untill the sale was cut down in which time she nearly filed with water--the articles which floated out was nearly all caught by the squar who was in the rear. this accident had like to have cost us deerly; for in this perogue were embarked our papers, instruments, books, medicine, a great proportion of our merchandize, and in short almost every article indispensibly necessary to further the views, or insure the success of the enterprize in which, we are now launched to the distance of , miles. it happened unfortunately that capt. lewis and myself were both on shore at the time of this occurrence, a circumstance which seldom took place; and tho we were on the shore opposit to the perogue were too far distant to be heard or do more than remain spectators of her fate; we discharged our guns with the hope of attracting the attention of the crew and ordered the sail to be taken in but such was their consternation and confusion at the instant that they did not hear us. when however they at length took in the sail and the perogue wrighted; the bowsman cruzatte by repeated threats so far brought charbono the sternman to his recollection that he did his duty while two hands bailed the perogue and cruzatte and two others rowed her on shore were she arrived scarcely above the water. we owe the preservation of the perogue to the resolution and fortitude of cruzatte the countrey like that of yesterday, passed a small island and the enterence of large creeks, one on the stard. & the other on the lard side, neither of them had any running water at this time--six good hunters of the party fired at a brown or yellow bear several times before they killed him, & indeed he had like to have defeated the whole party, he pursued them seperately as they fired on him, and was near catching several of them one he pursued into the river, this bear was large & fat would way about wt; i killed a buffalow, & capt. lewis a calf & a wolf this evening. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th as soon as a slight shower of rain passed over this morning, we spread the articles to dry which had got wet yesterday in the white perogue; tho the day proved so cloudy and damp that they received but little benifit from the sun or air; we were enabled to put them in such a state as to prevent their sustaining further injury. our hunters killed several deer, and saw three bear one of which they wounded. [clark, may , ] may th wednesday our medisons, instruments, merchandize, clothes, provisions &c. &c. which was nearly all wet we had put out to air and dry. the day being cloudy & rainey those articles dried but little to day--our hunters killed several deer &c. and saw three bear one of which they wounded &c. we see buffalow on the banks dead, others floating down dead, and others mired every day, those buffalow either drown in swiming the river or brake thro the ice [lewis, may , ] thursday may th the morning was fair and the day proved favorable to our operations; by oclock in the evening our instruments, medicine, merchandize provision &c, were perfectly dryed, repacked and put on board the perogue. the loss we sustained was not so great as we had at first apprehended; our medicine sustained the greatest injury, several articles of which were intirely spoiled, and many others considerably injured; the ballance of our losses consisted of some gardin seeds, a small quantity of gunpowder, and a few culinary articles which fell overboard and sunk, the indian woman to whom i ascribe equal fortitude and resolution, with any person onboard at the time of the accedent, caught and preserved most of the light articles which were washed overboard all matters being now arranged for our departure we lost no time in seting out; proceeced on tolerably well about seven miles and encamped on the stard. side. in the early part of the day two of our men fired on a panther, a little below our encampment, and wounded it; they informed us that it was very large, had just killed a deer partly devoured it, and in the act of concealing the ballance as they discovered him. we caught two antelopes at our encampment in attempting to swim the river; these anamals are but lean as yet, and of course not very pleasant food. i walked on shore this evening and killed a buffaloe cow and calf, we found the calf most excellent veal. the country on either side of the river is broken and hills much higher than usual, the bottoms now become narrow and the timber more scant; some scattering pine and cedar on the steep declivities of the hills.- this morning a white bear toar labuiche's coat which he had left in the plains. [clark, may , ] may th thursday a fair morning our articles all out to dry at oclock we had every thing that was saved dry and on bord, our loss is some medison, powder, seeds, & several articles which sunk, and maney spoiled had a medn. altitude which gave for latd. _° _' _" n.--two of our men fired at a pant hr a little below our camp, this animale they say was large, had caught a deer & eate it half & buried the ballance. a fiew antilope swam the river near our camp two of them were cought by the party in the river. at half past oclock we set out and proceeded on verry well ____ miles and incamped on the std. side the countrey as before hilley & broken verry small proprotion of timber in the points, some little pine & ceader in the hills buffalow & deer is yet plenty on the river in the small timbered bottoms capt lewis walked out on the std. side and killed a cow & calf the calf was verry fine their bases. it is somewhat singular that the lower part of these hills appear to be formed of a dark rich loam while the upper region about feet is formed of a whiteish brown sand, so hard in many parts as to resemble stone; but little rock or stone of any kind to be seen in these hills. the river is much narrower than usual, the bed from to yards only and possessing a much larger proportion of gravel than usual. a few scattering cottonwood trees are the only timber near the river; the sandbars, and with them the willow points have almost entirely disappeared. greater appearance than usual of the saline incrustations of the banks and river hills. we passed two creeks the one on stard. side, and the other just below our camp on the lard. side; each of these creeks afford a small quantity of runing water, of a brackish tast. the great number of large beds of streams perfectly dry which we daily pass indicate a country but badly watered, which i fear is the case with the country through which we have been passing for the last fifteen or twenty days. capt clark walked on shore this evening and killed an elk; buffaloe are not so abundant as they were some days past. the party with me killed a female brown bear, she was but meagre, and appeared to have suckled young very recently. capt. clark narrowly escaped being bitten by a rattlesnake in the course of his walk, the party killed one this evening at our encampment, which he informed me was similar to that he had seen; this snake is smaller than those common to the middle atlantic states, being about feet inches long; it is of a yellowish brown colour on the back and sides, variagated with one row of oval spots of a dark brown colour lying transversely over the back from the neck to the tail, and two other rows of small circular spots of the same colour which garnis the sides along the edge of the scuta. it's bely contains scuta on the belly and on the tale. capt clark informed me that he saw some coal which had been brought down by the water of the last creek we passed; this creek also throws out considerable quantities of driftwood, though there is no timber on it which can be perceived from the missouri; we called this stream rattlesnake creek. capt clark saw an indian fortifyed camp this evening, which appeared to have been recently occupyed, from which we concluded it was probable that it had been formed by a war party of the menetares who left their vilage in march last with a view to attack the blackfoot indians in consequence of their having killed some of their principal warriors the previous autumn. we were roused late at night by the sergt. of the guard, and warned of the danger we were in from a large tree that had taken fire and which leant immediately over our lodge. we had the loge removed, and a few minutes after a large proportion of the top of the tree fell on the place the lodge had stood; had we been a few minutes later we should have been crushed to attoms. the wind blew so hard, that notwithstanding the lodge was fifty paces distant from the fire it sustained considerable injury from the burning coals which were thrown on it; the party were much harrassed also by this fire which communicated to a collection of fallen timber, and could not be extinguished. [clark, may , ] may th friday a fine morning wind from the n w. mercury at ° a . river falling a little. we set out at an early hour and proceeded on verry well by the assistance of the toe rope principally, the countrey verry rugged & hills high and the river washing the base on each side, great appearance of the salt substance. a fiew cotton trees is the only timber which is scattered in the bottoms & the hills contain a fiew pine & cedar, which is scattered. river much narrower than below from to yards wide, the bottoms muddey & hills rich earth except near their topes--we passed large creeks to day one on the starbd side and the other just below our camp on the lard. side each of those creeks has a little running water near their mouthes which has a brackish taste, i was nearly treading on a small fierce rattle snake different from any i had ever seen &c. one man the party killed another of the same kind. i walked on shore after dinner & killed an elk--the party in my absence killed a female brown or yellow bear which was meagre the appearances of the hills & countrey is as before mentioned except a greater appearance of the white appearance of salts or tarter and some coal which has been thrown out by the floods in the last creek- buffalow & deer is not plenty to day, elk is yet to be seen in abundance we camped in the upper part of a small timbered bottom on the lard. side in which i saw a fortified indian camp, which i suppose is one of the camps of a mi ne tar re war party of about men, that set out from their village in march last to war against the blackfoot indians. we were roused late at night and warned of the danger of fire from a tree which had cought and leaned over our lodge, we had the lodge moved soon after the dry limbs & top of the tree fell in the place the lodge stood, the wind blew hard and the dry wood cought & fire flew in every direction, burnt our lodge verry much from the coals which fell on it altho at some distance in the plain, the whole party was much disturbed by this fire which could not be extinguished &c [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . the wind blew hard this morning from the west. we were enabled to employ our toe line the greater part of the day and therefore proceeded on tolerably well. there are now but few sandbars, the river is narrow and current gentle. the timber consists of a few cottonwood trees along the verge of the river; the willow has in a great measure disappeared. in the latter part of the day the hills widened, the bottoms became larger, and contained more timber. we passed a creek on the stard. side about three oclock, which afforded no water; came too and encamped on the lard. side opposite to the lower point of a small island, two miles short of the extremity of the last course of this day. capt clark in the course of his walk this evening killed four deer, two of which were the black tailed or mule deer; the skins are now good, they have not yet produced their young.--we saw a number of buffaloe, elk, deer and antelopes.--the saline substance frequently mentioned continues to appear as usual.- [clark, may , ] may th satturday a windey morning wind from the west we proceeded on verry well with the assistance of the toe coard, river narrow but flew sand bars, & current jentle, but a few cotton trees contained in the bottoms willow is not common on the bears as usial some little on the sides of the river is yet to be seen, the after part of the day was cloudy & at about oclock it began to rain and continued moderately for about / hours, not sufficient to wet a man thro his clothes; this is the first rain since we set out this spring the hills widen and the bottoms contain more timber than for several days past, we passed a wisers creek on the std. side about oclock and camped on the lard side opposit the lower point of a handsom little island near the middle of the river. i walked on shore and killed four deer, common & mule deer, one of which had fauns, others had each, those deer are fat, & their skins tolerable good, which are now in demand with us for clothes such as legins & mockersons, i saw great numbers of buffalows & elk; some of the party shoot & catch beaver every day & night [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . the last night was disagreeably could; we were unable to set out untill oclock a.m. in consequence of a heavy fogg, which obscured the river in such a manner that we could not see our way; this is the first we have experienced in any thing like so great a degree; there was also a fall of due last evening, which is the second we have experienced since we have entered this extensive open country. at eight we set out and proceeded as yesterday by means of the cord principally, the hills are high and the country similar to that of yesterday. capt clark walked on shore with two of the hunters and killed a brown bear; notwithstanding that it was shot through the heart it ran at it's usual pace near a quarter of a mile before it fell. one of the party wounded a beaver, and my dog as usual swam in to catch it; the beaver bit him through the hind leg and cut the artery; it was with great difficulty that i could stop the blood; i fear it will yet prove fatal to him. on capt. clark's return he informed me that he had from the top of one of the adjacent hights discovered the entrance of a large stream which discharged itself into the missouri on the lard. side distant or seven miles; from the same place he also saw a range of mountains, bearing w. distant or miles; they appeared to proceed in a s. s. w. direction; the n. n. e. extremity of these mountains appeared abrupt. this afternoon the river was croked, rappid and containing more sawyers than we have seen in the same space since we left the entrance of the river platte. capt. c. in the course of his walk killed three deer and a beaver, i also walked on shore this evening a few miles and killed an elk, a buck, and a beaver. the party killed and caught other beaver & deer. the men complain much of sore eyes and imposthumes. [clark, may , ] may th sunday a verry cold night, the murckery stood at at oclock this morning, a heavy dew which is the d i have seen this spring. the fog (which was the first) was so thick this morning that we could not set out untill the sun was about hours up, at which time a small breeze sprung up from the e. which cleared off the fog & we proceeded on by means of the cord the hills are high & rugged the countrey as yesterday--i walked on shore with two men we killed a white or grey bear; not withstanding that it was shot through the heart it ran at it's usial pace near a quarter of a mile before it fell. capt lewis's dog was badly bitten by a wounded beaver and was near bleading to death-. after killing the bear i continued my walk alone, & killed deer & a beaver; finding that the perogues were below i assended the highest hill i could see, from the top of which i saw the mouth of m. shell r & the meanderings of the missouri for a long distance. i also saw a high mountain in a westerley direction, bearing s. s w. about or miles distant, in the evening the river was verry crooked and much more rapid & containing more sawyers than any which we have passed above the river platte capt lewis walked on shore this after noon & killed an elk, buck & a beaver, i kiled three deer at dinner, the hunters killed three other deer to day several beaver also killed. we camped on the stard side in a bottom of small cotton wood [lewis, may , ] monday may th set out at an early hour as usual, the banks being favourable and water strong we employed the toe rope principally; river narrow and croked; country much as that of yesterday; immence number of the prickley pears in the plains and on the hills. at the distance of / miles passed the entrance of a large creek, affording but little water; this stream we named blowing fly creek, from the immence quantities of those insects found in this neighbourhood, they infest our meat while roasting or boiling, and we are obliged to brush them off our provision as we eat. at a.m. we arrived at the entrance of a handsome bold river which discharges itself into the missouri on the lard. side; this stream we take to be that called by the minnetares the ____ or muscleshell river; if it be the same, of which i entertain but little doubt, it takes it's rise, by their information in the st chain of the rocky mountains at no great distance from the yellow stone river, from whence in it's course to this place it passes through a high and broken country pretty well timbered, particularly on it's borders, and intersperced with handsome fertile plains and medows. but from the circumstance of the same indians informing us that we should find a well timbered country in the neighbourhood of it's mouth, i am induced to beleive that the timbered country of which they speak is similar to that we have passed for a day or two, or that in our view above, which consists of nothing more than a few scattering small scrubby pine and dwarf cedar on the summits of some of the highest hills nine tenths of the country being wholy destitute of timber of any kind, covered with a short grass, arromatic herbs and the prickley pear; the river bottom however, so far as we have explored it or m. are well stocked with cottonwood timber of tollerable size, & lands of excellent quality. we halted at thentrance of the river on the point formed by it's junction with the missouri determining to spend the day, make the necessary observations and send out some hunters to explore the country. the muscle shell river falls into the missouri miles above it's mouth, and is yards in width, it affords much more water than streams of it's width generally do below, it's courant is by no means rappid, and from appearances it might be navigated with canoes a considerable distance; it's bed is coarse sand and gravel principally with an occasion mixture of black mud; it's banks abbrupt and about feet high yet never appear to overflow; the waters of this river is of a greenish yellow cast, much more transparent than the missouri, which last is also much more transparent than below but still retains it's whiteish hue and a proportion of it's sedement. the missouri opposite to this point is deep, gentle in it's courant, and yards in width. the hunters returned this evening and informed us that the country continued much the same in appearance as that we saw where we were or broken, and that about five miles abe the mouth of shell river a handsome river of about fifty yards in width discharged itself into the shell river on the stard. or upper side; this stream we called sah-ca-gar me-ah or bird woman's river, after our interpreter the snake woman. shields also found a bould spring or fountain issuing from the foot of the lard. hills about miles up the missouri; a fountain in this plain country is a great novelty; i have not seen a bould fountain of pure water except one since i left the mandans; there a number of small ones but all without exception are impregnated with the salts which abound in this country, and with which i believe the missoury itself considerably impregnated but to us in the habit of useing it not perceptible; the exception i make is a very fine fountain under the bluffs on the lard. side of the missouri and at a distance from the river about five miles below the entrance of the yellowstone river. the sands of the missouri are not so abundant as they have been for some time past, being confined to the points only; the bed of the river principally mud and still too deep to use the seting pole. capt. clark walked out today and killed two deer and an elk, the hunters killed deer and elk and a buffaloe. i saw two large owls with remarkable long feathers on the sides of the head which resembled ears; i take them to be the large hooting owl tho they are somewhat larger and their colours brighter than those common to the j states.- [clark, may , ] may th monday a fine morning wind from the n e. river falling a little we set out at oclock and proceeded on verry well as usial by the assistance of the cord passed some verry swift water, river narrow and crooked, at oclock arrived at the mouth of shell river on the lard side and formed a camp for the present. haveing passed a large creek about miles below on the ld side which we call blowing fly creek from the emence quantites of those insects which geather on our meat in such numbers that we are oblige to brush them off what we eate. muscle shell river falls in on lard side miles up contains a greater perportion of water than rivers of its size below, i measured it and find it to be yards wide, the water of a greenish yellow colour, and appers to be navagable for small craft, the minetarras inform us that this river heads in the st of the rockey mountains & passes through a broken countrey. its head at no great distance from the yellow stone river the countrey about this river as described yesterday we took the meredian altitude ° ' " back observation and found the latd. to be ° ' " the missouri at the mouth of shell river is yards wide with a smoth current the missouri water is not so muddey as below, but retains nearly its usial cholour, and the sands principally confined to the points i killed two deer & an elk, the hunters killed an elk & several deer mearly for their skins to make leagins,--sent men out in every derection, the countrey generally verry broken some leavel plains up the shell river the bottoms of the shell river is well timbered as also a small river which falls into that river on the upper side miles above its mouth. the hills on the lard. contain scattering pine & cedar. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may st a delightfull morning set out at an early hour and proceeded on very well, imployed the chord principally; the shores are abbrupt and bould and composed of a black and yellow clay; see no extensive collection of pure sand, the bars are composed black mud and a small poportion of fine sand; the courant still pretty strong. the missouri in it's course downward makes a suddon and extensive bend to receive the muscle shell river, the point of country thus formed tho high is still much lower than that surrounding it, thus forming a valley of wavey country which extends itself for a great distance in a northerly direction; the soil is fertile, produces a fine turf of low grass and some herbs, also immence quantities of the prickley pear, without a stick of timber of any discription. the country on the south side is high broken and crowned with some scrubby pines and dwarf cedar; the leaf of this pine is much longer than the common pitch or red pine of virginia, the cone is also longer and slimer, and the imbrications wider and thicker, and the whole frequently covered with rosin. mineral appearances as usual. the growse or praire hen are now less abundant on the river than they were below; perhaps they betake themselves to the open plains at a distance from the river at this season.- the wind which was moderate all the fore part of the day continued to encrease in the evening, and about dark veered about to n. w. and blew a storm all night, in short we found ourselves so invelloped with clouds of dust and sand that we could neither cook, eat, nor sleep; and were finally compelled to remove our lodge about eight oclock at night to the foot of an adjacent hill where we were covered in some measure from the wind by the hills. several loose articles blown over board and lost. our first station was on a bar on stard. opposite the lower point of a small island, which we now called windy island. the bends of the river are short and suddon, the points covered with some cottonwood, larger willow, or broadleafed willow with an abundance of the wild rose and some small honeysuckle bushes constitute the undergrowth, the redwood is also found in small quantities. capt. c walked on shore today and killed elk; the party killed several deer and a buffaloe cow.- [clark, may , ] may st tuesday . a butifull morning, wind from the west, river falling a little, we set out at an early hour and proceed on in the usial way by the assistance of the coard principally, but little use of the oares & less with the poles as the bottoms are muddey, we se no great bodies of pure sand the bars & points are rich mud mixed with fine sand. i walked on shore stard. side the river makes a great bend to the south to receve shell river, the boint for many miles out in a northerley direction is a rich uneaven valley contain some short grass, and prickley pears without timber the countrey on the south side of the missouri is high, soil and mineral appearance as usial, more scattering pine & cedar on the hills, the wind which blew moderatly all the forepart of the day increassd and about dark shifted to the n w. and stormed all night, several loose articles were blown over board, our lodge & camp which was on a sand bar on the std. side & opposite to the lower point of an island we were obliged to move under the hills, the dust & sand blew in clouds. the bends of the river are short and points covered with cotton wood under groth wild rose bushes i killed elk to day several deer killd. & a buffalow cow. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may cd . the wind blew so violently this morning that we did not think it prudent to set out untill it had in some measure abated; this did not happen untill a.m. when we proceeded principally by the toe lines the bottoms somewhat wider than usual, the lands fertile or apparently so tho the short grass and the scantey proportion of it on the hills would indicate no great fertility. passed windy island on lard. at m. / miles above passed a large island in a bend on stard. side, and three miles further on the same side passed the entrance of grows creek yds wide, affords but little water. this creek we named from seeing a number of the pointed tail praire hen near it's mouth, these are the fist we have seen in such numbers for some days. i walked on shore this morning the country is not so broken as yesterday tho still high and roling or wavy; the hills on lard. side possess more pine than usual; some also on the stard. hills. salts and other mineral appearances as usual. the river continues about the same width or from to yds. wide, fewer sandbars and the courant more gentle and regular; game not so abundant as below the muscle shell river. i killed a deer in the course of my walk today. capt. c. also walked out this evening and took a view of the country from a conspicuous point and found it the same as has been discribed. we have caught but few fish since we left the mandans, they do not bite freely, what we took were the white cat of to lbs. i presume that fish are scarce in this part of the river. we encamped earlyer this evening than usual in order render the oil of a bear which we killed. i do not believe that the black bear common to the lower part of this river and the atlantic states, exists in this quarter; we have neither seen one of them nor their tracks which would be easily distinguished by it's shortness of tallons when compared with the brown grizly or white bear. i believe that it is the same species or family of bears which assumes all those colours at different ages and seasons of the year. [clark, may , ] may nd wednesday the wind continued to blow so violently hard we did not think it prudent to set out untill it luled a little, about oclock we set out the morning cold, passed a small island in the bend to the lard side, & proceeded on at miles higher passed a island in a bend to the stard side, and a creek a short distance above on the stard side yds. w capt lewis walked out before dinner & killed a deer, i walked out after dinner and assended & but a few miles to view the countrey, which i found roleing & of a verry rich stickey soil produceing but little vegitation of any kind except the prickley-piar, but little grass & that verry low. a great deal of scattering pine on the lard side & some fur on the stard. sd. the mineral productions as described in the proceeding days, game not so abundant as below, the river continue about the same width, fewer sand bars & current more regular, river falls about an inch a day we camped on the stard. side, earlier than we intend on account of saveing the oil of a bear which the party killed late this afternoon. maney of the creeks which appear to have no water near ther mouths have streams of running water higher up which rise & waste in the sand or gravel. the water of those creeks are so much impregnated with the salt substance that it cannot be drank with pleasure. [lewis, may , ] thursday may rd . set out early this morning, the frost was severe last night, the ice appeared along the edge of the water, water also freized on the oars. at the distance of one mile passed the entrance of a creek yds. wide on stard. side, this we call teapot creek, it affords no water at it's mouth but has runing water at some small distance above, this i beleive to be the case with many of those creekes which we have passed since we entered this hilley country, the water is absorbed by the earth near the river and of course appear dry; they afford but little water at any rate, and that is so strongly impregnated with these salts that it is unfit for uce; all the wild anamals appear fond of this water; i have tryed it by way of experiment & find it moderately pergative, but painfull to the intestens in it's opperation. this creek runs directly towards some low mountains which lye n. w. of it and appear to be about mes. distant, perhaps it heads in them. this range of mountains appear to be about miles long runing from e to w. having their eastern extremity about mes. distant in a northwardly direction from pot island.--also passed two small creeks on lard. and two others on stard. all inconsiderable and dry at their entrances. just above the entrance of teapot creek on the stard. there is a large assemblage of the burrows of the burrowing squirrel they generally seelect a south or a south easterly exposure for their residence, and never visit the brooks or river for water; i am astonished how this anamal exists as it dose without water, particularly in a country like this where there is scarcely any rain during yi of the year and more rarely any due; yet we have sometimes found their villages at the distance of five or six miles from any water, and they are never found out of the limits of the ground which their burrows occupy; in the autumn when the hard frosts commence they close their burrows and do not venture out again untill spring, indeed some of them appear to be yet in winter quarters. passed islands the two first covered with tall cottonwood timber and the last with willows only. river more rappid, & the country much the same as yesterday. some spruce pine of small size appears among the pitch pine, and reather more rock than usual on the face of the hills. the musquetoes troublesome this evening, a circumstance i did not expect from the temperature of the morning. the gees begin to lose the feathers of their wings and are unable to fly. capt clark walked on shore and killed deer and an elk. we killed a large fat brown bear which took the water after being wounded and was carried under some driftwood where he sunk and we were unable to get him. saw but few buffaloe today, but a great number of elk, deer, some antelopes and bear. the wild rose which is now in blume are very abundant, they appear to differ but little from those common to the atlantic states, the leaves of the bushes and the bush itself appear to be of somewhat smaller size. [clark, may , ] may rd thursday a severe frost last night, the thrmotr. stood at the freesing point this morning i e a . wind s w. the water freeses on the oars. ice on the edge of the river we set out at an early hour and passed the mouth a creek at mile on the stard. side which heads in a mountain n w of its mouth or _____ miles, the countrey on each side is as passed yesterday passed small creeks on the stard & on the lard. side to day. a mountain which appears to be or miles long bearing e. & w is about miles distant from this river on the stard side notherley of pot island i walked on shore and killed deer & an elk, & a beaver in the evening we killed a large fat bear, which we unfortunately lost in the river, after being shot took the water & was carried under a drift passed in course of this day three islands, two of them covered with tall timber & a rd with willows the after part of this day was worm & the misquitors troublesome. saw but five buffalow a number of elk & deer & bear & antilopes to day. the river beginning to rise, and current more rapid than yesterday, in maney places i saw spruces on the hills sides stard. this evening. [lewis, may , ] friday may th . the water standing in the vessels freized during the night / of an inch thick, ice also appears along the verge of the river. the folage of some of the cottonwood trees have been entirely distroyed by the frost and are again puting forth other buds. the high country in which we are at present and have been passing for some days i take to be a continuation of what the indians as well as the french engages call the black hills. this tract of country so called consists of a collection of high broken and irregular hills and short chain of mountains sometimes miles in width and again becomeing much narrower, but always much higher than the country on either side; they commence about the head of the kanzas river and to the west of that river near the arkansas, from whence they take their course a little to the w. of n. w. approaching the rockey mountains obliquely, passing the river platte above the forks and intercepting the yellowstone river near the big bend and passing the missouri at this place and probably continuing to swell the country as far north as the saskashawan river tho they are lower here than they are discribed to the sth. and may therefore probably terminate before they reach the suskashawan. the black hills in their course nothwardly appear to approach more nearly to the rocky mountains. we set out at an early hour this morning and proceed on principally by the chord untill about a.m. when a fine breeze sprung up from the s. e. and enabled us though the ballance of the day to employ our sails to advantage; we proceed at a pretty good pace notwithstanding the courant of the river was very strong. we passed two large and four small islands; also several streams on either side; the first of these is a large creek or small river which disinboged on the stard. side about / miles above our encampment of last evening, it is yards wide and contains some water. the bed is gravley and intermixed with some stone, it takes its rise in the mountains which are situated in a northwardly direction from its entrance, distant about miles. the air is so pure in this open country that mountains and other elivated objects appear much nearer than they really are; these mountains do not appear to be further than m. we sent a man up this creek to explore the country he returned late in the evening and informed that he had proceeded ten miles directly towards these mountains and that he did not think himself by any mean half way these mountains are rockey and covered with some scattering pine. this stream we call north mountain creek. the next stream in order is a creek which falls in on lard. / miles higher; this is yds. wide no water; a large village of the burrowing or barking squirrels on the stard. side opposite it's entrance, hence the name little dog ck. that being the name by which the french engages call this anamal. at three miles and at ms. from hence still ascending small creek fall in on the stard. side, no water. / miles higher a small river falls in on lard. side this we called south mountain creek as from it's direction it appeared to take it's rise in a range of mountains lying in a s. westerly direction from it's entrance distant or m.; this creek is yards wide and discharges a handsome stream of water. it's bed is rockey with gravel and sand, the banks high and country broken it's bottom narrow and no timber. the country high and broken, a considerable portion of black rock and brown sandy rock appear in the faces of the hills; the tops of the hills covered with scattering pine spruce and dwarf cedar; the soil poor and sterile, sandy near the tops of the hills, the whole producing but little grass; the narrow bottoms of the missouri producing little else but hysop or southern wood and the pulpy leafed thorn. capt. clark walked on shore this evening and killed a buffaloe cow, we left canoes and six men to dress the cow and bring on the meat, they did not overtake us this evening. game is becoming more scarce, particularly beaver, of which we have seen but few for several days the beaver appears to keep pace with the timber as it declines in quantity they also become more scarce. [clark, may , ] may th friday a cold night the water in the small vestles frosed / of an inch thick, and the thermometer stood this morning at the freesing point. we set out at an early hour and proceeded on, at oclock we had a breeze from the s e which continued all day. this breeze afforded us good sailing, the river rising fast current verry rapid. passed several small islands, two large & two small creeks, the st of those creeks or small rivers / m. above our camp is yards wide and contains water and appears to take its rise in the north mountns. which is situated in a northerley detection about miles distant. / m. higher a creek falls in on the lard. side, opposit a large village of barking squirels. miles still higher a small creek falls in on the stard. miles higher up a small river falls in on the lard side which is yards wide and has running water. this stream appears to take its rise in the south mountains which is situated in a southerly direction or miles distant. i walked on the high countrey on the stard. side found it broken & dry some pine, spruce & dwarf cedar on the hill sides, i sent one man mile out he reports a similarity of countrey back i killed a fat buffalow a short distance below the place we dined canoes & men we left to get the meat did not join us this evening. we camped on the lard point. the cotton wood in this point is beginning to put out a second bud, the first being killed by the frost [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . the two canoes which we left behind yesterday to bring on the meat did not arrive this morning untill a m. at which time we set out; the wind being against us we did not proceed with so much ease or expedition as yesterday, we imployed the toe line principally which the banks favored the uce off; the courant strong particularly arround the points against which the courant happened to set, and at the entrances of the little gullies from the hills, those rivulets having brought down considerable quantities of stone and deposited it at their entrances forming partial barriers to the water of the river to the distance of or feet from the shore, arround these the water run with great violence, and compelled us in some instances to double our force in order to get a perorogue or canoe by them. as we ascended the river today i saw several gangs of the bighorned anamals on the face of the steep bluffs and clifts on the stard. side and sent drewyer to kill one which he accomplished; capt. clark and bratton who were on shore each killed one of these anamals this evening. the head and horns of the male which drewyer killed weighed lbs. it was somewhat larger than the male of the common deer, the boddy reather thicker deeper and not so long in proportion to it's hight as the common deer; the head and horns are remakably large compared with the other part of the anamal; the whole form is much more delicate than that of the common goat, and there is a greater disparity in the size of the male and female than between those of either the deer or goat. the eye is large and prominant, the puple of a deep sea green and small, the iris of a silvery colour much like the common sheep; the bone above the eye is remarkably prominant; the head nostrils and division of the upper lip are precisely in form like the sheep. there legs resemble the sheep more than any other animal with which i am acquainted tho they are more delicately formed, like the sheep they stand forward in the knee and the lower joint of the foreleg is smallest where it joins the knee, the hoof is black & large in proportion, is divided, very open and roundly pointed at the toe, like the sheep; is much hollowed and sharp on the under edge like the scotch goat, has two small hoofs behind each foot below the ankle as the goat sheep and deer have. the belley, inside of the legs, and the extremity of the rump and butocks for about two inches arround the but of the tale, are white, as is also the tale excet just at it's extremity on the upper side which is of a dark brown. the tail is about three inches in length covered with short hair, or at least not longer than that of the boddy; the outher parts of the anamal are of a duskey brown or reather a leadcoloured light brown; the anamal is now sheding it's winter coat which is thick not quite as long as that of the deer and appears to be intermixed with a considerable quantity of a fine fur which lyes next to the skin & conceald by the coarcer hear; the shape of the hair itself is celindric as that of the antelope is but is smaller shorter, and not compressed or flattened as that of the deer's winter coat is, i believe this anamal only sheds it's hair once a year. it has eight fore teeth in the under jaw and no canine teeth. the horns are lagest at their base, and occupy the crown of the head almost entirely. they are compressed, bent backwards and lunated; the surface swelling into wavy rings which incircleing the horn continue to succeed each other from the base to the extremity and becoming less elivated and more distant as they recede from the head. the horn for about two thirds of it's length is filled with a porus bone which is united with the frontal bone. i obtained the bones of the upper part of the head of this animal at the big bone lick. the horns of the female are small, but are also compress bent backwards and incircled with a succession of wavy rings. the horn is of a light brown colour; when dressed it is almost white extreemly transparent and very elastic. this horn is used by the natives in constructing their bows; i have no doubt but it would eligant and ucefull hair combs, and might probably answer as many valuable purposes to civilized man, as it dose to the savages, who form their watercups spoons and platters of it. the females have already brought forth their young indeed from the size of the young i suppose that they produce them early in march. they have from one to two at a birth. they feed on grass but principally on the arromatic herbs which grow on the clifts and inaccessable hights which they usually frequent. the places they gerally celect to lodg is the cranies or cevices of the rocks in the faces of inacessable precepices, where the wolf nor bear can reach them and where indeed man himself would in many instancies find a similar deficiency; yet these anamals bound from rock to rock and stand apparently in the most careless manner on the sides of precipices of many hundred feet. they are very shye and are quick of both sent and sight. at the distance of two / miles above our encampment of last evening we passed a creek yard wide affording no runing water, we also passed islands in the course of the day. the country on either hand is high broken and rockey; the rock is either soft brown sand stone covered with a thin strata of limestone, or a hard black rugged grannite, both usually in horizontal stratas and the sandy rock overlaying the other.--salts and quarts still appear, some coal and pumice stone also appear; the river bottoms are narrow and afford scarcely any timber. the bars of the river are composed principally of gravel, but little pine on the hills. we saw a pole-cats this evening it is the first we have seen for many days. buffalow are now scarce and i begin to fear our harvest of white puddings are at an end. [clark, may , ] may th satturday " the two canoes left for meat yesterday did not joint us untill oclock this morning at which time we set out, the morning cool & pleasent wind a head all day from the s. w. we pass a creek on the lard. side about yards wide, which does not run, we also passd islands, i walked on shore and killed a female ibex or big horn animal in my absence drewyer & bratten killed two others, this animale is a species peculiar to this upper part of the missouri, the head and horns of the male which drewyer killed to day weighed lbs it was somewhat larger than the mail of the common deer;) the body reather thicker deeper and not so long in proportion to its hight as the common deer; the head and horns of the male are remarkably large compared with the other parts of the animal; the whole form is much more delicate than that of the common goat, and there is a greater disparity in the size of the mail and female than between those of either the deer or goat. the eye is large and prominant, the puple of a deep sea green and small, the iris of a silvery colour much like the common sheep; the bone above the eye is remarkably prominant; the head nostrils and division of the upper lip are precisely in form like the sheep. their legs resemble the sheep more than any other animal with which i am acquainted tho they are more delicately formed, like the sheep they stand foward in the knee and the lower joint of the fore leg is smallest where it joins the knee, the hoof is black and large in perpotion, is divided, very open and roundly pointed at the toe; like the sheep; is much hollowed and sharp on the under edge like the scotch goat, has two small hoofs behind each foot below the ankle as the goat sheep and deer have. the belley, iner side of the legs, and the extremity of the rump and buttocks for about two inches / around the but of the tail, are white, as is also the tail except just at its extremity on the upper side which is of a dark brown. the tail is about inches in length covered with short hair, or at least not longer than that of the boddy; the outer part of the animal are of a duskey brown or reather a lead coloured light brown; the animal is now sheding its winter coat which is thick not quite as long as that of the deer and appears to be inter mixt with a considerable quantity of fine fur which lies next to the skin and concealed by the coarcer hair; the shape of the hair itself is cylindric as that of the antilope is, but is smaller, shorter and not compressed or flattened as that of the deers winter coat is. i believe this animal only sheds it's hair once a year. it has eight fore teeth in the underjaw and no canine teeth. the horns are large at their base, and occupy the crown of the head almost entirely, they are compressed, bent backwards and lunated; the surface swelling into wavey rings which incircleing the horn continue to succeed each other from the base to the extremity and becomeing less elivated and more distant as they receed from the head. the horn for about two thirds of its length is filled with a porus bone which is united with the frontal bone (capt. lewis obtained the bones of the upper part of the head of this animal at the big bone lick in the state of kentucky which i saw and find to be the same in every respect with those of the missouri and the rockey mountains) the horns of the female are small, but are also compressed and bent backwards and incircled with a succession of wavy rings. the horn is of a light brown colour; when dressed it is almost white extreamly transparent and very elastic. this horn is used by the nativs in constructing their bows; i have no doubt of it's elegance and usefullness in hair combs, and might probably answer as maney valuable purpoces to civilized man, as it does to the native indians, who form their water cups, spoons and platters of it. the females have already brought forth their young indeed from the size of the young, i suppose that they produce them early in march. they have from one to two at a birth. they feed on grass, but principally on the arramatic herbs which grow on the clifts and inaccessable hights which they frequent most commonly, and the places they generally collect to lodge is the cranies or cevices of the rocks in the face of inaccessable precepices, where the wolf nor bear can reach them, and where indeed man himself would in maney instances find a similar deficiency; yet those animals bound from rock to rock and stand apparently in the most careless manner on the side of precipices of maney hundred feet. they are very shy and quick of both sent and sight. the flesh of this animal is dark and i think inferior to the flesh of the common deer, and superior to the antilope of the missouri and the columbian plains-. in my walk of this day i saw mountts. on either side of the river at no great distance, those mountains appeared to be detached, and not ranges as laid down by the minetarrees, i also think i saw a range of high mounts. at a great distance to the s s w. but am not certain as the horozon was not clear enough to view it with certainty. the country on either side is high broken and rockey a dark brown hard rugid stone intermixed with a soft white sand stone. the hills contain coal or cabonated wood as below and some scattering pumistone. the sides of the river is bordered with coars gravel, which in maney places have washed either together or down small brooks and forms bars at some distance in the water, around which the current passes with great valocity. the bottoms between hills and river are narrow and contain scercely any timber. the appearence of salts, and bitumun still continue. we saw a polecat to day being the first which we have seen for some time past. the air of this quarter is pure and helthy. the water of the missouri well tasted not quite so muddy as it is below, not withstanding the last rains has raised the river a little it is less muddy than it was before the rain. [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . set out at an early hour and proceeded principally by the toe line, using the oars mearly to pass the river in order to take advantage of the shores. scarcely any bottoms to the river; the hills high and juting in on both sides, to the river in many places. the stone tumbleing from these clifts and brought down by the rivulets as mentioned yesterday became more troublesome today. the black rock has given place to a very soft sandstone which appears to be washed away fast by the river, above this and towards the summits of the hills a hard freestone of a brownish yellow colour shews itself in several stratas of unequal thicknesses frequently overlain or incrusted by a very thin strata of limestone which appears to be formed of concreted shells. capt. clark walked on shore this morning and ascended to the summit of the river hills he informed me on his return that he had seen mountains on both sides of the river runing nearly parrallel with it and at no great distance; also an irregular range of mountains on lard. about mes. distant, the extremities of which boar w and n. w. from his station. he also saw in the course of his walk, some elk, several herds of the big horn, and the large hare; the latter is common to every part of this open country. scarcely any timber to be seen except the few scattering pine and spruce which crown the high hills, or in some instances grow along their sides. in the after part of the day i also walked out and ascended the river hills which i found sufficiently fortiegueing. on arriving to the summit one of the highest points in the neighbourhood i thought myself well repaid for any labour; as from this point i beheld the rocky mountains for the first time, i could only discover a few of the most elivated points above the horizon, the most remarkable of which by my pocket compass i found bore n. ° w. being a little to the n. of the n. w. extremity of the range of broken mountains seen this morning by capt. c. these points of the rocky mountains were covered with snow and the sun shone on it in such manner as to give me the most plain and satisfactory view. while i viewed these mountains i felt a secret pleasure in finding myself so near the head of the heretofore conceived boundless missouri; but when i reflected on the difficulties which this snowey barrier would most probably throw in my way to the pacific, and the sufferings and hardships of myself and party in them, it in some measure counterballanced the joy i had felt in the first moments in which i gazed on them; but as i have always held it a crime to anticipate evils i will believe it a good comfortable road untill i am compelled to beleive differently. saw a few elk & bighorns at a distance on my return to the river i passed a creek about yds. wide near it's entrance it had a handsome little stream of runing water; in this creek i saw several softshelled turtles which were the first that have been seen this season; this i believe proceeded reather from the season than from their non existence in the portion of the river from the mandans hither. on the stard. shore i killed a fat buffaloe which was very acceptable to us at this moment; the party came up to me late in the evening and encamped for the night on the lard. side. it was after dark before we finished butchering the buffaloe, and on my return to camp i trod within five inches of a rattle snake but being in motion i passed before he could probably put himself in a striking attitude and fortunately escaped his bite, i struck about at random with my espontoon being directed in some measure by his nois untill i killed him. our hunters had killed two of the bighorned anamals since i had left them. we also passed another creek a few miles below turtle creek on the stard. yds in width which also had runing water bed rockey.- late this evening we passed a very bad rappid which reached quite across the river, the party had considerable difficulty in ascending it altho they doubled their crews and used both the rope and the pole. while they were passing this rappid a female elk and it's fawn swam down throught the waves which ran very high, hence the name of elk rappids which they instantly gave this place, these are the most considerable rappids which we have yet seen on the missouri and in short the only place where there has appeared to be a suddon decent. opposite to these rappids there is a high bluff and a little above on lard. a small cottonwood bottom in which we found sufficient timber for our fires and encampment. here i rejoined the party after dark. the appearances of coal in the face of the bluffs, also of birnt hills, pumice stone salt and quarts continue as yesterday. this is truly a desert barren country and i feel myself still more convinced of it's being a continuation of the black hills. we have continued every day to pass more or less old stick lodges of the indians in the timbered points, there are two even in this little bottom where we lye.- [clark, may , ] may th sunday we set out early and proceeded as yesterday wind from the s. w. the river enclosed with very high hills on either side. i took one man and walked out this morning, and ascended the high countrey to view the mountains which i thought i saw yesterday, from the first sumit of the hill i could plainly see the mountains on either side which i saw yesterday and at no great distance from me, those on the stard side is an errigular range, the two extremities of which bore west and n. west from me. those mountains on the lard. side appeared to be several detached knobs or mountains riseing from a leven open countrey, at different distances from me, from south west to south east, on one the most s. westerly of those mountains there appeared to be snow. i crossed a deep holler and assended a part of the plain elevated much higher than where i first viewed the above mountains; from this point i beheld the rocky mountains for the first time with certainty, i could only discover a fiew of the most elivated points above the horizon. the most remarkable of which by my pocket compas i found bore s. w. those points of the rocky mountain were covered with snow and the sun shown on it in such a manner as to give me a most plain and satisfactory view. whilst i viewed those mountains i felt a secret pleasure in finding myself so near the head of the heretofore conceived boundless missouri; but when i reflected on the difficulties which this snowey barrier would most probably throw in my way to the pacific ocean, and the sufferings and hardships of my self and party in them, it in some measure counter ballanced the joy i had felt in the first moments in which i gazed on them; but as i have always held it little short of criminality to anticipate evils i will allow it to be a good comfortable road untill i am compelled to believe otherwise the high country in which we are at present and have been passing for some days i take to be a continuation of what the indians as well as the french engages call the black hills. this tract of country so called consists of a collection of high broken and irregular hills and short chains of mountains, sometimes miles in width and again becoming much narrower, but always much higher than the country on either side; they commence about the head of the kanzas river and to the west of that river near the arkansaw river, from whence they take their cource a little to the west of n. w. approaching the rocky mountains obliquely passing the river platt near the forks, and intersepting the river rochejhone near the big bend of that river, and passing the missouri at this place-, and probably continueing to swell the country as far north as the saskashawan river. tho they are lower here than they are discribed to the south and may therefore termonate before they reach the saskashawan. the black hills in their course northerly appear to approach more nearly the rocky mountains. i saw a great number of white brant, also the common brown brant, geese of the common size & kind and a small species of geese, which differs considerably from the common or canadian goose; their necks, head and backs are considerably thicker, shorter and larger than the other in propotion to its size they are also more than a third smaller, and their note more like that of the brant or young goose which has not perfectly acquired his note, in all other respect they are the same in colour habits and the number of feathers in the tail, they frequently also ascocate with the large geese when in flocks, but never saw them pared off with the larger or common goose. the white brant ascocates in very large flocks, they do not appear to be mated or pared off as if they intended to raise their young in this quarter, i therefore doubt whether they reside here dureing the summer for that purpose. this bird is larger than the common brown brant or / of the common goose. it is not so long by six inches from point to point of the wings when extended as the other; the back head and neck are also larger and stronger; their beak, legs and feet are of a redish flesh coloured white. the eye of a moderate size, the puple of a deep sea green encircled with a ring of yellowish brown. it has feathers of equal length in the tail their note differs but little from the common brant. they are of a pure white except the large feathers of the st and d joint of the wings which are jut black. the country which borders the river is high broken and rocky, generally imbeded with a soft sand stone higher up the hill the stone is of a brownish yellow hard and gritty those stones wash down from the hills into the river and cause the shore to be rocky &c. which we find troublesom to assend there is scerce any bottom between the hills & river and but a fiew trees to be seen on either side except scattering pine on the sides of the emence hills; we passed creeks on the stard side both of them had running water in one of those creek capt lewis tells me he saw soft shell turtle capt lewis in his walk killed a fat buffalow which we were in want of our hunters killed mountain rams or bighorns in the evening late we passed a rapid which extended quite across the river we assended it by the assistance of a cord & poles on the lard. side the cliffs jut over, the opposit side is a small leavel bottom, we camped a little above in a small grove of cotton trees on the lard. side in the rapid we saw a dow elk & her faun, which gave rise to the name of elk & faun riffle we had a few drops of rain at dark.--the salts coal & burnt hills & pumicston still continue, game scerce this countrey may with propriety i think be termed the deserts of america, as i do not conceive any part can ever be settled, as it is deficent in water, timber & too steep to be tilled. we pass old indian lodges in the woody points everry day & at our camp &c [lewis, may , ] may , . one of the party killed a bighorned, the head and horns of which weighed lbs. a hare was also killed which weighed / lbs. the hare are now of a plale lead brown colour- [lewis, may , ] monday may th . the wind blew so hard this morning that we did not sent out untill a.m. we employed the chord most of the day; the river becomes more rappid and is intercepted by shoals and a greater number of rocky points at the mouths of the little gulies than we experienced yesterday. the bluffs are very high steep rugged, containing considerable quantities of stone and border the river closely on both sides; once perhaps in the course of several miles there will be a few acres of tolerably level land in which two or thre impoverished cottonwood trees will be seen. great quantities of stone also lye in the river and garnish it's borders, which appears to have tumbled from the bluffs where the rains had washed away the sand and clay in which they were imbeded. the bluffs are composed of irregular tho horizontal stratas of yellow and brown or black clay, brown and yellowish white sand, of soft yellowish white sand stone and a hard dark brown free stone, also of large round kidneyformed and irregular seperate masses of a hard black iron stone, which is imbeded in the clay and sand. some little pine spruce and dwarf cedar on the hills. some coal or carbonated wood still makes it's appearance in these bluffs, pumicestone and birnt hills it's concommutants also are seen. the salts and quarts are seen but not in such abundance. the country more broken and barren than yesterday if possible. about midday it was very warm to this the high bluffs and narrow channel of the river no doubt contributed greatly. we passed a small untimbered island this morning on the lard. side of the river just above our encampment of last evening. saw a few small herds of the bighorned anamals and two elk only, of the last we killed one, the river is generally about yds. wide, very rappid and has a perceptable fall or declination through it's whole course. this evening we encamped, for the benefit of wood, near two dead toped cottonwood trees on the lard. side; the dead limbs which had fallen from these trees furnished us with a scanty supply only, and more was not to be obtained in the neighbourhood.- [clark, may , ] may th monday . the wind blew hard from the s w. which detained us untill about oclock, at which time we set out and proceeded on, passed a small nacked island on the lard side imediately above the timber in which we camped the river is verry shoaley and the bad places are verry numerous, i e at the mouth of every drean the rocks which is a hard dark gritey stone is thrown out some distance in the river which cause a considerable riffle on that side, the hills approach the river verry close on either side, river narrow & no timber except some scattering pine on the hills & hill sides, the salts, coal, burn hills & pumice stone &c. continue, the hills are generally bluffs of various coloured earth most commonly black with different quallities stone intermixed some stratums of soft sand stone, some hard, some a dark brown & yellow hard grit, those stones are loosened by the earths washing from them into the river and ultimately role down into the river, which appears to be crowded with them. this day is verry worm--we only saw a fiew small herds of the big horn animals on the hills, and two elk one of which we killed, we camped at dead top trees on the lard side. the river is genly about yards wide and current very swift to day and has a verry perceptiable fall in all its course--it rises a little. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . this morning we set forward at an early hour; the weather dark and cloudy, the are smokey, had a few drops of rain; we employed the chord generally to which we also gave the assistance of the pole at the riffles and rocky points; these are as numerous and many of them much worse than those we passed yesterday; arround those points the water drives with great force, and we are obliged in many instaces to steer our vessels through the appertures formed by the points of large sharp rocks which reach a few inches above the surface of the water, here sould our chord give way the bough is instantly drivin outwards by the stream and the vessel thrown with her side on the rocks where she must inevitably overset or perhaps be dashed to peices; our ropes are but slender, all of them except one being made of elk's skin and much woarn, frequently wet and exposed to the heat of the weather are weak and rotten; they have given way several times in the course of the day but happily at such places that the vessel had room to wheel free of the rocks and therefore escaped injury; with every precaution we can take it is with much labour and infinite risk that we are enabled to get around these points. found a new indian lodge pole today which had been brought down by the stream, it was woarn at one end as if draged by dogs or horses; a football also, and several other articles were found, which have been recently brought down by the courant; these are strong evedences of indians being on the river above us, and probably at no great distance; the football is such as i have seen among the minetaries and therefore think it most probable that they are a band of the minetaries of fort de prarie. the river country &c continued much as yesterday untill late in the evening when we arrived at the entrance of a large creek discharges itself on the stard. side, is yd. wide and contains runing water; here the hills recede from the river on both sides, the bottoms extensive particularly on the stard. side where the hills are comparitively low and open into three large vallies which extend for a considerable distance in a northwardly direction; here also the river spreads to more than times it's former width and is filled with a number of small and handsome islands covered with cottonwood some timber also in the bottoms, the land again fertile. these appearances were quite reviving after the drairy country through which we had been passing. capt. c. walked on shore in the early part of the day and killed a big horned anamal; he saw a great number of them as well as ourselves in the broken country. at a.m. a few drops of rain again fell and were attended with distant thunder which is the first we have heated since we left the mandans.--this evening we encamped on stard. opposite to the entrance of a small creek. i beleive the bighorn have their young at a very early season, say early in march for they appear now to be half grown. one of the party saw a very large bear today but being some distance from the river and no timber to conceal him he did not think proper to fire on him. [clark, may , ] may th tuesday a cloudy morning some fiew drops of rain and verry smokey wind from the s. w. we set out at an early hour, the shoaley places are verry numerous and some bad to get around we have to make use of the cord & poles, and our tow. ropes are all except one of elkskin, & stretch and sometimes brake which indanger the perogues or canoe, as it imedeately turns and if any rock should chance to be below, the rapidity of the current would turn her over, she should chance to strike the rock we observe great caution at those places. i walked on shore found the countrey ruged and as described yesterday, i saw great numbers of the big horned animals, one of which i killed their fauns are nearly half grown--one of the party saw a verry large bear, picked up on the shore a pole which had been made use of by the nativs for lodge poles, & haul'd by dogs it is new and is a certain sign of the indians being on the river above a foot ball and several other articles are also found to substantiate this oppinion-. at oclock we had a few drops of rain and some thunder whic is the first thunder we have had sinc we set out from fort mandan; at miles the the hills begin to widen & the river spreds & is crouded with islands the bottoms contain some scattering cotton wood the islands also contain timber--passed a creek of running water on the stard side about yards wide and camped imedeately opposit to a small creek on the lard. side we call bull creek from the circumstance of a buffalow bull swiming from the opposit side and comeing out of the river imedeately across one of the perogues without sinking or injureing any thing in the perogue, and passing with great violence thro our camp in the night makeing angles without hurting a man, altho they lay in every direction, and it was very dark the creek below yards wide i call thompsons creek after a valuable member of our party--this creek contains a greater preportion of running water than common. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th . last night we were all allarmed by a large buffaloe bull, which swam over from the opposite shore and coming along side of the white perogue, climbed over it to land, he then alarmed ran up the bank in full speed directly towards the fires, and was within inches of the heads of some of the men who lay sleeping before the centinel could allarm him or make him change his course, still more alarmed, he now took his direction immediately towards our lodge, passing between fires and within a few inches of the heads of one range of the men as they yet lay sleeping, when he came near the tent, my dog saved us by causing him to change his course a second time, which he did by turning a little to the right, and was quickly out of sight, leaving us by this time all in an uproar with our guns in or hands, enquiring of each other the case of the alarm, which after a few moments was explained by the centinel; we were happy to find no one hirt. the next morning we found that the buffaloe in passing the perogue had trodden on a rifle, which belonged to capt. clark's black man, who had negligently left her in the perogue, the rifle was much bent, he had also broken the spindle, pivit, and shattered the stock of one of the bluntderbushes on board, with this damage i felt well content, happey indeed, that we had sustaned no further injury. it appears that the white perogue, which contains our most valuable stores, is attended by some evil gennii. this morning we set out at an early hour and proceded as usual by the chord. at the distance of / miles passed a handsome river which discharged itself on the lard. side, i walked on shore and acended this river about a mile and a half in order to examine it. i found this river about yds. wide from bank to bank, the water occupying about yard. the bed was formed of gravel and mud with some sand; it appeared to contain much more water as the muscle-shell river, was more rappid but equally navigable; there were no large stone or rocks in it's bed to obstruct the navigation; the banks were low yet appeared seldom to overflow; the water of this river is clear than any we have met with great abundance of the argalia or bighorned animals in the high country through which this river passes cap. c who assended this r. much higher than i did has thought proper to call it judieths river. the bottoms of this stream as far as i could see were wider and contained more timber than the missouri; here i saw some box alder intermixed with the cottonwood willow rose bushes and honeysuckle with some red willow constitute the undergrowth. on the missouri just above the entrance of the big horn river i counted the remains of the fires of indian lodges which appeared to be of very recent date perhaps or days. capt. clark also saw a large encampent just above the entrance of this river on the stard. side of reather older date, probably they were the same indians. the indian woman with us exmined the mockersons which we found at these encampments and informed us that they were not of her nation the snake indians, but she beleived they were some of the indians who inhabit the country on this side of rocky mountains and north of the missoury and i think it most probable that they were the minetaries of fort de prarie. at the distance of six / ms. from our encampment of last night we passed a very bad rappid to which we gave the name of the ash rappid from a few trees of that wood growing near them; this is the first ash i have seen for a great distance. at this place the hills again approach the river closely on both sides, and the same seen which we had on the th and th in the morning again presents itself, and the rocky points and riffles reather more numerous and worse; there was but little timber; salts coal &c still appear. today we passed on the stard. side the remains of a vast many mangled carcases of buffalow which had been driven over a precipice of feet by the indians and perished; the water appeared to have washed away a part of this immence pile of slaughter and still their remained the fragments of at least a hundred carcases they created a most horrid stench. in this manner the indians of the missouri distroy vast herds of buffaloe at a stroke; for this purpose one of the most active and fleet young men is scelected and disguised in a robe of buffaloe skin, having also the skin of the buffaloe's head with the years and horns fastened on his head in form of a cap, thus caparisoned he places himself at a convenient distance between a herd of buffaloe and a precipice proper for the purpose, which happens in many places on this river for miles together; the other indians now surround the herd on the back and flanks and at a signal agreed on all shew themselves at the same time moving forward towards the buffaloe; the disguised indian or decoy has taken care to place himself sufficiently nigh the buffaloe to be noticed by them when they take to flight and runing before them they follow him in full speede to the precepice, the cattle behind driving those in front over and seeing them go do not look or hesitate about following untill the whole are precipitated down the precepice forming one common mass of dead an mangled carcases; the decoy in the mean time has taken care to secure himself in some cranney or crivice of the clift which he had previously prepared for that purpose. the part of the decoy i am informed is extreamly dangerous, if they are not very fleet runers the buffaloe tread them under foot and crush them to death, and sometimes drive them over the precepice also, where they perish in common with the buffaloe.--we saw a great many wolves in the neighbourhood of these mangled carcases they were fat and extreemly gentle, capt. c. who was on shore killed one of them with his espontoon. just above this place we came too for dinner opposite the entrance of a bold runing river yds. wide which falls in on lard. side. this stream we called slaughter river. it's bottoms are but narrow and contain scarcely any timber. our situation was a narrow bottom on the stard. possessing some cottonwood. soon after we landed it began to blow & rain, and as there was no appearance of even wood enough to make our fires for some distance above we determined to remain here untill the next morning, and accordingly fixed our camp and gave each man a small dram. notwithstanding the allowance of sperits we issued did not exceed / pn. man several of them were considerably effected by it; such is the effects of abstaining for some time from the uce of sperituous liquors; they were all very merry.--the hunters killed an elk this evening, and capt. c. killed two beaver. [clark, may , ] may th wednesday in the last night we were alarmed by a buffalow which swam from the opposit shore landed opposit the perogue in which capt lewis & my self were in he crossed the perogue, and went with great force up to the fire where several men were sleeping and was inches of their heads, when one man sitting up allarmed him and he turned his course along the range of men as they lay, passing between fires and within a fiew inches of some of the mens heads as they lay imediately in a direction to our lodge about which several men were lying. our dog flew out & he changed his course & passed without doeing more damage than bend a rifle & brakeing hir stock and injureying one of the blunder busts in the perogue as he passed through--we set out this morning at the usial hour & proceeded on at / miles passed the mouth of a river ____ yards wide, discharging a great quantity of water, and containing more wood in its bottoms than the missouri--this river capt lewis walked up for a short distance & he saw an old encampment of indians (i also saw large encampment on the stard side at the mouth of a small creek of about lodges which appeared to be or weeks past, the indian woman examined the mockersons &c. and told us they were the indians which resided below the rocky mountains & to the north of this river,that her nation make their mockersons differently) at / miles passed a considerable rapid at which place the hills approach near the river on both sides, leaveing a narrow bottom on the stard. side, (ash rapid) and continue close all day but little timber, i walked on the bank in the evening and saw the remains of a number of buffalow, which had been drove down a clift of rocks i think from appearances that upwards of of those animals must have perished here, great numbers of wolves were about this place & verry jentle i killed one of them with my spear. the hills above ash rapid contains more rock and coal, and the more rapid points. we came too for dinner opposit the enterence of a small river which falls in on the lard side and is about ____ yards wide, has a bold running stream, soon after we came too it began to rain & blow hard, and as we were in a good harbor & small point of woods on the stard side, and no timber for some distance above, induced us to conclude to stay all night. we gave the men a dram, altho verry small it was sufficent to effect several men. one of our hunters killed an elk this evening--i killed beaver on the side of the bank a table spoon full of water exposed to the air in a saucer would avaperate in hours when the mercury did not stand higher than the temperate point in the heat of the day. [lewis, may , ] thursday may th . the rain which commenced last evening continued with little intermission untill this morning when we set out; the high wind which accompanied the rain rendered it impracticable to procede earlyer. more rain has now fallen than we have experienced since the th of september last. many circumstances indicate our near approach to a country whos climate differs considerably from that in which we have been for many months. the air of the open country is asstonishingly dry as well as pure. i found by several experiments that a table spoon full of water exposed to the air in a saucer would avaporate in hours when the murcury did not stand higher than the temperate point at the greatest heat of the day; my inkstand so frequently becoming dry put me on this experiment. i also observed the well seasoned case of my sextant shrunk considerably and the joints opened. the water of the river still continues to become clearer and notwithstanding the rain which has fallen it is still much clearer than it was a few days past. this day we proceded with more labour and difficulty than we have yet experienced; in addition to the imbarrasments of the rappid courant, riffles, & rockey point which were as bad if not worse than yesterday, the banks and sides of the bluff were more steep than usual and were now rendered so slippery by the late rain that the men could scarcely walk. the chord is our only dependance for the courant is too rappid to be resisted with the oar and the river too deep in most places for the pole. the earth and stone also falling from these immence high bluffs render it dangerous to pass under them. the wind was also hard and against us. our chords broke several times today but happily without injury to the vessels. we had slight showers of rain through the course of the day, the air was could and rendered more disagreeable by the rain. one of the party ascended the river hills and reported on his return that there was snow intermixed with the rain which fell on the hights; he also informed us that the country was level a little back from the river on both sides. there is now no timber on the hills, an only a few scattering cottonwood, ash, box alder and willows to be seen along the river. in the course of the day we passed several old encampment of indians, from the apparent dates of which we conceived that they were the several encampments of a band of about lodges who were progressing slowly up the river; the most recent appeared to have been evacuated about weeks since. these we supposed to be the minetares or black foot indians who inhabit the country watered by the suskashawan and who resort to the establishment of fort de prarie, no part of the missouri from the minetaries to this place furnishes a perminent residence for any nation yet there is no part of it but what exhibits appearances of being occasionally visited by some nation on hunting excurtions. the minnetares of the missoury we know extend their excurtions on the s. side as high as the yellowstone river; the assinniboins still higher on the n. side most probably as high as about porcupine river and from thence upwards most probably as far as the mountains by the minetares of fort de prarie and the black foot indians who inhabit the s. fork of the suskashawan. i say the missouri to the rocky mountains for i am convinced that it penetrates those mountains for a considerable distance.--two buffaloe killed this evening a little above our encampment. [clark, may , ] may th thursday the rain conmmenced yesterday evining, and continued moderately through the course of the night, more rain has now fallin than we have experienced since the th of september last, the rain continued this morning, and the wind too high for us to proceed, untill about oclock at which time we set out, and proceeded on with great labour, we were obliged to make use of the tow rope & the banks were so muddey & slipery that the men could scercely walk not with standing we proceeded on as well as we could wind hard from the n w. in attempting to assend a rapid our toe cord broke & we turned without injurey, those rapids or shoaley points are noumerous and dificuelt, one being at the mouth of every drean some little rain at times all day one man assended the high countrey and it was raining & snowing on those hills, the day has proved to be raw and cold. back from the river is tollerably leavel, no timber of any kind on the hills, and only a fiew scattering cotton willow & ash near the river, much hard rock; & rich earth, the small portion of rain which has fallen causes the rich earth as deep as is wet to slip into the river or bottoms &c. we discover in several places old encampments of large bands of indians, a fiew weeks past and appear to be makeing up the river--those indians we believe to be the blackfoot inds. or menetares who inhabit the heads of the saskashowin & north of this place and trade a little in the fort de prarie establishments. we camped in a grove of cotton trees on the stard side, river rise / in. [lewis, may , ] friday may st . this morning we proceeded at an early hour with the two perogues leaving the canoes and crews to bring on the meat of the two buffaloe that were killed last evening and which had not been brought in as it was late and a little off the river. soon after we got under way it began to rain and continued untill meridian when it ceased but still remained cloudy through the ballance of the day. the obstructions of rocky points and riffles still continue as yesterday; at those places the men are compelled to be in the water even to their armpits, and the water is yet very could, and so frequent are those point that they are one fourth of their time in the water, added to this the banks and bluffs along which they are obliged to pass are so slippery and the mud so tenacious that they are unable to wear their mockersons, and in that situation draging the heavy burthen of a canoe and walking ocasionally for several hundred yards over the sharp fragments of rocks which tumble from the clifts and garnish the borders of the river; in short their labour is incredibly painfull and great, yet those faithfull fellows bear it without a murmur. the toe rope of the white perogue, the only one indeed of hemp, and that on which we most depended, gave way today at a bad point, the perogue swung and but slightly touched a rock, yet was very near overseting; i fear her evil gennii will play so many pranks with her that she will go to the bottomm some of those days.--capt. c. walked on shore this morning but found it so excessively bad that he shortly returned. at ock. we came too for refreshment and gave the men a dram which they received with much cheerfullness, and well deserved. the hills and river clifts which we passed today exhibit a most romantic appearance. the bluffs of the river rise to the hight of from to feet and in most places nearly perpendicular; they are formed of remarkable white sandstone which is sufficiently soft to give way readily to the impression of water; two or thre thin horizontal stratas of white free-stone, on which the rains or water make no impression, lie imbeded in these clifts of soft stone near the upper part of them; the earth on the top of these clifts is a dark rich loam, which forming a graduly ascending plain extends back from / a mile to a mile where the hills commence and rise abruptly to a hight of about feet more. the water in the course of time in decending from those hills and plains on either side of the river has trickled down the soft sand clifts and woarn it into a thousand grotesque figures, which with the help of a little immagination and an oblique view at a distance, are made to represent eligant ranges of lofty freestone buildings, having their parapets well stocked with statuary; collumns of various sculpture both grooved and plain, are also seen supporting long galleries in front of those buildings; in other places on a much nearer approach and with the help of less immagination we see the remains or ruins of eligant buildings; some collumns standing and almost entire with their pedestals and capitals; others retaining their pedestals but deprived by time or accident of their capitals, some lying prostrate an broken othes in the form of vast pyramids of connic structure bearing a sereis of other pyramids on their tops becoming less as they ascend and finally terminating in a sharp point. nitches and alcoves of various forms and sizes are seen at different hights as we pass. a number of the small martin which build their nests with clay in a globular form attatched to the wall within those nitches, and which were seen hovering about the tops of the collumns did not the less remind us of some of those large stone buildings in the u states. the thin stratas of hard freestone intermixed with the soft sandstone seems to have aided the water in forming this curious scenery. as we passed on it seemed as if those seens of visionary inchantment would never have and end; for here it is too that nature presents to the view of the traveler vast ranges of walls of tolerable workmanship, so perfect indeed are those walls that i should have thought that nature had attempted here to rival the human art of masonry had i not recollected that she had first began her work. these walls rise to the hight in many places of feet, are perpendicular, with two regular faces and are from one to feet thick, each wall retains the same thickness at top which it possesses at bottom. the stone of which these walls are formed is black, dence and dureable, and appears to be composed of a large portion of earth intermixed or cemented with a small quantity of sand and a considerable portion of talk or quarts. these stones are almost invariably regular parallelepipeds, of unequal sizes in the walls, but equal in their horizontal ranges, at least as to debth. these are laid regularly in ranges on each other like bricks, each breaking or covering the interstice of the two on which it rests. thus the purpendicular interstices are broken, and the horizontal ones extend entire throughout the whole extent of the walls. these stones seem to bear some proportion to the thickness of the walls in which they are employed, being larger in the thicker walls; the greatest length of the parallelepiped appears to form the thickness of the thiner walls, while two or more are employed to form that of the thicker walls. these walls pass the river in several places, rising from the water's edge much above the sandstone bluffs, which they seem to penetrate; thence continuing their course on a streight line on either side of the river through the gradually ascending plains, over which they tower to the hight of from ten to seventy feet until) they reach the hills, which they finally enter and conceal themselves. these walls sometimes run parallel to each other, with several ranges near each other, and at other times interscecting each other at right angles, having the appearance of the walls of ancient houses or gardens. i walked on shore this evening and examined these walls minutely and preserved a specimine of the stone. i found the face of many of the river hills formed of clifts of very excellent free stone of a light yellowish brown colour; on these clifts i met with a species of pine which i had never seen, it differs from the pitchpine in the particular of it's leaf and cone, the first being vastly shorter, and the latter considerably longer and more pointed. i saw near those bluffs the most beautiful) fox that i ever beheld, the colours appeared to me to be a fine orrange yellow, white and black, i endevoured to kill this anamal but it discovered me at a considerable distance, and finding that i could get no nearer, i fired on him as he ran, and missed him; he concealed himself under the rocks of the clift; it appeared to me to be about the size of the common red fox of the atlantic states, or reather smaller than the large fox common to this country; convinced i am that it is a distinct species. the appearance of coal continues but in small quantities, but little appearance of birnt hills or pumice stones the mineral salts have in some measure abated and no quarts. we saw a great number of the bighorn some mule deer and a few buffaloe and elk, no antelopes or common deer. drewyer who was with me and myself killed two bighorned anamals; the sides of the clifts where these anamals resort much to lodg, have the peculiar smell of the sheepfolds. the party killed in addition to our hunt buffaloe and an elk. the river today has been from to yds. wide but little timber today on the river. [clark, may , ] may st friday . a cloudy morning we dispatched all the canoes to collect the meat of buffalow killed last night a head and a little off the river, and proceeded on with the perogues at an early hour. i attempted to walk on shore soon found it verry laborious as the mud stuck to my mockersons & was verry slippery. i return'd on board. it continued to rain moderately untill about oclock when it ceased, & continued cloudy. the stone on the edge of the river continue to form verry considerable rapids, which are troublesom & dificuelt to pass, our toe rope which we are obliged to make use of altogether broke & we were in some danger of turning over in the perogue in which i was, we landed at and refreshed the men with a dram, our men are obliged to under go great labour and fatigue in assending this part of the missouri, as they are compelled from the rapidity of the current in many places to walk in the water & on slippery hill sides or the sides of rocks, on gravel & thro a stiff mud bear footed, as they cannot keep on mockersons from the stiffness of the mud & decline of the slipy. hills sides--the hills and river clifts of this day exhibit a most romantick appearance on each side of the river is a white soft sand stone bluff which rises to about half the hight of the hills, on the top of this clift is a black earth on points, in maney places this sand stone appears like antient ruins some like elegant buildings at a distance, some like towers &c. &c. in maney places of this days march we observe on either side of the river extraodanary walls of a black semented stone which appear to be regularly placed one stone on the other, some of those walls run to the hite of feet, they are from about foot to feet thick and are perpendicular, those walls commence at the waters edge & in some places meet at right angles--those walls appear to continue their course into the sand clifts, the stones which form those walls are of different sizes all squar edged, great numbers has fallen off from the walls near the river which cause the walls to be of uneaquil hite, in the evening the countrey becomes lower and the bottoms wider, no timber on the uplands, except a few cedar & pine on the clifts a few scattering cotton trees on the points in the river bottoms, the apparance of coal continus capt lewis walked on shore & observed a species of pine we had never before seen, with a shorter leaf than common & the bur different, he also collected some of the stone off one of the walls which appears to be a sement of isin glass black earth we camped on the stard side in a small timbered bottom above the mouth of a creek on the stard side our hunters killed, animals with big horns, buffalow & an elk, we saw great numbers of those big horned animals on the clifts, but fiew buffalow or elk, no antelope, a fiew mule deer, saw a fox to day. the river rises a little it is from to yds. wide [clark, may , ] may st friday cloudy morning, we proceeded on at an early hour with the two perogues leaving the canoes and crews to bring on the meat of two buffalow that were killed last evening and which had not been brought in as it was late and a little off the river. soon after we got under way it began to rain and continued untill oclock when it seased but still remained cloudy through the ballance of the day. the obstructions of rocky points and riffles still continue as yesterday; at those places the men are compelled to be in the water even to their armpits, and the water is yet very cold, and so frequent are those points that they are one fourth of their time in the water. added to this the bank and bluff along which they are obliged to pass are so slippery and the mud so tenatious that they are unable to bare their mockersons, and in that situation dragging the heavy burthen of a canoe and walking occasionally for several hundred yards over the sharp fragments of rocks which tumble from the clifts; and in short their labour is incredibly painfull and great, yet those faithfull fellows bear it without a murmer. the toe rope of the white perogue, the only one indeed of hemp, and that on which we most depended, gave way to day at a bad point, the perogue swong and but slightly touched a rock, yet was very near oversetting; i fear her evil ginnie will play so many pranks with her that she will go to the bottom some of those days. i attempted to walk on shore this morning but found it so excessivily bad that i soon returned on board. at oclock we came too for refreshment and gave the men a dram which they received with much chearfulness, and well deserved all wet and disagreeable. capt. lewis walked on shore, he informed one that he saw "the most butifull fox in the world" the colour appeared to him to be of a fine orrange yellow, white and black, he fired at this fox running and missed him, he appeared to be about the size of the common red fox of the united states, or rather smaller. the hills and river clifts which we pass to day exhibit a most romantic appearance. the bluffs of the river rise to the hight of from to feet and in most places nearly perpendicular; they are formed of remarkable white sandstone which is sufficiently soft to give way readily to the impression of water; two or three thin horizontal stratas of white free stone, on which the rains or water make no impression, lie imbeded in those clifts of soft stone near the upper part of them; the earth on the top of these clifts is a dark rich loam, which forming a gradual ascending plain extend back from / a mile to a mile where the hills commence and rise abruptly to the hight of about feet more. the water in the course of time acecending from those hills and plains on either side of the river has trickled down the soft sand clifts and woarn it into a thousand grotesque figures; which with the help of a little imagination and an oblique view at a distance are made to represent elegant ranges of lofty freestone buildings, haveing their parapets well stocked with statuary; colloms of various sculptures both grooved and plain, are also seen supporting long galleries in part of those buildings; in other places on a much nearer approach and with the with the help of less immagination we see the remains of ruins of eligant buildings; some collumns standing and almost entire with their pedestals and capitals, others retaining their pedestals but deprived by time or accedint of their capitals, some lying prostrate and broken, others in the form of vast pyramids of connic structure bearing a serious of other pyramids on their tops becomeing less as they ascend and finally termonateing in a sharp point. nitches and alcoves of various forms and sizes are seen at different hights as we pass. a number of the small martin which build their nests with clay of a globular form attached to the wall within those nitches, and which were seen hovering about the top of the collumns did not the less remind us of some of those large stone buildings in the united states. the thin stratas of hard free stone intermixed with the soft sand stone seems to have aided the water in forming this curious scenery. as we passed on it seemed as if those seens of visionary enchantment would never have an end; for here it is too that nature presents to the view of the traveler vast ranges of walls of tolerable workmanship, so perfect indeed are those walls that i should have thought that nature had attempted here to rival the human art of masonry had i not recollected that she had first began her work. these walls rise to the hight in many places of feet, are perpindicular, with two regular faces, and are from one to feet thick, each wall retains the same thickness to the top which it possesses at bottom. the stone of which these walls are formed is black, dense and dureable, and appears to be composed of a large portion of earth intermixed or cemented with a small quantity of sand and a considerable portion of quarts. these stones are almost invariably regular parallelepipeds, of unequal sizes in the wall, but equal in their horizontal ranges, at least as to debth. these are laid regularly in ranges on each other like bricks, each breaking or covering this interstice of the two on which it rests, thus the pirpendicular interstices are broken, and the horizontal ones extend entire throughout the whole extent of the walls. these stones seam to bear some proportion to the thickness of the walls in which they are employd, being larger in the thicker walls; the greatest length of the parallelepiped appear to form the thickness of the thiner walls, while two or more are employed to form that of the thicker walls. those walls pass the river in several places rising from the waters edge much above the sand stone bluffs, which they seam to penetrate; thence continueing their course on a streight line on either side of the river thorough the gradually ascending plains over which they tower to the hight of from ten to feet untill they reach the hills which they finally enter and conceal themselves. these walls sometimes run parallel to each other, with several ranges near each other, and at other times intersecting each other at right angles, haveing the appearance of the walls of ancient houses or gardins. both capt lewis and my self walked on shore this evening and examined those walls minutely and preserved a specimine of the stone.--i found many clifts of very excellent free stone of a light yellowish brown colour. capt. lewis observed a species of pine which i had never seen, it differs from the pitch pine in the particular of its leaf and cone, the first being partly shorter, and the latter considerably longer and more pointed. the appearance of coal continues but in smaller quantities, but little appearance of burnt hills or pumicestone. the mineral salt in some measure have abated and no quarts. we saw a great number of the big horn, some mule deer, and a few buffalow and elk, no antelopes or common deer-. capt. lewis killed a big horn animal. the party killed buffalow one elk and a big horn or ibex to day-. the river has been from to yards wide but little timber on the river to day. river less muddy than it was below. [lewis, june , ] saturday june st the moring was cloudy and a few drops of rain. set out at an early hour and proceeded as usual by the help of our chords. the river clifts and bluffs not so high as yesterday and the country becomes more level. a mountain or a part of the n. mountain appears to approach the river within or ms. bearing n. from our encampment of the last evening. capt c. who walked on shore today informed me that the river hills were much lower than usual and that from the tops of those hills he had a delightfull view of rich level and extensive plains on both sides of the river; in those plains, which in many places reach the river clifts, he observed large banks of pure sand which appeared to have been driven by the s w. winds from the river bluffs and there deposited. the plains are more fertile at some distance from the river than near the bluffs where the surface of the earth is very generally covered with small smothe pebbles which have the appearance of having been woarn by the agitation of the waters in which they were no doubt once immerced. a range of high mountains appear to the s. w. at a considerable distance covered with snow, they appear to run westerly. no timber appears on the highlands; but much more than yesterday on the river and islands. rockey points and shoals less freequent than yesterday but some of them quite as bad when they did occur. the river from to yards wide, courant more gentle and still becoming clearer. game is by no means as abundant as below; we killed one male bighorn and a mule deer today; saw buffalow at a distance in the plains particularly near a small lake on lard. side about ms. distant. some few drops of rain again fell this evening. we passed six islands and encamped on the th; they are all small but contain some timber. the wind has been against us all day.--i saw the choke cherry the yellow and red courant bushes; the wild rose appears now to be in full bloom as are also the prickley pear which are numerous in these plains.--we also saw some indian lodges of sticks today which did not appear to have been long evacuated.--some coal appear in the bluffs. [clark, june , ] june st satterday a cloudy morning we set out at an early hour and proseeded on as usial with the toe rope the countrey appears to be lower and the clifts not so high or common, a mountain or a part of the north mountain about or miles n. of this place, i walked on shore to day found the plains much lower than we have seen them and on the top we behold an extencive plain on both sides, in this plain i observed maney noles of fine sand which appeared to have blown from the river bluffs and collected at these points those plains are fertile near the river a great no. of small stone, i observed at some distance to the s. w. a high mountain which appears to bear westerly the cole appear as usial, more cotton trees scattered on the shores & islands than yesterday--no timber on the high land, the river from to yards wide & current more jentle than yesterday but fiew bad rapid points to day--the wild animals not so plenty as below we only killed a ram & mule deer to day, we saw buffalow at a distance in the plains, particularly near a lake on the lard. side about miles distant from the river--we passed six islands and encamped on the th all those islands are small but contain some timber on them the river riseing a little wind to day from the s. w. som fiew drops of rain in the morning and also in the evening, flying clouds all day saw several indian camps made of sticks & bark set up on end and do not appear to belong evacuated--the roses are in full bloome, i observe yellow berries, red berry bushes great numbers of wild or choke cheries, prickley pares are in blossom & in great numbers [lewis, june , ] sunday june ed the wind blew violently last night and was attended by a slight shower of rain; the morning was fair and we set out at an early hour. imployed the chord as usual the greater part of the day. the courant was strong tho regular, and the banks afforded us good toeing. the wind was hard and against us yet we proceded with infinitely more ease than the two precedeing days. the river bluffs still continue to get lower and the plains leveler and more extensive; the timber on the river increases in quantity; the country in all other rispects much as discribed yesterday. i think we are now completely above the black hills we had a small shower of rain today but it lasted only a few minutes and was very moderate. game becomeing more abundant this morning and i thought it best now to loose no time or suffer an opportunity to escape in providing the necessary quantity of elk's skins to cover my leather boat which i now expect i shall be obliged to use shortly. accordingly i walked on shore most of the day with some of the hunters for that purpose and killed elk buffale mule deer and a bear. these anamals were all in good order we therefore took as much of the meat as our canoes and perogues could conveniently carry. the bear was very near catching drewyer; it also pursued charbono who fired his gun in the air as he ran but fortunately eluded the vigilence of the bear by secreting himself very securely in the bushes untill drewyer finally killed it by a shot in the head; the shot indeed that will conquer the farocity of those tremendious anamals.--in the course of the day we passed islands all of them small and most of them containing some timber. we came too on the lard. side in a handsome bottom of small cottonwood timber opposite to the entrance of a very considerable river; but it being too late to examine these rivers minutely to night we determined to remain here untill the morning, and as the evening was favourable to make some obsevations.- [clark, june , ] june nd sunday we had a hard wind and a little rain last night, this morning fair we set out at an early hour, wind from the s w. some little rain to day wind hard a head, the countrey much like that of yesterday as discribed capt lewis walked on shore, himself & the hunters killed elk & a bear and mule deer, and buffalow which was all in good order a beaver also killed to day, passed islands to day the current swift but regular, we camped on the lard side at the forks of the river the currents & sizes of them we could not examine this evening a fair night we took some luner observations of moon & stears [lewis, june , ] monday june rd this morning early we passed over and formed a camp on the point formed by the junction of the two large rivers. here in the course of the day i continued my observations as are above stated. an interesting question was now to be determined; which of these rivers was the missouri, or that river which the minnetares call amahte arz zha or missouri, and which they had discribed to us as approaching very near to the columbia river. to mistake the stream at this period of the season, two months of the traveling season having now elapsed, and to ascend such stream to the rocky mountain or perhaps much further before we could inform ourselves whether it did approach the columbia or not, and then be obliged to return and take the other stream would not only loose us the whole of this season but would probably so dishearten the party that it might defeat the expedition altogether. convinced we were that the utmost circumspection and caution was necessary in deciding on the stream to be taken. to this end an investigation of both streams was the first thing to be done; to learn their widths, debths, comparitive rappidity of their courants and thence the comparitive bodies of water furnished by each; accordingly we dispatched two light canoes with three men in each up those streams; we also sent out several small parties by land with instructions to penetrate the country as far as they conveniently can permiting themselves time to return this evening and indeavour if possible to discover the distant bearing of those rivers by ascending the rising grounds. between the time of my a.m. and meridian capt. c & myself stroled out to the top of the hights in the fork of these rivers from whence we had an extensive and most inchanting view; the country in every derection around us was one vast plain in which innumerable herds of buffalow were seen attended by their shepperds the wolves; the solatary antelope which now had their young were distributed over it's face; some herds of elk were also seen; the verdure perfectly cloathed the ground, the weather was pleasent and fair; to the south we saw a range of lofty mountains which we supposed to be a continuation of the s. mountains, streching themselves from s. e. to n. w. terminating abbrubtly about s. west from us; these were partially covered with snow; behind these mountains and at a great distance, a second and more lofty range of mountains appeared to strech across the country in the same direction with the others, reaching from west, to the n of n. w., where their snowey tops lost themselves beneath the horizon. this last range was perfectly covered with snow. the direction of the rivers could be seen but little way, soon loosing the break of their channels, to our view, in the common plain. on our return to camp we boar a little to the left and discovered a handsome little river falling into the n. fork on lard. side about / ms. above our camp. this little river has as much timber in it's bottoms as either of the larger streams. there are a great number of prickley pears in these plains; the choke cherry grows here in abundance both in the river bottoms and in the steep ravenes along the river bluffs. saw the yellow and red courants, not yet ripe; also the goosberry which begins to ripen; the wild rose which grows here in great abundance in the bottoms of all these rivers is now in full bloom, and adds not a little to the beaty of the cenery. we took the width of the two rivers, found the left hand or s. fork yards and the n. fork . the noth fork is deeper than the other but it's courant not so swift; it's waters run in the same boiling and roling manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri throughout it's whole course so far; it's waters are of a whitish brown colour very thick and terbid, also characteristic of the missouri; while the south fork is perfectly transparent runds very rappid but with a smoth unruffled surface it's bottom composed of round and flat smooth stones like most rivers issuing from a mountainous country. the bed of the n. fork composed of some gravel but principally mud; in short the air & character of this river is so precisely that of the missouri below that the party with very few exceptions have already pronounced the n. fork to be the missouri; myself and capt. c. not quite so precipitate have not yet decided but if we were to give our opinions i believe we should be in the minority, certain it is that the north fork gives the colouring matter and character which is retained from hence to the gulph of mexico. i am confident that this river rises in and passes a great distance through an open plain country i expect that it has some of it's souces on the eastern side of the rocky mountain south of the saskashawan, but that it dose not penetrate the first range of these mountains and that much the greater part of it's sources are in a northwardly direction towards the lower and middle parts of the saskashawan in the open plains. convinced i am that if it penetrated the rocky mountains to any great distance it's waters would be clearer unless it should run an immence distance indeed after leaving those mountains through these level plains in order to acquire it's turbid hue. what astonishes us a little is that the indians who appeared to be so well acquainted with the geography of this country should not have mentioned this river on wright hand if it be not the missouri; the river that scolds at all others, as they call it if there is in reallity such an one, ought agreeably to their account, to have fallen in a considerable distance below, and on the other hand if this righthand or n. fork be the missouri i am equally astonished at their not mentioning the s. fork which they must have passed in order to get to those large falls which they mention on the missouri. thus have our cogitating faculties been busily employed all day. those who have remained at camp today have been busily engaged in dressing skins for cloathing, notwithstanding that many of them have their feet so mangled and bruised with the stones and rough ground over which they passed barefoot, that they can scarcely walk or stand; at least it is with great pain they do either. for some days past they were unable to wear their mockersons; they have fallen off considerably, but notwithstanding the difficulties past, or those which seem now to mennace us, they still remain perfectly cheerfull. in the evening the parties whom we had sent out returned agreeably to instructions. the parties who had been sent up the rivers in canoes informed that they ascended some distance and had then left their canoes and walked up the rivers a considerable distance further barely leaving themselves time to return; the north fork was not so rappid as the other and afforded the easiest navigation of course; six feet appeared to be the shallowest water of the s. branch and feet that of the n. their accounts were by no means satisfactory nor did the information we acquired bring us nigher to the decision of our question or determine us which stream to take. sergt. pryor had ascended the n. fork and had taken the following courses and distances-viz- joseph and reubin fields reported that they had been up the south fork about mes. on a streight course somewhat n of w. and that there the little river which discharges itself into the north fork just above us, was within yards of the s. fork; that they came down this little river and found it a boald runing stream of about yds. wide containg much timber in it's bottom, consisting of the narrow and wide leafed cottonwood with some birch and box alder undrgrowth willows rosebushes currents &c. they saw a great number of elk on this river and some beaver. those accounts being by no means satisfactory as to the fundamental point; capt. c. and myself concluded to set out early the next morning with a small party each, and ascend these rivers untill we could perfectly satisfy ourselves of the one, which it would be most expedient for us to take on our main journey to the pacific. accordingly it was agreed that i should ascend the right hand fork and he the left. i gave orders to sergt. pryor drewyer, shields, windsor, cruzatte and la page to hold themselves in readiness to accompany me in the morning. capt. clark also selected reubin &joseph fields, sergt. gass, shannon and his black man york, to accompany him. we agreed to go up those rivers one day and a halfs march or further if it should appear necessary to satisfy us more fully of the point in question. the hunters killed buffaloe, elk and deer today. the evening proved cloudy. we took a drink of grog this evening and gave the men a dram, and made all matters ready for an early departure in the morning. i had now my sack and blanket happerst in readiness to swing on my back, which is the first time in my life that i had ever prepared a burthen of this kind, and i am fully convinced that it will not be the last. i take my octant with me also, this i confide la page. [clark, june , ] june rd monday we formed a camp on the point in the junction of the two rivers, and dispatched a canoe & three men up each river to examine and find if possible which is the most probable branch, the left fork which is the largest we are doubtfull of, the indians do not mention any river falling in on the right in this part of the missouri, the scolding river, if there is such a one should have fallen in below agreeable to their accts. we also dispatched men in different dircts. by land, to a mountain covered with snow to the south & other up each river--capt lewis and my self walked out & assended the hill in the point observed a leavel open countrey to the foot of the mountains which lye south of this, also a river which falls into the right hand fork about / miles above its mouth on the lard. side this little river discharges a great deal of water & contains as much cotton timber in its bottoms as either of the others we saw buffalow & antelopes &c. wild cheries, red & yellow hurries, goose berries &c. abound in the river bottoms, prickley pares on the high plains, we had a meridian altitude and the lattd. produced was ° ' " n. the after part of the day proved cloudy, we measured each river and found the one to right hand yards wide of water & the left hand fork yards wide & rapid--the right hand fork falling the other at a stand and clear, the right fork and the river which fall into it is coloured & a little muddey. several men complain of their feet being sore in walking in the sand & their being cut by the stones they to be sure have a bad time of it obliged to walk on shore & haul the rope and / of their time bear footed, in the evening late the canoes returned and the men informed us that they had assended some miles by water & left their canoes & walked on land the greater part of the day, their accounts by no means satisfactory, serjt. pryor assended the right hand fork and took the following courses, &c joseph & rubin fields went up the left fork miles on a direct line at which place, the small river which falls into the right hand fork approaches within yards of the south fork, they came down the small river which is a bold stream covered with elk & some beaver, its bottoms covered with wood, as the information given by those parties respecting the rivers did not satisfy us as to the main & principal branch capt. lewis & my self deturmined to go up each of those rivers one day & a half with a view to satisfy ourselves which of the two was the principal stream and best calculated for us to assend--the hunters killed buffalow, elk & several deer to day we refreshed our party with a dram &c cloudy evining.- [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th this morning early capt. c. departed, and at the same time i passed the wright hand fork opposite to our camp below a small island; from hence i steered n. w. / to a commanding eminence; here i took the following bearings of the mountains which were in view. the north mountains appear to change their direction from that of being parallel with the missouri turning to the north and terminating abruptly; their termineation bearing n. ° e distant by estimate mes. the south mountains appear to turn to the s. also terminating abrubtly, their extremity bearing s. w. distant mes. the barn mountain, a lofty mountain so called from it's resemblance to the roof of a large barn, is a seperate mountain and appears reather to the wright of and retreating from the extremity of the s. mts.; this boar s. w. distant ms. the north fork which i am now ascending lies to my left and appears to make a considerable bend to the n. w. on it's western border a range of hills about mes. long appear to lye parallel with the river and from hence bear n. ° w. to the n. of this range of hills an elivated point of the river bluff on it's lard. side boar n. ° w. distant mes. to this last object i now directed my course through a high level dry open plain. the whole country in fact appears to be one continued plain to the foot of the mountains or as far as the eye can reach; the soil appears dark rich and fertile yet the grass is by no means as high nor dose it look so luxurient as i should have expected, it is short just sufficient to conceal the ground. great abundance of prickly pears which are extreemly troublesome; as the thorns very readily perce the foot through the mockerson; they are so numerous that it requires one half of the traveler's attention to avoid them in these plains i observed great numbers of the brown curloos, a small species of curloo or plover of a brown colour about the size of the common snipe and not unlike it in form with a long celindric curved and pointed beak; it's wings are proportionately long and the tail short; in the act of liteing this bird lets itself down by an extention of it's wings without motion holding their points very much together above it's back, in this rispect differing ascentially from any bird i ever observed. a number of sparrows also of three distinct species i observed. also a small bird which in action resembles the lark, it is about the size of a large sparrow of a dark brown colour with some white fathers in the tail; this bird or that which i take to be the male rises into the air about feet and supporting itself in the air with a brisk motion of the wings sings very sweetly, has several shrill soft notes reather of the plaintive order which it frequently repeats and varies, after remaining stationary about a minute in his aireal station he descends obliquely occasionly pausing and accomnying his decension with a note something like twit twit twit; on the ground he is silent. thirty or forty of these birds will be stationed in the air at a time in view, these larks as i shall call them add much to the gayety and cheerfullness of the scene. all those birds are now seting and laying their eggs in the plains; their little nests are to be seen in great abundance as we pass. there are meriads of small grasshoppers in these plains which no doubt furnish the principal aliment of this numerous progeny of the feathered creation. after walking about eight miles i grew thisty and there being no water in the plains i changed my direction and boar obliquely in towards the river, on my arrival at which about mes. below the point of observation, we discovered two deer at feed at some distance near the river; i here halted the party and sent drewyer to kill one of them for breakfast; this excellent hunter soon exceded his orders by killing of them both; they proved to be two mule bucks in fine order; we soon kindled a fire cooked and made a hearty meal. it was not yet twelve when we arrived at the river and i was anxious to take the meridian altd. of the sun but the clouds prevent ed my obtaining the observation. after refreshing ourselves we proceded up the river to the extremity of the first course, from whence the river boar on it's general course n. ° w. m. to a bluff point on stard. here drewyer killed four other deer of the common kind; we skined them and hung up a part of the meat and the skins as we did also of the first, and took as much of the meat as we thought would answer for our suppers and proceeded n. w. m. to the entrance of a large creek on lard. side the part of the river we have passed is from to yds. wide, is deep, has falling banks, the courant strong, the water terbid and in short has every appearance of the missouri below except as to size. it's bottoms narrow but well timbered. salts coal and other mineral appearances as usual; the bluffs principally of dark brown, yellow and some white clay; some freestone also appears in places. the river now boar n. ° e. mes. to a bluff on lard. at the commencement of this course we ascended the hills which are about feet high, and passed through the plains about m. but finding the dry ravines so steep and numerous we determined to return to the river and travel through it's bottoms and along the foot and sides of the bluffs, accordingly we again reached the river about miles from the commencement of the last course and encamped a small distant above on the stard. side in a bend among the willow bushes which defended us from the wind which blew hard from the n. w. it rained this evening and wet us to the skin; the air was extremely could. just before we encamped drewyer fired at a large brown bar across the river and wounded him badly but it was too late to pursue him. killed a braro and a beaver, also at the place of our encampment, a very fine mule deer. we saw a great number of buffaloe, elk, wolves and foxes today. the river bottoms form one emence garden of roses, now in full bloe. [clark, june , ] june th tuesday capt. lewis & my self each with a small party of men set out earlythose who accompanied capt lewis were g. drewyer serjt. pryor, j shields, p. crusat j. b. de page, r. winser, went up the n. side of the n. fork. those who accompanied me were serjt. gass jos. & ruben fields g. shannon & my black man york, and we set out to examine the south fork, our first course was s. ° w. miles to the s. fork at a spring, at which place the little river which falls into the n. fork is yards distant only seperated from the south fork by a narrow ridge. our course from thence s. ° w. miles to the river at an island where we dined below a small river falls in on the s e side which heads in a mountain to the s. e about miles. north of this place about miles the little river brakes thro a high ridge into the open leavel plain thro which we have passd. from the point, this plain is covered with low grass & prickley pear, emence number of prarie dogs or barking squirel are thro this plain--after eating we proceeded on n. ° w. struck the river at miles , & miles at which place we encamped in an old indian lodge made of stiks and bark at the river near our camp we saw two white bear, one of them was nearly catching joseph fields who could not fire, as his gun was wet the bear was so near that it struck his foot, and we were not in a situation to give him assistance, a clift of rocks seperated us the bear got allarmed at our shot & yells & took the river.--some rain all the afternoon saw several gangues of buffalow at a distance in the open plains on each side, saw mule deer antilopes & wolves--the river is rapid & closely himed on one or the other side with high bluffs, crouded with islands & graveley bars containing but a small quantity of timber on its bottoms & none on the high land. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . this morning was cloudy and so could that i was obleged to have recourse to a blanket coat in order to keep myself comfortable altho walking. the rain continued during the greater part of last night. the wind hard from n. w. we set out at sunrise and proceded up the river eight miles on the course last taken yesterday evening, at the extremity of which a large creek falls in on the stard. yards. wide at it's entrance, some timber but no water, notwithstanding the rain; it's course upwards is n. e. it is astonishing what a quantity of water it takes to saturate the soil of this country, the earth of the plains are now opened in large crivices in many places and yet looks like a rich loam from the entrance of this creek (which i called lark c.) the river boar n. . w. m. at the entrance of this creek the bluffs were very steep and approached the river so near on the stard. side that we ascended the hills and passed through the plains; at the extremity of this course we returned to the river which then boar north rues. from the same point, i discovered a lofty single mountain which appeard to be at a great distance, perhaps or more miles it boar n. w. from it's conic figure i called it tower mountain. we now passed through the river bottoms to the extremity of the last course thence with the river s ° w / m. s w. m n w / at the extremity of which i again ascended the bluffs and took a course to a point of the lard. bluffs of the river which boar west m. the river making a deep bend to the south that is of at least five miles from the center of the chord line to the center of the bend. on this course we passed through the plains found the plains as yesterday extreemly leavel and beautifull, great quanties of buffaloe, some wolves foxes and antelopes seen. near the river the plain is cut by deep ravines in this plain and from one to nine miles from the river or any water, we saw the largest collection of the burrowing or barking squirrels that we had ever yet seen; we passed through a skirt of the territory of this community for about miles. i saw a flock of the mountain cock, or a large species of heath hen with a long pointed tail which the indians informed us were common to the rockey mountains, i sent shields to kill one of them but he was obliged to fire a long distance at them and missed his aim. as we had not killed or eat anything today we each killed a burrowing squrrel as we passed them in order to make shure of our suppers. we again intersepted the river at the expiration of the last course or the lard. bluffs, from whence it now boar n ° w. mes. from this point saw some other lofty mountains to the n. w. of tower mtn. which boar n. °w. or mes. distant at the expiration of this course we killed five elk and a blacktailed or mule deer and encamped on stard. side of the river in a handsome well timbered bottom where there were several old stick lodges. in the forepart of the day there was but little timber in the river bottoms but the quantity is now greater than usual. the river is about yds. wide with a strong steady courant and from to feet water. i had the burrowing squirrels roasted by way of experiment and found the flesh well flavored and tender; some of them were very fat. [clark, june , ] june th wednesday some little rain & snow last night the mountains to our s e. covered with snow this morning air verry cold & raining a little, we saw buffalow opposit, they made attempts to cross, the water being so swift they could not, about the time we were setting out three white bear approached our camp we killed the three & eate part of one & set out & proceeded on n. ° w miles.--k the river at maney places in this distance to a ridge on the n. side t m the top of which i could plainly see a mountain to the south & w. covered with snow at a long distance, the mountains opposit to us to the s. e. is also covered with snow this morning.--a high ridge from those mountains approach the river on the s e side forming some clifts of hard dark stone.--from the ridge at which place i struck the river last, i could ____ discover that the river run west of south a long distance, and has a strong rapid current, as this river continued its width debth & rapidity and the course west of south, going up further would be useless, i deturmined to return, i accordingly set out, thro the plain on a course n. ° e on my return & struck the little river at miles passing thro a leavel plain, at the little river we killed buck elk & dined on their marrow, proceeded on a few miles & camped, haveing killed deer which was verry fat, some few drops of rain to day, the evening fair wind hard from the n. e. i saw great numbers of elk & white tale deer, some beaver, antelope mule deer & wolves & one bear on this little river marked my name in a tree n. side near the ridge where the little river brakes thro [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . i now became well convinced that this branch of the missouri had it's direction too much to the north for our rout to the pacific, and therefore determined to return the next day after taking an observation of the sun's meridian altitude in order to fix the latitude of the place. the forepart of the last evening was fair but in the latter part of the night clouded up and contnued so with short intervals of sunshine untill a little before noon when the whole horizon was overcast, and i of course disappointed in making the observation which i much wished. i had sent sergt. pryor and windsor early this morning with orders to procede up the river to some commanding eminence and take it's bearing as far as possible. in the mean time the four others and myself were busily engaged in making two rafts on which we purposed descending the river; we had just completed this work when sergt. pryor and windsor returned, it being about noon; they reported that they had proceded from hence s w. m. to the summit of a commanding eminence from whence the river on their left was about / miles distant; that a point of it's lard. bluff, which was visible boar s w. distant about ms.; that the river on their left bent gradually arround to this point, and from thence seemed to run northwardly. we now took dinner and embarcked with our plunder and five elk's skins on the rafts but were soon convinced that this mode of navigation was hazerdous particularly with those rafts they being too small and slender. we wet a part of our baggage and were near loosing one of our guns; i therefore determined to abandon the rafts and return as we had come, by land. i regreted much being obliged to leave my elk's skins, which i wanted to assist in forming my leather boat; those we had prepared at fort mandan being injured in such manner that they would not answer. we again swung our packs and took our way through the open plains for about mes. when we struck the river; the wind blew a storm from n. e. accompanyed by frequent showers of rain; we were wet and very could. continued our rout down the river only a few miles before the abruptness of the clifts and their near approach to the river compelled us take the plains and once more face the storm; here we boar reather too much to the north and it was late in the evening before we reached the river, in our way we killed two buffaloe and took with us as much of the flesh as served us that night, and a part of the next day. we encamped a little below the entrance of the large dry creek called lark c. having traveled abut mes. since noon. it continues to rain and we have no shelter, an uncomfortable nights rest is the natural consequence. [clark, june , ] june th thursday a cloudy cold raw day wind hard from the n. e. we set out early & traveled down the little river which was imedeately in our course on this river we killed deer for their skins the bottoms of this little river is in everry respect except in extent like the large bottoms of the missouri below the forks containing a great perpotion of a kind of cotton wood with a leaf resembling a wild cherry-. i also observed wild tanzey on this little river in great quantities, we halted at oclock and eate a part of a fat buck, after dinner we assended the plain at which time it began to rain and continued all day, at oclock we arrived at our camp on the point, where i expected to meet capt lewis- he did not return this evening.--my self and party much fatigued haveing walked constantly as hard as we could march over a dry hard plain, dcending & assending the steep river hills & gullies, in my absence the party had killed an elk & buffalow, i sent out for the meat a part of which was brought in--nothing remarkable had transpired at camp in my absence [lewis, june , ] friday june th . it continued to rain almost without intermission last night and as i expected we had a most disagreable and wrestless night. our camp possessing no allurements, we left our watery beads at an early hour and continued our rout down the river. it still continues to rain the wind hard from n. e. and could. the grownd remarkably slipry, insomuch that we were unable to walk on the sides of the bluffs where we had passed as we ascended the river. notwithstanding the rain that has now fallen the earth of these bluffs is not wet to a greater debth than inches; in it's present state it is precisely like walking over frozan grownd which is thawed to small debth and slips equally as bad. this clay not only appears to require more water to saturate it as i before observed than any earth i ever observed but when saturated it appears on the other hand to yeald it's moisture with equal difficulty. in passing along the face of one of these bluffs today i sliped at a narrow pass of about yards in length and but for a quick and fortunate recovery by means of my espontoon i should been precipitated into the river down a craggy pricipice of about ninety feet. i had scarcely reached a place on which i could stand with tolerable safety even with the assistance of my espontoon before i heard a voice behind me cry out god god capt. what shall i do on turning about i found it was windsor who had sliped and fallen abut the center of this narrow pass and was lying prostrate on his belley, with his wright hand arm and leg over the precipice while he was holding on with the left arm and foot as well as he could which appeared to be with much difficulty. i discovered his danger and the trepedation which he was in gave me still further concern for i expected every instant to see him loose his strength and slip off; altho much allarmed at his situation i disguised my feelings and spoke very calmly to him and assured him that he was in no kind of danger, to take the knife out of his belt behind him with his wright hand and dig a hole with it in the face of the bank to receive his wright foot which he did and then raised himself to his knees; i then directed him to take off his mockersons and to come forward on his hands and knees holding the knife in one hand and the gun in the other this he happily effected and escaped. those who were some little distance bhind returned by my orders and waded the river at the foot of the bluff where the water was breast deep. it was useless we knew to attempt the plains on this part of the river in consequence of the numerous steep ravines which intersected and which were quite as had as the river bluffs. we therefore continued our rout down the river sometimes in the mud and water of the bottom lands, at others in the river to our breasts and when the water became so deep that we could not wade we cut footsteps in the face of the steep bluffs with our knives and proceded. we continued our disagreeable march through the rain mud and water untill late in the evening having traveled only about miles, and encamped in an old indian stick lodge which afforded us a dry and comfortable shelter. during the day we had killed six deer some of them in very good order altho none of them had yet entirely discarded their winter coats. we had reserved and brought with us a good supply of the best peices; we roasted and eat a hearty supper of our venison not having taisted a mosel before during the day; i now laid myself down on some willow boughs to a comfortable nights rest, and felt indeed as if i was fully repaid for the toil and pain of the day, so much will a good shelter, a dry bed, and comfortable supper revive the sperits of the waryed, wet and hungry traveler. [clark, june , ] june th friday rained moderately all the last night and continus this morning, the wind from the s. w, off the mountains, the themometer stood at ° above , i allow several men to hunt a short time to day, the rain continue moderately all day the bottom verry muddey buffalow an elk & deer killed to day--capt. lewis not returned yet. river falling [lewis, june , ] saturday june th it continued to rain moderately all last night this morning was cloudy untill about ten oclock when it cleared off and became a fine day. we breakfasted and set out about sunrise and continued our rout down the river bottoms through the mud and water as yesterday, tho the road was somewhat better than yesterday and we were not so often compelled to wade in the river. we passed some dangerous and difficult bluffs. the river bottoms affording all the timber which is to be seen in the country they are filled with innumerable litle birds that resort thither either for shelter or to build their nests. when sun began to shine today these birds appeared to be very gay and sung most inchantingly; i observed among them the brown thrush, robbin, turtle dove, linnit goaldfinch, the large and small blackbird, wren and several other birds of less note. some of the inhabitants of the praries also take reffuge in these woods at night or from a storm. the whole of my party to a man except myself were fully peswaided that this river was the missouri, but being fully of opinion that it was neither the main stream or that which it would be advisable for us to take, i determined to give it a name and in honour of miss maria w-d. called it maria's river. it is true that the hue of the waters of this turbulent and troubled stream but illy comport with the pure celestial virtues and amiable qualifications of that lovely fair one; but on the other hand it is a noble river; one destined to become in my opinion an object of contention between the two great powers of america and great britin with rispect to the adjustment of the north westwardly boundary of the former; and that it will become one of the most interesting brances of the missouri in a commercial point of view, i have but little doubt, as it abounds with anamals of the fur kind, and most probably furnishes a safe and direct communication to that productive country of valuable furs exclusively enjoyed at present by the subjects of his britanic majesty; in adition to which it passes through a rich fertile and one of the most beatifully picteresque countries that i ever beheld, through the wide expance of which, innumerable herds of living anamals are seen, it's borders garnished with one continued garden of roses, while it's lofty and open forrests, are the habitation of miriads of the feathered tribes who salute the ear of the passing traveler with their wild and simple, yet sweet and cheerfull melody.--i arrived at camp about oclock in the evening much fatiegued, where i found capt. clark and the ballance of the party waiting our return with some anxiety for our safety having been absent near two days longer than we had engaged to return. on our way to camp we had killed deer and two antelopes; the skins of which as well as those we killed while on the rout we brought with us. maria's river may be stated generally from sixty to a hundred yards wide, with a strong and steady current and possessing feet water in the most sholly parts. as the incidents which occurred capt. c. during his rout will be more fully and satisfactoryley expressed by himself i here insert a copy of his journal during the days we wer seperated.- i now gave myself this evening to rest from my labours, took a drink of grog and gave the men who had accompanyed me each a dram. capt. clark ploted the courses of the two rivers as far as we had ascended them. i now began more than ever to suspect the varacity of mr. fidler or the correctness of his instruments. for i see that arrasmith in his late map of n. america has laid down a remarkable mountain in the chain of the rocky mountains called the tooth nearly as far south as latitude °, and this is said to be from the discoveries of mr. fidler? we are now within a hundred miles of the rocky mountains, and i find from my observation of the rd inst that the latitude of this place is ° ' . ". the river must therefore turn much to the south, between this and the rocky mountain to have permitted mr. fidler to have passed along the eastern border of these mountains as far s. as nearly ° without even seeing it. but from hence as far as capt. c. had ascended the s. fork or missouri being the distance of miles it's course is s. °w. and it still appeared to bear considerably to the w. of south as far as he could see it. i think therefore that we shall find that the missouri enters the rocky mountains to the north of °--we did take the liberty of placing his discoveries or at least the southern extremity of them about a degree further n. in the sketh which we sent on to the government this spring mearly from the indian information of the bearing from fort mandan of the entrance of the missouri into the rocky mountains, and i reather suspect that actual observation will take him at least one other degree further north. the general course of maria's river from hence to the extremity of the last course taken by sergt. pryor is n ° w. mes. [clark, june , ] june th saturday rained moderately all the last night & some this morning untill oclock, i am some what uneasy for capt. lewis & party as days has now passed the time he was to have returned, i had all the arms put in order and permited severall men to hunt, aired and dried our stores &c. the rivers at this point has fallen inches sinc our arrival, at oclock cleared away and became fair--the wind all the morning from the s. w. & hard--the water of the south fork is of a redish brown colour this morning the other river of a whitish colour as usual-the mountains to the south covered with snow. wind shifted to the n e in the evening, about oclock capt. lewis arrived with the party much fatigued, and inform'd me that he had assended the river about miles by land and that the river had a bold current of about or yards wide the bottoms of gravel & mud, and may be estimated at feet water in sholest parts some rain in the evening. the left hand fork rose a little. [lewis, june , ] sunday june th . we determined to deposite at this place the large red perogue all the heavy baggage which we could possibly do without and some provision, salt, tools powder and lead &c with a view to lighten our vessels and at the same time to strengthen their crews by means of the seven hands who have been heretofore employd. in navigating the red perogue; accordingly we set some hands to diging a hole or cellar for the reception of our stores. these holes in the ground or deposits are called by the engages cashes; on enquiry i found that cruzatte was well acquainted this business and therefore left the management of it intirely to him. today we examined our maps, and compared the information derived as well from them as from the indians and fully settled in our minds the propryety of addopting the south fork for the missouri, as that which it would be most expedient for us to take. the information of mr. fidler incorrect as it is strongly argued the necessity of taking the south fork, for if he has been along the eastern side of the rocky mountains as far as even latd. °, which i think fully as far south as he ever was in that direction, and saw only small rivulets making down from those mountains the presumption is very strong that those little streams do not penetrate the rocky mountains to such distance as would afford rational grownds for a conjecture that they had their sources near any navigable branch of the columbia, and if he has seen those rivulets as far south as ° they are most probably the waters of some nothern branch of the missouri or south fork probably the river called by the indians medicine river; we therefore cannot hope by going northwardly of this place being already in latititude ° " to find a stream between this place and the saskashawan which dose penetrate the rocky mountains, and which agreeably to the information of the indians with rispect to the missouri, dose possess a navigable curent some distance in those mountains. the indian information also argued strongly in favour of the south fork. they informed us that the water of the missouri was nearly transparent at the great falls, this is the case with the water of the south fork; that the falls lay a little to the south of sunset from them; this is also brobable as we are only a few minutes north of fort mandan and the south fork bears considerably south from hence to the mountains; that the falls are below the rocky mountains and near the nothern termineation of one range of those mountains. a range of mountains which apear behind the s. mountains and which appear to terminate s. w. from this place and on this side of the unbroken chain of the rocky mountains gives us hope that this part of their information is also correct, and there is sufficient distance between this and the mountains for many and i fear for us much too many falls. another impression on my mind is that if the indians had passed any stream as large as the south fork on their way to the missouri that they would not have omitted mentioning it; and the south fork from it's size and complexion of it's waters must enter the ry. mountains and in my opinion penetrates them to a great distance, or els whence such an immence body of water as it discharges; it cannot procede from the dry plains to the n. w. of the yellow stone river on the east side of the rocky mountains for those numerous large dry channels which we witnessed on that side as we ascended the missouri forbid such a conjecture; and that it should take it's sourses to the n. w. under those mountains the travels of mr. fidler fobid us to beleive. those ideas as they occurred to me i indevoured to impress on the minds of the party all of whom except capt. c. being still firm in the beleif that the n. fork was the missouri and that which we ought to take; they said very cheerfully that they were ready to follow us any wher we thought proper to direct but that they still thought that the other was the river and that they were affraid that the south fork would soon termineate in the mountains and leave us at a great distance from the columbia. cruzatte who had been an old missouri navigator and who from his integrity knowledge and skill as a waterman had acquired the confidence of every individual of the party declared it as his opinion that the n. fork was the true genuine missouri and could be no other. finding them so determined in this beleif, and wishing that if we were in an error to be able to detect it and rectify it as soon as possible it was agreed between capt. c. and myself that one of us should set out with a small party by land up the south fork and continue our rout up it untill we found the falls or reached the snowy mountains by which means we should be enabled to determine this question prety accurately. this expedition i prefered undertaking as capt. c best waterman &c. and determined to set out the day after tomorrow; i wished to make some further observations at this place, and as we had determined to leave our blacksmith's bellows and tools here it was necessary to repare some of our arms, and particularly my airgun the main spring of which was broken, before we left this place. these and some other preperations will necessarily detain us two perhaps three days. i felt myself very unwell this morning and took a portion of salts from which i feel much releif this evening. the cash being completed i walked to it and examined it's construction. it is in a high plain about yards distant from a steep bluff of the south branch on it's nothern side; the situation a dry one which is always necessary. a place being fixed on for a cash, a circle abut inches in diameter is first discribed, the terf or sod of this circle is carefully removed, being taken out as entire as possible in order that it may be replaced in the same situation when the chash is filled and secured. this circular hole is then sunk perpendicularly to the debth of one foot, if the ground be not firm somewhat deeper. they then begin to work it out wider as they proceed downwards untill they get it about six or seven feet deep giving it nearly the shape of the kettle or lower part of a large still. it's bottom is also somewhat sunk in the center. the dementions of the cash is in proportion to the quantity of articles intended to be deposited. as the earth is dug it is handed up in a vessel and carefully laid on a skin or cloth and then carryed to some place where it can be thrown in such manner as to conseal it usually into some runing stream wher it is washed away and leaves no traces which might lead to the discovery of the cash. before the goods are deposited they must be well dryed; a parsel of small dry sticks are then collected and with them a floor is maid of three or four inches thick which is then covered with some dry hay or a raw hide well dryed; on this the articles are deposited, taking care to keep them from touching the walls by putting other dry sticks between as you stoe away the merchandize, when nearly full the goods are covered with a skin and earth thrown in and well ramed untill with the addition of the turf furst removed the whole is on a level with the serface of the ground. in this manner dryed skins or merchandize will keep perfectly sound for several years. the traders of the missouri, particularly those engaged in the trade with the siouxs are obliged to have frequent recourse to this method in order to avoyd being robed. most of the men are busily engaged dressing skins for cloathing. in the evening cruzatte gave us some music on the violin and the men passed the evening in dancing singing &c and were extreemly cheerfull.- [clark, june , ] june th sunday a fair morning the wind hard from the s. w. the river during the night fell inch, we conclude to burry a few of our heavy articles, some powder & lead provisions & a fiw tools, in case of accident and leave one perogue at this place, and as soon as those things are accomplished to assend the south fork, which appears to be more in our course than the n. fork the genl. course of the south fork for miles is s. ° w.--that of the n. fork is n. ° w. for miles, and as we are north of fort mandan it is probable the most southerley fork is the best for us.--capt. lewis a little unwell to day & take salts &c. send out men to make a cache or hole to burry the stores, air out cloathes &c. &c. finish'd the cache or seller &c. the men all engaged dressing skins for their clothes, in the evening the party amused themselves danceing and singing songes in the most social manner. had a meridian altitude which gave ° ' " took some luner observations which gave for longitude ____ variation / ° east [lewis, june , ] monday june th . the day being fair and fine we dryed all our baggage and merchandize. shields renewed the main spring of my air gun we have been much indebted to the ingenuity of this man on many occasions; without having served any regular apprenticeship to any trade, he makes his own tools principally and works extreemly well in either wood or metal, and in this way has been extreenely servicable to us, as well as being a good hunter and an excellent waterman. in order to guard against accedents we thout it well to conceal some ammunicion here and accordingly buryed a tin cannester of lbs. of powder and an adequate quantity of lead near our tent; a cannester of lbs. lead and an ax in a thicket up the s. fork three hundred yards distant from the point. we concluded that we still could spare more amunition for this deposit capt. clark was therefore to make a further deposit in the morning, in addition to one keg of lbs. and an adequate proportion of lead which had been laid by to be buryed in the large cash. we now scelected the articles to be deposited in this cash which consisted of best falling axes, one auger, a set of plains, some files, blacksmiths bellowses and hammers stake tongs &c. keg of flour, kegs of parched meal, kegs of pork, keg of salt, some chissels, a cooper's howel, some tin cups, musquets, brown bear skins, beaver skins, horns of the bighorned anamal, a part of the men's robes clothing and all their superfluous baggage of every discription, and beaver traps.--we drew up the red perogue into the middle of a small island at the entrance of maria's river, and secured and made her fast to the trees to prevent the high floods from carrying her off put my brand on several trees standing near her, and covered her with brush to shelter her from the effects of the sun. at p.m. we had a hard wind from the s. w. which continued about an hour attended with thunder and rain. as soon as the shower had passed over we drew out our canoes, corked, repared and loaded them. i still feel myself somewhat unwell with the disentary, but determined to set out in the morning up the south fork or missouri leaving capt. clark to compleat the deposit and follow me by water with the party; accordingly gave orders to drewyer, joseph fields, gibson and goodrich to hold themselves in readiness to accompany me in the morning. sah-cah-gah, we a, our indian woman is very sick this evening; capt. c. blead her. the night was cloudy with some rain. i saw a small bird today which i do not recollect ever having seen before. it is about the size of the blue thrush or catbird, and it's contour not unlike that bird. the beak is convex, moderately curved, black, smoth, and large in proportion to its size. the legs were black, it had four toes of the same colour on eah foot, and the nails appeared long and somewhat in form like the tallons of the haulk, the eye black and proportionably large. a bluish brown colour occupyed the head, neck, and back, the belly was white; the tail was reather long in proportion and appeared to be composed of feathers of equal length of which a part of those in the center were white the others black. the wings were long and were also varigated with white and black. on each side of the head from the beak back to the neck a small black stripe extended imbrasing the eye. it appeared to be very busy in catching insects which i presume is it's usual food; i found the nest of this little bird, the female which differed but little in size or plumage from the male was seting on four eggs of a pale blue colour with small black freckles or dots.--the bee martin or kingbird is common to this country tho there are no bees in this country, nor have we met with a honey bee since we passed the entrance of the osage river. [clark, june , ] june th monday a fine day dry all our articles arrange our baggage burry some powder & lead in the point, some lead a canister of powder & an ax in a thicket in the point at some distance, buried on this day and in the large cache or whole we buried on the up land near the s. fork mile up s. s. we drew up our large perogue into the middle of a small island in the north fork and covered her with bushes after makeing her fast to the trees, branded several trees to prevent the indians injureing her, at oclock we had hard wind from the s. w. thunder and rain for about an hour after which we repaired & corked the canoes & loadded them--sah cah gah, we a our indian woman verry sick i blead her, we deturmined to assend the south fork, and one of us, capt. lewis or my self to go by land as far as the snow mountains s. ° w. and examine the river & countrey course & to be certain of our assending the proper river, capt lewis inclines to go by land on this expedition, according selects men george drewyer, gibson, jo. fields & s. gutrich to accompany him & deturmine to set out in the morning--the after noon or night cloudy some rain, river riseing a little. [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th this morning i felt much better, but somewhat weakened by my disorder. at a.m. i swung my pack, and set forward with my little party. proceeded to the point where rose river a branch maria's river approaches the missouri so nearly. from this hight we discovered a herd of elk on the missouri just above us to which we desended and soon killed four of them. we butchered them and hung up the meat and skins in view of the river in order that the party might get them. i determined to take dinner here, but before the meal was prepared i was taken with such violent pain in the intestens that i was unable to partake of the feast of marrowbones. my pain still increased and towards evening was attended with a high fever; finding myself unable to march, i determined to prepare a camp of some willow boughs and remain all night. having brought no medecine with me i resolved to try an experiment with some simples; and the choke cherry which grew abundanly in the bottom first struck my attention; i directed a parsel of the small twigs to be geathered striped of their leaves, cut into pieces of about inches in length and boiled in water untill a strong black decoction of an astringent bitter tact was produced; at sunset i took a point of this decoction and abut an hour after repeated the dze by in the evening i was entirely releived from pain and in fact every symptom of the disorder forsook me; my fever abated, a gentle perspiration was produced and i had a comfortable and refreshing nights rest. goodrich who is remarkably fond of fishing caught several douzen fish of two different species--one about inches long of white colour round and in form and fins resembles the white chub common to the potomac; this fish has a smaller head than the chubb and the mouth is beset both above and below with a rim of fine sharp teeth; the eye moderately large, the puple dark and the iris which is narrow is of a yellowish brown colour, they bite at meat or grasshoppers. this is a soft fish, not very good, tho the flesh is of a fine white colour. the other species is precisely the form and about the size of the well known fish called the hickory shad or old wife, with the exception of the teeth, a rim of which garnish the outer edge of both the upper and lower jaw; the tonge and pallet are also beset with long sharp teeth bending inwards, the eye of this fish is very large, and the iris of a silvery colour and wide. of the st species we had caught some few before our arrival at the entrance of maria's river, but of the last we had seen none untill we reached that place and took them in missouri above it's junction with that river. the latter kind are much the best, and do not inhabit muddy water; the white cat continue as high as the entrance of maria's r, but those we have caught above mandans never excede lbs. i beleive that there are but few in this part of the missouri. saw an abundance of game today even in our short march of miles. [clark, june , ] june th tuesday a fair morning wind from the s w. hard we burry keg in the cash & canisters of powder in seperate places all with lead; & in the cash axes, auger, plains, keg flour, kegs pork, kegs parchd meal keg salt, files chisel, musquits, some tin cups, bowel, bear skins, beaver skins, horns, & parts of the mens robes & clothes.--beaver traps and blacksmith's tools. capt. lewis set out at oclock we delayed to repare some guns out of order & complete our deposit, which took us the day the evening fair and fine wind from the n. w. after night it became cold & the wind blew hard, the indian woman verry sick, i blead her which appeared to be of great service to her both rivers riseing fast [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . this morning i felt myself quite revived, took another portion of my decoction and set out at sunrise. i now boar out from the river in order to avoid the steep ravines of the river which usually make out in the plain to the distance of one or two miles; after gaining the leavel plain my couse was a litte to the west of s. w.--having traveled about miles by in the morning, the sun became warm, and i boar a little to the south in order to gain the river as well to obtain water to allay my thirst as to kill something for breakfast; for the plain through which we had been passing possesses no water and is so level that we cannot approach the buffaloe within shot before they discover us and take to flight. we arrived at the river about a.m. having traveled about m. at this place there is a handsom open bottom with some cottonwood timber, here we met with two large bear, and killed them boath at the first fire, a circumstance which i beleive has never happend with the party in killing the brown bear before. we dressed the bear, breakfasted on a part of one of them and hung the meat and skins on the trees out of the reach of the wolves. i left a note on a stick near the river for capt. clark, informing him of my progress &c.--after refreshing ourselves abut hours we again ascended the bluffs and gained the high plain; saw a great number of burrowing squirrels in the plains today. also wolves antelopes mule deer and immence herds of buffaloe. we passed a ridge of land considerably higher than the adjacent plain on either side, from this hight we had a most beatifull and picturesk view of the rocky mountains which wer perfectly covered with snow and reaching from s. e. to the n. of n. w.--they appear to be formed of several ranges each succeeding range rising higher than the preceding one untill the most distant appear to loose their snowey tops in the clouds; this was an august spectacle and still rendered more formidable by the recollection that we had them to pass. we traveled about twelve miles when we agin struck the missoury at a handsome little bottom of cottonwood timber and altho the sun had not yet set i felt myself somewhat weary being weakened i presume by late disorder; and therfore determined to remain here during the ballance of the day and night, having marched about miles today. on our way in the evening we had killed a buffaloe, an antelope and three mule deer, and taken a sufficient quantity of the best of the flesh of these anamals for three meals, which we had brought with us. this evening i ate very heartily and after pening the transactions of the day amused myself catching those white fish mentioned yesterday; they are here in great abundance i caught upwards of a douzen in a few minutes; they bit most freely at the melt of a deer which goodrich had brought with him for the purpose of fishing. the narrow leafed cottonwood grows here in common with the other species of the same tree with a broad leaf or that which has constituted the major part of the timber of the missouri from it's junction with the mississippi to this place. the narrow leafed cottonwood differs only from the other in the shape of it's leaf and greater thickness of it's bark. the leaf is a long oval acutely pointed, about / or inches long and from / to an inch in width; it is thick, sometimes slightly grooved or channeled; margin slightly serrate; the upper disk of a common green while the under disk is of a whiteish green; the leaf is smoth. the beaver appear to be extremely fond of this tree and even seem to scelect it from among the other species of cottonwood, probably from it's affording a deeper and softer bark than the other species.--saw some sign of the otter as well as beaver near our camp, also a great number of tracks of the brown bear; these fellows leave a formidable impression in the mud or sand i measured one this evening which was eleven inches long exclusive of the tallons and seven and / in width. [clark, june , ] june th wednesday last night was clear and cold, this morning fair we set out at oclock & proceeded on verry well wind from the s. w. the interpreters wife verry sick so much so that i move her into the back part of our covered part of the perogue which is cool, her own situation being a verry hot one in the bottom of the perogue exposed to the sun--saw emence no. of swallows in the st bluff on the lard. side, water verry swift, the bluff are blackish clay & coal for about feet. the earth above that for or feet is a brownish yellow, a number of bars of corse gravil and stones of different shape & size &c. saw a number of rattle snakes to day one of the men cought one by the head in catch'g hold of a bush on which his head lay reclined three canoes were in great danger today one diped water, another was near turning over &c. at oclock p m a fiew drops of rain i walked thro a point and killed a buck elk & deer, and we camped on the stard side, the interpreters woman verry sick worse than she has been. i give her medison one man have a fellon riseing on his hand one other with the tooth ake has taken cold in the jaw &c. [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . this morning we set out about sunrise after taking breakfast off our venison and fish. we again ascended the hills of the river and gained the level country. the country through which we passed for the first six miles tho more roling than that we had passed yesterday might still with propryety he deemed a level country; our course as yesterday was generally s w. the river from the place we left it appeared to make a considerable bend to the south. from the extremity of this roling country i overlooked a most beatifull and level plain of great extent or at least or sixty miles; in this there were infinitely more buffaloe than i had ever before witnessed at a view. nearly in the direction i had been travling or s. w. two curious mountains presented themselves of square figures, the sides rising perpendicularly to the hight of feet and appeared to be formed of yellow clay; their tops appeared to be level plains; these inaccessible hights appeared like the ramparts of immence fortifications; i have no doubt but with very little assistance from art they might be rendered impregnable. fearing that the river boar to the south and that i might pass the falls if they existed between this an the snowey mountains i altered my course nealy to the south leaving those insulated hills to my wright and proceeded through the plain; i sent feels on my right and drewyer and gibson on my left with orders to kill some meat and join me at the river where i should halt for dinner. i had proceded on this course about two miles with goodrich at some distance behind me whin my ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of a fall of water and advancing a little further i saw the spray arrise above the plain like a collumn of smoke which would frequently dispear again in an instant caused i presume by the wind which blew pretty hard from the s. w. i did not however loose my direction to this point which soon began to make a roaring too tremendious to be mistaken for any cause short of the great falls of the missouri. here i arrived about oclock having traveled by estimate about miles. i hurryed down the hill which was about feet high and difficult of access, to gaze on this sublimely grand specticle. i took my position on the top of some rocks about feet high opposite the center of the falls. this chain of rocks appear once to have formed a part of those over which the waters tumbled, but in the course of time has been seperated from it to the distance of yards lying prarrallel to it and forming a butment against which the water after falling over the precipice beats with great fury; this barrier extends on the right to the perpendicular clift which forms that board of the river but to the distance of yards next to the clift it is but a few feet above the level of the water, and here the water in very high tides appears to pass in a channel of yds. next to the higher part of the ledg of rocks; on the left it extends within or ninty yards of the lard. clift which is also perpendicular; between this abrupt extremity of the ledge of rocks and the perpendicular bluff the whole body of water passes with incredible swiftness. immediately at the cascade the river is about yds. wide; about ninty or a hundred yards of this next the lard. bluff is a smoth even sheet of water falling over a precipice of at least eighty feet, the remaining part of about yards on my right formes the grandest sight i ever beheld, the hight of the fall is the same of the other but the irregular and somewhat projecting rocks below receives the water in it's passage down and brakes it into a perfect white foam which assumes a thousand forms in a moment sometimes flying up in jets of sparkling foam to the hight of fifteen or twenty feet and are scarcely formed before large roling bodies of the same beaten and foaming water is thrown over and conceals them. in short the rocks seem to be most happily fixed to present a sheet of the whitest beaten froath for yards in length and about feet perpendicular. the water after decending strikes against the butment before mentioned or that on which i stand and seems to reverberate and being met by the more impetuous courant they role and swell into half formed billows of great hight which rise and again disappear in an instant. this butment of rock defends a handsom little bottom of about three acres which is deversified and agreeably shaded with some cottonwood trees; in the lower extremity of the bottom there is a very thick grove of the same kind of trees which are small, in this wood there are several indian lodges formed of sticks. a few small cedar grow near the ledge of rocks where i rest. below the point of these rocks at a small distance the river is divided by a large rock which rises several feet above the water, and extends downwards with the stream for about yards. about a mile before the water arrives at the pitch it decends very rappidly, and is confined on the lard. side by a perpendicular clift of about feet, on stard. side it is also perpendicular for about three hundred yards above the pitch where it is then broken by the discharge of a small ravine, down which the buffaloe have a large beaten road to the water, for it is but in very few places that these anamals can obtain water near this place owing to the steep and inaccessible banks. i see several skelletons of the buffaloe lying in the edge of the water near the stard. bluff which i presume have been swept down by the current and precipitated over this tremendious fall. about yards below me there is another butment of solid rock with a perpendicular face and abot feet high which projects from the stard. side at right angles to the distance of yds. and terminates the lower part nearly of the bottom before mentioned; there being a passage arround the end of this butment between it and the river of about yardes; here the river again assumes it's usual width soon spreading to near yards but still continues it's rappidity. from the reflection of the sun on the spray or mist which arrises from these falls there is a beatifull rainbow produced which adds not a little to the beauty of this majestically grand senery. after wrighting this imperfect discription i again viewed the falls and was so much disgusted with the imperfect idea which it conveyed of the scene that i determined to draw my pen across it and begin agin, but then reflected that i could not perhaps succeed better than pening the first impressions of the mind; i wished for the pencil of salvator rosa or the pen of thompson, that i might be enabled to give to the enlightened world some just idea of this truly magnifficent and sublimely grand object, which has from the commencement of time been concealed from the view of civilized man; but this was fruitless and vain. i most sincerely regreted that i had not brought a crimee obscura with me by the assistance of which even i could have hoped to have done better but alas this was also out of my reach; i therefore with the assistance of my pen only indeavoured to traces some of the stronger features of this seen by the assistance of which and my recollection aided by some able pencil i hope still to give to the world some faint idea of an object which at this moment fills me with such pleasure and astonishment, and which of it's kind i will venture to ascert is second to but one in the known world. i retired to the shade of a tree where i determined to fix my camp for the present and dispatch a man in the morning to inform capt. c. and the party of my success in finding the falls and settle in their minds all further doubts as to the missouri. the hunters now arrived loaded with excellent buffaloe meat and informed me that they had killed three very fat cows about / of a mile hence. i directed them after they had refreshed themselves to go back and butcher them and bring another load of meat each to our camp determining to employ those who remained with me in drying meat for the party against their arrival. in about hours or at oclock p.m. they set out on this duty, and i walked down the river about three miles to discover if possible some place to which the canoes might arrive or at which they might be drawn on shore in order to be taken by land above the falls; but returned without effecting either of these objects; the river was one continued sene of rappids and cascades which i readily perceived could not be encountered with our canoes, and the clifts still retained their perpendicular structure and were from to feet high; in short the river appears here to have woarn a channel in the process of time through a solid rock. on my return i found the party at camp; they had butchered the buffaloe and brought in some more meat as i had directed. goodrich had caught half a douzen very fine trout and a number of both species of the white fish. these trout are from sixteen to twenty three inches in length, precisely resemble our mountain or speckled trout in form and the position of their fins, but the specks on these are of a deep black instead of the red or goald colour of those common to the u. states. these are furnished long sharp teeth on the pallet and tongue and have generally a small dash of red on each side behind the front ventral fins; the flesh is of a pale yellowish red, or when in good order, of a rose red. i am induced to believe that the brown, the white and the grizly bear of this country are the same species only differing in colour from age or more probably from the same natural cause that many other anamals of the same family differ in colour. one of those which we killed yesterday was of a creemcoloured white while the other in company with it was of the common bey or rdish brown, which seems to be the most usual colour of them. the white one appeared from it's tallons and teath to be the youngest; it was smaller than the other, and although a monstrous beast we supposed that it had not yet attained it's growth and that it was a little upwards of two years old. the young cubs which we have killed have always been of a brownish white, but none of them as white as that we killed yesterday. one other that we killed sometime since which i mentioned sunk under some driftwood and was lost, had a white stripe or list of about eleven inches wide entirely arround his body just behind the shoalders, and was much darker than these bear usually are. the grizly bear we have never yet seen. i have seen their tallons in possession of the indians and from their form i am perswaded if there is any difference between this species and the brown or white bear it is very inconsiderable. there is no such anamal as a black bear in this open country or of that species generally denominated the black bear my fare is really sumptuous this evening; buffaloe's humps, tongues and marrowbones, fine trout parched meal pepper and salt, and a good appetite; the last is not considered the least of the luxuries. [clark, june , ] june th thursday a fair morning, some dew this morning the indian woman verry sick i gave her a doste of salts. we set out early, at a mile & / passed a small rapid stream on the lard side which heads in a mountain to the s. e or miles, which at this time covered with snow, we call this stream snow river, as it is the conveyance of the melted snow from that mountain at present. numbers of gees & goslings, the gees cannot fly at this season--goose berries are ripe and in great abundance, the yellow current is also common, not yet ripe killed a buffalow & campd on the lard side near an old indian fortified campy one man sick & with swellings, the indian woman verry sick. killed a goat & fraser buffalow the river verry rapid maney sholes great nos of large stones passed some bluffs or low cliffts of slate to day [lewis, june , ] friday june th . this morning at sunrise i dispatched joseph fields with a letter to capt. clark and ordered him to keep sufficiently near the river to observe it's situation in order that he might be enabled to give capt. clark an idea of the point at which it would be best to halt to make our portage. i set one man about preparing a saffold and collecting wood to dry the meat sent the others to bring in the ballance of the buffaloe meat, or at least the part which the wolves had left us, for those fellows are ever at hand and ready to partake with us the moment we kill a buffaloe; and there is no means of puting the meat out of their reach in those plains; the two men shortly after returned with the meat and informed me that the wolves had devoured the greater part of the meat. about ten oclock this morning while the men were engaged with the meat i took my gun and espontoon and thought i would walk a few miles and see where the rappids termineated above, and return to dinner. accordingly i set out and proceeded up the river about s. w. after passing one continued rappid and three small cascades of abut for or five feet each at the distance of about five miles i arrived at a fall of about feet; the river is hereabout yds. wide. this pitch which i called the crooked falls occupys about three fourths of the width of the river, commencing on the south side, extends obliquly upwards about yds. then forming an accute angle extends downwards nearly to the commencement of four small islands lying near the n. shore; among these islands and between them and the lower extremity of the perpendicular pitch being a distance of yards or upwards, the water glides down the side of a sloping rock with a volocity almost equal to that of it's perpendicular decent. just above this rappid the river makes a suddon bend to the right or northwardly. i should have returned from hence but hearing a tremendious roaring above me i continued my rout across the point of a hill a few hundred yards further and was again presented by one of the most beatifull objects in nature, a cascade of about fifty feet perpendicular streching at rightangles across the river from side to side to the distance of at least a quarter of a mile. here the river pitches over a shelving rock, with an edge as regular and as streight as if formed by art, without a nich or brake in it; the water decends in one even and uninterupted sheet to the bottom wher dashing against the rocky bottom rises into foaming billows of great hight and rappidly glides away, hising flashing and sparkling as it departs the sprey rises from one extremity to the other to f. i now thought that if a skillfull painter had been asked to make a beautifull cascade that he would most probably have pesented the precise immage of this one; nor could i for some time determine on which of those two great cataracts to bestoe the palm, on this or that which i had discovered yesterday; at length i determined between these two great rivals for glory that this was pleasingly beautifull, while the other was sublimely grand. i had scarcely infixed my eyes from this pleasing object before i discovered another fall above at the distance of half a mile; thus invited i did not once think of returning but hurried thither to amuse myself with this newly discovered object. i found this to be a cascade of about feet possessing a perpendicular pitch of about feet. this was tolerably regular streching across the river from bank to bank where it was about a quarter of a mile wide; in any other neighbourhood but this, such a cascade would probably be extoled for it's beaty and magnifficence, but here i passed it by with but little attention, determining as i had proceded so far to continue my rout to the head of the rappids if it should even detain me all night. at every rappid cateract and cascade i discovered that the bluffs grew lower or that the bed of the river rose nearer to a level with the plains. still pursuing the river with it's course about s. w. passing a continued sene of rappids and small cascades, at the distance of / miles i arrived at another cataract of feet. this is not immediately perpendicular, a rock about / of it's decent seems to protrude to a small distance and receives the water in it's passage downwards and gives a curve to the water tho it falls mostly with a regular and smoth sheet. the river is near six hundred yards wide at this place, a beatifull level plain on the s. side only a few feet above the level of the pitch; on the n. side where i am the country is more broken and immediately behind me near the river a high hill. below this fall at a little distance a beatifull little island well timbered is situated about the middle of the river. in this island on a cottonwood tree an eagle has placed her nest; a more inaccessable spot i beleive she could not have found; for neither man nor beast dare pass those gulphs which seperate her little domain from the shores. the water is also broken in such manner as it decends over this pitch that the mist or sprey rises to a considerable hight. this fall is certainly much the greatest i ever behald except those two which i have mentioned below. it is incomparably a geater cataract and a more noble interesting object than the celibrated falls of potomac or soolkiln &c. just above this is another cascade of about feet, above which the water as far as i could see began to abate of it's valosity, and i therefore determined to ascend the hill behind me which promised a fine prospect of the adjacent country, nor was i disappointed on my arrival at it's summit. from hence i overlooked a most beatifull and extensive plain reaching from the river to the base of the snowclad mountains to the s. and s. west; i also observed the missoury streching it's meandering course to the south through this plain to a great distance filled to it's even and grassey brim; another large river flowed in on it's western side about four miles above me and extended itself though a level and fertile valley of miles in width a great distance to the n. w. rendered more conspicuous by the timber which garnished it's borders. in these plains and more particularly in the valley just below me immence herds of buffaloe are feeding. the missouri just above this hill makes a bend to the south where it lies a smoth even and unruffled sheet of water of nearly a mile in width bearing on it's watry bosome vast flocks of geese which feed at pleasure in the delightfull pasture on either border. the young geese are now completely feathered except the wings which both in the young and old are yet deficient. after feasting my eyes on this ravishing prospect and resting myself a few minutes i determined to procede as far as the river which i saw discharge itself on the west side of the missouri convinced that it was the river which the indians call medicine river and which they informed us fell into the missouri just above the falls i decended the hills and directed my course to the bend of the missouri near which there was a herd of at least a thousand buffaloe; here i thought it would be well to kill a buffaloe and leave him untill my return from the river and if i then found that i had not time to get back to camp this evening to remain all night here there being a few sticks of drift wood lying along shore which would answer for my fire, and a few sattering cottonwood trees a few hundred yards below which would afford me at least a semblance of a shelter. under this impression i scelected a fat buffaloe and shot him very well, through the lungs; while i was gazeing attentively on the poor anamal discharging blood in streams from his mouth and nostrils, expecting him to fall every instant, and having entirely forgotton to reload my rifle, a large white, or reather brown bear, had perceived and crept on me within steps before i discovered him; in the first moment i drew up my gun to shoot, but at the same instant recolected that she was not loaded and that he was too near for me to hope to perform this opperation before he reached me, as he was then briskly advancing on me; it was an open level plain, not a bush within miles nor a tree within less than three hundred yards of me; the river bank was sloping and not more than three feet above the level of the water; in short there was no place by means of which i could conceal myself from this monster untill i could charge my rifle; in this situation i thought of retreating in a brisk walk as fast as he was advancing untill i could reach a tree about yards below me, but i had no sooner terned myself about but he pitched at me, open mouthed and full speed, i ran about yards and found he gained on me fast, i then run into the water the idea struk me to get into the water to such debth that i could stand and he would be obliged to swim, and that i could in that situation defend myself with my espontoon; accordingly i ran haistily into the water about waist deep, and faced about and presented the point of my espontoon, at this instant he arrived at the edge of the water within about feet of me; the moment i put myself in this attitude of defence he sudonly wheeled about as if frightened, declined the combat on such unequal grounds, and retreated with quite as great precipitation as he had just before pursued me. as soon as i saw him run off in that manner i returned to the shore and charged my gun, which i had still retained in my hand throughout this curious adventure. i saw him run through the level open plain about three miles, till he disappeared in the woods on medecine river; during the whole of this distance he ran at full speed, sometimes appearing to look behind him as if he expected pursuit. i now began to reflect on this novil occurrence and indeavoured to account for this sudden retreat of the bear. i at first thought that perhaps he had not smelt me before he arrived at the waters edge so near me, but i then reflected that he had pursued me for about or yards before i took the water and on examination saw the grownd toarn with his tallons immediately on the impression of my steps; and the cause of his allarm still remains with me misterious and unaccountable.--so it was and i feelt myself not a little gratifyed that he had declined the combat. my gun reloaded i felt confidence once more in my strength; and determined not to be thwarted in my design of visiting medicine river, but determined never again to suffer my peice to be longer empty than the time she necessarily required to charge her. i passed through the plain nearly in the direction which the bear had run to medecine river, found it a handsome stream, about yds. wide with a gentle current, apparently deep, it's waters clear, and banks which were formed principally of darkbrown and blue clay were about the hight of those of the missouri or from to feet; yet they had not the appearance of ever being overflown, a circumstance, which i did not expect so immediately in the neighbourhood of the mountains, from whence i should have supposed, that sudden and immence torrants would issue at certain seasons of the year; but the reverse is absolutely the case. i am therefore compelled to beleive that the snowey mountains yeald their warters slowly, being partially effected every day by the influence of the sun only, and never suddonly melted down by haisty showers of rain. having examined medecine river i now determined to return, having by my estimate about miles to walk. i looked at my watch and found it was half after six p.m.--in returning through the level bottom of medecine river and about yards distant from the missouri, my direction led me directly to an anamal that i at first supposed was a wolf; but on nearer approach or about sixty paces distant i discovered that it was not, it's colour was a brownish yellow; it was standing near it's burrow, and when i approached it thus nearly, it couched itself down like a cat looking immediately at me as if it designed to spring on me. i took aim at it and fired, it instantly disappeared in it's burrow; i loaded my gun and exmined the place which was dusty and saw the track from which i am still further convinced that it was of the tiger kind. whether i struck it or not i could not determine, but i am almost confident that i did; my gun is true and i had a steady rest by means of my espontoon, which i have found very serviceable to me in this way in the open plains. it now seemed to me that all the beasts of the neighbourhood had made a league to distroy me, or that some fortune was disposed to amuse herself at my expence, for i had not proceded more than three hundred yards from the burrow of this tyger cat, before three bull buffaloe, which wer feeding with a large herd about half a mile from me on my left, seperated from the herd and ran full speed towards me, i thought at least to give them some amusement and altered my direction to meet them; when they arrived within a hundred yards they mad a halt, took a good view of me and retreated with precipitation. i then continued my rout homewards passed the buffaloe which i had killed, but did not think it prudent to remain all night at this place which really from the succession of curious adventures wore the impression on my mind of inchantment; at sometimes for a moment i thought it might be a dream, but the prickley pears which pierced my feet very severely once in a while, particularly after it grew dark, convinced me that i was really awake, and that it was necessary to make the best of my way to camp. it was sometime after dark before i returned to the party; i found them extremely uneasy for my safety; they had formed a thousand conjectures, all of which equally forboding my death, which they had so far settled among them, that they had already agreed on the rout which each should take in the morning to surch for me. i felt myself much fortiegued, but eat a hearty supper and took a good night's rest.--the weather being warm i had left my leather over shirt and had woarn only a yellow flannin one. [clark, june , ] june th friday a fine morning, the indian woman complaining all night & excessively bad this morning--her case is somewhat dangerous--two men with the tooth ake with turners, & one man with a tumor & slight fever passed the camp capt. lewis made the st night at which place he had left part of two bear their skins &c three men with turners went on shore and staycd out all night one of them killed buffalow, a part of which we made use of for brackfast, the current excesevely rapid more so as we assend we find great difficuelty in getting the perogue & canoes up in safety, canoes take in water frequently, at oclock this evening jo. fields returned from capt. lewis with a letter for me, capt lewis dates his letter from the great falls of the missouri, which fields informs me is about miles in advance & about miles above the place i left the river the time i was up last week capt. l. informs that those falls; in part answer the discription given of them by the indians, much higher the eagles nest which they describe is there, from those signs he is convinced of this being the river the indians call the missouri, he intends examineing the river above untill my arrival at a point from which we can make a portage, which he is apprehensive will be at least miles & both above & below there is several small pitches, & swift troubled water we made only miles to day and camped on the lard side, much hard slate in the clifts & but a small quantity of timber. [lewis, june , ] saturday june th . this morning the men again were sent to bring in some more meat which drewyer had killed yesterday, and continued the opperation of drying it. i amused myself in fishing, and sleeping away the fortiegues of yesterday. i caught a number of very fine trout which i made goodrich dry; goodrich also caught about two douzen and several small cat of a yellow colour which would weigh about lbs. the tails was seperated with a deep angular nitch like that of the white cat of the missouri from which indeed they differed only in colour. when i awoke from my sleep today i found a large rattlesnake coiled on the leaning trunk of a tree under the shade of which i had been lying at the distance of about ten feet from him. i killed the snake and found that he had scuta on the abdomen and i' half formed scuta on the tale; it was of the same kinde which i had frequently seen before; they do not differ in their colours from the rattle snake common to the middle attlantic states, but considerably in the form and figures of those colours. this evening after dark joseph fields returned and informed me that capt clark had arrived with the party at the foot of a rappid about miles below which he did not think proper to ascend and would wait my arrival there. i had discovered from my journey yesterday that a portage on this side of the river will be attended by much difficulty in consequence of several deep ravines which intersect the plains nearly at right angles with the river to a considerable distance, while the south side appears to be a delighfull smoth unbroken plain; the bearings of the river also make it pobable that the portage will be shorter on that side than on this.--i directed fields to return early in the morning to capt. c. and request him to send up a party of men for the dryed meat which we had made. i finde a very heavy due on the grass about my camp every morning which no doubt procedes from the mist of the falls, as it takes place no where in the plains nor on the river except here. [clark, june , ] june the th satturday a fair morning and worm, we set out at the usial time and proceeded on with great dificuelty as the river is more rapid we can hear the falls this morning verry distinctly--our indian woman sick &low spirited i gave her the bark & apply it exteranaly to her region which revived her much. the curt. excessively rapid and dificuelt to assend great numbers of dangerous places, and the fatigue which we have to encounter is incretiatable the men in the water from morning untill night hauling the cord & boats walking on sharp rocks and round sliperery stones which alternately cut their feet & throw them down, not with standing all this dificuelty they go with great chearfulness, aded to those dificuelties the rattle snakes inumerable & require great caution to prevent being bitten.--we passed a small river on the lard side about yards wide verry rapid which heads in the mountains to the s. e. i sent up this river miles, it has some timber in its bottoms and a fall of feet at one place, above this river the bluffs are of red earth mixed with stratums of black stone, below this little river, we pass a white clay which mixes with water like flour in every respect, the indian woman much wors this evening, she will not take any medison, her husband petetions to return &c., river more rapid late in the evening we arrived at a rapid which appeared so bad that i did not think it prudent to attempt passing of it this evening as it was now late, we saw great numbers of gees ducks, crows blackbirds &c geese & ducks with their young. after landing i detached joseph fields to capt. lewis to let him know where i was &c river rises a little this evening we could not get a sufficency of wood for our use [lewis, june , ] sunday june th j. fields set out early on his return to the lower camp, at noon the men arrived and shortly after i set out with them to rejoin the party. we took with us the dryed meat consisting of about lbs. and several douzen of dryed trout. about p.m. i reached the camp found the indian woman extreemly ill and much reduced by her indisposition. this gave me some concern as well for the poor object herself, then with a young child in her arms, as from the consideration of her being our only dependence for a friendly negociation with the snake indians on whom we depend for horses to assist us in our portage from the missouri to the columbia river. i now informed capt. c. of my discoveries with rispect to the most proper side for our portage, and of it's great length, which i could not estimate at less than miles. capt. c. had already sent two men this morning to examine the country on the s. side of the river; he now passed over with the party to that side and fixed a camp about a mile blow the entrance of a creek where there was a sufficient quantity of wood for fuel, an article which can be obtained but in few places in this neighbourhood. after discharging the loads four of the canoes were sent back to me, which by means of strong ropes we hawled above the rappid and passed over to the south side from whence the water not being rappid we can readily convey them into the creek by means of which we hope to get them on the high plain with more ease. one of the small canoes was left below this rappid in order to pass and repass the river for the purpose of hunting as well as to procure the water of the sulpher spring, the virtues of which i now resolved to try on the indian woman. this spring is situated about yards from the missouri on the n. e. side nearly opposite to the entrance of a large creek; it discharges itself into the missouri over a precepice of rock about feet, forming a pretty little ____ the water is as transparent as possible strongly impregnated with sulpher, and i suspect iron also, as the colour of the hills and bluffs in the neighbourhood indicate the existence of that metal. the water to all appearance is precisely similar to that of bowyer's sulpher spring in virginia. capt. clark determined to set out in the morning to examine and survey the portage, and discover the best rout. as the distance was too great to think of transporting the canoes and baggage on the men's shoulders, we scelected six men, and ordered them to look out some timber this evening, and early in the morning to set about making a parsel of truck wheels in order to convey our canoes and baggage over the portage. we determined to leave the white perogue at this place, and substitute the iron boat, and also to make a further deposit of a part of our stores. in the evening the men who had been sent out to examine the country and made a very unfavourable report. they informed us that the creek just above us and two deep ravenes still higher up cut the plain between the river and mountain in such a manner, that in their opinions a portage for the canoes on this side was impracticable. good or bad we must make the portage. notwithstanding this report i am still convinced from the view i had of the country the day before yesterday that a good portage may be had on this side at least much better than on the other, and much nearer also. i found that two dozes of barks and opium which i had given her since my arrival had produced an alteration in her pulse for the better; they were now much fuller and more regular. i caused her to drink the mineral water altogether. wen i first came down i found that her pulse were scarcely perceptible, very quick frequently irregular and attended with strong nervous symptoms, that of the twitching of the fingers and leaders of the arm; now the pulse had become regular much fuller and a gentle perspiration had taken place; the nervous symptoms have also in a great measure abated, and she feels herself much freeer from pain. she complains principally of the lower region of the abdomen, i therefore continued the cataplasms of barks and laudnumn which had been previously used by my friend capt clark. i beleive her disorder originated principally from an obstruction of the mensis in consequence of taking could.--i determined to remain at this camp in order to make some celestial observations, restore the sick woman, and have all matters in a state of readiness to commence the portage immediately on the return of capt. clark, who now furnished me with the dayly occurrences which had taken place with himself and party since our seperation which i here enter in his own words. [clark, june , ] june th of sunday some rain last night a cloudy morning wind hard from the s. w. we set out passed the rapid by double manning the perogue & canoes and halted at / of a mile to examine the rapids above, which i found to be an continued cascade for as far as could be seen which was about miles, i walked up on the lard side as high as a large creek, which falls in on the lard. side one mile above & opposit a large sulpher spring which falls over the rocks on the std. side the wind rored from the s. w. hard & some rain, at about oclock capt lewis joined me from the falls miles distant, & infd. that the lard side was the best portage i despatched men this morning on the lard. side to examine the portage.--the indian woman verry bad, & will take no medisin what ever, untill her husband finding her out of her senses, easyly provailed on her to take medison, if she dies it will be the fault of her husband as i am now convinced-. we crossed the river after part of the day and formed a camp from which we intended to make the first portage, capt. lewis stayed on the std side to direct the canoes over the first riffle of them passed this evening the others unloaded & part of the perogue loading taken out--i deturmined to examine & survey the portage find a leavel rout if possible--the men despatched to examine the portage gave an unfavourable account of the countrey, reporting that the creek & deep reveens cut the prarie in such a manner between the river and mountain as to render a portage in their oppinion for the canoes impossible--we selected men to make wheels & to draw the canoes on as the distance was probably too far for to be caried on the mens sholders [lewis, june , ] monday june th . capt. clark set out early this morning with five men to examine the country and survey the river and portage as had been concerted last evening. i set six men at work to pepare four sets of truck wheels with couplings, toungs and bodies, that they might either be used without the bodies for transporting our canoes, or with them in transporting our baggage i found that the elk skins i had prepared for my boat were insufficient to compleat her, some of them having become dammaged by the weather and being frequently wet; to make up this deficiency i sent out two hunters this morning to hunt elk; the ballance of the party i employed first in unloading the white perogue, which we intend leaving at this place, and bring the whole of our baggage together and arranging it in proper order near our camp. this duty being compleated i employed them in taking five of the small canoes up the creek which we now call portage creek about / miles; here i had them taken out and lyed in the sun to dry. from this place ther is a gradual ascent to the top of the high plain to which we can now take them with ease; the bluffs of this creek below and those of the river above it's entrance are so steep that it would be almost impracticable to have gotten them on the plain. we found much difficulty in geting the canoes up this creek to the distance we were compelled to take them, in consequence of the rappids and rocks which obstruct the channel of the creek. one of the canoes overset and was very near injuring men essencially. just above the canoes the creek has a perpendicular fall of feet and the cliffts again become very steep and high. we were fortunate enough to find one cottonwood tree just below the entrance of portage creek that was large enough to make our carrage wheels about inches in diameter; fortunate i say because i do not beleive that we could find another of the same size perfectly sound within miles of us. the cottonwood which we are obliged to employ in the other parts of the work is extreemly illy calculated for it being soft and brittle. we have made two axeltrees of the mast of the white peroge, which i hope will answer tolerably well tho it is reather small. the indian woman much better today, i have still continued the same course of medecine; she is free from pain clear of fever, her pulse regular, and eats as heartily as i am willing to permit her of broiled buffaloe well seasoned with pepper and salt and rich soope of the same meat; i think therefore that there is every rational hope of her recovery. saw a vast number of buffaloe feeding in every direction arround us in the plains, others coming down in large herds to water at the river; the fragments of many carcases of these poor anamals daily pass down the river, thus mangled i pesume in decending those immence cataracts above us. as the buffaloe generally go in large herds to water and the passages to the river about the falls are narrow and steep the hinder part of the herd press those in front out of their debth and the water instatly takes them over the cataracts where they are instantly crushed to death without the possibility of escaping. in this manner i have seen ten or a douzen disappear in a few minutes. their mangled carcases ly along the shores below the falls in considerable quantities and afford fine amusement for the bear wolves and birds of prey; this may be one reason and i think not a bad one either that the bear are so tenatious of their right of soil in this neighbourhood. [clark, june , ] june th monday a fine morning wind as usial capt. lewis with the party unloaded the perogue & he determined to keep the party employed in getting the loading to the creek about mile over a low hill in my absence on the portage. i set out with men at oclock, and proceeded on up the creek some distance to examine that & if possable assend that suffcently high, that a streight cours to the mouth of medison river would head the reveins, the creek i found confined rapid and shallow generalley monday th of june passed through an open roleing prarie, so as to head the two reveins after heading two we stand our course so as to strike the river below the great pitch on our course to the river crossed a deep rivein near its mouth with steep clifts this rivein had running water which was very fine, the river at this place is narrow & confined in perpindicular clifts of feet from the tops of those clifts the countrey rises with a steep assent for about feet more we proceeded up the river passing a sucession of rapids & cascades to the falls, which we had herd for several miles makeing a dedly sound, i beheld those cateracts with astonishment the whole of the water of this great river confined in a channel of yards and pitching over a rock of feet / of an, from the foot of the falls arrises a continued mist which is extended for yds. down & to near the top of the clifts on l sd. the river below is confined a narrow chanl. of yards haveing a small bottom of timber on the stard side which is definded by a rock, rangeing cross wise the river a little below the shoot, a short distance below this cataract a large rock divides the stream, i in assendending the clifts to take the hith of the fall was near slipping into the water, at which place i must have been sucked under in an instant, and with deficuelty and great risque i assended again, and decended the clift lower down (but few places can be descended to the river) and took the hight with as much accuricy as possible with a spirit leavels &c. dined at a fine spring yards below the pitch near which place cotton willow trees grew. on one of them i marked my name the date, and hight of the falls,--we then proceeded up on the river passing a continued cascade & rapid to a fall of feet at small islands, this fall is diaguanally across the river from the lard side, forming an angle of / of the width from the lard. from which side it pitches for / of that distance. on the stard side is a rapid decline--below this shoot a deep revein falls in which we camped for the night which was cold (the mountains in every derection has snow on them) the plain to our left is leavel we saw one bear & inumerable numbers of buffalow, i saw herds of those animals watering immediately above a considerable rapid, they decended by a narrow pass to the bottom small, the rier forced those forwd into the water some of which was taken down in an instant, and seen no more others made shore with difficuelty, i beheld or of those swimming at the same time those animals in this way are lost and accounts for the number of buffalow carcases below the rapids [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th . this morning i employed all hands in drawing the perogue on shore in a thick bunch of willow bushes some little distance below our camp; fastened her securely, drove out the plugs of the gage holes of her bottom and covered her with bushes and driftwood to shelter her from the sun. i now scelected a place for a cash and set tree men at work to complete it, and employed all others except those about the waggons, in overhawling airing and repacking our indian goods ammunition, provision and stores of every discription which required inspection. examined the frame of my iron boat and found all the parts complete except one screw, which the ingenuity of sheilds can readily replace, a resource which we have very frequent occasion for. about o'clk. the hunters returned; they had killed deer but no elk. i begin to fear that we shall have some difficulty in procuring skins for the boat. i wold prefer those of the elk because i beleive them more durable and strong than those of the buffaloe, and that they will not shrink so much in drying. we saw a herd of buffaloe come down to water at the sulpher spring this evening, i dispatched some hunters to kill some of them, and a man also for a cask of mineral water. the hunters soon killed two of them in fine order and returned with a good quantity of the flesh, having left the remainder in a situation that it will not spoil provided the wolves do not visit it. the waggons are completed this evening, and appear as if they would answer the purpose very well if the axetrees prove sufficiently strong. the wind blew violently this evening, as they frequently do in this open country where there is not a tree to brake or oppose their force. the indian woman is recovering fast she set up the greater part of the day and walked out for the fist time since she arrived here; she eats hartily and is free from fever or pain. i continue same course of medecine and regimen except that i added one doze of drops of the oil of vitriol today about noon. there is a species of goosberry which grows very common about here in open situations among the rocks on the sides of the clifts. they are now ripe of a pale red colour, about the size of a common goosberry. and like it is an ovate pericarp of soft pulp invelloping a number of smal whitish coloured seeds; the pulp is a yelloish slimy muselaginous substance of a sweetish and pinelike tast, not agreeable to me. the surface of the berry is covered with a glutinous adhesive matter, and the frut altho ripe retains it's withered corollar. this shrub seldom rises more than two feet high and is much branched, the leaves resemble those of the common goosberry only not so large; it has no thorns. the berry is supported by seperate peduncles or footstalks of half an inch in length. immence quantities of small grasshoppers of a brown colour in the plains, they no doubt contribute much to keep the grass as low as we find it which is not generally more than three inches, the grass is a narrow leaf, soft, and affords a fine pasture for the buffaloe.- [clark, june , ] june th tuesday we set out early and arrived at the second great cataract at about yds above the last of feet pitch--this is one of the grandest views in nature and by far exceeds any thing i ever saw, the missouri falling over a shelveing rock for feet inches with a cascade &c of feet inches above the shoot for a / mile i decended the clift below this cateract with ease measured the hight of the purpendicular fall of feet inches at which place the river is yards wide as also the hight of the cascade &c. a continuel mist quite across this fall* after which we proceeded on up the river a little more than a mile to the largest fountain or spring i ever saw, and doubt if it is not the largest in america known, this water boils up from under th rocks near the edge of the river and falls imediately into the river feet and keeps its colour for / a mile which is emencely clear and of a bluish cast, proceeded on up the river passed a succession of rapids to the next great fall of ft. i. river yards wide this fall is not intirely perpdincular a short bench gives a curve to the water as it falls a butifull small island at the foot of this fall near the center of the channel covered with trees, the missouri at this fall is yards wide, a considerable mist rises at this fall ocasionally, from this pitch to the head of the rapids is one mile & has a fall of feet, this is also a handsome scenery a fall in an open leavel plain, after takeing the hight & measureing the river proceeded on, saw a gange of buffalow swiming the river above the falls, several of which was drawn in to the rapids and with dificuelty mad shore half drowned, we killed one of those cows & took as much meat as we wished. emence herds of those animals in every direction, passed groves in the point just above the rapids & dined in one opposit the mouth of medison river, which fails in on the stard. side and is yards wide at its mouth the missouri above is yards wide, as the river missouri appears to bear s easterley i assended about miles high to a creek which appeared to head in south mountains passed a island of ____ and a little timber in an easterly bend at mile, passed some timber in a point at mile at or near the lower point of a large island on which we shot at a large white bear. passed a small island in the middle and one close on the lard shore at miles behind the head of which we camped. those islands are all opposit, soon after we camped two ganges of buffalow crossed one above & the other below we killed of them & a calf and saved as much of the best of the meat as we could this evening, one man a willard going for a load of meat at yards distance on an island was attact by a white bear and verry near being caught, prosued within yards of camp where i was with one man i collected others of the party and prosued the bear (who had prosued my track from a buffalow i had killed on the island at about yards distance and chance to meet willard) for fear of his attacking one man colter at the lower point of the island, before we had got down the bear had allarmed the man and prosued him into the water, at our approach he retreated, and we relieved the man in the water, i saw the bear but the bushes was so thick that i could not shoot him and it was nearly dark, the wind from the s w & cool killed a beaver & an elk for their skins this evening [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . this morning i sent over several men for the meat which was killed yesterday, a few hours after they returned with it, the wolves had not discovered it. i also dispatched george drewyer reubin fields and george shannon on the north side of the missouri with orders to proceed to the entrance of medecine river and indeavour to kill some elk in that neigh-bourhood. as there is more timber on that river than the missouri i expect that the elk are more plenty. the cash completed today. the wind blew violently the greater part of the day. the indian woman was much better this morning she walked out and gathered a considerable quantity of the white apples of which she eat so heartily in their raw state, together with a considerable quantity of dryed fish without my knowledge that she complained very much and her fever again returned. i rebuked sharbono severely for suffering her to indulge herself with such food he being privy to it and having been previously told what she must only eat. i now gave her broken dozes of diluted nitre untill it produced perspiration and at p.m. drops of laudnum which gave her a tolerable nights rest. i amused myself in fishing several hours today and caught a number of both species of the white fish, but no trout nor cat. i employed the men in making up our baggage in proper packages for transportation; and waxed the stoppers of my powder canesters anew. had the frame of my iron boat clensed of rust and well greased. in the evening the men mended their mockersons and preparedthemselves for the portage. after dark my dog barked very much and seemed extreemly uneasy which was unusual with him; i ordered the sergt. of the guard to reconniter with two men, thinking it possible that some indians might be about to pay us a visit, or perhaps a white bear; he returned soon after & reported that he believed the dog had been baying a buffaloe bull which had attempted to swim the river just above our camp but had been beten down by the stream landed a little below our camp on the same side & run off. [clark, june , ] june th wednesday we went on the island to hunt the white bear this morning but could not find him, after plotting my courses &c. i deturmined to dry the meat we killed and leave here, and proceed up the river as far as it bent to the s. e. and examine a small creek above our camp, i set out and found the creek only contained back water for mile up, ascend near the missouri miles to the bend, from which place it turnd. westerly, from this bend i with men went forward towards the camp of the party to examine the best ground for the portage, the little creek has verry extencive bottoms which spread out into a varriety of leavl rich bottoms quite to the mountains to the east, between those bottoms is hills low and stoney on this declivity where it is steep. i returned to camp late and deturmined that the best nearest and most eassy rout would be from the lower part of the rd or white bear island, the wind all this day blew violently hard from the s w. off the snowey mountains, cool, in my last rout i lost a part of my notes which could not be found as the wind must have blown them to a great distance. summer duck setting great numbers of buffalow all about our camp [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . this morning we had but little to do; waiting the return of capt. clark; i am apprehensive from his stay that the portage is longer than we had calculated on. i sent out hunters this morning on the opposite side of the river to kill buffaloe; the country being more broken on that side and cut with ravenes they can get within shoot of the buffaloe with more ease and certainty than on this side of the river. my object is if possible while we have now but little to do, to lay in a large stock of dryed meat at this end of the portage to subsist the party while engaged in the transportation of our baggage &c, to the end, that they may not be taken from this duty when once commenced in order to surch for the necessary subsistence. the indian woman is qute free from pain and fever this morning and appears to be in a fair way for recovery, she has been walking about and fishing. in the evening of the hunters returned and informed me that they had killed eleven buffaloe eight of which were in very fine order, i sent off all hands immediately to bring in the meat they soon returned with about half of the best meat leaving three men to remain all night in order to secure the ballance. the bufhaloe are in inimence numbers, they have been constantly coming down in large herds to water opposite to us for some hours sometimes two or three herds wartering at the same instant and scarcely disappear before others supply their places. they appear to make great use of the mineral water, whether this be owing to it's being more convenient to them than the river or that they actually prefer it i am at a loss to determine for they do not use it invaryably, but sometimes pass at no great distance from it and water at the river. brackish water or that of a dark colour impregnated with mineral salts such as i have frequenly mentioned on the missouri is found in small quantities in some of the steep ravenes on the n. side of the river opposite to us and the falls. capt. clark and party returned late this evening when he gave me the following relation of his rout and the occurrences which had taken place with them since their departure. capt. clark now furnished me with the field notes of the survey which he had made of the missouri and it's cataracts cascades &c. from the entrance of portage creek to the south eastwardly bend of the missouri above the white bear islands, which are as follow. [clark, june , ] june th thursday a cloudy morning, a hard wind all night and this morning, i direct stakes to be cut to stick up in the prarie to show the way for the party to transport the baggage &c. &c. we set out early on the portage, soon after we set out it began to rain and continued a short time we proceeded on thro a tolerable leavel plain, and found the hollow of a deep rivein to obstruct our rout as it could not be passed with canos & baggage for some distance above the place we struck it i examined it for some time and finding it late deturmined to strike the river & take its course & distance to camp which i accordingly did the wind hard from the s. w. a fair after noon, the river on both sides cut with raveins some of which is passes thro steep clifts into the river, the countrey above the falls & up the medison river is leavel, with low banks, a chain of mountains to the west some part of which particuler those to the n w. & s w are covered with snow and appear verry high--i saw a rattle snake in an open plain miles from any creek or wood. when i arrived at camp found all well with great quantites of meet, the canoes capt. lewis had carried up the creek mile to a good place to assend the band & taken up. not haveing seen the snake indians or knowing in fact whither to calculate on their friendship or hostillity, we have conceived our party sufficiently small, and therefore have concluded not to dispatch a canoe with a part of our men to st. louis as we have intended early in the spring. we fear also that such a measure might also discourage those who would in such case remain, and migh possibly hazard the fate of the expedition. we have never hinted to any one of the party that we had such a scheem in contemplation, and all appear perfectly to have made up their minds, to succeed in the expedition or perish in the attempt. we all believe that we are about to enter on the most perilous and dificuelt part of our voyage, yet i see no one repineing; all appear ready to meet those dificuelties which await us with resolution and becomeing fortitude. we had a heavy dew this morning. the clouds near those mountains rise suddonly and discharge their contents partially on the neighbouring plains; the same cloud discharge hail alone in one part, hail and rain in another and rain only in a third all within the space of a fiew miles; and on the mountains to the south & s. e. of us sometimes snow. at present there is no snow on those mountains; that which covered them a fiew days ago has all disappeared. the mountains to the n. w. and west of us are still entirely covered are white and glitter with the reflection of the sun. i do not believe that the clouds that pervale at this season of the year reach the summits of those lofty mountains; and if they do the probability is that they deposit snow only for there has been no proceptable diminution of the snow which they contain since we first saw them. i have thought it probable that these mountains might have derived their appellation of shineing mountains, from their glittering appearance when the sun shines in certain directions on the snow which cover them. dureing the time of my being on the plains and above the falls i as also all my party repeatedly heard a nois which proceeded from a direction a little to the n. of west, as loud and resembling precisely the discharge of a piece of ordinance of pounds at the distance of or six miles. i was informed of it several times by the men j. fields particularly before i paid any attention to it, thinking it was thunder most probably which they had mistaken. at length walking in the plains yesterday near the most extreem s. e. bend of the river above the falls i heard this nois very distinctly, it was perfectly calm clear and not a cloud to be seen, i halted and listened attentively about two hour dureing which time i heard two other discharges, and took the direction of the sound with my pocket compass which was as nearly west from me as i could estimate from the sound. i have no doubt but if i had leasure i could find from whence it issued. i have thought it probable that it might be caused by running water in some of the caverns of those emence mountains, on the principal of the blowing caverns; but in such case the sounds would be periodical and regular, which is not the case with this, being sometimes heard once only and at other times several discharges in quick succession. it is heard also at different times of the day and night. i am at a great loss to account for this phenomenon. i well recollect hereing the minitarees say that those rocky mountains make a great noise, but they could not tell me the cause, neither could they inform me of any remarkable substance or situation in these mountains which would autherise a conjecture of a probable cause of this noise-. it is probable that the large river just above those great falls which heads in the detection of the noise has taken it's name medicine river from this unaccountable rumbling sound, which like all unacountable thing with the indians of the missouri is called medicine. the ricaras inform us of the black mountains making a simalar noise &c. &c. and maney other wonderfull tales of those rocky mountains and those great falls. [lewis, june , ] friday june st . this morning i employed the greater part of the men in transporting a part of the bagage over portage creek to the top of the high plain about three miles in advance on the portage. i also had one canoe carryed on truck wheles to the same place and put the baggage in it, in order to make an early start in the morning, as the rout of our portage is not yet entirely settled, and it would be inconvenient to remain in the open plain all night at a distance from water, which would probably be the case if we did not set out early as the latter part of the rout is destitute of water for about miles--having determined to go to the upper part of the portage tomorrow; in order to prepare my boat and receive and take care of the stores as they were transported, i caused the iron frame of the boat and the necessary tools my private baggage and instruments to be taken as a part of this load, also the baggage of joseph fields, sergt. gass and john sheilds, whom i had scelected to assist me in constructing the leather boat. three men were employed today in shaving the elk skins which had ben collected for the boat. the ballance of the party were employed in cuting the meat we had killed yesterday into thin retches and drying it, and in bring in the ballance of what had been left over the river with three men last evening. i readily preceive several difficulties in preparing the leather boat which are the want of convenient and proper timber; bark, skins, and above all that of pitch to pay her seams, a deficiency that i really know not how to surmount unless it be by means of tallow and pounded charcoal which mixture has answered a very good purpose on our wooden canoes heretofore. i have seen for the first time on the missouri at these falls, a species of fishing ducks with white wings, brown and white body and the head and part of the neck adjoining of a brick red, and the beak narrow; which i take to be the same common to james river, the potomac and susquehanna. immence numbers of buffaloe comeing to water at the river as usual. the men who remained over the river last night killed several mule deer, and willard who was with me killed a young elk. the wind blew violently all day. the growth of the neighbourhood what little there is consists of the broad and narrow leafed cottonwood, box alder, the large or sweet willow, the narrow and broad leafed willow. the sweet willow has not been common to the missouri below this or the entrance of maria's river; here attains to the same size and in appearance much the same as in the atlantic states. the undergrowth consists of rosebushes, goosberry and current bushes, honeysuckle small, and the red wood, the inner bark of which the engages are fond of smoking mixed with tobacco. [clark, june , ] june st friday a fine morning wind from the s w. off the mountains and hard, capt lewis with the men except a few take a part of the baggage & a canoe up the hill mile in advance, several men employed in shaveing & graneing elk hides for the iron boat as it is called-- men were sent up the medison river yesterday to kill elk for the skins for the boat, i fear that we shall be put to some dificuelty in precureing elk skins sufficent-, cloudy afternoon, we dry meat for the men to eat on their return from the upper part of the portage capt lewis determine to proceed to the upper part of the portage tomorrow & with men proced to fix the iron boat with skins &c. &c. [lewis, june , ] saturday june cd . this morning early capt clark and myself with all the party except sergt. ordway sharbono, goodrich, york and the indian woman, set out to pass the portage with the canoe and baggage to the whitebear islands, where we intend that this portage shall end. capt. clarke piloted us through the plains. about noon we reached a little stream about miles on the portage where we halted and dined; we were obliged here to renew both axeltrees and the tongues and howns of one set of wheels which took us no more than hours. these parts of our carriage had been made of cottonwood and one axetree of an old mast, all of which proved deficient and had broken down several times before we reached this place we have now renewed them with the sweet willow and hope that they will answer better. after dark we had reached within half a mile of our intended camp when the tongues gave way and we were obliged to leave the canoe, each man took as much of the baggage as he could carry on his back and proceeded to the river where we formed our encampment much fortiegued. the prickly pears were extreemly troublesome to us sticking our feet through our mockersons. saw a great number of buffaloe in the plains, also immence quantities of little birds and the large brown curloo; the latter is now seting; it lays it's eggs, which are of a pale blue with black specks, on the ground without any preperation of a nest. there is a kind of larke here that much resembles the bird called the oldfield lark with a yellow brest and a black spot on the croop; tho this differs from ours in the form of the tail which is pointed being formed of feathers of unequal length; the beak is somewhat longer and more curved and the note differs considerably; however in size, action, and colours there is no perceptable difference; or at least none that strikes my eye. after reaching our camp we kindled our fires and examined the meat which capt. clark had left, but found only a small proportion of it, the wolves had taken the greater part. we eat our suppers and soon retired to rest. [clark, june , ] june nd satturday a fine morning, capt lewis my self and all the party except a sergeant ordway guterich and the interpreter and his wife sar car gah we a (who are left at camp to take care of the baggage left) across the portage with one canoe on truck wheels and loaded with a part of our baggage i piloted thro the plains to the camp i made at which place i intended the portage to end which is miles above the medesin river we had great dificuelty in getting on as the axeltree broke several times, and the cuppling tongus of the wheels which was of cotton & willow, the only wood except boxelder & ____ that grow in this quarter, we got within half a mile of our intended camp much fatigued at dark, our tongus broke & we took a load to the river on the mens back, where we found a number of wolves which had distroyed a great part of our meat which i had left at that place when i was up day before yesterday we soon went to sleep & slept sound wind from the ____ we deturmine to employ every man cooks & all on the portage after to day canoe and baggage brought up, after which we breakfasted and nearly consumed the meat which he had left here. he now set out on his return with the party. i employed the three men with me in the forenoon clearing away the brush and forming our camp, and puting the frame of the boat together. this being done i sent shields and gass to look out for the necessary timber, and with j. fields decended the river in the canoe to the mouth of medicine river in surch of the hunters whom i had dispatched thither on the th inst. and from whom we had not heard a sentence. i entered the mouth of medicine river and ascended it about half a mile when we landed and walked up the stard. side. frequently hooping as we went on in order to find the hunters; at length after ascending the river about five miles we found shannon who had passed the medecine river & fixed his camp on the lard. side, where he had killed seven deer and several buffaloe and dryed about lbs. of buffaloe meat; but had killed no elk. shannon could give me no further account of r. fields and drewyer than that he had left them about noon on the th at the great falls and had come on the mouth of medicine river to hunt elk as he had been directed, and never had seen them since. the evening being now far spent i thought it better to pass the medicine river and remain all night at shannon's camp; i passed the river on a raft which we soon constructed for the purpose. the river is here about yds. wide, is deep and but a moderate current. the banks low as those of the missouri above the falls yet never appear to overflow. as it will give a better view of the transactions of the party, i shall on each day give the occurrences of both camps during our seperation as i afterwards learnt those of the lower camp from capt. clark. on his return today he cut of several angles of the rout by which we came yesterday, shortened the portage considerably, measured it and set up stakes throughout as guides to marke the rout. he returned this evening to the lower camp in sufficient time to take up two of the canoes from portage creek to the top of the plain about a mile in advance. this evening the men repaired their mockersons, and put on double souls to protect their feet from the prickley pears. during the late rains the buffaloe have troden up the praire very much, which having now become dry the sharp points of earth as hard as frozen ground stand up in such abundance that there is no avoiding them. this is particulary severe on the feet of the men who have not only their own wight to bear in treading on those hacklelike points but have also the addition of the burthen which they draw and which in fact is as much as they can possibly move with. they are obliged to halt and rest frequently for a few minutes, at every halt these poor fellows tumble down and are so much fortiegued that many of them are asleep in an instant; in short their fatiegues are incredible; some are limping from the soreness of their feet, others faint and unable to stand for a few minutes, with heat and fatiegue, yet no one complains, all go with cheerfullness. in evening reubin fields returned to the lower camp and informed capt. clark of the absence of shannon, with rispect to whome they were extreemly uneasy. fields and drewyer had killed several buffaloe at the bend of the missouri above the falls and had dryed a considerable quantity of meat; they had also killed several deer but no elk. [clark, june , ] june rd sunday a cloudy morning wind from the s. e, after getting the canoe to camp & the articles left in the plains we eate brackfast of the remaining meat found in camp & i with the party the truck wheels & poles to stick up in the prarie as a guide, set out on our return, we proceeded on, & measured the way which i streightened considerably from that i went on yesterday, and arrived at our lower camp in suffcent time to take up canoes on the top of the hill from the creek, found all safe at camp the men mended their mockersons with double soles to save their feet from the prickley pear, (which abounds in the praries,) and the hard ground which in some & maney places so hard as to hurt the feet verry much, the emence number of buffalow after the last rain has trod the flat places in such a manner as to leave it uneaven, and that has tried and is wors than frozen ground, added to those obstructions, the men has to haul with all their strength wate & art, maney times every man all catching the grass & knobes & stones with their hands to give them more force in drawing on the canoes & loads, and notwithstanding the coolness of the air in high presperation and every halt, those not employed in reparing the couse; are asleep in a moment, maney limping from the soreness of their feet some become fant for a fiew moments, but no man complains all go chearfully on--to state the fatigues of this party would take up more of the journal than other notes which i find scercely time to set down. i had the best rout staked out and measured which is miles / to the river & / a mile up i.e / miles portage--from the lower rapid to the st creek is poles, to a deep run of water, called willow run is miles thence to the river miles above medison riv at island called white bear islands is miles all prarie without wood or water except at the creek & run which afford a plenty of fine water and a little wood the plain is tolerably leavel except at the river a small assent & passing a low hill from the creek a rough & steep assent for about / of a mile and several gullies & a gradual hill for / miles the heads of several gullies which have short assents & the willow run of a steep hill on this run grows purple & red currents. the red is now ripe the purple full grown, an emence number of prarie birds now setting of two kinds one larger than a sparrow dark yellow the center feathers of its tail yellow & the out sides black some streeks about its neck, the other about the same size white tail [lewis, june , ] monday june th . supposing that drewyer and r. fields might possibly be still higher up medicine river, i dispatched j. fields up the river with orders to proceede about four miles and then return whether he found them or not and join shannon at this camp. i set out early and walked down the south west side of the river and sent shannon down the opposite side to bring the canoe over to me and put me across the missouri; having landed on the lard. side of the missouri i sent shannon back with the canoe to ascend the medicine river as far as his camp to meet j. fields and bring the dryed meat at that place to the camp at the white bear islands which accomplished and arrived with fields this evening. the party also arrived this evening with two canoes from the lower camp. they were wet and fatiegued, gave them a dram. r. fields came with them and gave me an account of his & drewyer's hunt, and informed me that drewyer was still at their camp with the meat they had dryed. the iron frame of my boat is feet long / f. in the beam and inches in the hole. this morning early capt. clark had the remaining canoe drawn out of the water; and divided the remainder of our baggage into three parcels, one of which he sent today by the party with two canoes. the indian woman is now perfectly recovered. capt. c. came a few miles this morning to see the party under way and returned. on my arrival at the upper camp this morning, i found that sergt. gass and shields had made but slow progress in collecting timber for the boat; they complained of great difficulty in geting streight or even tolerably streight sticks of / feet long. we were obliged to make use of the willow and box alder, the cottonwood being too soft and brittle. i kept one of them collecting timber while the other shaved and fitted them. i have found some pine logs among the drift wood near this place, from which, i hope to obtain as much pitch as will answer to pay the seams of the boat. i directed fraizer to remain in order to sew the hides together, and form the covering for the boat. [clark, june , ] june th monday a cloudy morning i rose early had, the remaining canoe hauled out of the water to dry and divided the baggage into parcels, one of which the party took on their backs & one waggon with truk wheels to the canoes miles in advance (those canoes or of our canoes were carried up the creek / of a mile taken out on the bank and left to dry from which place they are taken up a point and intersects this rout from the mouth of the creek at miles from the foot of the rapids) after getting up their loads they divided men & load & proceeded on with canoes on truck wheels as before, i accompaned them miles and returned, my feet being verry sore from the walk over ruts stones & hills & thro the leavel plain for days proceeding carrying my pack and gun. some few drops of rain in the fore part of the day, at oclock a black cloud arose to the n west, the wind shifted from the s to that point and in a short time the earth was entirely covered with hail, some rain succeeded, which continud for about an hour very moderately on this side of the river, without the earths being wet / an inch, the riveins on the opposit or n w side discharged emence torrents of water into the river, & showed evidently that the rain was much heavyer on that side, some rain at different times in the night which was worm--thunder without lightning accompanied the hail cloud [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th . this morning early i sent the party back to the lower camp; dispatched frazier down with the canoe for drewyer and the meat he had collected, and joseph fields up the missouri to hunt elk. at eight ocik. sent gass and sheilds over to the large island for bark and timber. about noon fields returned and informed me that he had seen two white bear near the river a few miles above and in attempting to get a shoot them had stumbled uppon a third which immediately made at him being only a few steps distant; that in runing in order to escape from the bear he had leaped down a steep bank of the river on a stony bar where he fell cut his hand bruised his knees and bent his gun. that fortunately for him the bank hid him from the bear when he fell and that by that means he had escaped. this man has been truly unfortunate with these bear, this is the second time that he has narrowly escaped from them. about p. m shields and gass returned with but a small quantity of both bark and timber and informed me that it was all they could find on the island; they had killed two elk the skins of which and a part of the flesh they brought with them. in the evening drewyer and frazier arrivd with about lbs. of excellent dryed meat and about lbs of tallow. the river is about yds. wide opposite to us above these islands, and has a very gentle current the bottoms are hadsome level and extensive on both sides; the bank on this side is not more than feet above the level of the water; it is a pretty little grove in which our camp is situated. there is a species of wild rye which is now heading it rises to the hight of or inches, the beard is remarkably fine and soft it is a very handsome grass the culm is jointed and is in every rispect the wild rye in minuture. great quantities of mint also are here it resemble the pepper mint very much in taste and appearance. the young blackbirds which are almost innumerable in these islands just begin to fly. see a number of water tarripens. i have made an unsuccessfull attempt to catch fish, and do not think there are any in this part of the river. the party that returned this evening to the lower camp reached it in time to take one canoe on the plain and prepare their baggage for an early start in the morning after which such as were able to shake a foot amused themselves in dancing on the green to the music of the violin which cruzatte plays extreemly well. capt. c. somewhat unwell today. he made charbono kook for the party against their return. it is worthy of remark that the winds are sometimes so strong in these plains that the men informed me that they hoisted a sail in the canoe and it had driven her along on the truck wheels. this is really sailing on dry land. [clark, june , ] june th tuesday a fair worm morning, clouded & a few drops of rain at oclock a.m. fair i feel my self a little unwell with a looseness &c. &c. put out the stores to dry & set chabonah &c to cook for the party against their return-he being the only man left on this side with me i had a little coffee for brackfast which was to me a riarity as i had not tasted any since last winter. the wind from the n. w. & worm. this countrey has a romantick appearance river inclosed between high and steep hills cut to pieces by revines but little timber and that confined to the rivers & creek, the missourie has but a fiew scattering trees on its borders, and only one solitary cotton tree in sight of my camp the wood which we burn is drift wood which is broken to pieces in passing the falls, not one large tree longer than about or feet to be found drifted below the falls the plains are inferior in point of soil to those below, more stone on the sides of the hill, grass but a few inches high and but few flowers in the plains, great quantites of choke cheries, goose burres, red & yellow berries, & red & purple currents on the edges of water courses in bottoms & damp places, about my camp the cliffs or bluffs are a hard red or redish brown earth containing iron. we catch great quantities of trout, and a kind of mustel, flat backs & a soft fish resembling a shad and a few cat. at oclock the party returned, fatigued as usial, and proceeded to mend their mockersons &c. and g shannon & r, fds. to of the men who ware sent up the medison river to hunt elk, they killed no elk, several buffalow & deer, and reports that the river is yds wide and about feet deep some timber on its borders--a powerfull rain fell on the party on their rout yesterday wet some fiew articles, and caused the rout to be so bad wet & deep thay could with dificuelty proceed, capt. lewis & the men with him much employd with the iron boat in fitting it for the water, dispatched one man to george drewyers camp below medison river for meat &c. a fair after noon--great numbers of buffalow water opposit to my camp everry day--it may be here worthy of remark that the sales were hoised in the canoes as the men were drawing them and the wind was great relief to them being sufficeritly strong to move the canoes on the trucks, this is saleing on dry land in every sence of the word, serjeant n pryor sick, the party amused themselves with danceing untill oclock all chearfullness and good humer, they all tied up their loads to make an early start in the morning. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . the musquetoes are extreemly troublesome to us. this morning early i dispatched j. fields and drewyer in one of the canoes up the river to hunt elk. set frazier at work to sew the skins together for the covering of the boat. sheilds and gas i sent over the river to lurch a small timbered bottom on that side opposite to the islands for timber and bark; and to myself i assign the duty of cook as well for those present as for the party which i expect again to arrive this evening from the lower camp. i collected my wood and water, boiled a large quantity of excellent dryed buffaloe meat and made each man a large suet dumpling by way of a treat. about p.m. shields and gass returned with a better supply of timber than they had yet collected tho not by any means enough. they brought some bark principally of the cottonwood which i found was too brittle and soft for the purpose; for this article i find my only dependence is the sweet willow which has a tough & strong bark. shields and gass had killed seven buffaloe in their absence the skins of which and a part of the best of the meat they brought with them. if i cannot procure a sufficient quantity of elk's skins i shall substitute those of the buffaloe. late in the evening the party arrived with two more canoes and another portion of the baggage. whitehouse one of them much heated and fortiegued on his arrivall dank a very hearty draught of water and was taken almost instanly extreemly ill. his pulse were very full and i therefore bled him plentifully from which he felt great relief. i had no other instrument with which to perform this opperation but my pen knife, however it answered very well. the wind being from s. e today and favourable the men made considerable progress by means of their sails. at the lower camp. the party set out very early from this place, and took with them two canoes and a second alotment of baggage consisting of parched meal, pork, powder lead axes, tools, bisquit, portable soupe, some merchandize and cloathing. capt. c. gave sergt. pryor a doze of salts this morning and employed sharbono in rendering the buffaloe tallow which had been collected there, he obtained a sufficient quantity to fill three empty kegs. capt. c. also scelected the articles to be deposited in the cash consisting of my desk which i had left for that purpose and in which i had left some books, my specimens of plants minerals &c. collected from fort mandan to that place. also kegs of pork, / a keg of flour blunderbushes, / a keg of fixed ammunition and some other small articles belonging to the party which could be dispenced with. deposited the swivel and carriage under the rocks a little above the camp near the river. great numbers of buffaloe still continue to water daily opposite the camp. the antelopes still continue scattered and seperate in the plains. the females with their young only of which they generally have two, and the males alone. capt. clarke measured the rout from the camp at the whitebear islands to the lower camp which is as follows.- [clark, june , ] june th wednesday some rain last night this morning verry cloudy the party set out this morning verry early with their loads to the canoe consisting of parched meal pork powder lead axes, tools bisquit, p. soup & some merchendize & clothes &c. &c. i gave serjt. pryor a dolt of salts, & set chabonah to trying up the buffalow tallow & put into the empty kegs &c. i assort our articles for to be left at this place buried, ____ kegs of pork, / a keg of flour, blunderbuts, ____ caterrages a few small lumbersom articles capt lewiss desk and some books & small articles in it the wind from the n. w. verry worm flying clouds in the evening the wind shifted round to the east & blew hard, which is a fair wind for the two canoes to sail on the plains across the portage, i had three kegs of buffalow grease tried up. great numbers of buffalow opposite to our camp watering to day. [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . the party returned early this morning for the remaining canoe and baggage; whitehouse was not quite well this morning i therefore detained him and about a.m. set him at work with frazier sewing the skins together for the boat; shields and gass continued the operation of shaving and fiting the horizontall bars of wood in the sections of the boat; the timber is so crooked and indifferent that they make but little progress, for myself i continued to act the part of cook in order to keep all hands employed. some elk came near our camp and we killed of them at p.m. a cloud arrose to the s. w. and shortly after came on attended with violent thunder lightning and hail &c. (see notes on diary of the weather for june). soon after this storm was over drewyer and j. fields returned. they were about miles above us during the storm, the hail was of no uncommon size where they were. they had killed elk and three bear during their absence; one of the bear was the largest by far that we have yet seen; the skin appear to me to be as large as a common ox. while hunting they saw a thick brushey bottom on the bank of the river where from the tracks along shore they suspected that there were bare concealed; they therefore landed without making any nois and climbed a leaning tree and placed themselves on it's branches about feet above the ground, when thus securely fixed they gave a hoop and this large bear instantly rushed forward to the place from whence he had heard the human voice issue, when he arrived at the tree he made a short paus and drewyer shot him in the head. it is worthy of remark that these bear never climb. the fore feet of this bear measured nine inches across and the hind feet eleven and-- / in length & exclusive of the tallons and seven inches in width. a bear came within thirty yards of our camp last night and eat up about thirty weight of buffaloe suit which was hanging on a pole. my dog seems to be in a constant state of alarm with these bear and keeps barking all night. soon after the storm this evening the water on this side of the river became of a deep crimson colour which i pesume proceeded from some stream above and on this side. there is a kind of soft red stone in the bluffs and bottoms. of the gullies in this neighbourhood which forms this colouring matter.--at the lower camp. capt. clark completed a draught of the river with the couses and distances from the entrance of the missouri to ft. mandan, which we intend depositing here in order to guard against accedents. sergt. pryor is somewhat better this morning. at p.m. the party returned from the upper camp; capt. c. gave them a drink of grog; they prepared for the labour of the next day. soon after the party returned it began to rain accompanyed by some hail and continued a short time; a second shower fell late in the evening accompanyed by a high wind from n. w.--the mangled carcases of several buffaloe pass down the river today which had no doubt perished in the falls. [clark, june , ] june th thursday a fair warm morning wind from the s, e, and moderate. serjt. pryor something better this morning, i proceed to finish a rough draugh of the river & distances to leave at this place, the wormest day we have had this year, at oclock the party returned from the head of the portage soon after it began to hail and rain hard and continued for a fiew minits & ceased for an hour and began to rain again with a heavy wind from the n w. i refresh the men with a drink of grog the river beginning to rise a little the water is coloured a redish brown, the small streams, discharges in great torrents, and partake of the choler of the earth over which it passes-a great part of which is light & of a redish brown. several buffalow pass drowned & in passing over the falls cloudy all night, cold [lewis, june , ] friday june th . set drewyer to shaving the elk skins, fields to make the cross stays for the boat, frazier and whitehouse continue their operation with the skins, shields and gass finish the horizontal bars of the sections; after which i sent them in surch of willow bark, a sufficient supply of which they now obtained to bind the boat. expecting the party this evening i prepared a supper for them but they did not arrive. not having quite elk skins enough i employed three buffaloe hides to cover one section. not being able to shave these skins i had them singed pretty closely with a blazeing torch; i think they will answer tolerable well. the white bear have become so troublesome to us that i do not think it prudent to send one man alone on an errand of any kind, particularly where he has to pass through the brush. we have seen two of them on the large island opposite to us today but are so much engaged that we could not spare the time to hunt them but will make a frolick of it when the party return and drive them from these islands. they come close arround our camp every night but have never yet ventured to attack us and our dog gives us timely notice of their visits, he keeps constantly padroling all night. i have made the men sleep with their arms by them as usual for fear of accedents. the river is now about nine inches higher than it was on my arrival. lower camp. early this morning capt. c. dispatched the remaining canoe with some baggage to the top of the plain above portage creek three miles in advance; some others he employed in carrying the articles to the cash and depositing them and others to mend the carriages which wer somewhat out of repair. this being accomplished he loaded the two carriages with the remaining baggage and set out with all the party and proceeded on with much difficulty to the canoe in the plain. portage creek had arisen considerably and the water was of crimson colour and illy tasted. on his arrival at the canoe he found there was more baggage than he could possibly take at one load on the two sets of trucks and therefore left some barrels of pork & flour and a few heavy boxes of amunition which could not well be injured, and proceeded with the canoe & one set of trucks loaded with baggage to willow run where he encamped for the night, and killed two buffaloe to subsist the party. soon after his arrival at willow run he experienced a hard shower of rain which was succeeded by a violent wind from the s. w. off the snowy mountains, accompanyed with rain; the party being cold and wet, he administered the consolation of a dram to each. [clark, june , ] june th friday a fair morning wind from the south i dispatch the remaining canoe with baggage in her to the top of the hill three miles, imploy some hands in carrying those things we intend to deposit to the carsh or hole, some to repareing one of the trucks &c. &c. the water is riseing and of a redish brown cholour after covering the carshe & loading the two carrges with the remaining part of our baggage we all set out passed the creek which had rose a little and the water nearly red, and bad tasted, we assended the hill to the place the canoe lay with great labour, at the canoe at which place we left some boxes & kegs of pork & flour for another load, and proceeded on with the canoe & what baggage we could draw on the wheels to willow run miles where we camped, this run mearly some water remaining in holes &c. soon after we halted we had a shower, and at dark we expereinced a most dredfull wind from off the snow mountains to the s. w. accompd. with rain which continued at intervales all night men wet. i refreshed them with a dram. killed buffalow. great nos. about [lewis, june , ] saturday june th . this morning we experienced a heavy shower of rain for about an hour after which it became fair. not having seen the large fountain of which capt. clark spoke i determined to visit it today as i could better spare this day from my attention to the boat than probably any other when the work would be further advanced; accordingly after seting the hands at their several employments i took drewyer and seet out for the fountain and passed through a level beautiful plain for about six miles when i reached the brake of the river hills here we were overtaken by a violent gust of wind and rain from the s. w. attended with thunder and litning. i expected a hail storm probably from this cloud and therefore took refuge in a little gully wher there were some broad stones with which i purposed protecting my head if we should have a repetition of the seene of the th but fortunately we had but little hail and that not large; i sat very composedly for about an hour without sheter and took a copious drenching of rain; after the shower was over i continued my rout to the fountain which i found much as capt. c; had discribed & think it may well be retained on the list of prodegies of this neighbourhood towards which, nature seems to have dealt with a liberal hand, for i have scarcely experienced a day since my first arrival in this quarter without experiencing some novel occurrence among the party or witnessing the appearance of some uncommon object. i think this fountain the largest i ever beheld, and the hadsome cascade which it affords over some steep and irregular rocks in it's passage to the river adds not a little to it's beauty. it is about yds. from the river, situated in a pretty little level plain, and has a suddon decent of about feet in one part of it's course. the water of this fountain is extreemly tranparent and cold; nor is it impregnated with lime or any other extranious matter which i can discover, but is very pure and pleasent. it's waters marke their passage as capt. clark observes for a considerable distance down the missouri notwithstanding it's rapidity and force. the water of the fountain boil up with such force near it's center that it's surface in that part seems even higher than the surrounding earth which is a firm handsom terf of fine green grass. after amusing myself about minutes in examining the fountain i found myself so chilled with my wet cloaths that i determined to return and accordingly set out; on our way to camp we found a buffaloe dead which we had shot as we came out and took a parsel of the meat to camp it was in very good order; the hump and tongue of a fat buffaloe i esteem great delicasies. on my arrival at camp i was astonished not to find the party yet arrived, but then concluded that probably the state of the praries had detained them, as in the wet state in which they are at present the mud sticks to the wheels is such manner that they are obliged to halt frequently and clense them. transaction and occurrencies which took place with capt. clark and party today. shortly after the rain which fell early this morning he found it imposseble from the state of the plains for the party to reach the upper extremity of the portage with their present load, and therefore sent back almost all of the party to bring the baggage which had been left behind yesterday. he determined himself to pass by the way of the river to camp in order to supply the deficiency of some notes and remarks which he had made as he first ascended the river but which he had unfortunately lost. accordingly he left one man at willow run to guard the baggage and took with him his black man york, sharbono and his indian woman also accompanyed capt. c. on his arrival at the falls he perceived a very black cloud rising in the west which threatened immediate rain; he looked about for a shelter but could find none without being in great danger of being blown into the river should the wind prove as violent as it sometimes is on those occasions in these plains; at length about a / of a mile above the falls he discovered a deep rivene where there were some shelving rocks under which he took shelter near the river with sharbono and the indian woman; laying their guns compass &c. under a shelving rock on the upper side of the rivene where they were perfectly secure from the rain. the first shower was moderate accompanyed by a violent rain the effects of which they did but little feel; soon after a most violent torrent of rain decended accompanyed with hail; the rain appeared to decend in a body and instantly collected in the rivene and came down in a roling torrent with irrisistable force driving rocks mud and everything before it which opposed it's passage, capt. c. fortunately discovered it a moment before it reached them and seizing his gun and shot pouch with his left hand with the right he assisted himself up the steep bluff shoving occasionaly the indian woman before him who had her child in her arms; sharbono had the woman by the hand indeavouring to pull her up the hill but was so much frightened that he remained frequently motionless and but for capt. c. both himself and his woman and child must have perished. so suddon was the rise of the water that before capt c could reach his gun and begin to ascend the bank it was up to his waist and wet his watch; and he could scarcely ascend faster than it arrose till it had obtained the debth of feet with a current tremendious to behold. one moment longer & it would have swept them into the river just above the great cataract of feet where they must have inevitably perished. sarbono lost his gun shot pouch, horn, tomahawk, and my wiping rod; capt. clark his umbrella and compas or circumferenter. they fortunately arrived on the plain safe, where they found the black man, york, in surch of them; york had seperated from them a little while before the storm, in pursuit of some buffaloe and had not seen them enter the rivene; when this gust came on he returned in surch of them & not being able to find them for some time was much allarmed. the bier in which the woman carrys her child and all it's cloaths wer swept away as they lay at her feet she having time only to grasp her child; the infant was therefore very cold and the woman also who had just recovered from a severe indisposition was also wet and cold, capt c. therefore relinquished his intended rout and returned to the camp at willow run in order also to obtain dry cloathes for himself and directed them to follow him. on capt. clark's arrival at camp he found that the party dispatched for the baggage had returned in great confusion and consternation leaving their loads in the plains; the men who were all nearly naked and no covering on the head were sorely mawled with the hail which was so large and driven with such force by the wind that it nocked many of them (town and one particulary as many as three times most of them were bleeding freely and complained of being much bruised. willow run raised about feet with this rain and the plains were so wet they could do nothing more this evening. capt. c. gave the party a dram to console them in some measure for their general defeat. [clark, june , ] junne th saltarday a little rain verry early this morning after clear, finding that the prarie was so wet as to render it impossible to pass on to the end of the portage, deturmined to send hack to the top of the hill at the creek for the remaining part of the baggage left at that place yesterday, leaveing one man to take care of the baggage at this place. i deturmined any self to proceed on to the falls and take the river, according we all set out., i took my servent & one man chabono our interpreter & his squar accompanied, soon after i arrived at the falls, i perceived a cloud which appeared black and threaten imediate rain, i looked out for a shelter but could see no place without being in great danger of being blown into the river if the wind should prove as turbelant as it is at some times about / of a mile above the falls i obsd a deep rivein in which was shelveing rocks under which we took shelter near the river and placed our guns the compass &c. &c. under a shelveing rock on the upper side of the creek, in a place which was verry secure from rain, the first shower was moderate accompanied with a violent wind, the effects of which we did not feel, soon after a torrent of rain and hail fell more violent than ever i saw before, the rain fell like one voley of water falling from the heavens and gave us time only to get out of the way of a torrent of water which was poreing down the hill in the rivin with emence force tareing every thing before it takeing with it large rocks & mud, i took my gun & shot pouch in my left hand, and with the right scrambled up the hill pushing the interpreters wife (who had her child in her arms) before me, the interpreter himself makeing attempts to pull up his wife by the hand much scared and nearly without motion--we at length retched the top of the hill safe where i found my servent in serch of us greatly agitated, for our wellfar-. before i got out of the bottom of the revein which was a flat dry rock when i entered it, the water was up to my waste & wet my watch, i scrcely got out before it raised feet deep with a torrent which turrouble to behold, and by the time i reached the top of the hill, at least feet water, i directed the party to return to the camp at the run as fast as possible to get to our lode where clothes could be got to cover the child whose clothes were all lost, and the woman who was but just recovering from a severe indispostion, and was wet and cold, i was fearfull of a relaps i caused her as also the others of the party to take a little spirits, which my servent had in a canteen, which revived verry much. on arrival at the camp on the willow run-met the party who had returned in great confusion to the run leaveing their loads in the plain, the hail & wind being so large and violent in the plains, and them naked, they were much brused, and some nearly killed one knocked down three times, and others without hats or any thing on their heads bloodey & complained verry much; i refreshed them with a little grog--soon after the run began to rise and rose feet in a few minits-. i lost at the river in the torrent the large compas, an eligant fusee, tomahawk humbrallo, shot pouh, & horn wih powder & ball, mockersons, & the woman lost her childs bear & clothes bedding &c.--the compass is a serious loss; as we have no other large one. the plains are so wet that we can do nothing this evining particilarly as two deep reveins are between ourselves & load ==================== [lewis, june , ] sunday june th . we had a heavy dew this morning which is a remarkable event. fraizer and whitehouse still continue their opperation of sewing the skins together. i set shields and gass to shaving bark and fields continued to make the cross brases. drewyer and myself rendered a considerable quantity of tallow and cooked. i begin to be extremely impatient to be off as the season is now waisting a pace nearly three months have now elapsed since we left fort mandan and not yet reached the rocky mountains i am therefore fully preswaded that we shall not reach fort mandan again this season if we even return from the ocean to the snake indians. wherever we find timber there is also beaver; drewyer killed two today. there are a number of large bat or goatsucker here i killed one of them and found that there was no difference between them and those common to the u states; i have not seen the leather winged bat for some time nor is there any of the small goatsuckers in this quarter of the country. we have not the whip-poor-will either. this last is by many persons in the u states confounded with the large goat-sucker or night-hawk as it is called in the eastern states, and are taken for the same bird. it is true that there is a great resemblance but they are distinct species of the goatsucker. here the one exists without the other. the large goat sucker lays it's eggs in these open plains without the preperation of a nest we have found their eggs in several instances they lay only two before they set nor do i beleive that they raise more than one brood in a season; they have now just hatched their young.--this evening the bark was shaved and the leather covering for the sections were also completed and i had them put into the water, in order to toughen the bark, and prepare the leather for sewing on the sections in the morning. it has taken elk skins and buffaloe skins to complete her. the crossbars are also finished this evening; we have therefore only the way strips now to obtain in order to complete the wood work, and this i fear will be a difficult task. the party have not returned from the lower camp i am therefore fearfull that some uncommon accedent has happened. occurrences with capt. clark and party this morning capt. clark dispatched two men to kill some buffaloe, two others to the falls to surch for the articles lost yesterday, one he retained to cook and sent the others for the baggage left in the plains yesterday. the hunters soon returned loaded with meat those sent for the baggage brought it up in a few hours, he then set four men at work to make axeltrees and repare the carrages; the others he employed in conveying the baggage over the run on their sholders it having now fallent to about feet water. the men complained much today of the bruises and wounds which they had received yesterday from the hail. the two men sent to the falls returned with the compas which they found covered in the mud and sand near the mouth of the rivene the other articles were irrecoverably lost. they found that part of rivene in; which capt. c. had been seting yesterday, filled with huge rocks. at a.m. capt. clark dispatched the party with a load of the baggage as far as the miles stake, with orders to deposit it there and return with the carriages which they did accordingly. they experienced a heavy gust of wind this evening from the s. w. after which it was a fair afternoon. more buffaloe than usual were seen about their camp; capt. c assured me that he beleives he saw at least ten thousand at one view. [clark, june , ] june th sunday . a fair morning, i dispatch the party except for the remaining baggage scattered in the plains, two to hunt for meat, two to the falls, and one to cook at oclock the hunters came in loaded with fat meat, & those were dispatched for the baggage returned with it. i set men to make new axeltrees & repare the carrages, others to take the load across the run which had fallen & is about feet water, men complain of being swore this day dull and lolling about, the two men dispatched in serch of the articls lost yesterday returned and brought the compass which they found in the mud & stones near the mouth of the revein, no other articles found, the place i sheltered under filled up with hugh rocks, i set the party out at oclock to take a load to the mile stake & return this evening, and i intend to take on the ballance to the river tomorrow if the prarie will permit. at oclock a storm of wind from the s. w. after which we had a clear evening. great numbers of buffalow in every direction, i think , may be seen in a view. [lewis, july , ] monday july st . this morning i set frazier and whitehouse to sewing the leather on the sides of the sections of the boat; shields and j. fields to collect and split light wood and prepare a pit to make tar. gas i set at work to make the way strips out of some willow limbs which tho indifferent were the best which could be obtained. drewyer and myself completed the opperation of rendering the tallow; we obtained about lbs. by evening the skins were all attatched to their sections and i returned them again to the water. all matters were now in readiness to commence the opperation of puting the parts of the boat together in the morning. the way strips are not yet ready but will be done in time as i have obtained the necessary timber. the difficulty in obtaining the necessary materials has retarded my operations in forming this boat extreemly tedious and troublesome; and as it was a novel peice of machinism to all who were employed my constant attention was necessary to every part of the work; this together with the duties of cheif cook has kept me pretty well employed. at p.m. capt. clark arrived with the party all very much fortiegued. he brought with him all the baggage except what he had deposited yesterday at the six mile stake, for which the party were too much fortiegued to return this evening. we gave them a dram and suffered them to rest from their labours this evening. i directed bratton to assist in making the tar tomorrow, and scelected several others to assist in puting the boat together. the day has been warm and the musquetoes troublesome of course the bear were about our camp all last night, we have therefore determined to beat up their quarters tomorrow, and kill them or drive them from their haunts about this place. [clark, july , ] white bear islands above the falls of the missouri july st monday i arrived at this place to day at oclock p.m. with the party from the lower part of the portage much fatigued &c. [clark, july , ] july st monday . we set out early this morning with the remaining load, and proceeded on verry well to capt lewis's camp where we arrived at oclock, the day worm and party much fatigued, found capt. lewis and party all buisey employd in fitting up the iron boat, the wind hard from the s, w,--one man verry unwell, his legs & theis broke out and swelled the hail which fell at capt. lewis camp ins was inches in circumfrance & waied ounces, fortunately for us it was not so large in the plains, if it had we should most certainly fallen victims to its rage as the men were mostly naked, and but few with hats or any covering on their heads, the hunters killed white bear one large, the fore feet of which measured inchs across, the hind feet inchs / long & inch's wide a bear nearly catching joseph fields chased him into the water, bear about the camp every night & seen on an isld. in the day [lewis, july , ] tuesday july cd a shower of rain fell very early this morning after which we dispatched the men for the remaining baggage at the mile stake. shields and bratton seting their tarkiln, sergts. pryor and gass at work on the waystrips and myself and all other hands engaged in puting the boat together which we accomplished in about hours and i then set four men at work sewing the leather over the cross bars of iron on the inner side of the boat, which form the ends of the sections. about p.m. the party returned with the baggage, all well pleased that they had completed the laborious task of the portage. the musquetoes uncommonly troublesome the wind hard from the s. w. all day i think it possible that these almost perpetual s. w. winds proceede from the agency of the snowey mountains and the wide level and untimbered plains which streach themselves along their bases for an immence distance (i e) that the air comeing in contact with the snow is suddonly chilled and condenced, thus becoming heaver than the air beneath in the plains, it glides down the sides of these mountains & decends to the plains, where by the constant action of the sun on the face of an untimbered country there is a partial vacuum formed for it's reception. i have observed that the winds from this quarter are always the coldest and most violent which we experience, yet i am far from giving full credit to my own hypothesis on this subject; if hoever i find on the opposite side of these mountains that the winds take a contrary direction i shall then have more faith. after i had completed my observation of equal altitudes today capt. clark myself and men passed over to the large island to hunt bear. the brush in that part of it where the bear frequent is an almost impenetrable thicket of the broad leafed willow; this brush we entered in small parties of or four together and surched in every part. we found one only which made at drewyer and he shot him in the brest at the distance of about feet, the ball fortunately passed through his heart, the stroke knocked the bear down and gave drewyer time to get out of his sight; the bear changed his course we pursued him about a hundred yards by the blood and found him dead; we surched the thicket in every part but found no other, and therefore returned. this was a young male and would weigh about lbs. the water of the missouri here is in most places about feet deep. after our return, in moving some of the baggage we caught a large rata it was somewhat larger than the common european rat, of lighter colour; the body and outer part of the legs and head of a light lead colour, the belly and inner side of the legs white as were also the feet and years. the toes were longer and the ears much larger than the common rat; the ears uncovered with hair. the eyes were black and prominent the whiskers very long and full. the tail was reather longer than the body and covered with fine fur or poil of the same length and colour of the back. the fur was very silkey close and short. i have frequently seen the nests of these rats in clifts of rocks and hollow trees but never before saw one of them. they feed very much on the fruit and seed of the prickly pear; or at least i have seen large quantities of the hulls of that fruit lying about their holes and in their nests. [clark, july , ] july nd tuesday some rain at day light this morning. dispatched the party for the remaining baggage left at the mile stake, they returned in the evening and we crossed to a large island nearly opposit to us to kill bear which has been seen frequently in the island, we killed one bear & returned at sun set. the roreing of the falls for maney miles above us [clark, july , ] july nd tuesday some rain at day light this morn'g after which a fair morning, dispatched the men for the kegs &c. left at the six mile stake, others to get timber for the boat &c. musquetors verry troublesom to day, day worm, after the return of the men with the articles left at the mile stake capt. lewis my self & men crossed to an island on which we saw a bear the evening before, & several had been seen by the party at this place, we killed one of the bear and returned. the river at this place is ____ yards wide and about feet water cought a rat in our stores, which had done some mischief, this rat was about the sise of a comn. large rat, larger ears, long whiskers & toes, with a tail long & hairey like a ground squirel, verry fine fur and lighter than the common rat. wind to day as usial from the s. w. and hard all the after part of the day, those winds are also cool and generally verry hard. [lewis, july , ] wednesday july rd . this morning early we employed all hands; some were making tar or attempting to make it, others were attatching the skins on the boat, other cuting and fiting the bark for lining puting in the woodworke &c some hunters were sent out to kill buffaloe in order to make pemecon to take with us and also for their skins which we now want to cover our baggage in the boat and canoes when we depart from hence. the indians have informed us that we should shortly leave the buffaloe country after passing the falls; this i much regret for i know when we leave the buffaloe that we shal sometimes be under the necessity of fasting occasionally. and at all events the white puddings will be irretreivably lost and sharbono out of imployment. our tar-kiln which ought to have began to run this morning has yealded no tar as yet and i am much affraid will not yeald any, if so i fear the whole opperation of my boat will be useless. i fear i have committed another blunder also in sewing the skins with a nedle which has sharp edges these have cut the skin and as it drys i discover that the throng dose not fill the holes as i expected tho i made them sew with a large throng for that purpose. at ock a.m. we had a slight shower which scarcely wet the grass. one buffaloe only and antelopes killed today six beaver and otter have been killed within the last three days. the current of the river looks so gentle and inviting that the men all seem anxious to be moving upward as well as ourselves. we have got the boat prety well forward today and think we shall be able to complete her tomorrow except paying her, to do which will require some little time to make her first perfectly dry. she has assumed her shape and looks extreemly well. she will be very light, more so than any vessel of her size that i ever saw. [clark, july , ] july rd wednesday all of party employd in sowing the skins to the boat, burning tare, preparing timber, hunting buffalow for their meat & skins, drying & repacking the stores, goods &c. &c. at oclock began to rain. in the evening the hunters killed two antilopes & a buffalow. [clark, july , ] july rd wednesday a fine morning wind from the s. w all the party employd, some about the boat, attaching the skins & sowing them to the sections, others prepareing timber, some, burning tar of the drift pine, some airring and repacking the stores & goods, & others hunting for meet to make pemitigon & for the use of their skins to cover the canoes & boat,-. a small shower at oclock which did scercely wet the grass-. one buffalow and two antilopes killed this evening. six beaver & orters has been killed at this camp within a fiew days we discover no fish above the falls as yet--the only timber in this part of the countrey is willow, a fiew cotton trees which is neither large nor tall, boxalders and red wood. (boil roche arrow wood) the water tolerably clear and soft in the river, current jentle and bottoms riseing from the water; no appearance of the river riseing more than a few feet above the falls, as high up as we have yet explored. but few trees on the std side the grass is high and fine near the river. the winds has blown for several days from the s. w. i think it possible that those almost perpetial s w. winds, proceed from the agency of the snowey mountains and the wide leavel and untimbered plains which streach themselves along their borders for an emence distance, that the air comeing in contact with the snow is suddenly chilled and condensed, thus becomeing heavyer than the air beneath in the plains it glides down the sides of those mountains and decends to the plains, where by the constant action of the sun on the face of the untimbered country there is a partial vacuom formed for it's reception i have observed that the winds from this quarter is always the coaldest and most violent which we experience, yet i am far from giveing full credit to this hypothesis on this subject; if i find however on the opposit side of these mountains that the winds take a contrary direction i shall then have full faith. (the winds take a contrary direction in the morning or from the mountains on the west side) [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . yesterday we permitted sergt. gass mcneal and several others who had not yet seen the falls to visit them. no appearance of tar yet and i am now confident that we shall not be able to obtain any; a serious misfortune. i employed a number of hands on the boat today and by p.m. in the evening completed her except the most difficult part of the work that of making her seams secure. i had her turned up and some small fires kindled underneath to dry her. capt. c. completed a draught of the river from fort mandan to this place which we intend depositing at this place in order to guard against accedents. not having seen the snake indians or knowing in fact whether to calculate on their friendship or hostility or friendship we have conceived our party sufficiently small and therefore have concluded not to dispatch a canoe with a part of our men to st. louis as we had intended early in the spring. we fear also that such a measure might possibly discourage those who would in such case remain, and might possibly hazzard the fate of the expedition. we have never once hinted to any one of the party that we had such a scheme in contemplation, and all appear perfectly to have made up their minds to suceed in the expedition or purish in the attempt. we all beleive that we are now about to enter on the most perilous and difficult part of our voyage, yet i see no one repining; all appear ready to met those difficulties which wait us with resolution and becoming fortitude. we had a heavy dew this morning. the clouds near these mountains rise suddonly and discharge their contents partially on the neighbouring plains; the same cloud will discharge hail alone in one part hail and rain in another and rain only in a third all within the space of a few miles; and on the mountains to the s. e. of us sometimes snow. at present there is no snow on those mountains; that which covered them when we first saw them and which has fallen on them several times since has all disappeared. the mountains to the n. w. & w. of us are still entirely covered are white and glitter with the reflection of the sun. i do not beleive that the clouds which prevail at this season of the year reach the summits of those lofty mountains; and if they do the probability is that they deposit snow only for there has been no perceptible deminution of the snow which they contain since we first saw them. i have thought it probable that these mountains might have derived their appellation of shining mountains, from their glittering appearance when the sun shines in certain directions on the snow which covers them. since our arrival at the falls we have repeatedly witnessed a nois which proceeds from a direction a little to the n. of west as loud and resembling precisely the discharge of a piece of ordinance of pounds at the distance of three miles. i was informed of it by the men several times before i paid any attention to it, thinking it was thunder most probably which they had mistaken at length walking in the plains the other day i heard this noise very distictly, it was perfectly calm clear and not a cloud to be seen, i halted and listened attentively about an hour during which time i heard two other discharges and tok the direction of the sound with my pocket compass. i have no doubt but if i had leasure i could find from whence it issued. i have thout it probable that it might be caused by runing water in some of the caverns of those immence mountains, on the principal of the blowing caverns; but in such case the sounds would be periodical & regular, which is not the case with this, being sometimes heard once only and at other times, six or seven discharges in quick succession. it is heard also at different seasons of the day and night. i am at a loss to account for this phenomenon. our work being at an end this evening, we gave the men a drink of sperits, it being the last of our stock, and some of them appeared a little sensible of it's effects the fiddle was plyed and they danced very merrily untill in the evening when a heavy shower of rain put an end to that part of the amusement tho they continued their mirth with songs and festive jokes and were extreemly merry untill late at night. we had a very comfortable dinner, of bacon, beans, suit dumplings & buffaloe beaf &c. in short we had no just cause to covet the sumptuous feasts of our countrymen on this day.--one elk and a beaver were all that was killed by the hunters today; the buffaloe seem to have withdrawn themselves from this neighbourhood; tho the men inform us that they are still abundant about the falls. [clark, july , ] ,july the th thursday a fine morning, a heavy dew last night, all hands employed in completeing the leather boat, gave the party a dram which made several verry lively, a black cloud came up from the s. w, and rained a fiew drops i employ my self drawing a copy of the river to be left at this place for fear of some accident in advance, i have left buried below the falls a map of the countrey below fort mandan with sundery private papers the party amused themselves danceing untill late when a shower of rain broke up the amusement, all lively and chearfull, one elk and a beaver kill'd to day. our tar kill like to turn out nothing from the following cause. the climate about the falls of missouri appears to be singular cloudy every day (since our arrival near them) which rise from defferent directions and discharge themselves partially in the plains & mountains, in some places rain others rain & hail, hail alone, and on the mountains in some parts snow. a rumbling like cannon at a great distance is heard to the west if us; the cause we can't account [lewis, july , ] friday july th . this morning i had the boat removed to an open situation, scaffold her off the ground, turned her keel to the sun and kindled fires under her to dry her more expeditiously. i then set a couple of men to pounding of charcoal to form a composition with some beeswax which we have and buffaloe tallow now my only hope and resource for paying my boat; i sincerely hope it may answer yet i fear it will not. the boat in every other rispect completely answers my most sanguine expectation; she is not yet dry and eight men can carry her with the greatest ease; she is strong and will carry at least , lbs. with her suit of hands; her form is as complete as i could wish it. the stitches begin to gape very much since she has began to dry; i am now convinced this would not have been the case had the skins been sewed with a sharp point only and the leather not cut by the edges of a sharp nedle. about a m. a large herd of buffaloe came near our camp and capt. clark with a party of the hunters indeavoured to get a shoot at them but the wind proved unfavourable and they ran off; the hunters pursued and killed three of them; we had most of the meat brought in and set a party to drying it. their skins were all brought in and streached to dry for the purpose of covering the baggage. wolves and three antelopes also killed today. we permitted three other men to visit the falls today; these were the last of the party who had not as yet indulged themselves with this grand and interesting seen. the buffaloe again appear in great numbers about our camp and seem to be moving down the river. it is somewhat remarkable that altho you may see ten or a douzen herds of buffaloe distinctly scattered and many miles distant yet if they are undisturbed by pursuit, they will all be traveling in one direction. the men who were permitted to visit the falls today returned in the evening and reported that the buffaloe were very numerous in that quarter; and as the country is more broken near the river in that quarter we conclude to dispatch a couple of canoes tomorrow with some hunters to kill as many as will answer our purposes. the plains in this part of the country are not so fertile as below the entrance of the cockkle or missel shell river and from thence down the missouri there is also much more stone on the sides of the hills and on the broken lands than below.- [clark, july , ] july th friday a fine morning and but little wind, worm and sultrey at oclock--i saw a large gangue of buffalow and prosued them with several men the wind was unfavourable and we could not get near them, the party scattered & killed buffalow and brought in their skins and some meat, killed wolves & antilopes for their skins, capt. lewis much engaged in completeing the leather boat. three men went to see the falls, saw great numbers of buffalow on both sides of the river. great numbers of young black birds [lewis, july , ] saturday july th in the couse of last night had several showers of hail and rain attended with thunder and lightning. about day a heavy storm came on from the s w attended with hail rain and a continued roar of thunder and some lightning. the hail was as large as musket balls and covered the ground perfectly. we hand some of it collected which kept very well through the day and served to cool our water. these showers and gusts keep my boat wet in dispite of my exertions. she is not yet ready for the grease and coal. after the hail and rain was over this morning we dispatched hunters and two canoes to the head of the rappids as we had determined last evening. the red and yellow courants are now ripe and abundant, they are reather ascid as yet. there is a remarkable small fox which ascociate in large communities and burrow in the praries something like the small wolf but we have not as yet been able to obtain one of them; they are extreemly watchfull and take reffuge in their burrows which are very deep; we have seen them no where except near these falls. [clark, july , ] july th satturday a heavy wind from the s w and some rain about mid night last, at day light this morning a verry black cloud from the s w, with a contined rore of thunder & some lightening and rained and hailed tremendiously for about / an hour, the hail was the size of a musket ball and covered the ground. this hail & rain was accompand. by a hard wind which lasted for a fiew minits. cloudy all the forepart of the day, after part clear. dispatched men in canoes to the falls, to kill buffalow, for their skins & meat others employd about the boat, i cought some small fish this evening. [lewis, july , ] sunday july th . the weather warm and cloudy therefore unfavourable for many operations; i keep small fires under the boat; the blowing flies are innumerable about it; the moisture retained by the bark prevents it from drying as fast as it otherwise would. we dispatched two other hunters to kill elk or buffaloe for their skins to cover our baggage. we have no tents; the men are therefore obliged to have recourse to the sails for shelter from the weather and we have not more skins than are sufficient to cover our baggage when stoed away in bulk on land. many of the men are engaged in dressing leather to cloath themselves. their leather cloathes soon become rotton as they are much exposed to the water and frequently wet. capt. clarks black man york is very unwell today and he gave him a doze of tartar emettic which operated very well and he was much better in the evening. this is a discription of medecine that i nevr have recourse to in my practice except in cases of the intermittent fever. this evening the hunters returned with the canoes and brought thre buffaloe skins only and two antelope deer and three wolf skins; they reported that the buffaloe had gone further down the river. the two hunters whom we sent out from hence returned also without having killed anything except one elk. i set one of the party at work to make me some sacks of the wolf skins, to transport my instruments when occasion requirs their being carried any distance by land.--we had a light shower of rain about p.m. attended with some thunder and lightning. one beaver caught this morning. the musquetoes are excessively troublesome to us. i have prepared my composition which i should have put on this evening but the rain prevented me. [clark, july , ] july th sunday a warm day wind from the s. w cloudy as usial, the four men hunters did not return last night. dispatched men to kill elk for the use of their skin for the boat. my man york sick, i give him a dosh of tarter. some rain in the after part of the day in the evining the hunters returned with three buffalow skins two goat skins, four deer skins, two deer, & wolve skins, to be used in covering the boat canoes & to make mockersons, one elk also killed to day [lewis, july , ] monday july th . capt. clark determined to make a second effort to replace the notes which he had made with rispect to the river and falls accordingly he set out after an early breakfast and took with him the greater part of the men with a view also to kill buffaloe should there be any in that quarter. after geting some distance in the plains he divided the party and sent them in different directions and himself and two others struck the missouri at the entrance of medicine river and continued down it to the great cataract, from whence he returned through the plains to camp where he arrived late in the evening. the hunters also returned having killed buffaloe antelopes and a deer. he informed me that the immence herds of buffaloe which we had seen for some time past in this neighbourhood have almost entirely disappeared and he beleives are gone down the river. the day being warm and fair about ock. the boat was sufficiently dry to receive a coat of the composition which i accordingly applyed. this adds very much to her appearance whether it will be effectual or not. it gives her hull the appearance of being formed of one solid piece. after the first coat had cooled i gave her a second which i think has made it sufficiently thick. the mountains which ly before us from the south, to the n. w. still continue covered with snow. one hunter also passed the river to hunt this morning in the evening he returned having killed a buck and a male antelope. the party who were down with capt. clark also killed a small fox which they brought with them. it was a female appeared to give suck, otherwise it is so much like the comm small fox of this country commonly called the kit fox that i should have taken it for a young one of that species; however on closer examination it did apear to differ somewhat; it's colour was of a lighter brown, it's years proportionably larger, and the tale not so large or the hair not so long which formed it. they are very delicately formed, exceedingly fleet, and not as large as the common domestic cat. their tallons appear longer than any species of fox i ever saw and seem therefore prepared more amply by nature for the purpose of burrowing. there is sufficient difference for discrimination between it and the kit fox, and to satisfy me perfectly that it is a distinct species. the men also brought me a living ground squirrel which is something larger than those of the u states or those of that kind which are also common here. this is a much hadsomer anamal. like the other it's principal colour is a redish brown but is marked longitudinally with a much greater number of black or dark bron stripes; the spaces between which is marked by ranges of pure white circular spots, about the size of a brister blue shot. these colours imbrace the head neck back and sides; the tail is flat, or the long hair projecting horizontally from two sides of it only gives it that appearance. the belly and breast are of much lighter brown or nearly white. this is an inhabitant of the open plain altogether, wher it burrows and resides; nor is it like the other found among clifts of rocks or in the woodlands. their burrows sometimes like those of the mole run horizontally near the surface of the ground for a considerable distance, but those in which they reside or take refuge strike much deeper in the earth.--slight rain this afternoon. musquetoes troublesome as usual. [clark, july , ] july th monday a worm morning flying clouds i deturmin take the width of the river at the falls & the medison river and to take the greater part of the men which can be speared to kill buffalow for their skins as well as meat, devided the party & sent them in different directions to hunt & proceeded my self to the mouth of medison river measured it and found it to be yards wide, in the narrowest part of the missouri imediately above medison river the missouri is yards wide, below and a little above the falls yards wide with the direction of the upper great fall yards wide, at the great spring yards wide, at the handsom falls of ft. i. the river is yards wide, at the lower great falls the river is confined within yards, below the falls the water occupies yards only--after takeing the wedth of the river at those sundery placies i returned thro the plains in a direct line to camp. some rain this evening after a verry hot day.--the mountains which are in view to the south & n w. are covered with snow. those nearer us and forma / circle around us is not covered with snow at this time. the hunters killed buffalow, two antelopes, & a deer to day--the emence herds of buffalow which was near us a fiew days ago, has proceeded on down the river, we can see but a fiew bulls in the plains [lewis, july , ] tuesday july th . the morning was fair and pleant. the islands seem crouded with blackbirds; the young brude is now completely feathered and flying in common with the others. we corked the canoes and put them in the water and also launched the boat, she lay like a perfect cork on the water. five men would carry her with the greatest ease. i now directed seats to be fixed in her and oars to be fitted. the men loaded the canoes in readiness to depart. just at this moment a violent wind commenced and blew so hard that we were obliged to unload the canoes again; a part of the baggage in several of them got wet before it could be taken out. the wind continued violent untill late in the evening, by which time we discovered that a greater part of the composition had seperated from the skins and left the seams of the boat exposed to the water and she leaked in such manner that she would not answer. i need not add that this circumstance mortifyed me not a little; and to prevent her leaking without pich was impossible with us, and to obtain this article was equally impossible, therefore the evil was irraparable i now found that the section formed of the buffaloe hides on which some hair had been left, answered much the best purpose; this leaked but little and the parts which were well covered with hair about / th of an inch in length retained the composition perfectly and remained sound and dry. from these circumstances i am preswaided, that had i formed her with buffaloe skins singed not quite as close as i had done those i employed, that she would have answered even with this composition. but to make any further experiments in our present situation seemed to me madness; the buffaloe had principally dserted us, and the season was now advancing fast. i therefore relinquished all further hope of my favorite boat and ordered her to be sunk in the water, that the skins might become soft in order the better to take her in peices tomorrow and deposite the iron fraim at this place as it could probably be of no further service to us. had i only singed my elk skins in stead of shaving them i beleive the composition would have remained and the boat have answered; at least untill we could have reached the pine country which must be in advance of us from the pine which is brought down by the water and which is probably at no great distance where we might have supplyed ourselves with the necessary pich or gum. but it was now too late to introduce a remidy and i bid a dieu to my boat, and her expected services.--the next difficulty which presented itself was how we should convey the stores and baggage which we had purposed carrying in the boat. both capt. clark and myself recollected having heard the hunters mention that the bottoms of the river some few miles above us were much better timbered than below and that some of the trees were large. the idea therefore suggested itself of building two other canoes sufficiently large to carry the surplus baggage. on enquiry of the hunters it seemed to be the general opinion that trees sufficiently a large for this purpose might be obtained in a bottom on the opposite side about miles distant by land and reather more than double that distance by water; accordingly capt. clark determined to set out early in the morning with ten of the best workmen and proceede by land to that place while the others would in the mean time be employed by myself in taking the boat in peices and depositing her, together with the articles which we had previously determined to deposit at this place, and also in trasporting all the baggage up the river to that point in the six small canoes. this plan being settled between us orders were accordingly given to the party, and the ten men who were to accompany capt. clark had ground and prepared their axes and adds this evening in order to prepare for an early departure in the morning. we have on this as well as on many former occasions found a small grindstone which i brought with me from harper's ferry extreemly convenient to us. if we find trees at the place mentioned sufficiently large for our purposes it will be extreemly fortunate; for we have not seen one for many miles below the entrance of musselshell river to this place, which would have answered.- [clark, july , ] july th tuesday a clear worm morning wind from the s w. lanced the leather boat, and found that it leaked a little; corked lanced & loaded the canoes, hurried our truk wheels, & made a carsh for a skin & a fiew papers i intend to leave here on trial found the leather boat would not answer without the addition of tar which we had none of, haveing substituted cole & tallow in its place to stop the seams &c. which would not answer as it seperated from the skins when exposed to the water and left the skins naked & seams exposed to the water this falire of our favourate boat was a great disapointment to us, we haveing more baggage than our canoes would carry. concluded to build canoes for to carry them; no timber near our camp. i deturmined to proceed on up the river to a bottom in which our hunters reported was large trees &c. [lewis, july , ] wednesday july th . capt. clark set out with his party early this morning and passed over to the opposite side. after which i dispatched sergt. ordway with canoes and men to take up a load of baggage as far as capt. clark's camp and return for the remainder of our plunder. with six others i now set to work on my boat, which had been previously drawn out of the water before the men departed, and in two hours had her fraim in readiness to be deposited. had a cash dug and deposited the fraim of the boat, some papers and a few other trivial articles of but little importance. the wind blew very hard the greater part of the day. i also had the truck wheels buried in the pit which had been made to hold the tar. having nothing further to do i amused myself in fishing and caught a few small fish; they were of the species of white chub mentioned below the falls, tho they are small and few in number. i had thought on my first arrival here that there were no fish in this part of the river. capt. clark proceeded up the river miles by land (distance by water / ) and found trees of cottonwood and cut them down; one proved to be hollow and split in falling at the upper part and was somewhat windshaken at bottom; the other proved to be much windshaken. he surched the bottom for better but could not find any he therefore determined to make canoes of those which he had fallen; and to contract their length in such manner as to clear the craks and the worst of the windsken parts making up the deficiency by allowing them to be as wide as the trees would permit. they were much at a loss for wood to make axhandles. the chokecherry is the best we can procure for this purpose and of that wood they made and broke thir handles in the course of this part of a day. had the eyes of our axes been round they would have answered this country much better. the musquetoes were very troublesome to them as well as ourselves today. sergt. ordway proceeded up the river about miles when the wind became so violent that he was obliged to ly by untill late in the evening when he again set out with the canoes and arrived within miles of capt. clark's camp where he halted for the night. about five miles above whitebear camp there are two islands in the river covered with cottonwood box alder and some sweet willow also the undergrowth like that of the islands at this place.- [clark, july , ] july th wednesday a fair windey day wind hard the most of the day from the s. w.rained modderately all last night (by showers) we dispatched serjt. ordway with canoes loaded & men by water to assend as high as i should have found timber for canoes & formed a camp;-. i set out with sergt. pryor four choppers two involids & one man to hunt, crossed to the std. side and proceeded on up the river miles by land (distance by water / ms.) and found two trees which i thought would make canoes, had them fallen, one of them proved to be hollow & split at one end & verry much win shaken at the other, the other much win shaken, we serched the bottoms for better trees and made a trial of several which proved to be more indifferent. i deturmined to make canoes out of the two first trees we had fallen, to contract thir length so as to clear the hollow & winshakes, & ad to the width as much as the tree would allow. the musquitors emencely noumerous & troublesom, killed two deer & a goat. the canoes did not arrive as i expected, owing to the hard wind which blew a head in maney places. we ar much at a loss for wood to make ax hilthes, hath been made & broken in this piece of a day by the four choppers, no other wood but cotton box elder choke cherry and red arrow wood. we substitute the cherry in place of hickory for ax hilthes ram rods, &c. &c. [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . we had now nothing to do but wait for the canoes; as they had not returned i sent out some of the small party with me to hunt; in the evening they returned with a good quantity of the flesh of a fat buffaloe which they had killed. the canoes not arrived this evening. i saw several very large grey eagles today they are a half as large again as the common bald eagle of this country. i do not think the bald eagle here qute so large as those of the u states; the grey eagle is infinitely larger and is no doubt a distinct species. this evening a little before the sun set i heared two other discharges of this unaccounable artillery of the rocky mountains proceeding from the same quarter that i had before heard it. i now recollected the minnetares making mention of the nois which they had frequently heard in the rocky mountains like thunder; and which they said the mountains made; but i paid no attention to the information supposing it either false or the fantom of a supersticious immagination. i have also been informed by the engages that the panis and ricaras give the same account of the black mountains which lye west of them. this phenomenon the philosophy of the engages readily accounts for; they state it to be the bursting of the rich mines of silver which these mountains contain. this morning capt. clark dispatched bratton to meet the canoes which were detained by the wind to get a couple of axes. he obtained the axes and returned in about two hours. this man has been unable to work for several days in consequence of a whitlow on one of his fingers; a complaint which has been very common among the men. one of the canoes arrived at capt. clarks camp about a.m. this he had unloaded and set a few miles up the river for a buffaloe which had been killed, the party sent killed another in thir rout and brought in the flesh and skins of both they were in good order; his hunters had also killed two deer and an antelope yesterday. the three other canoes did not arrive untill late in the evening in consequence of the wind and the fear of weting their loads which consisted of articles much more liable to be injured by moisture than those which composed the load of that which arrived in the morning. capt. c. had the canoes unloaded and ordered them to float down in the course of the night to my camp, but the wind proved so high after night that they were obliged to put too about miles above and remain untill morning. capt. c. kept the party with him busily engaged at the canoes. his hunters killed and brought in three very fat deer this evening. [clark, july , ] july th thursday a fair windey morning wind s. w. i dispatch w bratten (who cannot work he haveing a turner rising on his finger) to meat the canoes & bring from them two axes, which is necessary for the work at the perogues or canoes, and is indespenceable he returned in about two hours & informed that one canoe was within three miles, about oclock the canoe which bratten left arrived haveing killed a buffalow on the river above our camp, at which place the bend of the river below & that above is about mile apart, i dispatched serjt. pryor with men in the canoe to get the meat they killed another buffalow near the one killed and brought the meat of both down. at sunset the remaining canoes arrived unloaded & returned imeadeately with orders to flote down to camp at the portage to night for the purpose of takeing up the remaining baggage. musquitors verry troublesom, and in addition to their torments we have a small knat, which is as disagreeable, our hunter killed deer to day one of them verry fat. all the men with me engaged about the canoes hunting &c. &. [lewis, july , ] friday july th . the canoes not having arrived and the wind still high i dispatched sergt. gass with three men to join capt. clark and assist in completing the canoes retaining only a few who in addition to those in the canoes that i expect every moment, will be sufficient to man the six canoes and take up all the baggage we have here at one load. i feel excessively anxious to be moving on. the canoes were detained by the wind untill p.m. when they set out and arrived at this place so late that i thought it best to detain them untill morning. bratton came down today for a cople of axes which i sent by him; he returned immediately. sergt. gass and party joined capt. clark at a.m. capt. c. kept all the men with him busily engaged some in drying meat, others in hunting, and as many as could be employed about the canoes. segt. pryor got his sholder dislocated yesterday, it was replaced immediately and is likely to do him but little injury; it is painfull to him today. the hunters with capt. c. killed three deer and two otter today. the otter are now plenty since the water has become sufficiently clear for them to take fish. the blue crested fisher, or as they are sometimes called the kingfisher, is an inhabitant of this part of the country; this bird is very rare on the missouri; i have not seen more than three or four of those birds during my voyage from the entrance of the missouri to the mouth of maria's river and those few were reather the inhabitants of streams of clerer water which discharged themselves into the missouri than of that river, as they were seen about the entrances of such streams. musquetoes extreemly troublesome to me today nor is a large black knat less troublesome, which dose not sting, but attacks the eye in swarms and compells us to brush them off or have our eyes filled with them. i made the men dry the ballance of the freshe meet which we had abot the camp amounting to about lbs. [clark, july , ] july th friday a fair windey morning wind from the s. w. all hands at work at day light some at the canoes, & others drying meat for our voyage- dispatched w. brattin to the lower camp for two axes which are necessary to carry on our work at this place &. serjt. pryors sholder was put out of place yesterday carrying meat and is painfull to day. wind hard all day dispatched hunters, they returnd in the evening with three deer & orters. four men arrived from the lower camp by land to assist at this place in building the canoes &c. musquitors & knats verry troublesom all day. a fiew wild pigions about our camp. [lewis, july , ] saturday july th . this morning being calm and clear i had the remainder of our baggage embarked in the six small canoes and maned them with two men each. i now bid a cheerfull adue to my camp and passed over to the opposite shore. baptiest la page one of the men whom i had reserved to man the canoes being sick i sent charbono in his stead by water and the sick man and indian woman accompanyed me by land. from the head of the white bear islands i passed in a s. w. direction and struck the missouri at miles and continued up it to capt. clark's camp where i arrived about a.m. and found them busily engaged with their canoes meat &c. in my way i passed a very extraordinary indian lodge, or at least the fraim of one; it was formed of sixteen large cottonwood poles each about fifty feet long and at their larger end which rested on the ground as thick as a man's body; these were arranged in a circular manner at bottom and equally distributed except the omission of one on the east side which i suppose was the entrance to the lodge; the upper part of the poles are united in a common point above and secured with large wyths of willow brush. in the center of this fabric there was the remains of a large fire; and about the place the marks of about leather lodges. i know not what was the intention or design of such a lodge but certain i am that it was not designed for a dwelling of anyone family. it was feet in circumpherence at the base. it was most probably designed for some great feast, or a council house on some great national concern. i never saw a similar one nor do the nations lower down the missouri construct such. the canoes and party with sergt. ordway poceeded up the river about miles when the wind became so violent that two of the canoes shiped a considerable quanty of water and they were compelled to put too take out the baggage to dry and clense the canoes of the water. about p.m. the wind abated and they came on about miles further and encamped. i saw a number of turtledoves and some pigeons today. of the latter i shot one; they are the same common to the united states, or the wild pigeon as they are called. nothing remarkable in the appearance of the country; the timber entirely confined to the river and the country back on either side as far as the eye can reach entirely destitute of trees or brush. the timber is larger and more abundant in the bottom in which we now are than i have seen it on the missouri for many hundred miles. the current of the river is still extreemly gentle. the hunters killed three buffaloe today which were in good order. the flesh was brought in dryed the skins wer also streached for covering our baggage. we eat an emensity of meat; it requires deer, an elk and a deer, or one buffaloe, to supply us plentifully hours. meat now forms our food prinsipally as we reserve our flour parched meal and corn as much as possible for the rocky mountains which we are shortly to enter, and where from the indhan account game is not very abundant. i preserved specemines of several small plants to day which i have never before seen. the musquetoes and knats are more troublesome here if possible than they were at the white bear islands. i sent a man to the canoes for my musquetoe bier which i had neglected to bring with me, as it is impossible to sleep a moment without being defended against the attacks of these most tormenting of all insects; the man returned with it a little after dark. [clark, july , ] july th saturday . a fair calm morning, verry cool before day--we were visited by a buffalow bull who came within a fiew steps of one of the canoes the men were at work. capt. lewis one man &c. arrived over land at oclock, the wind rose and blew hard from the s. e. the greater part of the day both canoes finished all to corking & fixing ores &c. &c. the hunters killed buffalow the most of all the meat i had dried for to make pemitigon. the musquetors & knats verry troublesom all day & night [lewis, july , ] sunday july th . this morning was calm fair and warm; the musquetoes of course troublesome. all hands that could work were employed about the canoes. which we completed and launched this evening. the one was feet and the other feet in length and about feet wide. we have now the seats and oars to make and fit &c. i walked out today and ascended the bluffs which are high rockey and steep; i continued my rout about / when i gained a conspicuous eminence about mes. distant from the river a little below the entrance of fort mountain creek. from this place i had a commanding view of the country and took the bearings of the following places. (viz) to the point at which the missouri first enters the rocky mountains s. ° w. to the termineation of the st chain of rocky mountains; northwardly, being that through which the missouri first passes n. ° w to the extremity or tirmineation of cd chain of the rocky mountains n. w. to the most distant point of a third and continued chain of the same mts n. °w. the direction of the cd do. from s e. to n. � w. to fort mountain s. ° w. the country in most parts very level and in others swelling with gentle rises and decents, or in other wirds what i have heretofore designated a wavy country destitute of timber except along the water-courses. on my return to camp found sergt. ordway had arrived with all the canoes about noon and had unloaded them every preperation except the entire completion of the oars poles &c is made for our departure tomorrow. the grass and weeds in this bottom are about feet high; which is a much greater hight than we have seen them elsewhere this season. here i found the sand rush and nittles in small quantities. the grass in the plains is not more than inches high. grasshoppers innumerable in the plains and the small birds before noticed together with the brown curlooe still continue nomerous in every part of the plains. had a slight shower at p.m. this evening. [clark, july , ] july th sunday a fine morning calm and worm musquetors & knats verry troublesom. the canoes arrive at oclock & unloade to dry &c. finished & lanced the canoes, some rain this afternoon. all prepareing to set out on tomorrow. [lewis, july , ] monday july th . we arrose very early this morning, assigned the canoes their loads and had it put on board. we now found our vessels eight in number all heavily laden, notwithstanding our several deposits; tho it is true we have now a considerable stock of dryed meat and grease. we find it extreemly difficult to keep the baggage of many of our men within reasonable bounds; they will be adding bulky articles of but little use or value to them. at a.m. we once more saw ourselves fairly under way much to my joy and i beleive that of every individual who compose the party. i walked on shore and killed elk near one of which the party halted and dined. we took the skins marrow bones and a part of the flesh of these elk. in order to lighten the burthen of the canoes i continued my walk all the evening and took our only invalledes potts an lapage with me. we passed the river near where we dined and just above the entrance of a beautifull river yards wide which falls in on the lard. side which in honour of mr. robert smith the secretary of the navy we called smith's river. this stream meanders through a most lovely valley to the s. e. for about miles when it enters the rocky mountains and is concealed from our view. many herds of buffaloe were feeding in this valley. we again crossed the river to the stard. side and passed through a plain and struck the river at a northwardly bend where there was timber here we waited untill the canoes arrived by which time it was so late that we concluded to encamp for the night. here drewyer wouded a deer which ran into the river my dog pursued caught it drowned it and brought it to shore at our camp. we have now passed fort mountain on our right it appears to be about ten miles distant. this mountain has a singular appearance it is situated in a level plain, it's sides stand nearly at right angles with each other and are each about a mile in extent. these are formed of a yellow clay only without the mixture of rock or stone of any size and rise perpendicularly to the hight of feet. the top appears to be a level plain and from the eminence on which i was yesterday i could see that it was covered with a similar cost of grass with the plain on which it stands. the surface appears also to possess a tolerable fertile mole of feet thick. and is to all appearance inaccessible. from it's figure we gave it the name of fort mountain. those mounds before mentioned near the falls have much the same appearance but are none of them as large as this one. the prickly pear is now in full blume and forms one of the beauties as well as the greatest pests of the plains. the sunflower is also in blume and is abundant. this plant is common to every part of the missouri from it's entrance to this place. the lambsquarter, wild coucumber, sand rush and narrow dock are also common here. drewyer killed another deer and an otter today. we find it inconvenient to take all the short meanders of the river which has now become cooked and much narrower than below, we therefore take it's general course and lay down the small bends by the eye on our daily traverse or chart. the river is from too to yds. wide. more timber on the river than below the falls for a great distance. on the banks of the river there are many large banks of sand much elivated above the plains on which they ly and appear as if they had been collected in the course of time from the river by the almost incessant s. w. winds; they always appear on the sides of the river opposite to those winds. the couses and distances from the white bear islands to the camp at which we made the canoes as taken by sergt. ordway.- [clark, july , ] july th monday rained all the last night i was wet all night this morning wind hard from the s. w. we set out at oclock and proceeded on verry well passed a river on the lard side about yards wide which we call after the secy of the navey smiths river the river verry crooked bottoms extensive rich and passes thro a butifull vally between mts. conts. high grass, our canoes being so small several of the men capt. lewis & my self compelled to walked on shore & cross the bends to keep up with the canoes--a round mountain on our right abt. miles appears inaxcessable we call fort mountain. the prickley pear in bloom but fiew other flowers. sun flowr are common, also lambs quarter & nettles. capt lew killed elk & the hunters killed deer & a ortter, we camped on the stard side at which place i saw many beaver, the timber on the edge of the river more common than below the falls--as i am compelled to walk on shore find it verry dificuelt to take the courses of the river, as it is verry crooked more so than below [lewis, july , ] tuesday july th . we had a heavy dew last night sen one man back this morning for an ax that he had carelessly left last evening some miles below, and set out at an early hour. early this morning we passed about little booths formed of willow bushes to shelter them from the sun; they appeared to have been deserted about days; we supposed that they were snake indians. they appeared to have a number of horses with them-. this appearance gives me much hope of meeting with these people shortly. drewyer killed a buffaloe this morning near the river and we halted and breakfasted on it. here for the first time i ate of the small guts of the buffaloe cooked over a blazing fire in the indian stile without any preperation of washing or other clensing and found them very good.- after breakfast i determined to leave capt. c. and party, and go on to the point where the river enters the rocky mountains and make the necessary observations against their arrival; accordingly i set out with the two invalleds potts and lapage and drewyer; i passed through a very handsome level plain on the stard. side of the river, the country equally level and beautiful) on the opposite side; at the distance of mes. passed a small stream on which i observed a considerable quantity of aspin. a little before i halted on the river at a stard. bend and well timbered bottom about / miles below the mountains and made the following observation. after this observation we pursued our rout through a high roling plain to a rappid immediately at the foot of the mountain where the missouri first enters them. the current of the missouri below these rappids is strong for several miles, tho just above there is scarcely any current, the river very narrow and deep abot yds. wide only and seems to be closely hemned in by the mountains on both sides, the bottoms only a few yards in width. an indian road enters the mountain at the same place with the river on the stard side and continues along it's border under the steep clifts these mountains appear to be only about feet above the river and are formed almost entirely of a hard black grannite. with a few dwarf pine and cedar scattered on them. at this place there is a large rock of feet high wich stands immediately in the gap which the missouri makes on it's passage from the mountains; it is insulated from the neighbouring mountains by a handsome little plain which surrounds it base on sides and the missouri washes it's base on the other, leaving it on the lard. as it decends. this rock i called the tower. it may be ascended with some difficulty nearly to it's summit, and from it there is a most pleasing view of the country we are now about to leave. from it i saw this evening immence herds of buffaloe in the plains below. near this place we killed a fat elk on which we both dined and suped. the musquetoes are extreemly troublesome this evening and i had left my bier, of course suffered considerably, and promised in my wrath that i never will be guily of a similar peice of negligence while on this voyage. [clark, july , ] july th tuesday a fair morning after a verry cold night, heavy dew, dispatched one man back for an ax left a fiew miles below, and set out early killed a buffalow on which we brackfast capt lewis & men went on to the mountain to take a meridian altitude, passed about small camps, which appeared to be abandoned about or days, suppose they were snake indians, a fiew miles above i saw the poles standing in thir position of a verry large lodge of feet diamater, & the appearance of a number of leather lodges about, this sign was old & appeared to have been last fall great number of buffalow the river is not so wide as below from to yards wide & deep crouded with islands & crooked some scattering timber on its edge such as cotton wood cotton willow, willow and box elder, the srubs are arrow wod, red wood, choke cherry, red berries, goose beries, sarvis burey, red & yellow currents a spcie of shomake &c. i camped on the head of a small island near the stard. shore at the rockey mountains this range of mountains appears to run n w & s e and is about feet higher than the water in the river faced with a hard black rock the current of the river from the medison river to the mountain is gentle bottoms low and extensive, and its general course is s. ° w. about miles on a direct line [lewis, july , ] wednesday july th . the sunflower is in bloom and abundant in the river bottoms. the indians of the missouri particularly those who do not cultivate maze make great uce of the seed of this plant for bread, or use it in thickening their scope. they most commonly first parch the seed and then pound them between two smooth stones until) they reduce it to a fine meal. to this they sometimes mearly add a portion of water and drink it in that state, or add a sufficient quantity of marrow grease to reduce it to the consistency of common dough and eate it in that manner. the last composition i think much best and have eat it in that state heartily and think it a pallateable dish. there is but little of the broad leafed cottonwood above the falls, much the greater portion being of the narrow leafed kind. there are a great abundance of red yellow perple & black currants, and service berries now ripe and in great perfection. i find these fruits very pleasent particularly the yellow currant which i think vastly preferable to those of our gardens. the shrub which produces this fruit rises to the hight of or feet; the stem simple branching and erect. they grow closly ascociated in cops either in the oppen or timbered lands near the watercouses. the leaf is petiolate of a pale green and resembles in it's form that of the red currant common to our gardens. the perianth of the fructification is one leaved, five cleft, abreviated and tubular, the corolla is monopetallous funnel-shaped; very long, superior, withering and of a fine orrange colour. five stamens and one pistillum; of the first, the fillaments are capillare, inserted into the corolla, equal, and converging; the anther ovate, biffid and incumbent. with rispect to the second the germ is roundish, smoth, inferior pedicelled and small; the style, long, and thicker than the stamens, simple, cylindrical, smooth, and erect, withering and remains with the corolla untill the fruit is ripe. stigma simple obtuse and withering.--the fruit is a berry about the size and much the shape of the red currant of our gardins, like them growing in clusters supported by a compound footstalk, but the peduncles which support the several berries are longer in this species and the berries are more scattered. it is quite as transparent as the red current of our gardens, not so ascid, & more agreeably flavored. the other species differ not at all in appearance from the yellow except in the colour and flavor of their berries. i am not confident as to the colour of the corolla, but all those which i observed while in blume as we came up the missouri were yellow but they might possibly have been all of the yellow kind and that the perple red and black currants here may have corollas of different tints from that of the yellow currant.--the survice berry differs somewhat from that of the u states the bushes are small sometimes not more than feet high and scarcely ever exceed and are proportionably small in their stems, growing very thickly ascosiated in clumps. the fruit is the same form but for the most part larger more lucious and of so deep a perple that on first sight you would think them black.--there are two species of goosbirris here allso but neither of them yet ripe. the choke cherries also abundant and not yet ripe. there is box alder, red willow and a species of sumac here also. there is a large pine tree situated on a small island at the head of these rappids above our camp; it being the first we have seen for a long distance near the river i called the island pine island. this range of the rocky mountains runs from s e to n. w.--at a.m. this morning capt. clark arrived with the party. we took breakfast here, after which i had the box which contained my instruments taken by land arround tower rock to the river above the rappid; the canoes ascended with some difficulty but without loss or injury, with their loads. after making those observations we proceed, and as the canoes were still heavy loaded all persons not employed in navigating the canoes walled on shore. the river clifts were so steep and frequently projecting into the river with their perpendicular points in such manner that we could not pass them by land, we wer therefore compelled to pass and repass the river very frequently in the couse of the evening. the bottoms are narrow the river also narrow deep and but little current. river from to yds. wide. but little timber on the river aspin constitutes a part of that little. see more pine than usual on the mountains tho still but thinly scattered. we saw some mountain rams or bighorned anamals this evening, and no other game whatever and indeed there is but little appearance of any. in some places both banks of the river are formed for a short distance of nearly perpendicular rocks of a dark black grannite of great hight; the river has the appearance of having cut it's passage in the course of time through this solid rock. we ascended about miles this evening from the entrance of the mountain and encamped on the stard. side where we found as much wood as made our fires. musquetoes still troublesome knats not as much so.--capt. c. now informed me that after i left him yesterday, he saw the poles of a large lodge in praire on the stard. side of the river which was feet in diameter and appeared to have been built last fall; there were the remains of about leather lodges near the place of the same apparent date. this large lodge was of the same construction of that mentioned above the white bear islands. the party came on very well and encamped on the lower point of an island near the stard. shore on that evening. this morning they had set out early and proceeded without obstruction untill they reached the rappid where i was encamped. [clark, july , ] july th wednesday set out early this morning and crossed the rapid at the island cald pine rapid with some dificuelty, at this rapid i came up with capt lewis & party took a medn. altitude & we took some luner observations &c. and proceeded on, the emence high precipies oblige all the party to pass & repass the river from one point to another the river confined in maney places in a verry narrow chanel from to yards wide bottoms narrow without timber and maney places the mountain approach on both sides, we observe great deel of scattering pine on the mountains, some aspin, spruce & fur trees took a meridian altd. which gave for lattitude ° ' " / n we proceeded on verry well about miles & camped on the stard side the river crooked bottoms narrow, clifts high and steep, i assended a spur of the mountain which i found to be highe & dificuelt of axcess, containig pitch pine & covered with grass scercely any game to be seen the yellow current now ripe also the fussey red choke cheries getting ripe purple current are also ripe. saw several ibex or mountain rams to day [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . set out early this morning. previous to our departure saw a large herd of the bighorned anamals on the immencely high and nearly perpendicular clift opposite to us; on the fase of this clift they walked about and hounded from rock to rock with apparent unconcern where it appared to me that no quadruped could have stood, and from which had they made one false step they must have been precipitated at least a feet. this anamal appears to frequent such precepices and clifts where in fact they are perfectly secure from the pursuit of the wolf, bear, or even man himself.--at the distance of / miles we passed the entrance of a considerable river on the stard. side; about yds. wide being nearly as wide as the missouri at that place. it's current is rapid and water extreamly transparent; the bed is formed of small smooth stones of flat rounded or other figures. it's bottoms are narrow but possess as much timber as the missouri. the country is mountainous and broken through which it passes. it appears as if it might be navigated but to what extent must be conjectural. this handsome bold and clear stream we named in honour of the secretary of war calling it dearborn's river.- as we were anxious now to meet with the sosonees or snake indians as soon as possible in order to obtain information relative to the geography of the country and also if necessary, some horses we thought it better for one of us either capt. c. or myself to take a small party & proceed on up the river, some distance before the canoes, in order to discover them, should they be on the river before the daily discharge of our guns, which was necessary in procuring subsistence for the party, should allarm and cause them to retreat to the mountains and conceal themselves, supposing us to be their enemies who visit them usually by the way of this river. accordingly capt. clark set out this morning after breakfast with joseph fields, pots and his servant york. we proceeded on tolerably well; the current stonger than yesterday we employ the cord and oars principally tho sometimes the setting pole. in the evening we passed a large creek about yds. wide which disembogues on the stard. side; it discharges a bold current of water it's banks low and bed frormed of stones altogether; this stream we called ordway's creek after sergt. john ordway. i have observed for several days a species of flax growing in the river bottoms the leaf stem and pericarp of which resembles the common flax cultivated in the u states. the stem rises to the hight of about / or feet high; as many as or ten of which proceede from the same root. the root appears to be perennial. the bark of the stem is thick strong and appears as if it would make excellent hax. the seed are not yet ripe but i hope to have an opportunity of collecting some of them after they are so if it should on experiment prove to yeald good flax and at the same time admit of being cut without injuring the perennial root it will be a most valuable plant, and i think there is the greatest probability that it will do so, for notwithstanding the seed have not yet arrived at maturity it is puting up suckers or young shoots from the same root and would seem therefore that those which are fully grown and which are in the proper stage of vegitation to produce the best fax are not longer essencial to the preservation or support of the root. the river somewhat wider than yesterday and the mountains more distant from the river and not so high; the bottoms are but narrow and little or no timber near the river. some pine on the mountains which seems principally confined to their uper region. we killed one elk this morning and found part of the flesh and the skin of a deer this evening which had been kited and left by capt. clark. we saw several herds of the bighorn but they were all out of our reach on inacessable clifts.- we encamped on the lard. side in a small grove of narrow leafed cottonwood there is not any of the broad leafed cottonwood on the river since it has entered the mountains. capt clark ascended the river on the stard. side. in the early part of the day after he left me the hills were so steep that he gained but little off us; in the evening he passed over a mountain by which means he cut off many miles of the river's circuitous rout; the indian road which he pursued over this mountain is wide and appears as if it had been cut down or dug in many places; he passed two streams of water, the branches of ordway's creek, on which he saw a number of beaver dams succeeding each other in close order and extending as far up those streams as he could discover them in their couse towards the mountains. he also saw many bighorn anamals on the clifts of the mountains. not far beyond the mountain which he passed in the evening he encamped on a small stream of runing water. having travelled about m. the water of those rivulets which make down from these mountains is extreemly cold pure and fine. the soil near the river is of a good quality and produces a luxuriant growth of grass and weeds; among the last the sunflower holds a distinguished place. the aspin is small but grows very commonly on the river and small streams which make down from the mouts. i also observed another species of flax today which is not so large as the first, sildome obtaining a greater hight than inches or a foot the stem and leaf resemble the other species but the stem is rarely branched, bearing a single monopetallous bellshaped blue flower which is suspended with it's limb downwards, [clark, july , ] july th tursday a fine morning passed a considerable river which falls in on the stard side and nearly as wide as the missouri we call dearbournes river after the sety. of war. we thought it prudent for a partey to go a head for fear our fireing should allarm the indians and cause them to leave the river and take to the mountains for safty from their enemes who visit them thro this rout. i deturmined to go a head with a small partey a few days and find the snake indians if possible after brackfast i took j. fields potts & my servent proceeded on. the country so hilley that we gained but little of the canoes untill in the evening i passed over a mountain on an indian rode by which rout i cut off several miles of the meanderings of the river, the roade which passes this mountain is wide and appears to have been dug in maney places, we camped on a small run of clear cold water, musquitors verry troublesom the forepart of the evening i saw great maney ibex. we crossed two streams of running water on those streams i saw several beaver dams. ordway creek the countrey is mountanious & rockey except the valey &c. which is covered with earth of a good quallity without timber, the timber which is principally pitch pine is confined to the mountains, the small runs & creeks which have water running in them contain cotton-willow, willow, & aspin. trees all small i saw maney fine springs & streams of running water which sink & rise alternately in the valies the water of those streams are fine, those streams which run off into the river are darned up by the beaver from near ther mouthes up as high as i could see up them [lewis, july , ] friday july th the musquetoes are very troublesome to us as usual. this morning we set out early and proceeded on very well tho the water appears to encrease in volocity as we advance. the current has been strong all day and obstructed with some rapids, tho these are but little broken by rocks and are perfectly safe. the river deep and from to yds. wide. i walked along shore today and killed an antelope. whever we get a view of the lofty summits of the mountains the snow presents itself, altho we are almost suffocated in this confined vally with heat. the pine cedar and balsum fir grow on the mountains in irregular assemleages or spots mostly high up on their sides and summits. this evening we entered much the most remarkable clifts that we have yet seen. these clifts rise from the waters edge on either side perpendicularly to the hight of feet. every object here wears a dark and gloomy aspect. the towering and projecting rocks in many places seem ready to tumble on us. the river appears to have forced it's way through this immence body of solid rock for the distance of / miles and where it makes it's exit below has thown on either side vast collumns of rocks mountains high. the river appears to have woarn a passage just the width of it's channel or yds. it is deep from side to side nor is ther in the st miles of this distance a spot except one of a few yards in extent on which a man could rest the soal of his foot. several fine springs burst out at the waters edge from the interstices of the rocks. it happens fortunately that altho the current is strong it is not so much so but what it may be overcome with the oars for there is hear no possibility of using either the cord or setting pole. it was late in the evening before i entered this place and was obliged to continue my rout untill sometime after dark before i found a place sufficiently large to encamp my small party; at length such an one occurred on the lard. side where we found plenty of lightwood and pichpine. this rock is a black grannite below and appears to be of a much lighter colour above and from the fragments i take it to be flint of a yelloish brown and light creemcolourd yellow.--from the singular appearance of this place i called it the gates of the rocky mountains. the mountains higher today than yesterday, saw some bighorns and a few antelopes also beaver and otter; the latter are now very plenty one of the men killed one of them today with a setting pole. musquetoes less troublesome than usual. we had a thundershower today about p.m. which continued about an hour and was attended with som hail. we have seen no buffaloe since we entered the mounts. this morning early capt. clark pursued his rout, saw early in the day the remains of several indians camps formed of willow brush which appeared to have been inhabited some time this spring. saw where the natives had pealed the bark off the pine trees about this same season. this the indian woman with us informs that they do to obtain the sap and soft part of the wood and bark for food. at a.m. capt. c. feell in with a gang of elk of which he killed . and not being able to obtain as much wood as would make a fire substituded the dung of the buffaloe and cooked a part of their meat on which they breakfasted and again pursueed their rout, which lay along an old indian road. this evening they passed a hansome valley watered by a large creek which extends itself with it's valley into the mountain to a considerable distance. the latter part of the evening their rout lay over a hilly and mountanous country covered with the sharp fragments of flint which cut and bruised their feet excessively; nor wer the prickly pear of the leveler part of the rout much less painfull; they have now become so abundant in the open uplands that it is impossible to avoid them and their thorns are so keen and stif that they pearce a double thickness of dressed deers skin with ease. capt. c. informed me that he extracted of these bryers from his feet this evening after he encamped by the light of the fire. i have guarded or reather fortifyed my feet against them by soaling my mockersons with the hide of the buffaloe in parchment. he encamped on the river much fortiegud having passed two mountains in the course of the day and travelled about miles.- [clark, july , ] july th fryday a find morning i proceeded on in an indian path river verry crooked passed over two mountains saw several indian camps which they have left this spring. saw trees peeled & found poles &c. at oc i saw a gange of elk as we had no provision concluded to kill some killd two and dined being oblige to substitute dry buffalow dung in place of wood, this evening passed over a cream coloured flint which roled down from the clifts into the bottoms, the clifts contain flint a dark grey stone & a redish brown intermixed and no one clift is solid rock, all the rocks of everry description is in small pices appears to have been broken by some convulsion--passed a butifull creek on the std. side this eveng which meanders thro a butifull vallie of great extent, i call after sgt pryor the countrey on the lard side a high mountain saw several small rapids to day the river keep its width and appear to be deep, my feet is verry much brused & cut walking over the flint, & constantly stuck full prickley pear thorns, i puled out by the light of the fire to night we camped on the river same (lard) side musqutors verry troublesom. [lewis, july , ] saturday h . set out early this morning as usual, currant strong, we therefore employ the toe rope when ever the banks permit the use of it; the water is reather deep for the seting pole in most places. at a.m. the hills retreated from the river and the valley became wider than we have seen it since we entered the mountains. some scattering timber on the river and in the valley. consisting of the narrowleafed cottonwood aspin & pine. vas numbers of the several species of currants goosberries and service berries; of each of these i preserved some seeds. i found a black currant which i thought preferable in flavor to the yellow. this currant is really a charming fruit and i am confident would be prefered at our markets to any currant now cultivated in the u states. we killed an elk this morning which was very acceptable to us. through the valley which we entered early in the morning a large creek flows from the mountains and discharges itself into the river behind an island on stard. side about yds. wide this we called potts's creek after john potts one of our party. about a.m. we saw the smoke arrose as if the country had been set on fire up the valley of this creek about ms. distant we were at a loss to determine whether it had been set on fire by the natives as a signall among themselves on discovering us, as is their custom or whether it had been set on fire by capt. c. and party accedentally. the first however proved to be the fact, they had unperceived by us discovered capt. clark's party or mine, and had set the plain on fire to allarm the more distant natives and fled themselves further into the interior of the mountains. this evening we found the skin of an elk and part of the flesh of the anamal which capt. c. had left near the river at the upper side of the valley where he assended the mountain with a note informing me of his transactions and that he should pass the mounts which lay just above us and wate our arrival at some convenient place on the river. the other elk which capt. c. had killed we could not find. about in the evening we had passed through a range of low mountains and the country bacame more open again, tho still broken and untimbered and the bottoms not very extensive. we encamped on the lard. side near a spring on a high bank the prickly pears are so abundant that we could scarcely find room to lye. just above our camp the river is again closed in by the mouts. on both sides. i saw a black woodpecker today about the size of the lark woodpecker as black as a crow. i indevoured to get a shoot at it but could not. it is a distinct species of woodpecker; it has a long tail and flys a good deel like the jay bird. this morning capt. clark set out early and proceeded on through a valley leaving the river about six miles to his left; he fell in with an old indian road which he pursued untill it struck the river about miles from his camp of the last evening just above the entrance of a large creek which we call white paint creek. the party were so much fortiegued with their march and their feet cut with the flint and perced with the prickly pears untill they had become so painfull that he proceeded but little further before he determined to encamp on the river and wait my arrival.--capt. c. saw a smoke today up the valley of pryor's creek which was no doubt caused by the natives likewise. he left signals or signs on his rout in order to inform the indians should they pursue his trale that we were not their enemies, but white men and their friends.--cloth &c [clark, july , ] july th satturday a fine morning we proceded on thro a valley leaveing the river about miles to our left and fell into an indian roade which took us to the river above the mo. of a creek miles the misquetors verry troublesom my man york nearly tired out, the bottoms of my feet blistered. i observe a smoke rise to our right up the valley of the last creek about miles distant, the cause of this smoke i can't account for certainly tho think it probable that the indians have heard the shooting of the partey below and set the praries or valey on fire to allarm their camps; supposeing our party to be a war party comeing against them, i left signs to shew the indians if they should come on our trail that we were not their enemeys. camped on the river, the feet of the men with me so stuck with prickley pear & cut with the stones that they were scerseley able to march at a slow gate this after noon [lewis, july , ] sunday july st . set out early this morning and passed a bad rappid where the river enters the mountain about m. from our camp of last evening the clifts high and covered with fragments of broken rocks. the current strong; we employed the toe rope principally, and also the pole as the river is not now so deep but reather wider and much more rapid our progress was therefore slow and laborious. we saw three swans this morning, which like the geese have not yet recovered the feathers of the wing and could not fly we killed two of them the third escaped by diving and passed down with the current; they had no young ones with them therefore presume they do not breed in this country these are the first we have seen on the river for a great distance. we daily see great numbers of gees with their young which are perfectly feathered except the wings which are deficient in both young and old. my dog caught several today, as he frequently dose. the young ones are very fine, but the old gees are poor and unfit for uce. saw several of the large brown or sandhill crain today with their young. the young crain is as large as a turkey and cannot fly they are of a bright red bey colour or that of the common deer at this season. this bird feeds on grass prinsipally and is found in the river bottoms. the grass near the river is lofty and green that of the hill sides and high open grounds is perfectly dry and appears to be scorched by the heat of the sun. the country was rough mountainous & much as that of yesterday untill towards evening when the river entered a beautifull and extensive plain country of about or miles wide which extended upwards further that the eye could reach this valley is bounded by two nearly parallel ranges of high mountains which have their summits partially covered with snow. below the snowey region pine succeeds and reaches down their sides in some parts to the plain but much the greater portion of their surfaces is uncovered with timber and expose either a barren sterile soil covered with dry parched grass or black and rugged rocks. the river immediately on entering this valley assumes a different aspect and character, it spreads to a mile and upwards in width crouded with islands, some of them large, is shallow enough for the use of the seting pole in almost every part and still more rappid than before; it's bottom is smooth stones and some large rocks as it has been since we have entered the mountains. the grass in these extensive bottoms is green and fine, about inches or feet high. the land is a black rich loam and appears very fertile. we encamped in this beatiful valley on the lard. side the party complain of being much fatiegued with this days travel. we killed one deer today.--this morning we passed a bold creek yds. wide which falls in on stard. side. it has a handsome and an extensive valley. this we called pryor's creek after sergt. (john) pryor one of our party. i also saw two fesants today of a dark brown colour much larger than the phesant of the u states. this morning capt. clark having determined to hunt and wait my arrival somewhere about his preset station was fearfull that some indians might still be on the river above him sufficiently near to hear the report of his guns and therefore proceeded up, the river about three miles and not finding any indians nor discovering any fresh appearance of them returned about four miles below and fixed his camp near the river; after refreshing themselves with a few hours rest they set out in different directions to hunt. capt c. killed a buck and fields a buck and doe. he caught a young curlooe which was nearly feathered. the musquetoes were equally as troublesome to them as to ourselves this evening; tho some hours after dark the air becomes so cold that these insects disappear. the men are all fortunately supplyed with musquetoe biers otherwise it would be impossible for them to exist under the fatiegues which they daily encounter without their natural rest which they could not obtain for those tormenting insects if divested of their biers. timber still extreemly scant on the river but there is more in this valley than we have seen since we entered the mountains; the creeks which fall into the river are better supplyed with this article than the river itself.- we saw a number of trout today since the river has become more shallow; also caught a fish of a white colour on the belly and sides and of a bluish cast on the back which had been accedentally wounded by a setting pole. it had a long pointed mouth which opened somewhat like the shad. [clark, july , ] july st sunday a fine morning our feet so brused and cut that i deturmined to delay for the canoes, & if possible kill some meat by the time they arrived, all the creeks which fall into the missouri on the std. side since entering the mountains have extencive valies of open plain. the river bottoms contain nothing larger than a srub untill above the last creek the creeks & runs have timber on them generally, the hills or mountains are in some places thickly covered with pine & cedar &c. &c. i proceeded on about miles this morning finding no fresh indian sign returned down the river four miles and camped, turned out to hunt for some meat, which if we are suckessfull will be a seasonable supply for the partey assending. emence quantities of sarvice buries, yellow, red, purple & black currents ripe and superior to any i ever tasted particularly the yellow & purple kind. choke cheries are plenty; some goose buries--the wild rose continue the willow more abundant no cotton wood of the common kind small birds are plenty, some deer, elk, goats, and ibex; no buffalow in the mountains. those mountains are high and a great perportion of them rocky vallies fertile i observe on the highest pinicals of some of the mountains to the west snow lying in spots some still further north are covered with snow and cant be seen from this point the winds in those mountains are not settled generally with the river, to day the wind blow hard from the west at the camp. the missouri continus its width the current strong and crouded with little islands and cose graveley bars; but little fine sand the chanel generally a corse gravel or soft mud. musquetors & knats verry troublesom. i killed a buck, and j. fields killed a buck and doe this evening. cought a young curlough. [lewis, july , ] monday july cd . we set out early as usual. the river being divided into such a number of channels by both large and small island that i found it impossible to lay it down correctly following one channel only in a canoe and therefore walked on shore took the general courses of the river and from the rising grounds took a view of the islands and it's different channels which i laid don in conformity thereto on my chart. there being but little timber to obstruct my view i could see it's various meanders very satisfactorily. i passed though a large island which i found a beautifull level and fertile plain about feet above the surface of the water and never overflown. on this island i met with great quantities of a smal onion about the size of a musquit ball and some even larger; they were white crisp and well flavored i geathered about half a bushel of them before the canoes arrived. i halted the party for breakfast and the men also geathered considerable quantities of those onions. it's seed had just arrived to maturity and i gathered a good quantity of it. this appears to be a valuable plant inasmuch as it produces a large quantity to the squar foot and bears with ease the rigor of this climate, and withall i think it as pleasantly flavored as any species of that root i ever tasted. i called this beatifull and fertile island after this plant onion island. here i passed over to the stard. shore where the country was higher and ascended the river to the entrance of a large creek which discharges itself into the missouri on the stard. side. it is composed of three pretty considerable creeks which unite in a beautifull and extensive vally a few miles before it discharges itself into the river. while wateing for the canoes to arrive i killed an otter which sunk to the bottom on being shot, a circumstance unusual with that anamal. the water was about feet deep yet so clear that i could see it at the bottom; i swam in and obtained it by diving. i halted the party here for dinner; the canoes had taken different channels through these islands and it was sometime before they all came up. i placed my thermometer in a good shade as was my custom about p.m. and after dinner set out without it and had proceeded near a mile before i recollected it i sent sergt. ordway back for it, he found it and brought it on. the murcury stood at a. this is the warmest day except one which we have experienced this summer. the indian woman recognizes the country and assures us that this is the river on which her relations live, and that the three forks are at no great distance. this peice of information has cheered the sperits of the party who now begin to console themselves with the anticipation of shortly seeing the head of the missouri yet unknown to the civilized world. the large creek which we passed on stard. yds. we call white earth creek from the circumstance of the natives procuring a white paint on this crek.--saw many gees, crams, and small birds common to the plains, also a few phesants and a species of small curlooe or plover of a brown colour which i first met with near the entrance of smith's river but they are so shy and watchfull there is no possibility of geting a shoot at them it is a different kind from any heretofore discribed and is about the size of the yellow leged plover or jack curlooe. both species of the willow that of the broad leaf and narrow leaf still continue, the sweet willow is very scarce. the rose bush, small honesuckle, the pulpy leafed thorn, southernwood, sage box alder narrow leafed cottonwood, red wod, a species of sumac are all found in abundance as well as the red and black goosberries, service berries, choke cherries and the currants of four distinct colours of black, yellow, red and perple. the cherries are not yet ripe. the bear appear to feed much on the currants. late this evening we arrived at capt. carks camp on the stard. side of the river; we took them on board with the meat they had collected and proceeded a short distance and encamped on an island capt. clark's party had killed a deer and an elk today and ourselves one deer and an antelope only. altho capt c. was much fatiegued his feet yet blistered and soar he insisted on pursuing his rout in the morning nor weould he consent willingly to my releiving him at that time by taking a tour of the same kind. finding him anxious i readily consented to remain with the canoes; he ordered frazier and jo. & reubin filds to hold themselves in readiness to accompany him in the morning. sharbono was anxious to accompany him and was accordingly permitted. the musquetoes and knats more than usually troublesome to us this evening.- [clark, july , ] july d monday a fine morning wind from the s. e. the last night verry cold, my blanket being small i lay on the grass & covered with it. i opened the bruses & blisters of my feet which caused them to be painfull dispatched all the men to hunt in the bottom for deer, deturmined my self to lay by & nurs my feet. haveing nothing to eat but venison and currents, i find my self much weaker than when i left the canoes and more inclined to rest & repose to day. these men were not suckcessfull in hunting killed only one deer capt lewis & the party arvd. at oclock & we all proceeded on a short distance and camped on an island the musquitors verry troublesom this evening g drewyer not knowing the place we camped continued on up the river. i deturmined to proceed on in pursute of the snake indians on tomorrow and directed jo rubin fields frasure to get ready to accompany me. shabono, our interpreter requested to go, which was granted &c. in my absence the hunters had killed some deer & a elk, one fusee found &c. &c. [lewis, july , ] tuesday july rd . set out early as usual; capt. clark left us with his little party of men and continued his rout on the stard. side of the river. about ock. a m. we came up with drewyer who had seperated from us yesterday evening and lay out all night not being able to find where we had encamped. he had killed deer which we took on board and continued our rout. the river is still divided by a great number of islands, it channels sometimes seperating to the distance of miles; the current very rapid with a number of riffles; the bed gravel and smooth stones; the banks low and of rich loam in the bottoms; some low bluffs of yellow and red clay with a hard red slate stone intermixed. the bottoms are wide and but scantily timbered; the underbrush very thick consisting of the narrow & broad leafed willow rose and currant bushes principally. high plains succeeds the river bottoms and extend back on either side to the base of the mountains which are from to miles assunder, high, rocky, some small pine and cedar on them and ly parallel with the river. passed a large creek on lard. side yds. wide which after meandering through a beautifull and extensive bottom for several miles nearly parallel with the river discharges itself opposite to a large cluster of islands which from their number i called the islands and the creek whitehous's creek, after josph. whitehouse one of the party. saw a great abundance of the common thistles; also a number of the wild onions of which we collected a further supply. there is a species of garlic also which grows on the high lands with a flat leaf now green and in bloe but is strong tough and disagreeable. found some seed of the wild flax ripe which i preserved; this plant grows in great abundance in these bottoms. i halted rearther early for dinner today than usual in order to dry some articles which had gotten wet in several of the canoes. i ordered the canoes to hoist their small flags in order that should the indians see us they might discover that we were not indians, nor their enemies. we made great uce of our seting poles and cords the uce of both which the river and banks favored. most of our small sockets were lost, and the stones were so smooth that the points of their poles sliped in such manner that it increased the labour of navigating the canoes very considerably, i recollected a parsel of giggs which i had brought on, and made the men each atatch one of these to the lower ends of their poles with strong wire, which answered the desired purpose. we saw antelopes crain gees ducks beaver and otter. we took up four deer which capt. clark & party had killed and left near the river. he pursued his rout untill late in the evening and encamped on the bank of the river ms. above our encampment of the last evening; he followed an old indian road which lyes along the river on the stard side capt. saw a number of antelopes, and one herd of elk. also much sign of the indians but all of ancient date. i saw the bull rush and cattail flag today. i saw a black snake today about two feet long the belly of which was as black as any other part or as jet itself. it had scuta on the belley on the tail. [clark, july , ] july rd tuesday a fair morning wind from the south. i set out by land at miles overtook g drewyer who had killed a deer. we killed in the same bottom deer & a antelope & left them on the river bank for the canoes proceeded on an indian roade through a wider vallie which the missouri passes about miles & camped on the bank of the river, high mountains on either side of the vallie containing scattering pine & cedar some small cotton willow willow &c. on the islands & bank of the river i saw no fresh sign of indians to day great number of antelopes some deer & a large gangue of elk [lewis, july , ] wednesday july th . set out at sunrise; the current very strong; passed a remarkable bluff of a crimson coloured earth on stard. intermixed with stratas of black and brick red slate. the valley through which the river passed today is much as that of yesterday nor is there any difference in the appearance of the mountains, they still continue high and seem to rise in some places like an amphatheater one rang above another as they receede from the river untill the most distant and lofty have their tops clad with snow. the adjacent mountains commonly rise so high as to conceal the more distant and lofty mountains from our view. i fear every day that we shall meet with some considerable falls or obstruction in the river notwithstanding the information of the indian woman to the contrary who assures us that the river continues much as we see it. i can scarcely form an idea of a river runing to great extent through such a rough mountainous country without having it's stream intercepted by some difficult and gangerous rappids or falls. we daily pass a great number of small rappids or riffles which decend one to or feet in yards but they are rarely incommoded with fixed or standing rocks and altho strong rappid water are nevertheless quite practicable & by no means dangerous. we saw many beaver and some otter today; the former dam up the small channels of the river between the islands and compell the river in these parts to make other channels; which as soon as it has effected that which was stoped by the beaver becomes dry and is filled up with mud sand gravel and drift wood. the beaver is then compelled to seek another spot for his habitation wher he again erects his dam. thus the river in many places among the clusters of islands is constantly changing the direction of such sluices as the beaver are capable of stoping or of yds. in width. this anamal in that way i beleive to be very instrumental in adding to the number of islands with which we find the river crouded. we killed one deer today and found a goat or antelope which had been left by capt. clark. we saw a large bear but could not get a shoot at him. we also saw a great number of crams & antelopes, some gees and a few red-headed ducks the small bird of the plains and curloos still abundant. we observed a great number of snakes about the water of a brown uniform colour, some black, and others speckled on the abdomen and striped with black and brownish yellow on the back and sides. the first of these is the largest being about feet long, the second is of that kind mentioned yesterday, and the last is much like the garter snake of our country and about it's size. none of these species are poisonous i examined their teeth and fund them innosent. they all appear to be fond of the water, to which they fly for shelter immediately on being pursued.--we saw much sign of elk but met with none of them. from the appearance of bones and excrement of old date the buffaloe sometimes straggle into this valley; but there is no fresh sighn of them and i begin think that our harrvest of white puddings is at an end, at least untill our return to the buffaloe country. our trio of pests still invade and obstruct us on all occasions, these are the musquetoes eye knats and prickley pears, equal to any three curses that ever poor egypt laiboured under, except the mahometant yoke. the men complain of being much fortiegued, their labour is excessively great. i occasionly encourage them by assisting in the labour of navigating the canoes, and have learned to push a tolerable good pole in their fraize. this morning capt. clark set out early and pursued the indian road whih took him up a creek some miles abot a.m. he discovered a horse about six miles distant on his left, he changed his rout towards the horse, on approaching him he found the horse in fine order but so wild he could not get within less than several hundred paces of him. he still saw much indian sign but none of recent date. from this horse he directed his course obliquely to the river where on his arrival he killed a deer and dined. in this wide valley where he met with the horse he passed five handsome streams, one of which only had timber another some willows and much stoped by the beaver. after dinner he continued his rout along the river upwards and encamped having traveled about mes. [clark, july , ] july th wednesday a fine day wind from the n w. i proceeded on up a creek on the direction of the indian road at oclock discovered a horse miles to my left towards the river as i approached the horse found him fat and verry wild we could not get near him, we changed our direction to the river for water haveing previously crossed handsom streams in one vallie one only had any timber on it one other willows only & a number of beaver dams. when i struck the river turned down to kill a deer which we dined on & proceeded on up the river a fiew miles an campd. on the river. the river much like it was yesterday. the mountains on either side appear like the hills had fallen half down & turned side upwards the bottoms narrow and no timber a fiew bushes only. [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . set out at an early hour and proceeded on tolerably well the water still strong and some riffles as yesterday. the country continues much the same as the two preceeding days. in the forenoon we saw a large brown bear on an island but he retreated immediately to the main shore and ran off before we could get in reach of him. they appear to be more shy here than on the missouri below the mountains. we saw some antelopes of which we killed one. these anamals appear now to have collected again is small herds several females with their young and one or two males compose the herd usually. some males are yet soletary or two perhaps together scattered over the plains which they seen invariably to prefer to the woodlands. if they happen accedentaly in the woodlands and are allarmed they run immediately to the plains, seeming to plaise a just confidence in their superior fleetness and bottom. we killed a couple of young gees which are very abundant and fine; but as they are but small game to subsist a party on of our strength i have forbid the men shooting at them as it waists a considerable quantity of amunition and delays our progress. we passed capt. clark's encampment of the rd inst. the face of the country & anamal and vegatable productions were the same as yesterday, untill late in the evening, when the valley appeared to termineate and the river was again hemned in on both sides with high caiggy and rocky clifts. soon after entering these hills or low mountains we passed a number of fine bold springs which burst out underneath the lard. clifts near the edge of the water; they wer very cold and freestone water. we passed a large crk. today in the plain country, yds. wide, which discharges itself on the stard. side; it is composed of five streams which unite in the plain at no great distance from the river and have their souces in the mts. this stream we called gass's creek. after sergt. patric gass one of our party.--two rapids near the large spring we passed this evening were the worst we have seen since that we passed on entering the rocky mountain; they were obstructed with sharp pointed rocks, ranges of which extended quite across the river. the clifts are formed of a lighter coloured stone than those below i obseve some limestone also in the bed of the river which seem to have been brought down by the current as they are generally small and woarn smooth.--this morning capt. clark set out early and at the distance of a few miles arrived at the three forks of the missouri, here he found the plains recently birnt on the stard. side, and the track of a horse which appeared to have passed only about four or five days. after taking breakfast of some meat which they had brought with them, examined the rivers, and written me a note informing me of his intended rout, he continued on up the north fork, which though not larger than the middle fork, boar more to the west, and of course more in the direction we were anxious to pursue. he ascended this stream about miles on stard. side, and encamped, much fatiegued, his feet blistered and wounded with the prickley pear thorns. charbono gave out, one of his ankles failed him and he was unable to proceede any further.--i observed that the rocks which form the clifts on this part of the river appear as if they had been undermined by the river and by their weight had seperated from the parent hill and tumbled on their sides, the stratas of rock of which they are composed lying with their edges up; others not seperated seem obliquely depressed on the side next the river as if they had sunk down to fill the cavity which had been formed by the washing and wearing of the river. i have observed a red as well as a yellow species of goosberry which grows on the rocky clifts in open places of a swetish pine like flavor, first observed in the neighbourhood of the falls; at least the yellow species was first observed there. the red differs from it in no particular except it's colour and size being somewhat larger; it is a very indifferent fruit, but as they form a variety of the native fruits of this country i preserved some of their seeds. musquetoes and knats troublesome as usual. [clark, july , ] july th thursday a fine morning we proceeded on a fiew miles to the three forks of the missouri those three forks are nearly of a size, the north fork appears to have the most water and must be considered as the one best calculated for us to assend middle fork is quit as large about yds. wide. the south fork is about yds wide & falls in about yards below the midle fork. those forks appear to be verry rapid & contain some timber in their bottoms which is verry extincive,--on the north side the indians have latterly set the praries on fire, the cause i can't account for. i saw one horse track going up the river about four or days past. after brackfast (which we made on the ribs of a buck killed yesterday), i wrote a note informing capt lewis the rout i intended to take, and proeeded on up the main north fork thro a vallie, the day verry hot about or miles up the north fork a small rapid river falls in on the lard side which affords a great deel of water and appears to head in the snow mountains to the s w. this little river falls into the missouri by three mouthes, haveing seperated after it arrives in the river bottoms, and contains as also all the water courses in this quarter emence number of beaver & orter maney thousand enhabit the river & creeks near the forks (pholosiphie's river)--we campd on the same side we assended starboard miles on a direct line up the n. fork. shabono our intrepreter nearly tired one of his ankles falling him--the bottoms are extencive and tolerable land covered with tall grass & prickley pears the hills & mountains are high steep & rockey. the river verry much divided by islands some elk bear & deer and some small timber on the islands. great quantities of currents, red, black, yellow, purple, also mountain currents which grow on the sides of clifts; inferior in taste to the others haveing sweet pineish flaver and are red & yellow, choke cheries, boin roche, and the red buries also abound--musquitors verry trouble som untill the mountain breeze sprung up which was a little after night. [lewis, july , ] friday july th . set out early this morning as usual current strong with frequent riffles; employ the cord and seting poles. the oars scarcely ever being used except to pass the river in order to take advantage of the shore and cur-rent. at the distance of / m. passed the entrance of a large creek yds. wide which discharges itself on lard. near the center of a lard. bend it is a bold runing stream this we called howard's creek after thomas p. howard one of our party. at the distance of one mile further we passed the entrance of a small run which falls in just above a rocky clift on lard. here the hills or reather mountains again recede from the river and the valley again widens to the extent of several miles with wide and fertile bottom lands. covered with grass and in many places a fine terf of greenswoard. the high lands are thin meagre soil covered with dry low sedge and a species of grass also dry the seeds of which are armed with a long twisted hard beard at the upper extremity while the lower point is a sharp subulate firm point beset at it's base with little stiff bristles standing with their points in a contrary direction to the subulate point to which they answer as a barb and serve also to pres it forward when onece entered a small distance. these barbed seed penetrate our mockersons and leather legings and give us great pain untill they are removed. my poor dog suffers with them excessively, he is constantly hinting and scratching himself as if in a rack of pain. the prickly pear also grow here as abundantly as usual. there is another species of the prickly pear of a globular form, composed of an assemblage of little conic leaves springing from a common root to which their small points are attached as a common center and the base of the cone forms the apex of the leaf which is garnished with a circular range of sharp thorns quite as stif and more keen than the more common species with the flat leaf, like the cockeneal plant. on entering this open valley i saw the snowclad tops of distant mountains before us. the timber and mountains much as heretofore. saw a number of beaver today and some otter, killed one of the former, also deer; found a deer's skin which had been left by capt. c. with a note informing me of his having met with a horse but had seen no fresh appearance of the indians. the river in the valley is from to yds. wide and crouded with islands, in some places it is / of a mile wide including islands. were it passed the hills it was from to yds. the banks are still low but never overflow. one of the men brought me an indian bow which he found, it was made of cedar and about f. inh. in length. it had nothing remarkable in it's form being much such as is used by the mandans minetares &c. this morning capt. clark left sharbono and joseph fields at the camp of last evening and proceeded up the river about miles to the top of a mountain from whence he had an extensive view of the valley of the river upwards and of a large creek which flowed into it on std. side. not meeting with any fresh appearance of indians he determined to return and examine the middle fork of the missouri and meet me by the time he expected me to arrive at the forks. he returned down the mountain by the way of an old indian road which led through a deep hollow of the mountain facing the south the day being warm and the road unshaded by timber he suffered excessively with heat and the want of water, at length he arrived at a very cold spring, at which he took the precaution of weting his feet head and hands before drank but notwithstanding this precaution he soon felt the effects of the water. he felt himself very unwell shortly after but continued his march rejoined sharbono and fields where the party eat of a fawn which jo. fields had killed in their absence capt. c. was so unwell that he had no inclination to eat. after a short respite he resumed his march pass the north fork at a large island; here charbono was very near being swept away by the current and cannot swim, capt. c however risqued him and saved his life. capt. c. continued his march to a small river which falls into the north fork some miles above the junction of the forks it being the distance of about four miles from his camp of last evening here finding himself still more unwell he determined to encamp. they killed two brown or grisley bear this evening on the island where they passed the n. fork of the missouri. this stream is much divided by islands and it's current rapid and much as that of the missouri where we are and is navigable.- [clark, july , ] july th friday i deturmined to leave shabono & one man who had sore feet to rest & proceed on with the other two to the top of a mountain miles distant west and from thence view the river & vallies a head, we with great dificuelty & much fatigue reached the top at oclock from the top of this mountain i could see the course of the north fork about miles meandering through a vallie but could discover no indians or sign which was fresh. i could also see some distance up the small river below, and also the middle fork after satisfying my self returned to the two men by an old indian parth, on this parth & in the mountain we came to a spring of excessive cold water, which we drank reather freely of as we were almost famished; not with standing the precautions of wetting my face, hands, & feet, i soon felt the effects of the water. we contind. thro a deep vallie without a tree to shade us scorching with heat to the men who had killed a pore deer, i was fatigued my feet with several blisters & stuck with prickley pears. i eate but verry little deturmined to cross to the middle fork and examine that. we crossed the missouri which was divided by a verry large island, the first part was knee deep, the other waste deep & verry rapid--i felt my self verry unwell & took up camp on the little river miles above its mouth & near the place it falls into the bottom a fiew drops of rain this evening we killed bear which was imediately in our way. both pore emence number of beaver and orter in this little river which forks in the bottom [lewis, july , ] saturday july th . we set out at an early hour and proceeded on but slowly the current still so rapid that the men are in a continual state of their utmost exertion to get on, and they begin to weaken fast from this continual state of violent exertion. at the distance of / miles the river was again closely hemned in by high clifts of a solid limestone rock which appear to have tumbled or sunk in the same manner of those discribed yesterday. the limestone appears to be of an excellent quality of deep blue colour when fractured and of a light led colour where exposed to the weather. it appears to be of a very fine grain the fracture like that of marble. we saw a great number of the bighorn on those clifts. at the distance of / ms. further we arrived at a.m. at the junction of the s. e. fork of the missouri and the country opens suddonly to extensive and beatifull plains and meadows which appear to be surrounded in every direction with distant and lofty mountains; supposing this to be the three forks of the missouri i halted the party on the lard. shore for breakfast and walked up the s. e. fork about / a mile and ascended the point of a high limestone clift from whence i commanded a most perfect view of the neighbouring country. from this point i could see the s. e. fork about miles. it is rapid and about yards wide. throughout the distance i saw it, it passes through a smoth extensive green meadow of fine grass in it's course meandering in several streams the largest of which passes near the lard. hills, of which, the one i stand on is the extremity in this direction. a high wide and extensive plain succeeds the meadow and extends back several miles from the river on the stard. sade and with the range of mountains up the lard. side of the middle fork. a large spring arrises in this meadow about / of a mile from the s. e. fork into which it discharges itself on the stard. side about paces above me. from e to s. between the s. e. and middle forks a distant range of lofty mountains rose their snow-clad tops above the irregular and broken mountains which lie adjacent to this beautifull spot. the extreme point to which i could see the s. e. fork boar s. ° e. distant ms. as before observed. between the middle and s. e. forks near their junctions with the s. w. fork there is a handsom site for a fortification it consists of a limestone rock of an oblong form; it's sides perpendicular and about ft high except at the extremity towards the middle fork where it ascends gradually and like the top is covered with a fine terf of greenswoard. the top is level and contains about acres. the rock rises from the level plain as if it had been designed for some such purpose. the extream point to which i can see the bottom and meandering of the middle fork bears s. e distant about miles. here it turns to the right around a point of a high plain and disappears to my view. it's bottoms are several miles in width and like that of the s. e. fork form one smoth and beautifull green meadow. it is also divided into several streams. betwen this and the s. w. fork there is an extensive plain which appears to extend up both those rivers many miles and back to the mountains. the extreme point to which i can see the s. w. fork bears s. w. distant about miles. this stream passes through a similar country with the other two and is more divided and serpentine in it's course than either of the others; it also possesses abundanly more timber in it's bottoms. the timber here consists of the narrowleafed cottonwood almost entirely. but little box alder or sweet willow the underbrush thick and as heretofore discribed in the quarter of the missouri. a range of high mountains at a considerable distance appear to reach from south to west and are partially covered with snow the country to the right of the s. w. fork like that to the left of the s. e. fork is high broken and mountainous as is that also down the missouri behind us, through which, these three rivers after assembling their united force at this point seem to have forced a passage these bottom lands tho not more than or feet above the water seem never to overflow. after making a draught of the connection and meanders of these streams i decended the hill and returned to the party, took breakfast and ascended the s. w. fork / miles and encamped at a lard. bend in a handsome level smooth plain just below a bayou, having passed the entrance of the middle fork at / a mile. here i encamped to wait the return of capt. clark and to give the men a little rest which seemed absolutely necessary to them. at the junction of the s. w. and middle forks i found a note which had been left by capt. clark informing me of his intended rout, and that he would rejoin me at this place provided he did not fall in with any fresh sighn of indians, in which case he intended to pursue untill he over took them calculating on my taking the s. w. fork, which i most certainly prefer as it's direction is much more promising than any other. beleiving this to be an essential point in the geography of this western part of the continent i determined to remain at all events untill i obtained the necessary data for fixing it's latitude longitude &c. after fixing my camp i had the canoes all unloaded and the baggage stoed away and securely covered on shore, and then permitted several men to hunt. i walked down to the middle fork and examined and compared it with the s. w. fork but could not satisfy myself which was the largest stream of the two, in fact they appeared as if they had been cast in the same mould there being no difference in character or size, therefore to call either of these streams the missouri would be giving it a preference wich it's size dose not warrant as it is not larger then the other. they are each yds. wide. in these meadows i saw a number of the duckanmallad with their young which are now nearly grown. currants of every species as well as goosberries are found here in great abundance and perfection. a large black goosberry which grows to the hight of five or six feet is also found here. this is the growth of the bottom lands and is found also near the little rivulets which make down from the hills and mountains it puts up many stems from the same root, some of which are partialy branched and all reclining. the berry is attatched seperately by a long peduncle to the stem from which they hang pendant underneath. the berry is of an ovate form smooth as large as the common garden goosberry when arrived at maturity and is as black as jet, tho the pulp is of a cimson colour. this fruit is extreemly asced. the leaf resembles the common goosberry in form but is reather larger and somewhat proportioned to the superior size of it's stem when compared with the common goosberry. the stem is covered with very sharp thorns or bryers. below the tree forks as we passed this morning i observed many collections of the mud nests of the small martin attatched to the smooth face of the limestone rocks sheltered by projections of the same rock above. our hunters returned this evening with deer otter and a musk rat. they informed me that they had seen great numbers of antelopes, and much sign of beaver otter deer elk, &c. at p.m. capt clark arrived very sick with a high fever on him and much fatiegued and exhausted. he informed me that he was very sick all last night had a high fever and frequent chills & constant aking pains in all his mustles. this morning notwithstanding his indisposition he pursued his intended rout to the middle fork about miles and finding no recent sign of indians rested about an hour and came down the middle fork to this place. capt. c. thought himself somewhat bilious and had not had a passage for several days; i prevailed on him to take a doze of rushes pills, which i have always found sovereign in such cases and to bath his feet in warm water and rest himself. capt. c's indisposition was a further inducement for my remaining here a couple of days; i therefore informed the men of my intention, and they put their deer skins in the water in order to prepare them for dressing tomorrow. we begin to feel considerable anxiety with rispect to the snake indians. if we do not find them or some other nation who have horses i fear the successfull issue of our voyage will be very doubtfull or at all events much more difficult in it's accomplishment. we are now several hundred miles within the bosom of this wild and mountanous country, where game may rationally be expected shortly to become scarce and subsistence precarious without any information with rispect to the country not knowing how far these mountains continue, or wher to direct our course to pass them to advantage or intersept a navigable branch of the columbia, or even were we on such an one the probability is that we should not find any timber within these mountains large enough for canoes if we judge from the portion of them through which we have passed. however i still hope for the best, and intend taking a tramp myself in a few days to find these yellow gentlemen if possible. my two principal consolations are that from our present position it is impossible that the s. w. fork can head with the waters of any other river but the columbia, and that if any indians can subsist in the form of a nation in these mountains with the means they have of acquiring food we can also subsist. capt. c. informed me that there is a part of this bottom on the west side of the middle fork near the plain, which appears to overflow occasionally and is stony. [clark, july , ] july th saturday i was verry unwell all last night with a high fever & akeing in all my bones. my fever &c. continus, deturmind to prosue my intended rout to the middle fork, accordingly set out in great pain across a prarie miles to the middle this fork is nearly as large as the north fork & appears to be more rapid, we examined and found no fresh sign of indians, and after resting about an hour, proceeded down to the junction thro a wide bottom which appears to be overflown every year, & maney parts stoney this river has several islands and number of beaver & orter, but little timber. we could see no fresh sign of indians just above the point i found capt lewis encamped haveing arrived about oclock. several deer killed this evening. i continue to be verry unwell fever verry high; take of rushes pills & bathe my feet & legs in hot water [lewis, july , ] sunday july th . my friend capt. clark was very sick all last night but feels himself somwhat better this morning since his medicine has opperated. i dispatched two men early this morning up the s. e. fork to examine the river; and permitted sundry others to hunt in the neighbourhood of this place. both capt. c. and myself corrisponded in opinon with rispect to the impropriety of calling either of these streams the missouri and accordingly agreed to name them after the president of the united states and the secretaries of the treasury and state having previously named one river in honour of the secretaries of war and navy. in pursuance of this resolution we called the s. w. fork, that which we meant to ascend, jefferson's river in honor of thomas jefferson. the middle fork we called madison's river in honor of james madison, and the s. e. fork we called gallitin's river in honor of albert gallitin. the two first are yards wide and the last is yards. all of them run with great valocity and thow out large bodies of water. gallitin's river is reather more rapid than either of the others, is not quite as deep but from all appearances may be navigated to a considerable distance. capt. c. who came down madison's river yesterday and has also seen jefferson's some distance thinks madison's reather the most rapid, but it is not as much so by any means as gallitin's. the beds of all these streams are formed of smooth pebble and gravel, and their waters perfectly transparent; in short they are three noble streams. there is timber enough here to support an establishment, provided it be erected with brick or stone either of which would be much cheaper than wood as all the materials for such a work are immediately at the spot. there are several small sand-bars along the shores at no great distance of very pure sand and the earth appears as if it would make good brick. i had all our baggage spread out to dry this morning; and the day proving warm, i had a small bower or booth erected for the comfort of capt. c. our leather lodge when exposed to the sun is excessively hot. i observe large quantities of the sand rush in these bottoms which grow in many places as high as a man's breast and stand as thick as the stalks of wheat usually do. this affords one of the best winter pastures on earth for horses or cows, and of course will be much in favour of an establishment should it ever be thought necessary to fix one at this place. the grass is also luxouriant and would afford a fine swarth of hay at this time in parsels of many acres together. all those who are not hunting altho much fatiegued are busily engaged in dressing their skins, making mockersons leggings &c to make themselves comfortable. the musquetoes are more than usually troublesome, the knats are not as much so. in the evening about o'ck the wind blew hard from south west and after some little time brought on a cloud attended with thunder and lightning from which we had a fine refreshing shower which cooled the air considerably; the showers continued with short intervals untill after dark. in the evening the hunters all returned they had killed deer and elk. some of the deer wer in excellent order. those whome i had sent up gallitin's river reported that after it passed the point to which i had seen it yesterday that it turned more to the east to a considerable distance or as far as they could discover the opening of the mountains formed by it's valley which was many miles. the bottoms were tolerably wide but not as much so as at or near it's mouth. it's current is rappid and the stream much divided with islands but is sufficiently deep for canoe navigation. our present camp is precisely on the spot that the snake indians were encamped at the time the minnetares of the knife r. first came in sight of them five years since. from hence they retreated about three miles up jeffersons river and concealed themselves in the woods, the minnetares pursued, attacked them, killed men women a number of boys, and mad prisoners of all the females and four boys, sah-cah-gar-we-ah or indian woman was one of the female prisoners taken at that time; tho i cannot discover that she shews any immotion of sorrow in recollecting this event, or of joy in being again restored to her native country; if she has enough to eat and a few trinkets to wear i beleive she would be perfectly content anywhere. [clark, july , ] july th sunday i was verry unwell all night, something better this morning, a very worm day untill oclock when the wind rose & blew hard from the s w. and was cloudy, the thermometr. stood at ° above in the evening a heavy thunder shower from the s w. which continud at intervales untill after dark, several deer killed to day men all employed dressing skins for clothes & mockersons, two men went up the east fork & reports that it is nearly the size of the n. fork, verry rapid & has maney islands. our present camp is the prosise spot the snake indians were camped at the time the minetarries came in sight, attacked & killed men women & a number of boys, & made prisoners of all. the females & boys. [lewis, july , ] monday july th . this morning some of the hunters turned out and returned in a few hours with four fat bucks, the venison is now very fine we have killed no mule deer since we lay here, they are all of the longtailed red deer which appear quite as large as those of the united states. the hunters brought in a living young sandhill crane it has nearly obtained it's growth but cannot fly; they had pursued it and caught it in the meadows. it's colour is precisely that of the red deer. we see a number of the old or full grown crams of this species feeding in these meadows. this young animal is very ferce and strikes a severe blow with his beak; after amusing myself with it i had it set at liberty and it moved off apparently much pleased with being releived from his captivity. the men have been busily engaged all day in dising skins and making them into various garments all are leather dressers and taylors. we see a great abundance of fish in the stream some of which we take to be trout but they will not bite at any bate we can offer them. the king fisher is common on the river since we have left the falls of the missouri. we have not seen the summer duck since we left that place, nor do i beleive that it is an inhabitant of the rocky mountains. the duckanmallard were first seen with their young on the th inst. and i forgot to note it; they are now abundant with their young but do not breed in the missouri below the mountains. the grasshopers and crickets are abundant in the plains as are also the small birds frequently mentioned. there is also in these plains a large ant with a redish brown body and legs, and a black head and abdomen; they construct little perimids of small gravel in a conic shape, about or inches high without a mixture of sticks and with but little earth. capt. clark is much better today, is perfectly clear of fever but still very languid and complains of a general soarness in all his limbs. i prevailed on him to take the barks which he has done and eate tolerably freely of our good venison. [clark, july , ] july monday a fair morning wind from the north i feel my self something better to day, made some celestial observations took two merdn. altitudes which gave for latd. ° ' " n men all dressing skins &c. [lewis, july , ] tuesday july th . capt. clark being much better this morning and having completed my observations we reloaded our canoes and set out, ascending jeffersons river. sharbono, his woman two invalleds and myself walked through the bottom on the lard. side of the river about / miles when we again struck it at the place the woman informed us that she was taken prisoner. here we halted untill capt. clark arrived which was not untill after one p.m. the water being strong and the river extreemly crooked. we dined and again proceeded on; as the river now passed through the woods the invalleds got on board together with sharbono and the indian woman; i passed the river and continued my walk on the stard. side. saw a vast number of beaver in many large dams which they had maid in various bayoes of the river which are distributed to the distance of three or four miles on this side of the river over an extensive bottom of timbered and meadow lands intermixed. in order to avoid these bayoes and beaver dams which i found difficult to pass i directed my course to the high plain to the right which i gained after some time with much difficulty and waiding many beaver dams to my waist in mud and water. i would willingly have joined the canoes but the brush were so thick, the river crooked and bottoms intercepted in such manner by the beaver dams, that i found it uceless to attempt to find them, and therefore proceeded on up the river in order to intersept it where it came near the plain and woult be more collected into one channel. at length about sunset i arrived at the river only about six miles from my calculation on a direct line from the place i had left the canoes but i thought they were still below me. i found the river was divided where i reached it by an island and was therefore fearfull that they might pass without my seeing them, and went down to the lower point of the large island; here i discovered a small island, close under the shore on which i was; i passed the narrow channel to the small island and examined the gravly bar along the edge of the river for the tracks of the men, knowing from the appearance of the river at this place that if they had passed they would have used the cord on the side where i was. i saw no tracks and was then fully convinced that they were below me. i fired my gun and hallooed but counld hear nothing of them. by this time it was getting nearly dark and a duck lit on the shore in about steps of me and i killed it; having now secured my supper i looked our for a suitable place to amuse myself in combating the musquetoes for the ballance of the evening. i found a parsel of drift wood at the head of the little island on which i was and immediately set it on fire and collected some willow brush to lye on. i cooked my duck which i found very good and after eating it layed down and should have had a comfortable nights lodge but for the musquetoes which infested me all night. late at night i was awakened by the nois of some animal runing over the stoney bar on which i lay but did not see it; from the weight with which it ran i supposed it to be either an elk or a brown bear. the latter are very abundant in this neighbourhood. the night was cool but i felt very little inconvenience from it as i had a large fire all night. capt. clark had proceeded on after i seperated from him and encamped on a islad. only about miles below me but did not hear the report of my gun nor of my hooping.-i saw some deer and antelopes. [clark, july , ] july th monday we set out oclock and proceeded on / miles up the n. fork the river verry rapid & sholey the channel entirely corse gravel many islands and a number of chanels in different directions thro the bottom &c. passed the place the squar interpretress was taken, one man with his sholder strained, with turners, we camped on the std. side the evening cool. capt lewis who walkd on shore did not join me this evening [lewis, july , ] wednesday july st . this morning i waited at my camp very impatiently for the arrival of capt. clark and party; i observed by my watch that it was a.m. and they had not come in sight. i now became very uneasy and determined to wait until and if they did not arrive by that time to proceed on up the river taking it as a fact that they had passed my camp some miles last evening. just as i set out to pursue my plan i discovered charbono walking up shore some distance below me and waited untill arrived i now learnt that the canoes were behind, they arrived shortly after. their detention had been caused by the rapidity of the water and the circuitous rout of the river. they halted and breakfasted after which we all set out again and i continued my walk on the stard. shore the river now becomes more collected the islands tho numerous ar generally small. the river continues rapid and is from to yd. wide has a considerable quantity of timber in it's bottoms. towards evening the bottoms became much narrower and the timber much more scant. high hills set in close on the lard. and the plain high waivy or reather broken on the stard. and approach the river closely for a shot distance vally above / m wd. about one mile above capt. clark's encampment of the last evening the principall entrance of a considerable river discharges itself into jefferson's river. this stream is a little upwards of yd. wide discharges a large quantity of very clear water it's bed like that of jefferson's river is pebble and gravel. it takes it's rise in the snowclad mountains between jefferson's and madison's rivers to the s. w. and discharges itself into the former by seven mouths it has some timber in it's bottoms and vas numbers of beaver and otter. this stream we call river philosophy. the rock of the clifts this evening is a hard black grannite like that of the clifts of most parts of the river below the limestone clifts at the forks of the missouri this evening just before we encamped drewyer discovered a brown bear enter a small cops of bushes on the lard. side; we surrounded the place an surched the brush but he had escaped in some manner unperceived but how we could not discover. nothing killed today and our fresh meat is out. when we have a plenty of fresh meat i find it impossible to make the men take any care of it, or use it with the least frugallity. tho i expect that necessity will shortly teach them this art. the mountiains on both sides of the river at no great distance are very lofty. we have a lame crew just now, two with turners or bad boils on various parts of them, one with a bad stone bruise, one with his arm accedently dislocated but fortunately well replaced, and a fifth has streigned his back by sliping and falling backwards on the gunwall of the canoe. the latter is sergt. gass. it gives him great pain to work in the canoe in his present situation, but he thinks he can walk with convenience, i therefore scelected him as one of the party to accompany me tomorrow, being determined to go in quest of the snake indians. i also directed drewyer and charbono to hold themselves in readiness. charbono thinks that his ankle is sufficiently recovered to stand the march but i entertain my doubts of the fact; he is very anxious to accompany me and i therefore indulge him. there is some pine on the hills on both sides of the river opposite to our encampment which is on the lard. side upon a small island just above a run. the bull rush & cat-tail flag grow in great abundance in the moist parts of the bottoms the dryer situations are covered with fine grass, tanzy, thistles, onions and flax. the bottom land fertile and of a black rich loam. the uplands poor sterile and of a light yellow clay with a mixture of small smooth pebble and gravel, poducing prickley pears, sedge and the bearded grass in great abundance; this grass is now so dry that it would birn like tinder.--we saw one bighorn today a few antelopes and deer.- [clark, july , ] july st tuesday a fair morning capt lewis out all night, we arrived at his camp to brackfast, he was without a blanket, & he killed a duck whiche suped on &c. the river as yesterday sholey & rapid, passed the lower mouth of a small river on the lard. in the morning & the upper mouth a ____ miles above, this little river is the one i camped on the th & heads in the snow mountains to the s w. proceeded on verry well and camped on a small island a little above the place i camped the th instant at the mouth of a run on the lard side, the bottoms from the mouth of the river extend to / miles & enter a short & high hill which is about mile thro and, the river then passes thro a d value of about / miles wide, some islands. below this knobe the river is crouded with islands, we are out of fresh meet, & nothing killed to day the mountains on either side is high & rough we have two men with toumers and unable to work. capt lewis deturmin to proceed on with three men in serch of the snake indians, tomorrow [lewis, august , ] august st at half after a.m. we halted for breakfast and as had been previously agreed on between capt. clark and myself i set out with men in quest of the snake indians. the men i took were the two interpreters drewyer and sharbono and sergt. gass who by an accedental fall had so disabled himself that it was with much pain he could work in the canoes tho he could march with convenience. the rout we took lay over a rough high range of mountains on the north side of the river. the rive entered these mountains a few miles above where we left it. capt clark recommended this rout to me from a belief that the river as soon as it past the mountains boar to the n. of w. he having a few days before ascended these mountains to a position from which he discovered a large valley passing betwen the mountains and which boar to the n. west. this however poved to be the inlet of a large creek which discharged itself into the river just above this range of mountans, the river bearing to the s. w. we were therefore thrown several miles out of our rout. as soon as we discovered our mistake we directed our course to the river which we at length gained about p.m. much exhausted by the heat of the day the roughnes of the road and the want of water. the mountains are extreemly bare of timber and our rout lay through the steep valleys exposed to the heat of the sun without shade and scarcely a breath of air; and to add to my fatiegue in this walk of about miles i had taken a doze of glauber salts in the morning in consequence of a slight desentary with which i had been afflicted for several days; being weakened by the disorder and the opperation of the medecine i found myself almost exhausted before we reached the river. i felt my sperits much revived on our near approach to the river at the sight of a herd of elk of which drewyer and myself killed two. we then hurried to the river and allayed our thirst. i ordered two of the men to skin the elk and bring the meat to the river while myself and the other prepared a fire and cooked some of the meat for our dinner. we made a comfortable meal of the elk and left the ballance of the meat on the bank of the river the party with capt. clark. this supply was no doubt very acceptable to them as they had had no fresh meat for near two days except one beaver game being very scarce and shy. we had seen a few deer and some goats but had not been fortunate enough to kill any of them. after dinner we resumed our march and encamped about m. above on the stard side of the river. [lewis, august , ] thursday august st . this morning we set out early and proceeded on tolerably well untill oct. by which time we had arrived within a few miles of a mountain through which the river passes. we halted on the stard. side and took breakfast. after which or at / after a.m. as had been previously concerted betwen capt. clark and myself i set out with three men in surch of the snake indians or sosonees. our rout lay over a high range of mountains on the north side of the river. capt c. recommended this rout to me no doubt from a beleif that the river as soon as it passed this chain of mountains boar to the n. of w. he having on the th ult. ascended these mountains to a position from whence he discoved a large valley passing between the mountains which boar to the n. w. and presumed that the river passed in that direction; this however proved to be the passage of a large creek which discharged itself into the river just above this range of mountains, the river bearing to the s. w. we were therefore thrown several miles out of our rout. as soon as we discovered our error we directed our course to the river which we at length gained about p.m. much exhausted by the heat of the day, the roughness of the road and the want of water. the mountains are extreemly bare of timber, and our rout lay through the steep and narrow hollows of the mountains exposed to the intese heat of the midday sun without shade or scarcely a breath of air to add to my fatiegue in this walk of about miles, i had taken a doze of glauber salts in the morning in consequence of a slight disentary with which i had been afflicted for several days. being weakened by the disorder and the operation of the medicine i found myself almost exhausted before we reached the river. i felt my sperits much revived on our near approach to the river at the sight of a herd of elk, of which drewyer and myself soon killed a couple. we then hurryed to the river and allayed our thirst. i ordered two of the men to skin the elk and bring the meat to the river, while myself and the other prepared a fire and cooked some of the meat for our dinner. we made a comfortable meal on the elk, and left the ballance of the meat and skins on the bank of the river for capt. clark and party. this supply will no doubt be acceptable to them, as they had had no fresh meat when i left them for almost days except one beaver; game being very scarce and shy above the forks. we had seen a few deer and antelopes but had not been fortunate enough to kill any of them. as i passed these mountains i saw a flock of the black or dark brown phesants; the young phesant is almost grown we killed one of them. this bird is fully a third larger than the common phesant of the atlantic states. it's form is much the same. it is booted nearly to the toes and the male has not the tufts of long black feathers on the sides of the neck which are so conspicuous in those of the atlantic. their colour is a uniform dark brown with a small mixture of yellow or yelloish brown specks on some of the feathers particularly those of the tail, tho the extremities of these are perfectly black for about one inch. the eye is nearly black, the iris has a small dash of yellowish brown. the feathers of the tail are reather longer than that of our phesant or pattridge as they are called in the eastern states; are the same in number or eighteen and all nearly of the same length, those in the intermediate part being somewhat longest. the flesh of this bird is white and agreeably flavored. i also saw near the top of the mountain among some scattering pine a blue bird about the size of the common robbin. it's action and form is somewhat that of the jay bird and never rests long in any one position but constantly flying or hoping from sprey to sprey. i shot at one of them but missed it. their note is loud and frequently repeated both flying and when at rest and is char ah', char'ah, char ah', as nearly as letters can express it. after dinner we resumed our march and my pack felt much lighter than it had done about hours before. we traveled about six miles further and encamped on the stard. bank of the river, making a distance of miles for this day. the musquetoes were troublesome but i had taken the precaution of bringing my bier. shortly after i left capt. clark this morning he proceed on and passed through the mountains; they formed tremendious clifts of ragged and nearly perpendicular rocks; the lower.part of this rock is of the black grannite before mentioned and the upper part a light coloured freestone. these clifts continue for miles and approach the river very closely on either side. he found the current verry strong. capt. c. killed a big horn on these clifts which himself and party dined on. after passing this range of mountains he entered this beautifull valley in which we also were it is from to miles wide. the river is crooked and crouded with islands, it's bottoms wide fertile and covered with fine grass from inches to feet high and possesses but a scant proportion of timber, which consists almost entirely of a few narrow leafed cottonwood trees distributed along the verge of the river. in the evening capt. c. found the elk i had left him and ascended a short distance above to the entrance of a large creek which falls in on stard. and encamped opposite to it on the lard. side. he sent out the two fieldses to hunt this evening and they killed deer, which with the elk again gave them a plentifull store of fresh provisions. this large creek we called field's creek after reubin fields one our party. on the river about the mountains wich capt. c. passed today he saw some large cedar trees and some juniper also just at the upper side of the mountain there is a bad rappid here the toe line of our canoe broke in the shoot of the rapids and swung on the rocks and had very nearly overset. a small distance above this rapid a large bold creek falls in on lard. side which we called frazier's creek after robt. frazier. they saw a large brown bear feeding on currants but could not get a shoot at him. [clark, august , ] august st wednesday a fine day capt. lewis left me at oclock just below the place i entered a verrey high mountain which jutted its tremedious clifts on either side for miles, the rocks ragide some verry dark & other part verry light rock the light rocks is sand stone. the water swift & very sholey. i killed a ibix on which the whole party dined, after passing through the mountain we entered a wide extesive vallie of from to miles wide verry leavell a creek falls in at the commencement of this vallie on the lard side, the river widens & spreds into small chanels. we encamped on the lard side opposit a large creek i sent out jo. & r fields to hunt this evening they killed deer, i saw a large bear eateing currents this evining the river so rapid that the greatest exertion is required by all to get the boats on wind s w murckery at sun rise ° ab. [lewis, august , ] august nd . we resumed our march this morning at sunrise the weather was fair and wind from n. w. finding that the river still boar to the south i determined to pass it if possible to shorten our rout this we effected about five miles above our camp of last evening by wading it. found the current very rappid about yards wide and waist deep this is the first time that i ever dared to make the attempt to wade the river, tho there are many places between this and the three forks where i presume it migh be attempted with equal success. the valley though which our rout of this day lay and through which the river winds it's meandering course is a beatifull level plain with but little timber and that on the verge of the river. the land is tolerably fertile, consisting of a black or dark yellow loam, and covered with grass from inches to feet high. the plain ascends gradually on either side of the river to the bases of two ranges of mountains which ly parrallel to the river and which terminate the width of the vally. the tops of these mountains were yet partially covered with snow while we in the valley. were suffocated nearly with the intense heat of the midday sun. the nights are so could that two blankets are not more than sufficient covering. we found a great courants, two kinds of which were red, others yellow deep purple and black, also black goosburies and service buries now ripe and in full perfection, we feasted suptuously on our wild fruit particularly the yellow courant and the deep purple servicebury which i found to be excellent the courrant grows very much like the red currant common to the gardens in the atlantic states tho the leaf is somewhat different and the growth taller. the service burry grows on a smaller bush and differs from ours only in colour and the superior excellence of it's flavor and size, it is of a deep purple. this day we saw an abundance of deer and goats or antelopes and a great number of the tracks of elk; of the former we killed two. we continued our rout along this valley which is from six to eight miles wide untill sun set when we encamped for the night on the river bank having traveled about miles. i feel myself perfectly recovered of my indisposition and do not doubt being able to pursue my march with equal comfort in the morning. [lewis, august , ] friday august cd . we resumed our march this morning at sunrise; the day was fair and wind from n. w. finding that the river still boar to the south i determined to pass it if possible in order to shorten our rout; this we effected by wading the river about miles above our encampment of the last evening. we found the current very rapid waist deep and about yd. wide bottom smooth pebble with a small mixture of coarse gravel. this is the first time that i ever dared to wade the river, tho there are many places between this and the forks where i presume it might be attempted with equal success. the vally allong which we passed today, and through which the river winds it's meandering course is from to miles wide and consists of a beatifull level plain with but little timber and that confined to the verge of the river; the land is tolerably fertile, and is either black or a dark yellow loam, covered with grass from inches to feet high. the plain ascends gradually on either side of the river to the bases of two ranges of high mountains, which lye parallel to the river and prescribe the limits of the plains. the tops of these mountains are yet covered partially with snow, while we in the valley are nearly suffocated with the intense heat of the midday sun; the nights are so cold that two blankets are not more than sufficient covering. soon after passing the river this morning sergt. gass lost my tommahawk in the thick brush and we were unable to find it, i regret the loss of this usefull implement, however accedents will happen in the best families, and i consoled myself with the recollection that it was not the only one we had with us. the bones of the buffaloe and their excrement of an old date are to be met with in every part of this valley but we have long since lost all hope of meeting with that animal in these mountains. we met with great quantities of currants today, two species of which were red, others yellow, deep perple and black; also black goosberries and serviceberries now ripe and in great perfection. we feasted sumptuously on our wild fruits, particularly the yellow currant and the deep perple serviceberries, which i found to be excellent. the serviceberry grows on a small bush and differs from ours only in colour size and superior excellence of it's flavour. it is somewhat larger than ours. on our way we saw an abundance of deer antelopes, of the former we killed . we also saw many tracks of the elk and bear. no recent appearance of indians. the indians in this part of the country appear to construct their lodges with the willow boughs and brush; they are small of a conic figure and have a small aperture on one side through which they enter. we continued our rout up this valley on the lard. side of the river untill sunset, at which time we encamped on the lard. bank of the river having traveled miles. we had brought with us a good stock of venison of which we eat a hearty supper. i feel myself perfectly recovered of my indisposition, and do not doubt being able to pursue my rout tomorrow with the same comfort i have done today.--we saw some very large beaver dams today in the bottoms of the river several of which wer five feet high and overflowed several acres of land; these dams are formed of willow brush mud and gravel and are so closely interwoven that they resist the water perfectly. the base of this work is thick and rises nearly perpendicularly on the lower side while the upper side or that within the dam is gently sloped. the brush appear to be laid in no regular order yet acquires a strength by the irregularity with which they are placed by the beaver that it would puzzle the engenuity of man to give them. capt. clark continued his rout early this morning. the rapidity of the current was such that his progress was slow, in short it required the utmost exertion of the men to get on, nor could they resist this current by any other means than that of the cord and pole. in the course of the day they passed some villages of burrowing squirrels, saw a number of beaver dams and the inhabitants of them, many young ducks both of the duckanmallard and the redheaded fishing duck, gees, several rattle snakes, black woodpeckers, and a large gang of elk; they found the river much crouded with island both large and small and passed a small creek on stard. side which we called birth creek. capt. clark discovers a tumor rising on the inner side of his ankle this evening which was painfull to him. they incamped in a level bottom on the lard. side.- [clark, august , ] august nd friday a fine day set out early the river has much the same kind of banks chanel current &c. as it had in the last vallie, i walked out this morning on shore & saw several rattle snakes in the plain, the wind from the s w we proceeded on with great dificuelty from the rapidity of the current & rapids, abt. miles and encamped on the lard side, saw a large gangue of elk at sunset to the s w. passed a small creek on the stard side and maney large and small islands. saw a number of young ducks as we have also seen everry day, some geese i saw black woodpeckers--i have either got my foot bitten by some poisonous insect or a turner is riseing on the inner bone of my ankle which is painfull [lewis, august , ] august the rd . set out this morning at sunrise and continued our rout through the valley on the lard. side of the river. at eleven a.m. drewyer killed a doe and we halted and took breakfast. the mountains continue high on either side of the valley, and are but skantily supplyed with timber; small pine appears to be the prevalent growth. there is no timber in the valley except a small quantity of the narrow leafed cottonwood on the verge of the river. the underwood consists of the narrowleafed or small willow, honeysuckle rosebushes, courant, goosbury and service bury bushes allso a small quantity of a species of dwarf burch the leaf of which, oval, deep green, finely indented and very small. we encamped this evening after sunset having traveled by estimate miles. from the width and appearance of the valley at this place i concieved that the river forked not far above me and therefore resolved the next morning to examine the adjacent country more minutely. [lewis, august , ] saturday august rd . set out early this morning, or before sunrise; still continued our march through the level valley on the lard. side of the river. the valley much as yesterday only reather wider; i think it miles wide, tho the plains near the mountains rise higher and are more broken with some scattering pine near the mountain. in the leaveler parts of the plain and river bottoms which are very extensive there is no timber except a scant proportion of cottonwood neat the river. the under wood consists of the narrow leafed or small willow, the small honeysuckle, rosebushes, currant, serviceberry, and goosbery bushes; also a small species of berth in but small quantities the leaf which is oval finely, indented, small and of a deep green colour. the stem is simple ascending and branching, and seldom rises higher than or feet. the mountains continue high on either side of the valley, and are but scantily supplyed with timber; small pine apears to be the prevalent growth; it is of the pith kind, with a short leaf. at a.m. drewyer killed a doe and we halted about hours and breakfasted, and then continued our rout untill night without halting, when we arrived at the river in a level bottom which appeared to spread to greater extent than usual. from the appearance of the timber i supposed that the river forked above us and resolved to examine this part of the river minutely tomorrow. this evening we passed through a high plain for about miles covered with prickley pears and bearded grass, tho we found this even better walking than the wide bottoms of the river, which we passed in the evening; these altho apparently level, from some cause which i know not, were formed into meriads of deep holes as if rooted up by hogs these the grass covered so thick that it was impossible to walk without the risk of falling down at every step. some parts of these bottoms also possess excellent terf or peat, i beleive of many feet deep. the mineral salts also frequently mentioned on the missouri we saw this evening in these uneven bottoms. we saw many deer, antelopes ducks, gees, some beaver and great appearance of their work. also a small bird and the curlooe as usual. we encamped on the river bank on lard. side having traveled by estimate miles. the fish of this part of the river are trout and a species of scale fish of a white colour and a remarkable small long mouth which one of our men inform us are the same with the species called in the eastern states bottlenose. the snowey region of the mountains and for some distance below has no timber or herbage of any kind; the timber is confined to the lower and middle regions. capt. clark set out this morning as usual. he walked on shore a small distance this morning and killed a deer. in the course of his walk he saw a track which he supposed to be that of an indian from the circumstance of the large toes turning inward. he pursued the track and found that the person had ascended a point of a hill from which his camp of the last evening was visible; this circumstance also confirmed the beleif of it's being an indian who had thus discovered them and ran off. they found the river as usual much crouded with islands, the currant more rapid & much more shallow than usual. in many places they were obliged to double man the canoes and drag them over the stone and gravel. this morning they passed a small creek on stard. at the entrance of which reubin fields killed a large panther. we called the creek after that animal panther creek. they also passed a handsome little stream on lard. which is form of several large springs which rise in the bottoms and along the base of the mountains with some little rivulets from the melting snows. the beaver have formed many large dams on this stream. they saw some deer antelopes and the common birds of the country. in the evening they passed a very bad rappid where the bed of the river is formed entrely of solid rock and encamped on an island just above. the panther which fields killed measured seven and / feet from the nose to the extremity of the tail. it is precisely the same animal common to the western part of our country. the men wer compelled to be a great proportion of their time in the water today; they have had a severe days labour and are much fortiegued. [clark, august , ] august rd saturday a fine morning wind from the n e i walked on shore & killed a deer in my walk i saw a fresh track which i took to be an indian from the shape of the foot as the toes turned in, i think it probable that this indian spied our fires and came to a situation to view us from the top of a small knob on the lard side. the river more rapid and sholey than yesterday one r. f. man killed a large panthor on the shore we are oblige to haul over the canoes sholey in maney places where the islands are noumerous and bottom sholey, in the evening the river more rapid and sholey we encamped on an island avove a part of the river which passed thro a rockey bed enclosed on both sides with thick willow current & red buries &c &c passed a bold stream which heads in the mountains to our right and the drean of the minting snow in the montn. on that side ar in view--at oclock passed a bold stream which falls from a mountn in three channels to our left, the greater portion of the snow on this mountain is melted, but little remaining near us some deer elk & antelopes & bear in the bottoms. but fiew trees and they small the mountains on our left contain pine those on our right but verry partially supplied and what pine & cedar it has is on the lower region, no wood being near the snow. great numbers of beaver otter &c. some fish trout & and bottle nose. birds as usial. geese young ducks & curlows [lewis, august , ] august th . set out very early this morning and steered s. e. by e. about miles when we passed a bould runing creek about yards wide the water could and remarkably clear, we then changed our course to s. e. passing obliquely across a valley which boar nearly e leaving the valley which we had pursued for the precedeing days. at the distance of miles we passed a handsome little river which passes through this valley; it is about yards wide affords a considerable quantity of water and i believe it may be navigated some miles. i then changed my rout to s. w. passed a high plain which lyes between the vallies and returned to the s. valley, in passing which i fell in with a river about yards wide which i waideg and then continued my rout down to it's junction with the river just mentioned, and from thence to the entrance of the creek which falls in about miles below; still continuing my rout down this stream about three miles further and about m. below our encampment of the last evening this river forms a junction with a river yards wide which comes from the n. w. and falling into the s. valley runs parrallel with the middle fork about miles. this is a bould rappid & clear stream it's bed so broken and obstructed by gravel bars and islands that it appeared to me impossible to navigate it with safety. the middle fork is gentle and possesses about / ds as much water as this rappid stream, it's cours so far as i can observe it is about s. w. and it appears to be navigable; its water is much warmer than that of the rappid fork and somewhat turbid, from which i concluded that it had it's source at a greater distance in the mountains and passed through an opener country than the other. under this impression i wrote a note to capt. clark recommending his taking the middle fork provided he should arrive at this place before my return which i expect will be the day after tomorrow. the note i left on a pole at the forks of the river and having refreshed ourselves and eat heartily of some venison we killed this morning i continued my rout up the stard side of the n. w. fork, determining to pursue it untill oc. the next day and then pass over to the middle fork and return to their junction or untill i met capt. clark. we encamped this evening near the point where the river leaves the valley and enters the mountains, having traveled about miles.- [lewis, august , ] sunday august th . set out very early this morning and steered s. e. by e. m. when we pased a bold runing creek yds. wide, the water of which was clear and very cold. it appears to be formed by four dranes from the snowey mountains to our left. after passing this creek we changed our direction to s. e. passing obliquely across a valley which boar e leaving the valley we had pursued for the two peceeding days. at the distance of ms. we passed a handsome little river which meanders through this valley; it is about yds wide, affords a considerable quantity of water and appears as if it might be navigated some miles. the currant is not rapid nor the water very clear; the banks are low and the bed formed of stone and gravel. i now changed my rout to s. w. passed a high plain which lies betwen the valleies and returned to the south valley, in passing which i fell in with a river about yds. wide gravley bottom gentle currant waist deep and water of a whitish blue tinge. this stream we waded and continued our rout down it to the entrance of the river just mentioned about / of a mile. still continuing down we passed the entrance of the creek about miles lower down; and at the distance of three miles further arrived at it's junction with a river yds. wide which comes from the s. w. and falling into the south valley runs parallel with the middle fork about miles before it forms a junction. i now found that our encampment of the last evening was about / miles above the entrance of this large river on stard. this is a bold rappid and clear stream, it's bed so much broken and obstructed by gravley bars and it's waters so much subdivided by islands that it appears to me utterly impossible to navigate it with safety. the middle fork is gentle and possesses about / rds as much water as this stream. it's course so far as i can observe it is about s. w., and from the opening of the valley i beleive it still bears more to the west above it may be safely navigated. it's water is much warmer then the rapid fork and it's water more turbid; from which i conjecture that it has it's sources at a greater distance in the mountains and passes through an opener country than the other. under this impression i wrote a note to capt clark, recommending his taking the middle fork povided he should arrive at this place before my return, which i expect will be the day after tomorrow. this note i left on a pole at the forks of the river, and having refreshed ourselves and eat heartily of some venison which we killed this morning we continued our rout up the rapid fork on the stard side, resolving to pursue this stream untill noon tomorrow and then pass over to the middle fork and come down it to their junction or untill i meet capt clark. i have seen no recent indian sign in the course of my rout as yet. charbono complains much of his leg, and is the cause of considerable detention to us. we encamped on the river bank near the place at which it leaves the valley and enters the mountain having traveled about miles. we saw some antelopes deer grains, gees, and ducks of the two species common to this country. the summer duck has ceased to appear, nor do i beleive it is an inhabitant of this part of the country. the timber &c is as heretofore tho there is more in this valley on the rapid fork than we have seen in the same extent on the river since we entered this valley. the indians appear on some parts of the river to have distroyed a great proportion of the little timber which there is by seting fire to the bottoms. this morning capt. clark set out at sunrise, and sent two hunters ahead to kill some meat. at a.m. he arrived at my camp of the ed inst. where he breakfasted; here he found a note which i had left for him at that place informing him of the occurences of my rout &c. the river continued to be crouded with islands, rapid and shoaly. these shoals or riffles succeeded each other every or four hundred yards; at those places they are obliged to drag the canoes over the stone there not being water enough to float them, and betwen the riffles the current is so strong that they are compelled to have cecourse to the cord; and being unable to walk on the shore for the brush wade in the river along the shore and hawl them by the cord; this has increased the pain and labour extreemly; their feet soon get tender and soar by wading and walking over the stones. these are also so slipry that they frequently get severe falls. being constantly wet soon makes them feble also. their hunters killed deer today and some gees and ducks wer killed by those who navigated the canoes. they saw deer antelopes grains beaver otter &c. capt. clark's ancle became so painfull to him that he was unable to walk.--this evening they encamped on the stard. side in a bottom of cottonwood timber all much fatiegued. [clark, august , ] august th sunday a fine morning cool proceeded on verry early and brackfast at the camp capt lewis left yesterday morning, at this camp he left a note informing that he discovered no fresh sign of indians &c. the river continued to be crouded with islands sholey rapid & clear, i could not walk on shore to day as my ankle was sore from a turner on that part. the method we are compelled to take to get on is fatigueing & laborious in the extreen, haul the canoes over the rapids, which suckceed each other every two or three hundred yards and between the water rapid oblige to towe & walke on stones the whole day except when we have poleing men wet all day sore feet &c. &c murcury at sun rise a. , [lewis, august , ] monday august th as charbono complained of being unable to march far today i ordered him and sergt. gass to pass the rappid river near our camp and proceed at their leasure through the level bottom to a point of high timber about seven miles distant on the middle fork which was in view; i gave them my pack that of drewyer and the meat which we had, directing them to remain at that place untill we joined them. i took drewyer with me and continued my rout up the stard. side of the river about miles and then waded it; found it so rapid and shallow that it was impossible to navigate it. continued up it on the lard. side about / miles further when the mountains put in close on both sides and arrose to great hight, partially covered with snow. from hence the course of the river was to the east of north. i took the advantage of a high projecting spur of the mountain which with some difficulty we ascended to it's summit in about half an hour. from this eminance i had a pleasing view of the valley through which i had passed many miles below and the continuation of the middle fork through the valley equally wide above me to the distance of about miles when that also appeared to enter the mountains and disappeared to my view; however the mountains which termineate the valley in this direction appeared much lower than those up either of the other forks. on the rapid fork they appeared still to rise the one range towering above another as far as i could perceive them. the middle fork as i suspected dose bear considerably to the west of south and the gap formed by it in the mountains after the valley terminates is in the same direction. under these circumstances i did not hesitate in beleiving the middle fork the most proper for us to ascend. about south from me, the middle fork approached within about miles. i resolved to pass across the plains to it and return to gass and charbono, accordingly we set out and decended the mountain among some steep and difficult precipices of rocks. here drewyer missed his step and had a very dangerous fall, he sprained one of his fingers and hirt his leg very much. in fifteen or minutes he was able to proceed and we continued our rout to the river where we had desighned to interscept it. i quenched my thirst and rested a few minutes examined the river and found it still very navi-gable. an old indian road very large and plain leads up this fork, but i could see no tracks except those of horses which appeared to have passed early in the spring. as the river mad a great bend to the south east we again ascended the high plain and steered our course as streight as we could to the point where i had directed gass and sharbono to remain. we passed the plain regained the bottom and struck the river about miles above them; by this time it was perfectly dark & we hooped but could hear no tidings of them. we had struck the river at the point of timber to which i had directed them, but having mistaken a point of woods lower down, had halted short of the place. we continued our rout after dark down the bottom through thick brush of the pulppy leafed thorn and prickly pears for about hours when we arrived at their camp. they had a small quantity of meat left which drewyer and myself eat it being the first we had taisted today. we had traveled about miles. i soon laid down and slept very soundly untill morning. i saw no deer today nor any game except a few antelopes which were very shy. the soil of the plains is a light yellow clay very meager and intermixed with a large proportion of gravel, producing nothing except the twisted or bearded grass, sedge and prickly pears. the dryer parts of the bottoms are also much more indifferent in point of soil to those below and are covered with the southernwood pulpy leafed thorn and prickley pears with but little grass. the moist parts are fertile and covered with fine grass and sand rushes. this morning capt. clark set out at sunrise and dispatched joseph & reubin fields to hunt. they killed two deer on one of which the party breakfasted. the river today they found streighter and more rapid even than yesterday, and the labour and difficulty of the navigation was proportionably increased, they therefore proceeded but slowly and with great pain as the men had become very languid from working in the water and many of their feet swolen and so painfull that they could scarcely walk. at p.m. they arrived at the confluence of the two rivers where i had left the note. this note had unfortunately been placed on a green pole which the beaver had cut and carried off together with the note; the possibility of such an occurrence never one occurred to me when i placed it on the green pole. this accedent deprived capt. clark of any information with ripect to the country and supposing that the rapid fork was most in the direction which it was proper we should pursue, or west, he took that stream and asscended it with much difficulty about a mile and encamped on an island that had been lately overflown and was yet damp; they were therefore compelled to make beds of brush to keep themselves out of the mud. in ascending this stream for about a quarter of a mile it scattered in such a maner that they were obliged to cut a passage through the willow brush which leant over the little channels and united their tops. capt. clarks ankle is extreemly painfull to him this evening; the tumor has not yet mature, he has a slight fever.--the men were so much fortiegued today that they wished much that navigation was at an end that they might go by land.- [clark, august , ] august th monday a cold clear morning the wind from the s. e. the river streight & much more rapid than yesterday, i sent out jo. & r. fields to kill some meat they killed deer & we brackfast on one of them and proceeded on with great dificuelety from the rapidity of the current, and numerable rapids we had to encounter, at oclock p m murcury ab. , passed the mouth of principal fork which falls in on the lard. side, this fork is about the size of the stard. one less water reather not so rapid, its course as far as can be seen is s. e & appear to pass through between two mountains, the n w. fork being the one most in our course i. e. s w. as far as i can see, deturmind me to take this fork as the principal and the one most proper the s e fork is of a greenish colour & contains but little timber. the s w fok contains more timber than is below for some distance, we assended this fork about one mile and encamped on an island which had been laterly overflown & was wet we raised our bead on bushes, we passed a part of the river above the forks which was divided and scattered thro the willows in such a manner as to render it dificuelt to pass through for a / of a mile, we wer oblige to cut our way thro the willows--men much fatigued from their excessive labours in hauling the canoes over the rapids &c. verry weak being in the water all day. my foot verry painfull assended the n w fork miles on a course s. ° w. to a bluff on the stard. side passed several bayous & islands [lewis, august , ] tuesday august th . we set out this morning very early on our return to the forks. having nothing to eat i set drewyer to the woodlands to my left in order to kill a deer, sent sergt. gass to the right with orders to keep sufficiently near to discover capt. c. and the party should they be on their way up that stream, and with sharbono i directed my course to the main forks through the bottom directing the others to meet us there. about five miles above the forks i head the hooping of the party to my left and changed my rout towards them; on my arrival found that they had taken the rapid fork and learnt from capt. clark that he had not found the note which i had left for him at that place and the reasons which had induced him to ascend this stream. it was easeist & more in our direction, and apd. to contain as much water he had hoever previously to my comeing up with him, met drewyer who informed him of the state of the two rivers and was on his return. one of their canoes had just overset and all the baggage wet, the medecine box among other articles and several articles lost a shot pouch and horn with all the implements for one rifle lost and never recovered. i walked down to the point where i waited their return. on their arrival found that two other canoes had filled with water and wet their cargoes completely. whitehouse had been thrown out of one of the canoes as she swing in a rapid current and the canoe had rubed him and pressed him to the bottom as she passed over him and had the water been inches shallower must inevitably have crushed him to death. our parched meal, corn, indian preasents, and a great part of our most valuable stores were wet and much damaged on this ocasion. to examine, dry and arrange our stores was the first object; we therefore passed over to the lard. side opposite to the entrance of the rapid fork where there was a large gravly bar that answered our purposes; wood was also convenient and plenty. here we fixed our camp, and unloaded all our canoes and opened and exposed to dry such articles as had been wet. a part of the load of each canoe consisted of the leaden canestirs of powder which were not in least injured, tho some of them had remained upwards of an hour under water. about lbs. of powder which we had in a tight keg or at least one which we thought sufficiently so got wet and intirely spoiled. this would have been the case with the other had it not have been for the expedient which i had fallen on of securing the powder by means of the lead having the latter formed into canesters which were filled with the necessary proportion of poder to discharge the lead when used, and those canesters well secured with corks and wax. in this country the air is so pure and dry that any vessel however well seasoned the timber may be will give way or shrink unless it is kept full of some liquid. we found that three deer skins which we had left at a considerable hight on a tree were taken off which we supposed had been done by a panther. we sent out some men to hunt this evening, they killed deer and four elk which gave us a plentifull supply of meat once more. shannon had been dispatched up the rapid fork this morning to hunt, by capt clark before he met with drewyer or learnt his mistake in the rivers. when he returned he sent drewyer in surch of him, but he rejoined us this evening and reported that he had been several miles up the river and could find nothing of him. we had the trumpet sounded and fired several guns but he did not join us this evening. i am fearful he is lost again. this is the same man who was seperated from us days as we came up the missouri and subsisted days of that time on grapes only. whitehouse is in much pain this evening with the injury one of his legs sustained from the canoe today at the time it upset and swing over him. capt clarks ankle is also very painfull to him.--we should have given the party a days rest some where near this place had not this accedent happened, as i had determined to take some observations to fix the latitude and longitude of these forks. our merchandize medecine &c are not sufficiently dry this evening we covered them securely for the evening. capt clark had ascended the river about miles from this place on a course of s ° w. before he met with drewyer. we beleive that the n. w. or rapid fork is the dane of the melting snows of the mountains, and that it is not as long as the middle fork and dose not at all seasons of the year supply any thing like as much water as the other and that about this season it rises to it's greatest hight. this last appears from the apparent bed of the river which is now overflown and the water in many plases spreads through old channels which have their bottoms covered with grass that has grown this season and is such as appears on the parts of the bottom not innundated. we therefore determined that the middle fork was that which ought of right to bear the name we had given to the lower portion or river jefferson and called the bold rapid an clear stream wisdom, and the more mild and placid one which flows in from the s. e. philanthrophy, in commemoration of two of those cardinal virtues, which have so eminently marked that deservedly selibrated character through life. [clark, august , ] august th tuesday a clear morning cool wind from the s w we proceeded on with much dificuelty and fatigue over rapids & stones; river about or yards wide much divided by islands and narrow bayoos to a low bluff on the stard side & brackfast, dureing the time of brackfast drewyer came to me from capt. lewis and informed me that they had explored both forks for or miles & that the one we were assending was impractiabl much further up & turned imediately to the north, the middle fork he reported was jintle and after a short distanc turned to the s. w. and that all the indian roades leades up the middle fork. this report deturmind me to take the middle fork, accordingly droped down to the forks where i met with capt lewis & party, capt lewis had left a letter on a pole in the forks informing me what he had discovered & the course of the rivers &c. this lettr was cut down by the beaver as it was on a green pole & carried off. three skins which was left on a tree was taken off by the panthers or wolvers. in decending to the point one canoe struck & turned on a rapid & sunk, and wet every thing which was in her, this misfortune obliged us to halt at the forks and dry those articles, one other canoe nearly turning over, filled half full of water & wet our medison & some goods corn &c. several hunters out to day & killed a young elk, antilope, & deer, one man shannon did not return to night--this evening cool my anckle much wors than it has been--this evening a violent wind from the n. w accompanied with rain which lasted half an hour wind n. w [lewis, august , ] wednesday august th . the morning being fair we spread our stores to dry at an early hour. dispatched reubin fields in surch of shannon. our stores were now so much exhausted that we found we could proceed with one canoe less. we therefore drew out one of them into a thicket of brush and secured her in such manner that the water could not take her off should the river rise to the hight where she is. the creek which falls in above us we called turf creek from the cercustance of it's bottoms being composed of excellent turf. my air gun was out of order and her sights had been removed by some accedent i put her in order and regulated her. she shot again as well as she ever did. the clouds last night prevented my taking any lunar observations this day i took equal altitudes of the with sextant. at one oclock all our baggage was dry we therefore packed it up reloaded the canoes and the party proceeded with capt. clark up jefferson's river. i remained with sergt. gass to complete the observation of equal altitudes and joined them in the evening at their camp on the lard. side just above the entrance of turf creek. we had a shower of rain wich continued about minutes attended with thunder and lightning. this shower wet me perfectly before i reached the camp. the clouds continued during the night in such manner that i was unable to obtain any lunar observations. this evening drewyer brought in a deer which he had killed. we have not heard any thing from shannon yet, we expect that he has pursued wisdom river upwards for som distance probably killed some heavy animal and is waiting our arrival. the large biteing fly or hare fly as they sometimes called are very troublesome to us. i observe two kinds of them a large black species and a small brown species with a green head. the musquetoes are not as troublesome as they were below, but are still in considerable quantities. the eye knats have disappeared. the green or blowing flies are still in swarms. r the courses from the entrance of wisdom river to the forks of jefferson's river are taken directly to the objects mentioned and the distance set down is that by land on a direct line between the points; the estimated distances by water is also added in the body of the remarks on each course. [clark, august , ] august th wednesday a fine morning put out our stores &c. to dry & took equal altitudes with the sextant,--as our store were a little exorsted and one canoe became unnecessary deturmind to leave one. we hauled her up in the bushes on the lower side of the main fork & fastened her so that the water could not flote her off. the countrey in this quarter is as follows i, e a vallie of or miles wide inclosed between two high mountains, the bottom rich some small timber on the islands & bushes on the edges of the river some bogs & verry good turf in different places in the vallie, some scattering pine & ceder on the mountains in places, other parts nacked except grass and stone the lattitude of the mouth of wisdom river is ° ' . " north, we proceeded up the main middle or s. e. fork, passed a camped on the lard. side above the mouth of a bold running stream yards wide, which we call turf creek from the number of bogs & quanty of turf in its waters. this creek runs thro a open plain for several miles, takeing its rise in a high mountain to the n e. the river jefferson above wisdom is gentle crooked and about yards wide, containing but little timber, some few cotton willow willow & birch, and the srubs common to the countrey and before mentioned at oclock a thunder storm from the n. w. accompanied with rain which lasted about minits.--despatched r fields to hunt shannon, who was out huntg. on wisdom river at the time i returned down that stream, and has made on up the river expecting us to follow him up that river one deer killed this evening. all those streams contain emence number of beaver orter muskrats &c. [lewis, august , ] thursday august th . we had a heavy dew this morning. as one canoe had been left we had now more hads to spear for the chase; game being scarce it requires more hunters to supply us. we therefore dispatched four this morning. we set out at sunrise and continued our rout up the river which we find much more gentle and deep than below the entrance of wisdom river it is from to yards wide very crooked many short bends constituteing large and general bends; insomuch that altho we travel briskly and a considerable distance yet it takes us only a few miles on our general course or rout. there is but very little timber on this fork principally the under brush frequently mentioned. i observe a considerable quantity of the buffaloe clover in the bottoms. the sunflower, flax, green swoard, thistle and several species of the rye grass some of which rise to the hight of or feet. there is a grass also with a soft smooth leaf that bears it's seeds very much like the timothy but it dose not grow very luxouriant or appear as if it would answer so well as the common timothy for meadows. i preserved some of it's seeds which are now ripe, thinking perhaps it might answer better if cultivated, at all events is at least worth the experi-ment. it rises about feet high. on a direct line about miles above our encampment of this morning we passed the entrance of philanthrophy river which discharges itself by channels a small distance assunder. this river from it's size and s. eastwardly course no doubt heads with madisons river in the snowey mountains visible in that direction. at noon reubin fields arrived and reported that he had been up wisdom river some miles above where it entered the mountain and could find nothing of shannon, he had killed a deer and an antelope. great quantity of beaver otter and musk-rats in these rivers. two of the hunters we sent out this morning returned at noon had killed each a deer and an antelope. we use the seting poles today almost altogether. we encamped on the lard sides where there was but little timber were obliged to use willow brush for fuel; the rosebushes and bryers were very thick. the hunters brought in another deer this evening. to tumor on capt. clarks ankle has discharged a considerable quantity of matter but is still much swolen and inflamed and gives him considerable pain. saw a number of gees ducks and some crains today. the former begin to fly. the evening again proved cloudy much to my mortification and prevented my making any lunar observations. the indian woman recognized the point of a high plain to our right which she informed us was not very distant from the summer retreat of her nation on a river beyond the mountains which runs to the west. this hill she says her nation calls the beaver's head from a conceived remblance of it's figure to the head of that animal. she assures us that we shall either find her people on this river or on the river immediately west of it's source; which from it's present size cannot be very distant. as it is now all important with us to meet with those people as soon as possible, i determined to proceed tomorrow with a small party to the source of the principal stream of this river and pass the mountains to the columbia; and down that river untill i found the indians; in short it is my resolusion to find them or some others, who have horses if it should cause me a trip of one month. for without horses we shall be obliged to leave a great part of our stores, of which, it appears to me that we have a stock already sufficiently small for the length of the voyage before us. [clark, august , ] august th thursday we proceeded on early wind from the s w. the thermometer at a at sunrise at miles by water & / on a derect line from the forks we passed a river on the lard side yards wide and navagable for some distance takeing its rise in the mountains easterly & with the waters of madisons river, passes thro an extensive vallie open & furtill &c. this river we call philanthophy--above this river (which has but little timber) jeffersons r is crooked with short bends a fiew islands and maney gravelly sholes, no large timber, small willow birch & srubs &c. encamped on the lard side, r fields joined us this eveng. & informes that he could not find shannon my foot yet verry swore [lewis, august , ] friday august th . the morning was fair and fine; we set out at an early hour and proceeded on very well. some parts of the river more rapid than yesterday. i walked on shore across the land to a point which i presumed they would reach by a.m. our usual time of halting. by this means i acquired leasure to accomplish some wrightings which i conceived from the nature of my instructions necessary lest any accedent should befall me on the long and reather hazardous rout i was now about to take. the party did not arrive and i returned about a mile and met them, here they halted and we breakefasted; i had killed two fine gees on my return. while we halted here shannon arrived, and informed us that having missed the party the day on which he set out he had returned the next morning to the place from whence he had set out or furst left them and not finding that he had supposed that they wer above him; that he then set out and marched one day up wisdom river, by which time he was convinced that they were not above him as the river could not be navigated; he then returned to the forks and had pursued us up this river. he brought the skins of three deer which he had killed which he said were in good order. he had lived very plentifully this trip but looked a good deel worried with his march. he informed us that wisdom river still kept it's course obliquely down the jefferson's river as far as he was up it. immediately after breakfast i slung my pack and set out accompanyed by drewyer shields and mcneal who had been previously directed to hold themselves in readiness for this service. i directed my course across the bottom to the stard. plain led left the beaver's head about miles to my left and interscepted the river about miles from the point at which i had left it; i then waded it and continued my rout to the point where i could observe that it entered the mountain, but not being able to reach that place, changed my direction to the river which i struck some miles below the mountain and encamped for the evening having traveled m. we passed a handsom little stream formed by some large spring which rise in this wide bottom on the lard. side of the river. we killed two antelopes on our way and brought with us as much meat as was necessary for our suppers and breakfast the next morning. we found this bottom fertile and covered with taller grass than usual. the river very crooked much divided by islands, shallow rocky in many plases and very rapid; insomuch that i have my doubts whether the canoes could get on or not, or if they do it must be with great labour.--capt. clark proceeded after i left him as usual, found the current of the river increasing in rapidity towards evening. his hunters killed antelopes only. in the evening it clouded up and we experienced a slight rain attended with some thunder and lightning. the musquetoes very troublesome this evening. there are some soft bogs in these vallies covered with turf. the earth of which this mud is composed is white or bluish white and appears to be argillacious. [clark, august , ] august th friday a fine morning wind from the n. e we proceeded on verry well rapid places more noumerous than below, shannon the man whome we lost on wisdom river joined us, haveing returned to the forks & prosued us up after prosueing wisdom river one day capt lewis and men set out after brackft. to examine the river above, find a portage if possible, also the snake indians. i should have taken this trip had i have been able to march, from the rageing fury of a turner on my anckle musle, in the evening clouded up and a fiew drops of rain encamped on the lard side near a low bluff, the river to day as yesterday. the three hunters could kill only two antelopes to day, game of every kind scerce [lewis, august , ] saturday august th . we set out very early this morning and continued our rout through the wide bottom on the lard. side of the river after passing a large creek at about miles we fel in with a plain indian road which led towards the point that the river entered the mountain we therefore pursued the road i sent drewyer to the wright to kill a deer which we saw feeding and halted on the river under an immencely high perpendicular clift of rocks where it entered the mountain here we kindled a fire and waited for drewyer. he arrived in about an hour and a half or at noon with three deer skins and the flesh of one of the best of them, we cooked and eat a haisty meal and departed, returning a shot distance to the indian road which led us the best way over the mountains, which are not very high but ar ruggid and approach the river closely on both sides just below these mountains i saw several bald eagles and two large white headed fishinghawks boath these birds were the same common to our country. from the number of rattle snakes about the clifts at which we halted we called them the rattle snake clifts. this serpent is the same before discribed with oval spots of yellowish brown. the river below the mountains is rapid rocky, very crooked, much divided by islands and withal shallow. after it enters the mountains it's bends are not so circuetous and it's general course more direct, but it is equally shallow les divided more rocky and rapid. we continued our rout along the indian road which led us sometimes over the hills and again in the narrow bottoms of the river till at the distance of fifteen ms. from the rattle snake clifts we arrived in a hadsome open and leavel vally where the river divided itself nearly into two equal branches; here i halted and examined those streams and readily discovered from their size that it would be vain to attempt the navigation of either any further. here also the road forked one leading up the vally of each of these streams. i therefore sent drewer on one and shields on the other to examine these roads for a short distance and to return and compare their information with respect to the size and apparent plainness of the roads as i was now determined to pursue that which appeared to have been the most traveled this spring. in the mean time i wrote a note to capt. clark informing him of the occurrences which had taken place, recommending it to him to halt at this place untill my return and informing him of the rout i had taken which from the information of the men on their return seemed to be in favour of the s w or left hand fork which is reather the smallest. accordingly i put up my note on a dry willow pole at the forks, and set out up the s. e. fork, after proceeding about / miles i discovered that the road became so blind that it could not be that which we had followed to the forks of jefferson's river, neither could i find the tracks of the horses which had passed early in the spring along the other; i therefore determined to return and examine the other myself, which i did, and found that the same horses had passed up the west fork which was reather largest, and more in the direction that i wished to pursue; i therefore did not hesitate about changing my rout but determined to take the western road. i now wrote a second note to capt c. informing him of this change and sent drewyer to put it with the other at the forks and waited untill he returned. there is scarcely any timber on the river above the r. snake clifts, nor is there anything larger than willow brush in sight of these forks. immediately in the level plain between the forks and about / a mile distance from them stands a high rocky mountain, the base of which is surrounded by the level plain; it has a singular appearance. the mountains do not appear very high in any direction tho the tops of some of them are partially covered with snow. this convinces me that we have ascended to a great hight since we have entered the rocky mountains, yet the ascent has been so gradual along the vallies that it was scarcely perceptable by land. i do not beleive that the world can furnish an example of a river runing to the extent which the missouri and jefferson's rivers do through such a mountainous country and at the same time so navigable as they are. if the columbia furnishes us such another example, a communication across the continent by water will be practicable and safe. but this i can scarcely hope from a knowledge of its having in it comparitively short course to the ocean the same number of feet to decend which the missouri and mississippi have from this point to the gulph of mexico. the valley of the west fork through which we passed for four miles boar a little to n of west and was about mile wide hemned in on either side by rough mountain and steep clifts of rock at / miles this stream enters a beatifull and extensive plain about ten miles long and from to six in width. this plain is surrounded on all sides by a country of roling or high wavy plains through which several little rivulets extend their wide vallies quite to the mountains which surround the whole in an apparent circular manner; forming one of the handsomest coves i ever saw, of about or miles in diameter. just after entering this cove the river bends to the n. w. and runs close under the stard. hills. here we killed a deer and encamped on the stard.,side and made our fire of dry willow brush, the only fuel which the country produces. there are not more than three or four cottonwood trees in this extensive cove and they are but small. the uplands are covered with prickly pears and twisted or bearded grass and are but poor; some parts of the bottom lands are covered with grass and tolerably fertile; but much the greater proportion is covered with prickly pears sedge twisted grass the pulpy leafed thorn southernwood wild sage &c and like the uplands is very inferior in point of soil. we traveled by estimate ms. today, that is to the rattle snake clift, to the forks of jefferson's river and to our camp in the cove. at the apparent extremity of the bottom above us two perpendicular clifts of considerable hight stand on either side of the river and appers at this distance like a gate, it is about m. due west. capt clark set out at sunrise this morning and pursued his rout; found the river not rapid but shallow also very crooked. they were obliged to drag the canoes over many riffles in the course of the day. they passed the point which the natives call the beaver's head. it is a steep rocky clift of feet high near the stard. side of the river, opposite to it at the distance of yards is a low clift of about feet which is the extremity of a spur of the mountains about miles distant on lard. at p.m. they experienced a heavy shower of rain attended with hail thunder and lightning which continued about an hour. the men defended themselves from the hail by means of the willow bushes but all the party got perfectly wet. after the shower was over they pursued their march and encamped on the stard side only one deer killed by their hunters today. tho they took up another by the way which had been killed three days before by jos. fields and hung up near the river. [clark, august , ] august th satturday some rain this morning at sun rise and cloudy we proceeded on passed a remarkable clift point on the stard. side about feet high, this clift the indians call the beavers head, opposit at yards is a low clift of feet which is a spur from the mountain on the lard. about miles, the river verry crooked, at oclock a hard rain from the s w accompanied with hail continued half an hour, all wet, the men sheltered themselves from the hail with bushes we encamped on the stard side near a bluff, only one deer killed to day, the one killed jo fields days past & hung up we made use of river narrow, & sholey but not rapid. [lewis, august , ] sunday august th . we set out very early this morning; but the track which we had pursued last evening soon disappeared. i therefore resolved to proceed to the narrow pass on the creek about miles west in hopes that i should again find the indian road at the place, accordingly i passed the river which was about yards wide and bared in several places entirely across by beaver dams and proceeded through the level plain directly to the pass. i now sent drewyer to keep near the creek to my right and shields to my left, with orders to surch for the road which if they found they were to notify me by placing a hat in the muzzle of their gun. i kept mcneal with me; after having marched in this order for about five miles i discovered an indian on horse back about two miles distant coming down the plain toward us. with my glass i discovered from his dress that he was of a different nation from any that we had yet seen, and was satisfyed of his being a sosone; his arms were a bow and quiver of arrows, and was mounted on an eligant horse without a saddle, and a small string which was attatched to the underjaw of the horse which answered as a bridle. i was overjoyed at the sight of this stranger and had no doubt of obtaining a friendly introduction to his nation provided i could get near enough to him to convince him of our being whitemen. i therefore proceeded towards him at my usual pace. when i had arrived within about a mile he mad a halt which i did also and unloosing my blanket from my pack, i mad him the signal of friendship known to the indians of the rocky mountains and those of the missouri, which is by holding the mantle or robe in your hands at two corners and then throwing up in the air higher than the head bringing it to the earth as if in the act of spreading it, thus repeating three times. this signal of the robe has arrisen from a custom among all those nations of spreading a robe or skin for ther gests to set on when they are visited. this signal had not the desired effect, he still kept his position and seemed to view drewyer an shields who were now comiming in sight on either hand with an air of suspicion, i wold willingly have made them halt but they were too far distant to hear me and i feared to make any signal to them least it should increase the suspicion in the mind of the indian of our having some unfriendly design upon him. i therefore haistened to take out of my sack some beads a looking glas and a few trinkets which i had brought with me for this purpose and leaving my gun and pouch with mcneal advanced unarmed towards him. he remained in the same stedfast poisture untill i arrived in about paces of him when he turn his hose about and began to move off slowly from me; i now called to him in as loud a voice as i could command repeating the word tab-ba-bone, which in their language signifyes white man. but loking over his sholder he still kept his eye on drewyer and sheilds who wer still advancing neither of them haveing segacity enough to recollect the impropriety of advancing when they saw me thus in parley with the indian. i now made a signal to these men to halt, drewyer obeyed but shields who afterwards told me that he did not obseve the signal still kept on the indian halted again and turned his horse about as if to wait for me, and i beleive he would have remained untill i came up whith him had it not been for shields who still pressed forward. whe i arrived within about paces i again repepeated the word tab-ba-bone and held up the trinkits in my hands and striped up my shirt sieve to give him an opportunity of seeing the colour of my skin and advanced leasure towards him but he did not remain untill i got nearer than about paces when he suddonly turned his hose about, gave him the whip leaped the creek and disapeared in the willow brush in an instant and with him vanished all my hopes of obtaining horses for the preasent. i now felt quite as much mortification and disappointment as i had pleasure and expectation at the first sight of this indian. i fet soarly chargrined at the conduct of the men particularly sheilds to whom i principally attributed this failure in obtaining an introduction to the natives. i now called the men to me and could not forbare abraiding them a little for their want of attention and imprudence on this occasion. they had neglected to bring my spye-glass which in haist i had droped in the plain with the blanket where i made the signal before mentioned. i sent drewyer and shields back to surche it, they soon found it and rejoined me. we now set out on the track of the horse hoping by that means to be lead to an indian camp, the trail of inhabitants of which should they abscond we should probably be enabled to pursue to the body of the nation to which they would most probably fly for safety. this rout led us across a large island framed by nearly an equal division of the creek in this bottom; after passing to the open ground on the n. side of the creek we observed that the track made out toward the high hills about m. distant in that direction. i thought it probable that their camp might probably be among those hills & that they would reconnoiter us from the tops of them, and that if we advanced haistily towards them that they would become allarmed and probably run off; i therefore halted in an elivated situation near the creek had a fire kindled of willow brush cooked and took breakfast. during this leasure i prepared a small assortment of trinkits consisting of some mockkerson awls a few strans of several kinds of beads some paint a looking glass &c which i attatched to the end of a pole and planted it near our fire in order that should the indians return in surch of us they might from this token discover that we were friendly and white persons. before we had finised our meal a heavy shower of rain came on with some hail wich continued abot minutes and wet us to the skin, after this shower we pursued the track of the horse but as the rain had raised the grass which he had trodden down it was with difficulty that we could follow it. we pursued it however about miles it turning up the valley to the left under the foot of the hills. we pas several places where the indians appeared to have been diging roots today and saw the fresh tracks of or ten horses but they had been wandering about in such a confused manner that we not only lost the track of the hose which we had been pursuing but could make nothing of them. in the head of this valley we passed a large bog covered with tall grass and moss in which were a great number of springs of cold pure water, we now turned a little to the left along the foot of the high hills and arrived at a small branch on which we encamped for the night, having traveled in different directions about miles and about from the camp of last evening on a direct line. after meeting with the indian today i fixed a small flag of the u's. to a pole which i made mcneal carry. and planted in the ground where we halted or encamped. this morning capt clark dispatched several hunters a head; the morning being rainy and wet did not set out untill after an early breakfast. he passed a large island which he called the mile island from the circumstance of it's being that distance from the entrance of the missouri by water. a considerable proportion of the bottom on lard. side is a bog covered with tall grass and many parts would afford fine turf; the bottom is about ms. wide and the plains which succeed it on either side extend about the same distance to the base of the mountains. they passed a number of small islands and bayous on both sides which cut and intersect the bottoms in various directions. found the river shallow and rapid, insomuch that the men wer compelled to be in the water a considerable proportion of the day in drageing the canoes over the shoals and riffles. they saw a number of geese ducks beaver & otter, also some deer and antelopes. the men killed a beaver with a seting pole and tommahawked several otter. the hunters killed deer and an antelope. capt. c. observed some bunches of privy near the river. there are but few trees in this botom and those small narrow leafed cottonwood. the principal growth is willow with the narrow leaf and currant bushes. they encamped this evening on the upper point of a large island near the stard. shore.- [clark, august , ] august th sunday . a shower of rain this morning at sun rise, cloudy all the morning wind from the s w passed a large island which i call the mile island as it is situated that distance from the mouth of the missouri by water, a number of small bayoes running in different directions thro the bottom, which is about miles wide, then rises to an ellivated plain on each side which extends as far. passed several small islands and a number of bayoes on each side and encamped on the upper point of a large island, our hunters killed three deer, one antilope, and tomahawked several orter to day killed one beaver with a setting pole. i observed some bunches of privey on the banks [lewis, august , ] monday august th this morning i sent drewyer out as soon as it was light, to try and discover what rout the indians had taken. he followed the track of the horse we had pursued yesterday to the mountain wher it had ascended, and returned to me in about an hour and a half. i now determined to pursue the base of the mountains which form this cove to the s. w. in the expectation of finding some indian road which lead over the mountains, accordingly i sent drewyer to my right and shields to my left with orders to look out for a road or the fresh tracks of horses either of which we should first meet with i had determined to pursue. at the distance of about miles we passed small rivulets near each other on which we saw som resent bowers or small conic lodges formed with willow brush. near them the indians had geathered a number of roots from the manner in which they had toarn up the ground; but i could not discover the root which they seemed to be in surch of. i saw several large hawks that were nearly black near this place we fell in with a large and plain indian road which came into the cove from the n. e. and led along the foot of the mountains to the s. w. oliquely approaching the main stream which we had left yesterday. this road we now pursued to the s. w. at miles it passed a stout stream which is a principal fork of the man stream and falls into it just above the narrow pass between the two clifts before mentioned and which we now saw below us. here we halted and breakfasted on the last of our venison, having yet a small peice of pork in reseve. after eating we continued our rout through the low bottom of the main stream along the foot of the mountains on our right the valley for mes. further in a s. w. direction was from to miles wide the main stream now after discarding two stream on the left in this valley turns abruptly to the west through a narrow bottom betwen the mountains. the road was still plain, i therefore did not dispair of shortly finding a passage over the mountains and of taisting the waters of the great columbia this evening. we saw an animal which we took to be of the fox kind as large or reather larger than the small wolf of the plains. it's colours were a curious mixture of black, redis-brown and yellow. drewyer shot at him about yards and knocked him dow bet he recovered and got out of our reach. it is certainly a different animal from any that we have yet seen. we also saw several of the heath cock with a long pointed tail and an uniform dark brown colour but could not kill one of them. they are much larger than the common dunghill fowls, and in their habits and manner of flying resemble the growse or prarie hen. at the distance of miles further the road took us to the most distant fountain of the waters of the mighty missouri in surch of which we have spent so many toilsome days and wristless nights. thus far i had accomplished one of those great objects on which my mind has been unalterably fixed for many years, judge then of the pleasure i felt in allying my thirst with this pure and ice cold water which issues from the base of a low mountain or hill of a gentle ascent for / a mile. the mountains are high on either hand leave this gap at the head of this rivulet through which the road passes. here i halted a few minutes and rested myself. two miles below mcneal had exultingly stood with a foot on each side of this little rivulet and thanked his god that he had lived to bestride the mighty & heretofore deemed endless missouri. after refreshing ourselves we proceeded on to the top of the dividing ridge from which i discovered immence ranges of high mountains still to the west of us with their tops partially covered with snow. i now decended the mountain about / of a mile which i found much steeper than on the opposite side, to a handsome bold running creek of cold clear water. here i first tasted the water of the great columbia river. after a short halt of a few minutes we continued our march along the indian road which lead us over steep hills and deep hollows to a spring on the side of a mountain where we found a sufficient quantity of dry willow brush for fuel, here we encamped for the night having traveled about miles. as we had killed nothing during the day we now boiled and eat the remainder of our pork, having yet a little flour and parched meal. at the creek on this side of the mountain i observed a species of deep perple currant lower in its growth, the stem more branched and leaf doubly as large as that of the missouri. the leaf is covered on it's under disk with a hairy pubersence. the fruit is of the ordinary size and shape of the currant and is supported in the usual manner, but is ascid & very inferior in point of flavor. this morning capt. clark set out early. found the river shoally, rapid shallow, and extreemly difficult. the men in the water almost all day. they are geting weak soar and much fortiegued; they complained of the fortiegue to which the navigation subjected them and wished to go by land capt. c. engouraged them and passifyed them. one of the canoes was very near overseting in a rapid today. they proceeded but slowly. at noon they had a thunderstorm which continued about half an hour. their hunters killed deer and a fawn. they encamped in a smoth plain near a few cottonwood trees on the lard. side.- [clark, august , ] august th monday we set out early (wind n e) proceeded on passed several large islands and three small ones, the river much more sholey than below which obliges us to haul the canoes over those sholes which suckceed each other at short intervales emencely laborious men much fatigued and weakened by being continualy in the water drawing the canoes over the sholes encamped on the lard side men complain verry much of the emence labour they are obliged to undergo & wish much to leave the river. i passify them. the weather cool, and nothing to eate but venison, the hunters killed three deer to day [lewis, august , ] tuesday august th . we set out very early on the indian road which still led us through an open broken country in a westerly direction. a deep valley appeared to our left at the base of a high range of mountains which extended from s. e. to n. w. having their sides better clad with pine timber than we had been accustomed to see the mountains and their tops were also partially covered with snow. at the distance of five miles the road after leading us down a long decending valley for ms. brought us to a large creek about yds. wide; this we passed and on rising the hill beyond it had a view of a handsome little valley to our left of about a mile in width through which from the appearance of the timber i conjectured that a river passed. i saw near the creek some bushes of the white maple, the shumate of the small species with the winged rib, and a species of honeysuckle much in it's growth and leaf like the small honeysuckle of the missouri only reather larger and bears a globular berry as large as a garden pea and as white as wax. this berry is formed of a thin smooth pellicle which envellopes a soft white musilagenous substance in which there are several small brown seed irregularly scattered or intermixed without any sell or perceptable membranous covering.--we had proceeded about four miles through a wavy plain parallel to the valley or river bottom when at the distance of about a mile we saw two women, a man and some dogs on an eminence immediately before us. they appeared to vew us with attention and two of them after a few minutes set down as if to wait our arrival we continued our usual pace towards them. when we had arrived within half a mile of them i directed the party to halt and leaving my pack and rifle i took the flag which i unfurled and avanced singly towards them the women soon disappeared behind the hill, the man continued untill i arrived within a hundred yards of him and then likewise absconded. tho i frequently repeated the word tab-ba-bone sufficiently loud for him to have heard it. i now haistened to the top of the hill where they had stood but could see nothing of them. the dogs were less shye than their masters they came about me pretty close i therefore thought of tying a handkerchief about one of their necks with some beads and other trinkets and then let them loose to surch their fugitive owners thinking by this means to convince them of our pacific disposition towards them but the dogs would not suffer me to take hold of them; they also soon disappeared. i now made a signal fror the men to come on, they joined me and we pursued the back tarck of these indians which lead us along the same road which we had been traveling. the road was dusty and appeared to have been much traveled lately both by men and horses. these praries are very poor the soil is of a light yellow clay, intermixed with small smooth gravel, and produces little else but prickly pears, and bearded grass about inches high. the prickley pear are of three species that with a broad leaf common to the missouri; that of a globular form also common to the upper part of the missouri and more especially after it enters the rocky mountains, also a rd peculiar to this country. it consists of small circular thick leaves with a much greater number of thorns. these thorns are stronger and appear to be barbed. the leaves grow from the margins of each other as in the broad leafed pear of the missouri, but are so slightly attatched that when the thorn touches your mockerson it adhears and brings with it the leaf covered in every direction with many others. this is much the most troublesome plant of the three. we had not continued our rout more than a mile when we were so fortunate as to meet with three female savages. the short and steep ravines which we passed concealed us from each other untill we arrived within paces. a young woman immediately took to flight, an elderly woman and a girl of about years old remained. i instantly laid by my gun and advanced towards them. they appeared much allarmed but saw that we were to near for them to escape by flight they therefore seated themselves on the ground, holding down their heads as if reconciled to die which the expected no doubt would be their fate; i took the elderly woman by the hand and raised her up repeated the word tab-babone and strip up my shirt sieve to sew her my skin; to prove to her the truth of the ascertion that i was a white man for my face and hads which have been constantly exposed to the sun were quite as dark as their own. they appeared instantly reconciled, and the men coming up i gave these women some beads a few mockerson awls some pewter looking-glasses and a little paint. i directed drewyer to request the old woman to recall the young woman who had run off to some distance by this time fearing she might allarm the camp before we approached and might so exasperate the natives that they would perhaps attack us without enquiring who we were. the old woman did as she was requested and the fugitive soon returned almost out of breath. i bestoed an equvolent portion of trinket on her with the others. i now painted their tawny cheeks with some vermillion which with this nation is emblematic of peace. after they had become composed i informed them by signs that i wished them to conduct us to their camp that we wer anxious to become acquainted with the chiefs and warriors of their nation. they readily obeyed and we set out, still pursuing the road down the river. we had marched about miles when we met a party of about warriors mounted on excellent horses who came in nearly full speed, when they arrived i advanced towards them with the flag leaving my gun with the party about paces behid me. the chief and two others who were a little in advance of the main body spoke to the women, and they informed them who we were and exultingly shewed the presents which had been given them these men then advanced and embraced me very affectionately in their way which is by puting their left arm over you wright sholder clasping your back, while they apply their left cheek to yours and frequently vociforate the word ah-hi'-e, &h-hi'-e that is, i am much pleased, i am much rejoiced. bothe parties now advanced and we wer all carresed and besmeared with their grease and paint till i was heartily tired of the national hug. i now had the pipe lit and gave them smoke; they seated themselves in a circle around us and pulled of their mockersons before they would receive or smoke the pipe. this is a custom among them as i afterwards learned indicative of a sacred obligation of sincerity in their profession of friendship given by the act of receiving and smoking the pipe of a stranger. or which is as much as to say that they wish they may always go bearfoot if they are not sincere; a pretty heavy penalty if they are to march through the plains of their country. after smoking a few pipes with them i distributed some trifles among them, with which they seemed much pleased particularly with the blue beads and vermillion. i now informed the chief that the object of our visit was a friendly one, that after we should reach his camp i would undertake to explain to him fully those objects, who we wer, from whence we had come and wither we were going; that in the mean time i did not care how soon we were in motion, as the sun was very warm and no water at hand. they now put on their mockersons, and the principal chief ca-me-ah-wait made a short speach to the warriors. i gave him the flag which i informed him was an emblem of peace among whitemen and now that it had been received by him it was to be respected as the bond of union between us. i desired him to march on, which did and we followed him; the dragoons moved on in squadron in our rear. after we had marched about a mile in this order he halted them ang gave a second harang; after which six or eight of the young men road forward to their encampment and no further regularity was observed in the order of march. i afterwards understood that the indians we had first seen this morning had returned and allarmed the camp; these men had come out armed cap a pe for action expecting to meet with their enemies the minnetares of fort de prarie whome they call rah'-kees. they were armed with bows arrow and shield except three whom i observed with small pieces such as the n. w. company furnish the natives with which they had obtained from the rocky mountain indians on the yellow stone river with whom they are at peace. on our arrival at their encampmen on the river in a handsome level and fertile bottom at the distance of ms. from where we had first met them they introduced us to a londge made of willow brush and an old leather lodge which had been prepared for our reception by the young men which the chief had dispatched for that purpose. here we were seated on green boughs and the skins of antelopes. one of the warriors then pulled up the grass in the center of the lodge forming a smal circle of about feet in diameter the chief next produced his pipe and native tobacco and began a long cerimony of the pipe when we were requested to take of our mockersons, the chief having previously taken off his as well as all the warriors present. this we complyed with; the chief then lit his pipe at the fire kindled in this little magic circle, and standing on the oposite side of the circle uttered a speach of several minutes in length at the conclusion of which he pointed the stem to the four cardinal points of the heavens first begining at the east and ending with the north. he now presented the pipe to me as if desirous that i should smoke, but when i reached my hand to receive it, he drew it back and repeated the same cremony three times, after which he pointed the stern first to the heavens then to the center of the magic circle smoked himself with three whifs and held the pipe untill i took as many as i thought proper; he then held it to each of the white persons and then gave it to be consumed by his warriors. this pipe was made of a dense simitransparent green stone very highly polished about / inches long and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same direction with the stem. a small piece of birned clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to seperate the tobacco from the end of the stem and is of an irregularly rounded figure not fitting the tube purfectly close in order that the smoke may pass. this is the form of the pipe. their tobacco is of the same kind of that used by the minnetares mandans and ricares of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the rocky mountain indians and some of the bands of their own nation who live further south. i now explained to them the objects of our journey &c. all the women and children of the camp were shortly collected about the lodge to indulge themselves with looking at us, we being the first white persons they had ever seen. after the cerimony of the pipe was over i distributed the remainder of the small articles i had brought with me among the women and children. by this time it was late in the evening and we had not taisted any food since the evening before. the chief informed us that they had nothing but berries to eat and gave us some cakes of serviceberries and choke cherries which had been dryed in the sun; of these i made a hearty meal, and then walked to the river, which i found about yards wide very rapid clear and about feet deep. the banks low and abrupt as those of the upper part of the missouri, and the bed formed of loose stones and gravel. cameahwait informed me that this stream discharged itself into another doubly as large at the distance of half a days march which came from the s. w. but he added on further enquiry that there was but little more timber below the junction of those rivers than i saw here, and that the river was confined between inacessable mountains, was very rapid and rocky insomuch that it was impossible for us to pass either by land or water down this river to the great lake where the white men lived as he had been informed. this was unwelcome information but i still hoped that this account had been exagerated with a view to detain us among them. as to timber i could discover not any that would answer the purpose of constructing canoes or in short more than was bearly necessary for fuel consisting of the narrow leafed cottonwood and willow, also the red willow choke cherry service berry and a few currant bushes such as were common on the missouri. these people had been attacked by the minetares of fort de prarie this spring and about of them killed and taken prisoners. on this occasion they lost a great part of their horses and all their lodges except that which they had erected for our accomodation; they were now living in lodges of a conic figure made of willow brush. i still observe a great number of horses feeding in every direction around their camp and therefore entertain but little doubt but we shall be enable to furnish ourselves with an adiquate number to transport our stores even if we are compelled to travel by land over these mountains. on my return to my lodge an indian called me in to his bower and gave me a small morsel of the flesh of an antelope boiled, and a peice of a fresh salmon roasted; both which i eat with a very good relish. this was the first salmon i had seen and perfectly convinced me that we were on the waters of the pacific ocean. the course of this river is a little to the north of west as far as i can discover it; and is bounded on each side by a range of high mountains. tho those on the e. side are lowest and more distant from the river. this evening the indians entertained us with their dancing nearly all night. at o'ck. i grew sleepy and retired to rest leaving the men to amuse themselves with the indians. i observe no essential difference between the music and manner of dancing among this nation and those of the missouri. i was several times awoke in the course of the night by their yells but was too much fortiegued to be deprived of a tolerable sound night's repose. this morning capt clark set out early having previously dispatched some hunters ahead. it was cool and cloudy all the forepart of the day. at a.m. they had a slight rain. they passed a number of shoals over which they were obliged to drag the canoes; the men in the water / ths of the day, they passed a bold runing stream yds. wide on the lard. side just below a high point of limestone rocks. this stream we call mcneal's creek after hugh mcneal one of our party. this creek heads in the mountains to the east and forms a handsome valley for some miles between the mountains. from the top of this limestone clift above the creek the beaver's head boar n ° e. ms. the course of wisdom river or that which the opening of it's valley makes through the mountains is n. w. to the gap through which jefferson's river enters the mountains above is s ° w m. they killed one deer only today. saw a number of otter some beaver antelopes ducks gees and grains. they caught a number of fine trout as they have every day since i left them. they encamped on lrd. in a smooth level prarie near a few cottonwood trees, but were obliged to make use of the dry willow brush for fuel. [clark, august , ] august th tuesday a verry cool morning the thermometer stood at a all the fore part of the day. cloudy at oclock a mist of rain we proceeded on passed inumerable sholes obliged to haul the boat / of the day over the shole water. passed the mouth of a bold running stream yards wide on the lard side below a high point of limestone rocks on the stard side this creek heads in the mountains to the easte and forms a vallie between two mountains. call this stream mcneal creek from the top of this rock the point of the beaver head hill bears n. ° e ms. the course of the wisdom river is--n. w the gap at the place the river passes thro a mountain in advance is--s. ° w. ms. proceeded on and encamped on the lard side no wood except dry willows and them small, one deer killed to day. the river obliges the men to undergo great fatigue and labour in hauling the canoes over the sholes in the cold water naked. [lewis, august , ] wednesday august th in order to give capt. clark time to reach the forks of jefferson's river i concluded to spend this day at the shoshone camp and obtain what information i could with rispect to the country. as we had nothing but a little flour and parched meal to eat except the berries with which the indians furnished us i directed drewyer and shields to hunt a few hours and try to kill something, the indians furnished them with horses and most of their young men also turned out to hunt. the game which they principally hunt is the antelope which they pursue on horseback and shoot with their arrows. this animal is so extreemly fleet and dureable that a single horse has no possible chance to overtake them or run them down. the indians are therefore obliged to have recorce to strategem when they discover a herd of the antelope they seperate and scatter themselves to the distance of five or six miles in different directions arround them generally scelecting some commanding eminence for a stand; some one or two now pursue the herd at full speed over the hills values gullies and the sides of precipices that are tremendious to view. thus after runing them from five to six or seven miles the fresh horses that were in waiting head them and drive them back persuing them as far or perhaps further quite to the other extreem of the hunters who now in turn pursue on their fresh horses thus worrying the poor animal down and finally killing them with their arrows. forty or fifty hunters will be engaged for half a day in this manner and perhaps not kill more than two or three antelopes. they have but few elk or black tailed deer, and the common red deer they cannot take as they secrete themselves in the brush when pursued, and they have only the bow and arrow wich is a very slender dependence for killing any game except such as they can run down with their horses. i was very much entertained with a view of this indian chase; it was after a herd of about antelope and about hunters. it lasted about hours and considerable part of the chase in view from my tent. about a.m. the hunters returned had not killed a single antelope, and their horses foaming with sweat. my hunters returned soon after and had been equally unsuccessfull. i now directed mcneal to make me a little paist with the flour and added some berries to it which i found very pallateable. the means i had of communicating with these people was by way of drewyer who understood perfectly the common language of jesticulation or signs which seems to be universally understood by all the nations we have yet seen. it is true that this language is imperfect and liable to error but is much less so than would be expected. the strong parts of the ideas are seldom mistaken. i now prevailed on the chief to instruct me with rispect to the geography of his country. this he undertook very cheerfully, by delienating the rivers on the ground. but i soon found that his information fell far short of my expectation or wishes. he drew the river on which we now are to which he placed two branches just above us, which he shewed me from the openings of the mountains were in view; he next made it discharge itself into a large river which flowed from the s. w. about ten miles below us, then continued this joint stream in the same direction of this valley or n. w. for one days march and then enclined it to the west for more days march, here he placed a number of beeps of sand on each side which he informed me represented the vast mountains of rock eternally covered with snow through which the river passed. that the perpendicular and even juting rocks so closely hemned in the river that there was no possibilyte of passing along the shore; that the bed of the river was obstructed by sharp pointed rocks and the rapidity of the stream such that the whole surface of the river was beat into perfect foam as far as the eye could reach. that the mountains were also inaccessible to man or horse. he said that this being the state of the country in that direction that himself nor none of his nation had ever been further down the river than these mountains. i then enquired the state of the country on either side of the river but he could not inform me. he said there was an old man of his nation a days march below who could probably give me some information of the country to the n. w. and refered me to an old man then present for that to the s. w.--the chief further informed me that he had understood from the persed nosed indians who inhabit this river below the rocky mountains that it ran a great way toward the seting sun and finally lost itself in a great lake of water which was illy taisted, and where the white men lived. i next commenced my enquiries of the old man to whom i had been refered for information relative the country s w. of us. this he depicted with horrors and obstructions scarcely inferior to that just mentioned. he informed me that the band of this nation to which he belonged resided at the distance of days march from hence not far from the white people with whom they traded for horses mules cloth metal beads and the shells which they woar as orniment being those of a species of perl oister. that the course to his relations was a little to the west of south. that in order to get to his relations the first seven days we should be obliged to climb over steep and rocky mountains where we could find no game to kill nor anything but roots such as a ferce and warlike nation lived on whom he called the broken mockersons or mockersons with holes, and said inhabited those mountains and lived like the bear of other countries among the rocks and fed on roots or the flesh of such horses as they could take or steel from those who passed through their country. that in passing this country the feet of our horses would be so much wounded with the stones many of them would give out. the next part of the rout was about days through a dry and parched sandy desert in which no food at this season for either man or horse, and in which we must suffer if not perish for the want of water. that the sun had now dryed up the little pools of water which exist through this desert plain in the spring season and had also scorched all the grass. that no animal inhabited this plain on which we could hope to subsist. that about the center of this plain a large river passed from s. e. to n. w. which was navigable but afforded neither salmon nor timber. that beyond this plain thee or four days march his relations lived in a country tolerable fertile and partially covered with timber on another large river which ran in the same direction of the former. that this last discharged itself into a large river on which many numerous nations lived with whom his relations were at war but whether this last discharged itself into the great lake or not he did not know. that from his relations it was yet a great distance to the great or stinking lake as they call the ocean. that the way which such of his nation as had been to the stinking lake traveled was up the river on which they lived and over to that on which the white people lived which last they knew discharged itself into the ocean, and that this was the way which he would advise me to travel if i was determined to proceed to the ocean but would advise me to put off the journey untill the next spring when he would conduct me. i thanked him for his information and advise and gave him a knife with which he appeared to be much gratifyed. from this narative i was convinced that the streams of which he had spoken as runing through the plains and that on which his relations lived were southern branches of the columbia, heading with the rivers apostles and collorado, and that the rout he had pointed out was to the vermillion sea or gulph of callifornia. i therefore told him that this rout was more to the south than i wished to travel, and requested to know if there was no rout on the left of this river on which we now are, by means of which, i could intercept it below the mountains through which it passes; but he could not inform me of any except that of the barren plain which he said joined the mountain on that side and through which it was impossible for us to pass at this season even if we were fortunate enough to escape from the broken mockerson indians. i now asked cameahwait by what rout the pierced nosed indians, who he informed me inhabited this river below the mountains, came over to the missouri; this he informed me was to the north, but added that the road was a very bad one as he had been informed by them and that they had suffered excessively with hunger on the rout being obliged to subsist for many days on berries alone as there was no game in that part of the mountains which were broken rockey and so thickly covered with timber that they could scarcely pass. however knowing that indians had passed, and did pass, at this season on that side of this river to the same below the mountains, my rout was instantly settled in my own mind, povided the account of this river should prove true on an investigation of it, which i was determined should be made before we would undertake the rout by land in any direction. i felt perfectly satisfyed, that if the indians could pass these mountains with their women and children, that we could also pass them; and that if the nations on this river below the mountains were as numerous as they were stated to be that they must have some means of subsistence which it would be equally in our power to procure in the same country. they informed me that there was no buffaloe on the west side of these mountains; that the game consisted of a few elk deer and antelopes, and that the natives subsisted on fish and roots principally. in this manner i spent the day smoking with them and acquiring what information i could with respect to their country. they informed me that they could pass to the spaniards by the way of the yellowstone river in days. i can discover that these people are by no means friendly to the spaniard their complaint is, that the spaniards will not let them have fire arms and amunition, that they put them off by telling them that if they suffer them to have guns they will kill each other, thus leaving them defenceless and an easy prey to their bloodthirsty neighbours to the east of them, who being in possession of fire arms hunt them up and murder them without rispect to sex or age and plunder them of their horses on all occasions. they told me that to avoid their enemies who were eternally harrassing them that they were obliged to remain in the interior of these mountains at least two thirds of the year where the suffered as we then saw great heardships for the want of food sometimes living for weeks without meat and only a little fish roots and berries. but this added cameahwait, with his ferce eyes and lank jaws grown meager for the want of food, would not be the case if we had guns, we could then live in the country of buffaloe and eat as our enimies do and not be compelled to hide ourselves in these mountains and live on roots and berries as the bear do. we do not fear our enimies when placed on an equal footing with them. i told them that the minnetares mandans & recares of the missouri had promised us to desist from making war on them & that we would indevour to find the means of making the minnetares of fort d prarie or as they call them pahkees desist from waging war against them also. that after our finally returning to our homes towards the rising sun whitemen would come to them with an abundance of guns and every other article necessary to their defence and comfort, and that they would be enabled to supply themselves with these articles on reasonable terms in exchange for the skins of the beaver otter and ermin so abundant in their country. they expressed great pleasure at this information and said they had been long anxious to see the whitemen that traded guns; and that we might rest assured of their friendship and that they would do whatever we wished them. i now told cameahwait that i wished him to speak to his people and engage them to go with me tomorrow to the forks of jeffersons river where our baggage was by this time arrived with another chief and a large party of whitemen who would wait my return at that place. that i wish them to take with them about spare horses to transport our baggage to this place where we would then remain sometime among them and trade with them for horses, and finally concert our future plans for geting on to the ocean and of the traid which would be extended to them after our return to our homes. he complyed with my request and made a lengthey harrangue to his village. he returned in about an hour and a half and informed me that they would be ready to accompany me in the morning. i promised to reward them for their trouble. drewyer who had had a good view of their horses estimated them at . most of them are fine horses. indeed many of them would make a figure on the south side of james river or the land of fine horses.--i saw several with spanish brands on them, and some mules which they informed me that they had also obtained from the spaniards. i also saw a bridle bit of spanish manufactary, and sundry other articles which i have no doubt were obtained from the same source. notwithstanding the extreem poverty of those poor people they are very merry they danced again this evening untill midnight. each warrior keep one ore more horses tyed by a cord to a stake near his lodge both day and night and are always prepared for action at a moments warning. they fight on horseback altogether. lobserve that the large flies are extreemly troublesome to the horses as well as ourselves. the morning being cold and the men stif and soar from the exertions of yesterday capt. clark did not set out this morning untill a.m. the river was so crooked and rapid that they made but little way at one mile he passed a bold runing stream on stard. which heads in a mountain to the north, on which there is snow. this we called track creek. it is yard wide and feet deep at ms. passed a stout stream which heads in some springs under the foot of the mountains on lard. the river near the mountain they found one continued rapid, with was extreemly laborious and difficult to ascend. this evening charbono struck his indian woman for which capt. c. gave him a severe repremand. joseph and reubin fields killed deer and an antelope, capt. c. killed a buck. several of the men have lamed themselves by various accedents in working the canoes through this difficult part of the river, and capt. c. was obliged personally to assist them in this labour. they encamped this evening on lard. side near the rattlesnake clift [clark, august , ] august th wednesday . a cold morning wind from the s. w. the thermometer stood at ° a , at sunrise the morning being cold and men stiff. i deturmind to delay & take brackfast at the place we encamped. we set out at oclock and proceeded on river verry crooked and rapid as below some fiew trees on the borders near the mountain, passed a bold running stream at mile on the stard. side which heads in a mountain to the north on which there is snow passed a bold running stream on the lard. side which heads in a spring undr. a mountain, the river near the mountain is one continued rapid, which requres great labour to push & haul the canoes up. we encamped on the lard side near the place the river passes thro the mountain. i checked our interpreter for strikeing his woman at their dinner. the hunters jo. & r. fields killed deer & a antilope, i killed a fat buck in the evening, several men have hurt themselves pushing up the canoes. i am oblige to a pole occasionally. [lewis, august , ] thursday august th . this morning i arrose very early and as hungary as a wolf. i had eat nothing yesterday except one scant meal of the flour and berries except the dryed cakes of berries which did not appear to satisfy my appetite as they appeared to do those of my indian friends. i found on enquiry of mcneal that we had only about two pounds of flour remaining. this i directed him to divide into two equal parts and to cook the one half this morning in a kind of pudding with the hurries as he had done yesterday and reserve the ballance for the evening. on this new fashoned pudding four of us breakfasted, giving a pretty good allowance also to the chief who declared it the best thing he had taisted for a long time. he took a little of the hour in his hand, taisted and examined very scrutinously and asked me if we made it of roots. i explained to him the manner in which it grew. i hurried the departure of the indians. the chief addressed them several times before they would move they seemed very reluctant to accompany me. i at length asked the reason and he told me that some foolish persons among them had suggested the idea that we were in league with the pahkees and had come on in order to decoy them into an ambuscade where their enimies were waiting to receive them. but that for his part he did not believe it. i readily perceived that our situation was not entirely free from danger as the transision from suspicion to the confermation of the fact would not be very difficult in the minds of these ignorant people who have been accustomed from their infancy to view every stranger as an enimy. i told cameahwait that i was sorry to find that they had put so little confidence in us, that i knew they were not acquainted with whitemen and therefore could forgive them. that among whitemen it was considered disgracefull to lye or entrap an enimy by falsehood. i told him if they continued to think thus meanly of us that they might rely on it that no whitemen would ever come to trade with them or bring them arms and amunition and that if the bulk of his nation still entertained this opinion i still hoped that there were some among them that were not affraid to die, that were men and would go with me and convince themselves of the truth of what i had asscerted. that there was a party of whitemen waiting my return either at the forks of jefferson's river or a little below coining on to that place in canoes loaded with provisions and merchandize. he told me for his own part he was determined to go, that he was not affraid to die. i soon found that i had touched him on the right string; to doubt the bravery of a savage is at once to put him on his metal. he now mounted his horse and haranged his village a third time; the perport of which as he afterwards told me was to inform them that he would go with us and convince himself of the truth or falsity of what we had told him if he was sertain he should be killed, that he hoped there were some of them who heard him were not affraid to die with him and if there was to let him see them mount their horses and prepare to set out. shortly after this harange he was joined by six or eight only and with these i smoked a pipe and directed the men to put on their packs being determined to set out with them while i had them in the humour at half after we set out, several of the old women were crying and imploring the great sperit to protect their warriors as if they were going to inevitable distruction. we had not proceeded far before our party was augmented by ten or twelve more, and before we reached the creek which we had passed in the morning of the th it appeared to me that we had all the men of the village and a number of women with us. this may serve in some measure to ilustrate the capricious disposition of those people who never act but from the impulse of the moment. they were now very cheerfull and gay, and two hours ago they looked as sirly as so many imps of satturn. when we arrived at the spring on the side of the mountain where we had encamped on the th the chief insited on halting to let the horses graize with which i complyed and gave the indians smoke. they are excessively fond of the pipe; but have it not much in their power to indulge themselves with even their native tobacco as they do not cultivate it themselves.--after remaining about an hour we again set out, and by engaging to make compensation to four of them for their trouble obtained the previlege of riding with an indian myself and a similar situation for each of my party. i soon found it more tiresome riding without tirrups than walking and of course chose the latter making the indian carry my pack. about sunset we reached the upper part of the level valley of the cove which now called shoshone cove. the grass being birned on the north side of the river we passed over to the south and encamped near some willow brush about miles above the narrow pass between the hills noticed as i came up this cove the river was here about six yards wide, and frequently darned up by the beaver. i had sent drewyer forward this evening before we halted to kill some meat but he was unsuccessfull and did not rejoin us untill after dark i now cooked and among six of us eat the remaining pound of flour stired in a little boiling water.--capt. clark delayed again this morning untill after breakfast, when he set out and passed between low and rugged mountains which had a few pine trees distributed over them the clifts are formed of limestone and a hard black rock intermixed. no trees on the river, the bottoms narrow river crooked shallow shoally and rapid. the water is as coald as that of the best springs in our country. the men as usual suffered excessively with fatiegue and the coldness of the water to which they were exposed for hours together. at the distance of miles by water they passed the entrance of a bold creek on stard. side yds. wide and f. i. deep which we called willard's creek after alexander willard one of our party. at miles by water from their encampment of las evening passed a bold branch which tumbled down a steep precipice of rocks from the mountains on the lard. capt clark was very near being bitten twice today by rattlesnakes, the indian woman also narrowly escaped. they caught a number of fine trout. capt. clark killed a buck which was the only game killed today. the venison has an uncommon bitter taist which is unpleasent. i presume it proceeds from some article of their food, perhaps the willow on the leaves of which they feed very much. they encamped this evening on the lard. side near a few cottonwood trees about which there were the remains of several old indian brush lodges. [clark, august , ] august th thursday a cool windey morning wind from the s w we proceeded on thro a ruged low mountain water rapid as usial passed a bold running stream which falls from the mountain on the lard. side at miles, also a bold running stream yards wide on the stard side feet in. deep at miles, willards creek the bottoms narrow, the clifs of a dark brown stone some limestone intermixed--an indian road passes on the lard side latterly used. took a meridian altitude at the comsnt. of the mountain with octent ° ' ". the latd. ° ' / " proceeded on with great labour & fatigue to the mouth of a small run on the lard. side passed several spring runs, the men complain much of their fatigue and being repetiedly in the water which weakens them much perticularly as they are obliged to live on pore deer meet which has a singular bitter taste. i have no accounts of capt lewis sence he set out in walking on shore i saw several rattle snakes and narrowly escaped at two different times, as also the squar when walking with her husband on shore--i killed a buck nothing else killed to day--this mountn. i call rattle snake mountain. not one tree on either side to day [lewis, august , ] friday august th . i sent drewyer and shields before this morning in order to kill some meat as neither the indians nor ourselves had any thing to eat. i informed the ceif of my view in this measure, and requested that he would keep his young men with us lest by their hooping and noise they should allarm the game and we should get nothing to eat, but so strongly were there suspicions exited by this measure that two parties of discovery immediately set out one on ech side of the valley to watch the hunters as i beleive to see whether they had not been sent to give information of their approach to an enemy that they still preswaided themselves were lying in wait for them. i saw that any further effort to prevent their going would only add strength to their suspicions and therefore said no more. after the hunters had been gone about an hour we set out. we had just passed through the narrows when we saw one of the spies comeing up the level plain under whip, the chief pawsed a little and seemed somewhat concerned. i felt a good deel so myself and began to suspect that by some unfortunate accedent that perhaps some of there enimies had straggled hither at this unlucky moment; but we were all agreeably disappointed on the arrival of the young man to learn that he had come to inform us that one of the whitemen had killed a deer. in an instant they all gave their horses the whip and i was taken nearly a mile before i could learn what were the tidings; as i was without tirrups and an indian behind me the jostling was disagreeable i therefore reigned up my horse and forbid the indian to whip him who had given him the lash at every jum for a mile fearing he should loose a part of the feast. the fellow was so uneasy that he left me the horse dismounted and ran on foot at full speed, i am confident a mile. when they arrived where the deer was which was in view of me they dismounted and ran in tumbling over each other like a parcel of famished dogs each seizing and tearing away a part of the intestens which had been previously thrown out by drewyer who killed it; the seen was such when i arrived that had i not have had a pretty keen appetite myself i am confident i should not have taisted any part of the venison shortly. each one had a peice of some discription and all eating most ravenously. some were eating the kidnies the melt and liver and the blood runing from the corners of their mouths, others were in a similar situation with the paunch and guts but the exuding substance in this case from their lips was of a different discription. one of the last who attacted my attention particularly had been fortunate in his allotment or reather active in the division, he had provided himself with about nine feet of the small guts one end of which he was chewing on while with his hands he was squezzing the contents out at the other. i really did not untill now think that human nature ever presented itself in a shape so nearly allyed to the brute creation. i viewed these poor starved divils with pity and compassion i directed mcneal to skin the deer and reserved a quarter, the ballance i gave the chief to be divided among his people; they devoured the whole of it nearly without cooking. i now boar obliquely to the left in order to interscept the creek where there was some brush to make a fire, and arrived at this stream where drewyer had killed a second deer; here nearly the same seene was encored. a fire being kindled we cooked and eat and gave the ballance of the two deer to the indians who eat the whole of them even to the soft parts of the hoofs. drewyer joined us at breakfast with a third deer. of this i reserved a quarter and gave the ballance to the indians. they all appeared now to have filled themselves and were in a good humour. this morning early soon after the hunters set out a considerable part of our escort became allarmed and returned men and three women only continued with us. after eating and suffering the horses to graize about hours we renued our march and towads evening arrived at the lower part of the cove shields killed an antelope on the way a part of which we took and gave the remainder to the indians. being now informed of the place at which i expected to meat capt c. and the party they insisted on making a halt, which was complyed with. we now dismounted and the chief with much cerimony put tippets about our necks such as they temselves woar i redily perceived that this was to disguise us and owed it's origine to the same cause already mentioned. to give them further confidence i put my cocked hat with feather on the chief and my over shirt being of the indian form my hair deshivled and skin well browned with the sun i wanted no further addition to make me a complete indian in appearance the men followed my example and we were son completely metamorphosed. i again repeated to them the possibility of the party not having arrived at the place which i expected they were, but assured them they could not be far below, lest by not finding them at the forks their suspicions might arrise to such hight as to induce them to return precipitately. we now set out and rode briskly within sight of the forks making one of the indians carry the flag that our own party should know who we were. when we arrived in sight at the distance of about miles i discovered to my mortification that the party had not arrived, and the indians slackened their pace. i now scarcely new what to do and feared every moment when they would halt altogether, i now determined to restore their confidence cost what it might and therefore gave the chief my gun and told him that if his enimies were in those bushes before him that he could defend himself with that gun, that for my own part i was not affraid to die and if i deceived him he might make what uce of the gun he thought proper or in other words that he might shoot me. the men also gave their guns to other indians which seemed to inspire them with more confidence; they sent their spies before them at some distance and when i drew near the place i thought of the notes which i had left and directed drewyer to go with an indian man and bring them to me which he did. the indian seeing him take the notes from the stake on which they had been plased i now had recource to a stratagem in which i thought myself justifyed by the occasion, but which i must confess set a little awkward. it had it's desired effect. after reading the notes which were the same i had left i told the chief that when i had left my brother chief with the party below where the river entered the mountain that we both agreed not to bring the canoes higher up than the next forks of the river above us wherever this might happen, that there he was to wait my return, should he arrive first, and that in the event of his not being able to travel as fast as usual from the difficulty of the water, that he was to send up to the first forks above him and leave a note informing me where he was, that this note was left here today and that he informed me that he was just below the mountains and was coming on slowly up, and added that i should wait here for him, but if they did not beleive me that i should send a man at any rate to the chief and they might also send one of their young men with him, that myself and two others would remain with them at this place. this plan was readily adopted and one of the young men offered his services; i promised him a knife and some beads as a reward for his confidence in us. most of them seemed satisfyed but there were several that complained of the chief's exposing them to danger unnecessarily and said that we told different stories, in short a few were much dissatisfyed. i wrote a note to capt. clark by the light of some willow brush and directed drewyer to set out early being confident that there was not a moment to spare. the chief and five or six others slept about my fire and the others hid themselves in various parts of the willow brush to avoid the enimy whom they were fearfull would attack them in the course of the night. i now entertained various conjectures myself with rispect to the cause of capt. clarks detention and was even fearful l that he had found the river so difficult that he had halted below the rattlesnake bluffs. i knew that if these people left me that they would immediately disperse and secrete themselves in the mountains where it would be impossible to find them or at least in vain to pursue them and that they would spread the allarm to all other bands within our reach & of course we should be disappointed in obtaining horses, which would vastly retard and increase the labour of our voyage and i feared might so discourage the men as to defeat the expedition altogether. my mind was in reallity quite as gloomy all this evening as the most affrighted indian but i affected cheerfullness to keep the indians so who were about me. we finally laid down and the chief placed himself by the side of my musquetoe bier. i slept but little as might be well expected, my mind dwelling on the state of the expedition which i have ever held in equal estimation with my own existence, and the fait of which appeared at this moment to depend in a great measure upon the caprice of a few savages who are ever as fickle as the wind. i had mentioned to the chief several times that we had with us a woman of his nation who had been taken prisoner by the minnetares, and that by means of her i hoped to explain myself more fully than i could do by signs. some of the party had also told the indians that we had a man with us who was black and had short curling hair, this had excited their curiossity very much. and they seemed quite as anxious to see this monster as they wer the merchandize which we had to barter for their horses. at a m. capt. c. set out after breakfast. he changed the hands in some of the canoes; they proceeded with more ease than yesterday, yet they found the river still rapid and shallow insomuch that they were obliged to drag the large canoes the greater part of the day. the water excessively cold. in the evening they passed several bad rapids. considerable quantities of the buffaloe clover grows along the narrow bottoms through which they passed. there was no timber except a few scatiring small pine on the hills. willow service berry and currant bushes were the growth of the river bottoms. they geatherd considerable quantities of service berries, and caught some trout. one deer was killed by the hunters who slept out last night. and did not join the party untill a.m. capt. clark sent the hunters this evening up to the forks of the river which he discovered from an eminence; they mus have left this place but a little time before we arrived. this evening they encamped on the lard. side only a few miles below us. and were obliged like ourselves to make use of small willow brush for fuel. the men were much fatigued and exhausted this evening. [clark, august , ] august th friday as this morning was cold and the men fatigued stiff and chilled deturmined me to detain & take brackfast before i set out. i changed the hands and set out at oclock proceeded on something better than yesterday for the fore part of the day passed several rapids in the latter part of the day near the hills river passed between hills i saw a great number of service berries now ripe. the yellow current are also common i observe the long leaf clover in great plenty in the vallie below this vallie--some fiew tres on the river no timber on the hills or mountn. except a fiew small pine & cedar. the thmtr. stood at ° a. at sunrise wind s w. the hunters joined me at oclock, i dispatched men to prosue an indian roade over the hills for a fiew miles, at the narrows i assended a mountain from the top of which i could see that the river forked near me the left hand appeared the largest & bore s. e. the right passed from the west thro an extensive vallie, i could see but three small trees in any direction from the top of this mountain. passed an isld. and encamped ion the lard. side the only wood was small willows [lewis, august , ] saturday august th . this morning i arrose very early and dispatched drewyer and the indian down the river. sent shields to hunt. i made mcneal cook the remainder of our meat which afforded a slight breakfast for ourselves and the cheif. drewyer had been gone about hours when an indian who had straggled some little distance down the river returned and reported that the whitemen were coming, that he had seen them just below. they all appeared transported with joy, & the chef repeated his fraturnal hug. i felt quite as much gratifyed at this information as the indians appeared to be. shortly after capt. clark arrived with the interpreter charbono, and the indian woman, who proved to be a sister of the chif cameahwait. the meeting of those people was really affecting, particularly between sah cah-gar-we-ah and an indian woman, who had been taken prisoner at the same time with her, and who had afterwards escaped from the minnetares and rejoined her nation. at noon the canoes arrived, and we had the satisfaction once more to find ourselves all together, with a flattering prospect of being able to obtain as many horses shortly as would enable us to prosicute our voyage by land should that by water be deemed unadvisable. we now formed our camp just below the junction of the forks on the lard. side in a level smooth bottom covered with a fine terf of greenswoard. here we unloaded our canoes and arranged our baggage on shore; formed a canopy of one of our large sails and planted some willow brush in the ground to form a shade for the indians to set under while we spoke to them, which we thought it best to do this evening. acordingly about p.m. we called them together and through the medium of labuish, charbono and sah-cah-gar-weah, we communicated to them fully the objects which had brought us into this distant part of the country, in which we took care to make them a conspicuous object of our own good wishes and the care of our government. we made them sensible of their dependance on the will of our government for every species of merchandize as well for their defence & comfort; and apprized them of the strength of our government and it's friendly dispositions towards them. we also gave them as a reason why we wished to petrate the country as far as the ocean to the west of them was to examine and find out a more direct way to bring merchandize to them. that as no trade could be carryed on with them before our return to our homes that it was mutually advantageous to them as well as to ourselves that they should render us such aids as they had it in their power to furnish in order to haisten our voyage and of course our return home. that such were their horses to transport our baggage without which we could not subsist, and that a pilot to conduct us through the mountains was also necessary if we could not decend the river by water. but that we did not ask either their horses or their services without giving a satisfactory compensation in return. that at present we wished them to collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village on the columbia where we would then trade with them at our leasure for such horses as they could spare us.--they appeared well pleased with what had been said. the chief thanked us for friendship towards himself and nation & declared his wish to serve us in every rispect; that he was sorry to find that it must yet be some time before they could be furnished with firearms but said they could live as they had done heretofore untill we brought them as we had promised. he said they had not horses enough with them at present to remove our baggage to their village over the mountain, but that he would return tomorrow and encourage his people to come over with their horses and that he would bring his own and assist us. this was complying with all we wished at present. we next enquired who were chiefs among them. cameahwait pointed out two others whom he said were chiefs we gave him a medal of the small size with the likeness of mr. jefferson the president of the u states in releif on one side and clasp hands with a pipe and tomahawk on the other, to the other chiefs we gave each a small medal which were struck in the presidency of george washing esqr. we also gave small medals of the last discription to two young men whom the st chief informed us wer good young men and much rispected among them. we gave the st chief an uniform coat shirt a pair of scarlet legings a carrot of tobacco and some small articles to each of the others we gave a shirt leging handkerchief a knife some tobacco and a few small articles we also distributed a good quantity paint mockerson awls knives beads lookingglasses &c among the other indians and gave them a plentifull meal of lyed corn which was the first they had ever eaten in their lives. they were much pleased with it. every article about us appeared to excite astonishment in ther minds; the appearance of the men, their arms, the canoes, our manner of working them, the back man york and the segacity of my dog were equally objects of admiration. i also shot my air-gun which was so perfectly incomprehensible that they immediately denominated it the great medicine. the idea which the indians mean to convey by this appellation is something that eminates from or acts immediately by the influence or power of the great sperit; or that in which the power of god is manifest by it's incomprehensible power of action. our hunters killed deer and an antelope this evening of which we also gave the indians a good proportion. the cerimony of our council and smoking the pipe was in conformity of the custom of this nation perfomed bearfoot. on those occasions points of etiquet are quite as much attended to by the indians as among scivilized nations. to keep indians in a good humour you must not fatiegue them with too much business at one time. therefore after the council we gave them to eat and amused them a while by shewing them such articles as we thought would be entertaining to them, and then renewed our enquiries with rispect to the country. the information we derived was only a repetition of that they had given me before and in which they appeared to be so candid that i could not avoid yealing confidence to what they had said. capt. clark and myself now concerted measures for our future operations, and it was mutually agreed that he should set out tomorrow morning with eleven men furnished with axes and other necessary tools for making canoes, their arms accoutrements and as much of their baggage as they could carry. also to take the indians carbono and the indian woman with him; that on his arrival at the shoshone camp he was to leave charbono and the indian woman to haisten the return of the indians with their horses to this place, and to proceede himself with the eleven men down the columbia in order to examine the river and if he found it navigable and could obtain timber to set about making canoes immediately. in the mean time i was to bring on the party and baggage to the shoshone camp, calculating that by the time i should reach that place that he would have sufficiently informed himself with rispect to the state of the river &c. as to determine us whether to prosicute our journey from thence by land or water. in the former case we should want all the horses which we could perchase, the latter only to hire the indians to transport our baggage to the place at which we made the canoes. in order to inform me as early as possible of the state of the river he was to send back one of the men with the necessary information as soon as he should satisfy himself on this subject. this plan being settled we gave orders accordingly and the men prepared for an early march. the nights are very cold and the sun excessively hot in the day. we have no fuel here but a few dry willow brush. and from the appearance of country i am confident we shall not find game here to subsist us many days. these are additional reasons why i conceive it necessary to get under way as soon as possible.--this morning capt. clark had delayed untill a.m. before he set out just about which time drewyer arrived with the indian; he left the canoes to come on after him, and immediately set out and joined me as has been before mentioned.the sperits of the men were now much elated at the prospect of geting horses. [clark, august , ] august th satturday a fair cold morning wind s. w. the thermometer at a. at sunrise, we set out at oclock and proceeded on to the forks i had not proceeded on one mile before i saw at a distance several indians on horsback comeing towards me, the intertrepeter & squar who were before me at some distance danced for the joyful sight, and she made signs to me that they were her nation, as i aproached nearer them descovered one of capt lewis party with them dressed in their dress; the met me with great signs of joy, as the canoes were proceeding on nearly opposit me i turned those people & joined capt lewis who had camped with of those snake indians at the forks miles in advance. those indians sung all the way to their camp where the others had provd. a cind of shade of willows stuck up in a circle the three chiefs with capt. lewis met me with great cordialliaty embraced and took a seat on a white robe, the main chief imedeately tied to my hair six small pieces of shells resembling perl which is highly valued by those people and is prcured from the nations resideing near the sea coast. we then smoked in their fassion without shoes and without much cerimoney and form. capt lewis informed me he found those people on the columbia river about miles from the forks at that place there was a large camp of them, he had purswaded those with him to come and see that what he said was the truth, they had been under great apprehension all the way, for fear of their being deceived. the great chief of this nation proved to be the brother of the woman with us and is a man of influence sence & easey & reserved manners, appears to possess a great deel of cincerity. the canoes arrived & unloaded--every thing appeared to asstonish those people. the appearance of the men, their arms, the canoes, the clothing my black servent. & the segassity of capt lewis's dog. we spoke a fiew words to them in the evening respecting our rout intentions our want of horses &c. & gave them a fiew presents & medals--we made a number of inquires of those people about the columbia river the countrey game &c. the account they gave us was verry unfavourable, that the river abounded in emence falls, one perticularly much higher than the falls of the missouri & at the place the mountains closed so close that it was impracticable to pass, & that the ridge continued on each side of perpendicular clifts inpenetratable, and that no deer elk or any game was to be found in that countrey, aded to that they informed us that there was no timber on the river sufficiently large to make small canoes, this information (if true is alarming) i deturmined to go in advance and examine the countrey, see if those dificueltes presented themselves in the gloomey picture in which they painted them, and if the river was practiable and i could find timber to build canoes, those ideas & plan appeard to be agreeable to capt lewis's ideas on this point, and i selected men, directed them to pack up their baggage complete themselves with amunition, take each an ax and such tools as will be soutable to build canoes, and be ready to set out at oclock tomorrow morning. those people greatly pleased our hunters killed three deer & an antilope which was eaten in a short time the indians being so harrassed & compelled to move about in those rugid mountains that they are half starved liveing at this time on berries & roots which they geather in the plains. those people are not begerley but generous, only one has asked me for anything and he for powder. this nation call themselves cho-shop-ne the chief is name too-et-te-con'l black gun is his war name ka-me-ah-wah--or come & smoke. this chief gave me the following name and pipe ka-me-ah-wah. [lewis, august , ] sunday august th . this morning while capt clark was busily engaged in preparing for his rout, i exposed some articles to barter with the indians for horses as i wished a few at this moment to releive the men who were going with capt clark from the labour of carrying their baggage and also one to keep here in order to pack the meat to camp which the hunters might kill. i soon obtained three very good horses for which i gave an uniform coat, a pair of legings, a few handkerchiefs, three knives and some other small articles the whole of which did not cost more than about $ in the u states. the indians seemed quite as well pleased with their bargin as i was. the men also purchased one for an old checked shirt a pair of old legings and a knife. two of those i purchased capt. c. took on with him. at a.m. capt. clark departed with his detatchment and all the indians except men and women who remained with us. two of the inferior chiefs were a little displeased at not having received a present equivolent to that given the first chief. to releive this difficulty capt. clark bestoed a couple of his old coats on them and i promised that if they wer active in assisting me over the mountains with horses that i would give them an additional present; this seemed perfectly to satisfy them and they all set out in a good humour. capt. clark encamped this evening near the narrow pass between the hills on jefferson's river in the shoshone cove. his hunters killed one deer which the party with the aid of the indians readily consumed in the course of the evening.--after there departure this morning i had all the stores and baggage of every discription opened and aired. and began the operation of forming the packages in proper parsels for the purpose of transporting them on horseback. the rain in the evening compelled me to desist from my operations. i had the raw hides put in the water in order to cut them in throngs proper for lashing the packages and forming the necessary geer for pack horses, a business which i fortunately had not to learn on this occasion. drewyer killed one deer this evening. a beaver was also caught by one of the party. i had the net arranged and set this evening to catch some trout which we could see in great abundance at the bottom of the river. this day i completed my thirty first year, and conceived that i had in all human probability now existed about half the period which i am to remain in this sublunary world. i reflected that i had as yet done but little, very little indeed, to further the hapiness of the human race, or to advance the information of the succeeding generation. i viewed with regret the many hours i have spent in indolence, and now soarly feel the want of that information which those hours would have given me had they been judiciously expended. but since they are past and cannot be recalled, i dash from me the gloomy thought and resolved in future, to redouble my exertions and at least indeavour to promote those two primary objects of human existence, by giving them the aid of that portion of talents which nature and fortune have bestoed on me; or in future, to live for mankind, as i have heretofore lived for myself. [clark, august , ] august th sunday purchased of the indians three horses for which we gave a chiefs coat some handkerchiefs a shirt legins & a fiew arrow points &c. i gave two of my coats to two of the under chiefs who appeared not well satisfied that the first chief was dressed so much finer than themselves. at oclock i set out accompanied by the indians except the interpreter and wife, the fore part of the day worm, at oclock it became hasey with a mist of rain wind hard from the s. w. and cold which increased untill night the rain seased in about two hours. we proceeded on thro a wide leavel vallie without wood except willows & srubs for miles and encamped at a place the high lands approach within yards in points the river here only yards wide several small streams branching out on each side below. all the indians proceeded on except the chiefs & two young men. my hunters killed two deer which we eate. the course from the forks is west miles n. ° w. miles. the laid. of the forks agreeable to observations is ° ' " north- [lewis, august , ] monday august th . this morning i arrose at dylight. and sent out three hunters. some of the men who were much in want of legings and mockersons i suffered to dress some skins. the others i employed in repacking the baggage, making pack saddles &c. we took up the net this morning but caugt no fish. one beaver was caught in a trap. the frost which perfectly whitened the grass this morning had a singular appearance to me at this season. this evening i made a few of the men construct a sein of willow brush which we hawled and caught a large number of fine trout and a kind of mullet about inhes long which i had not seen before. the scales are small, the nose is long and obtusely pointed and exceedes the under jaw. the mouth is not large but opens with foalds at the sides, the colour of it's back and sides is of a bluish brown and belley white; it has the faggot bones, from which i have supposed it to be of the mullet kind. the tongue and pallate are smooth and it has no teeth. it is by no means as good as the trout. the trout are the same which i first met with at the falls of the missouri, they are larger than the speckled trout of our mountains and equally as well flavored.- the hunters returned this evening with two deer. from what has been said of the shoshones it will be readily perceived that they live in a wretched stait of poverty. yet notwithstanding their extreem poverty they are not only cheerfull but even gay, fond of gaudy dress and amusements; like most other indians they are great egotists and frequently boast of heroic acts which they never performed. they are also fond of games of wrisk. they are frank, communicative, fair in dealing, generous with the little they possess, extreemly honest, and by no means beggarly. each individual is his own sovereign master, and acts from the dictates of his own mind; the authority of the cheif being nothing more than mere admonition supported by the influence which the propiety of his own examplery conduct may have acquired him in the minds of the individuals who compose the band. the title of cheif is not hereditary, nor can i learn that there is any cerimony of instalment, or other epoh in the life of a cheif from which his title as such can be dated. in fact every man is a chief, but all have not an equal influence on the minds of the other members of the community, and he who happens to enjoy the greatest share of confidence is the principal chief. the shoshonees may be estimated at about warriors, and about three times that number of woomen and children. they have more children among them than i expected to have seen among a people who procure subsistence with such difficulty. there are but few very old persons, nor did they appear to treat those with much tenderness or rispect. the man is the sole propryetor of his wives and daughters, and can barter or dispose of either as he thinks proper. a plurality of wives is common among them, but these are not generally sisters as with the minnetares & mandans but are purchased of different fathers. the father frequently disposes of his infant daughters in marriage to men who are grown or to men who have sons for whom they think proper to provide wives. the compensation given in such cases usually consists of horses or mules which the father receives at the time of contract and converts to his own uce. the girl remains with her parents untill she is conceived to have obtained the age of puberty which with them is considered to be about the age of or years. the female at this age is surrendered to her sovereign lord and husband agreeably to contract, and with her is frequently restored by the father quite as much as he received in the first instance in payment for his daughter; but this is discretionary with the father. sah-car-gar-we-ah had been thus disposed of before she was taken by the minnetares, or had arrived to the years of puberty. the husband was yet living and with this band. he was more than double her age and had two other wives. he claimed her as his wife but said that as she had had a child by another man, who was charbono, that he did not want her. they seldom correct their children particularly the boys who soon become masters of their own acts. they give as a reason that it cows and breaks the sperit of the boy to whip him, and that he never recovers his independence of mind after he is grown. they treat their women but with little rispect, and compel them to perform every species of drudgery. they collect the wild fruits and roots, attend to the horses or assist in that duty cook dreess the skins and make all their apparal, collect wood and make their fires, arrange and form their lodges, and when they travel pack the horses and take charge of all the baggage; in short the man dose little else except attend his horses hunt and fish. the man considers himself degraded if he is compelled to walk any distance, and if he is so unfortunately poor as only to possess two horses he rides the best himself and leavs the woman or women if he has more than one, to transport their baggage and children on the other, and to walk if the horse is unable to carry the additional weight of their persons--the chastity of their women is not held in high estimation, and the husband will for a trifle barter the companion of his bead for a night or longer if he conceives the reward adiquate; tho they are not so importunate that we should caress their women as the siouxs were and some of their women appear to be held more sacred than in any nation we have seen i have requested the men to give them no cause of jealousy by having connection with their women without their knowledge, which with them strange as it may seem is considered as disgracefull to the husband as clandestine connections of a similar kind are among civilized nations. to prevent this mutual exchange of good officies altogether i know it impossible to effect, particularly on the part of our young men whom some months abstinence have made very polite to those tawney damsels. no evil has yet resulted and i hope will not from these connections.--notwithstanding the late loss of horses which this people sustained by the minnetares the stock of the band may be very safely estimated at seven hundred of which they are perhaps about coalts and half that number of mules.these people are deminutive in stature, thick ankles, crooked legs, thick flat feet and in short but illy formed, at least much more so in general than any nation of indians i ever saw. their complexion is much that of the siouxs or darker than the minnetares mandands or shawnees. generally both men and women wear their hair in a loos lank flow over the sholders and face; tho i observed some few men who confined their hair in two equal cues hanging over each ear and drawnn in front of the body. the cue is formed with throngs of dressed lather or otterskin aternately crossing each other. at present most of them have cut short in the neck in consequence of the loss of their relations by the minnetares. cameahwait has his cut close all over his head. this constitutes their cerimony of morning for their deceased relations. the dress of the men consists of a robe long legings, shirt, tippet and mockersons, that of the women is also a robe, chemise, and mockersons; sometimes they make use of short legings. the ornements of both men and women are very similar, and consist of several species of sea shells, blue and white beads, bras and iron arm bands, plaited cords of the sweet grass, and collars of leather ornamented with the quills of the porcupine dyed of various colours among which i observed the red, yellow, blue, and black. the ear is purforated in the lower part to receive various ornaments but the nose is not, nor is the ear lasserated or disvigored for this purpose as among many nations. the men never mark their skins by birning, cuting, nor puncturing and introducing a colouring matter as many nations do. there women sometimes puncture a small circle on their forehead nose or cheeks and thus introduce a black matter usually soot and grease which leaves an indelible stane. tho this even is by no means common. their arms offensive and defensive consist in the bow and arrows sheild, some lances, and a weapon called by the cippeways who formerly used it, the pog-gal'-mag-gon'. in fishing they employ wairs, gigs, and fishing hooks. the salmon is the principal object of their pursuit. they snair wolves and foxes. i was anxious to learn whether these people had the venerial, and made the enquiry through the intrepreter and his wife; the information was that they sometimes had it but i could not learn their remedy; they most usually die with it's effects. this seems a strong proof that these disorders bothe gonaroehah and louis venerae are native disorders of america. tho these people have suffered much by the small pox which is known to be imported and perhaps those other disorders might have been contracted from other indian tribes who by a round of communication might have obtained from the europeans since it was introduced into that quarter of the globe. but so much detatched on the other had from all communication with the whites that i think it most probable that those disorders are original with them. from the middle of may to the firt of september these people reside on the waters of the columbia where they consider themselves in perfect security from their enimies as they have not as yet ever found their way to this retreat; during this season the salmon furnish the principal part of their subsistence and as this firsh either perishes or returns about the st of september they are compelled at this season in surch of subsistence to resort to the missouri, in the vallies of which, there is more game even within the mountains. here they move slowly down the river in order to collect and join other bands either of their own nation or the flatheads, and having become sufficiently strong as they conceive venture on the eastern side of the rockey mountains into the plains, where the buffaloe abound. but they never leave the interior of the mountains while they can obtain a scanty subsistence, and always return as soon as they have acquired a good stock of dryed meat in the plains; when this stock is consumed they venture again into the plains; thus alternately obtaining their food at the risk of their lives and retiring to the mountains, while they consume it.--these people are now on the eve of their departure for the missouri, and inform us that they expect to be joined at or about the three forks by several bands of their own nation, and a band of the flatheads. as i am now two busily engaged to enter at once into a minute discription of the several articles which compose their dress, impliments of war hunting fishing &c i shall pursue them at my leasure in the order they have here occurred to my mind, and have been mentioned. this morning capt. clark continued his rout with his party, the indians accompanying him as yesterday; he was obliged to feed them. nothing remarkable happened during the day. he was met by an indian with two mules on this side of the dividing ridge at the foot of the mountain, the indian had the politeness to offer capt. c. one of his mules to ride as he was on foot, which he accepted and gave the fellow a waistcoat as a reward for his politeness. in the evening he reached the creek on this side of the indian camp and halted for the night. his hunters killed nothing today. the indians value their mules very highly. a good mule can not be obtained for less than three and sometimes four horses, and the most indifferent are rated at two horses. their mules generally are the finest i ever saw without any comparison.--today i observed time and distance of sun's and moon's nearest limbs with sextant sun east. [clark, august , ] august th monday a verry cold morning frost to be seen we set out at oclock and proceeded on thro a wide leavel vallie the chief shew me the place that a number of his nation was killed about years past this vallie continues miles & then becoms narrow, the beaver has darned up the river in maney places we proceeded on up the main branch with a gradial assent to the head and passed over a low mountain and decended a steep decent to a butifull stream, passed over a second hill of a verry steep assent & thro a hilley countrey for miles an encamped on a small stream the indians with us we wer oblige to feed--one man met one with a mule & spanish saddle to ride, i gave him a wistoat a mule is considered a of great value among those people we proceeded on over a verry mountanious countrey across the head of hollows & springs [lewis, august , ] tuesday august th . this morning i sent out the two hunters and employed the ballance of the party pretty much as yesterday. i walked down the river about-- / of a mile and scelected a place near the river bank unperceived by the indians for a cash, which i set three men to make, and directed the centinel to discharge his gun if he pereceived any of the indians going down in that direction which was to be the signal for the men at work on the cash to desist and seperate, least these people should discover our deposit and rob us of the baggage we intend leaving here. by evening the cash was completed unperceived by the indians, and all our packages made up. the pack-saddles and harries is not yet complete. in this operation we find ourselves at a loss for nails and boards; for the first we substitute throngs of raw hide which answer verry well, and for the last to cut off the blades of our oars and use the plank of some boxes which have heretofore held other articles and put those articles into sacks of raw hide which i have had made for the purpose. by this means i have obtained as many boards as will make saddles which i suppose will be sufficient for our present exegencies. the indians with us behave themselves extreemly well; the women have been busily engaged all day making and mending the mockersons of our party. in the evening the hunters returned unsuccessfull. drewyer went in search of his trap which a beaver had taken off last night; he found the beaver dead with the trap to his foot about miles below the place he had set it. this beaver constituted the whole of the game taken today. the fur of this animal is as good as i ever saw any, and beleive that they are never out of season on the upper part of the missouri and it's branches within the mountains. goodrich caught several douzen fine trout. today. i made up a small assortment of medicines, together with the specemines of plants, minerals, seeds &c. which, i have collected betwen this place and the falls of the missouri which i shall deposit here. the robe woarn by the shoshonees is the same in both sexes and is loosly thrown about their sholders, and the sides at pleasure either hanging loose or drawn together with the hands, sometimes if the weather is cold they confine it with a girdel arround the waist; they are generally about the size of a / point blanket for grown persons and reach as low as the middle of the leg. this robe forms a garment in the day and constitutes their only covering at night. with these people the robe is formed most commonly of the skins of antelope, bighorn, or deer, dressed with the hair on, tho they prefer the buffaloe when they can procure them. i have also observed some robes among them of beaver, moonax, and small wolves. the summer robes of both sexes are also frequently made of the elk's skin dressed without the hair. the shirt of the men is really a commodious and decent garment. it roomy and reaches nearly half way the thye, there is no collar, the apperture being sufficiently large to admit the head and is left square at top, or most frequently, both before and behind terminate in the tails of the animals of which they are made and which foald outwards being frequently left entire or somtimes cut into a fring on the edges and ornimented with the quills of the porcupine. the sides of the shirt are sewed deeply fringed, and ornamented in a similar manner from the bottom upwards, within six or eight inches of the sieve from whence it is left open as well as the sieve on it's under side to the elbow nearly. from the elbow the sieve fits the arm tight as low as the wrist and is not ornimented with a fringe as the sides and under parts of the sieve are above the elbow. the sholder straps are wide and on them is generally displayed the taste of the manufacterer in a variety of figures wrought with the quills of the porcupine of several colours; beads when they have them are also displayed on this part. the tail of the shirt is left in the form which the fore legs and neck give it with the addition of a slight fringe. the hair is usually left on the tail, & near the hoofs of the animal; part of the hoof is also retained to the skin and is split into a fring by way of orniment. these shirts are generally made of deer's antelope's, bighorn's, or elk's skins dressed without the hair. the elk skin is less used for this purpose than either of the others. their only thread used on this or any other occasion is the sinews taken from the back and loins of the deer elk buffaloe &c. their legings are most usually formed of the skins of the antelope dressed without the hair. in the men they are very long and full each leging being formed of a skin nearly entire. the legs, tail and neck are also left on these, and the tail woarn upwards; and the neck deeply fringed and ornimented with porcupine qulls drags or trails on the ground behind the heel. the skin is sewn in such manner as to fit the leg and thye closely; the upper part being left open a sufficient distance to permit the legs of the skin to be dran underneath a girdle both before and behind, and the wide part of the skin to cover the buttock and lap before in such manner that the breechcloth is unnecessary. they are much more decent in concealing those parts than any nation on the missouri the sides of the legings are also deeply fringed and ornimented. sometimes this part is ornimented with little fassicles of the hair of an enimy whom they have slain in battle. the tippet of the snake indians is the most eligant peice of indian dress i ever saw, the neck or collar of this is formed of a strip of dressed otter skin with the fur. it is about four or five inches wide and is cut out of the back of the skin the nose and eyes forming one extremity and the tail the other. begining a little behind the ear of the animal at one edge of this collar and proceeding towards the tail, they attatch from one to two hundred and fifty little roles of ermin skin formed in the following manner. the skin is first dressed with the fur on it and a narrow strip is cut out of the back of the skin reaching from the nose and imbracing the tail. this is sewed arround a small cord of the silk-grass twisted for the purpose and regularly tapering in such manner as to give it ajust proportion to the tail which is to form the lower extremity of the stran. thus arranged they are confined at the upper point in little bundles of two-three, or more as the disign may be to make them more full; these are then attatched to the collars as before mentioned, and to conceal the connection of this part which would otherwise have a course appearance they attatch a broad fringe of the ermin skin to the collar overlaying that part. little bundles of fine fringe of the same materials is fastened to the extremity of the tails in order to shew their black extremities to greater advantage. the center of the otterskin collar is also ornamented with the shells of the perl oister. the collar is confined arond the neck and the little roles of ermin skin about the size of a large quill covers the solders and body nearly to the waist and has the appearance of a short cloak and is really handsome. these they esteem very highly, and give or dispose of only on important occasions. the ermin whic is known to the traiders of the n. w. by the name of the white weasel is the genuine ermine, and might no doubt be turned to great advantage by those people if they would encourage the indians to take them. they are no doubt extreemly plenty and readily taken, from the number of these tippets which i have seen among these people and the great number of skins employed in the construction of each timppet. scarcely any of them have employed less than one hundred of these skins in their formation.--this morning capt. clark set out at in the morning and soon after arrived near their camp they having removed about miles higher up the river than the camp at which they were when i first visited them. the chief requested a halt, which was complyed with, and a number of the indians came out from the village and joined them after smoking a few pipes with them they all proceeded to the village where capt c. was conducted to a large lodge prepared in the center of the encampment for himself and party. here they gave him one salmon and some cakes of dryed berries. he now repeated to them what had been said to them in council at this place which was repeated to the village by the cheif. when he had concluded this address he requested a guide to accompany him down the river and an elderly man was pointed out by the cheif who consented to undertake this task. this was the old man of whom cameahwait had spoken as a person well acquainted with the country to the north of this river. capt. c. encouraged the indians to come over with their horses and assist me over with the baggage. he distrubuted some presents among the indians. about half the men of the village turned out to hunt the antelope but were unsuccessfull. at p.m. capt. clark departed, accompanyed by his guide and party except one man whom he left with orders to purchase a horse if possible and overtake him as soon as he could. he left charbono and the indian woman to return to my camp with the indians. he passed the river about four miles below the indians, and encamped on a small branch, eight miles distant. on his way he met a rispectable looking indian who returned and continued with him all night; this indian gave them three salmon. capt. c. killed a cock of the plains or mountain cock. it was of a dark brown colour with a long and pointed tail larger than the dunghill fowl and had a fleshey protuberant substance about the base of the upper chap, something like that of the turkey tho without the snout. [clark, august , ] august th tuesday set out at half past oclock and proceeded on (met maney parties of indians) thro a hilley countrey to the camp of the indians on a branch of the columbia river, before we entered this camp a serimonious hault was requested by the chief and i smoked with all that came around for several pipes, we then proceeded on to the camp & i was introduced into the only lodge they had which was pitched in the center for my party all the other lodges made of bushes, after a fiew indian seremonies i informed the indians the object of our journey our good intentions towards them my consern for their distressed situation, what we had done for them in makeing a piece with the minitarras mandans rickara &c. for them-. and requested them all to take over their horses & assist capt leiwis across &c. also informing them the oject of my journey down the river and requested a guide to accompany me, all of which was repeited by the chief to the whole village. those pore people could only raise a sammon & a little dried choke cherris for us half the men of the tribe with the chief turned out to hunt the antilopes, at oclock after giveing a fiew small articles as presents i set out accompanied by an old man as a guide (i endevered to procure as much information from thos people as possible without much suckcess they being but little acquainted or effecting to be so-) i lef one man to purchase a horse and overtake me and proceeded on thro a wide rich bottom on a beaten roade miles crossed the river and encamped on a small run, this evening passed a number of old lodges, and met a number of men women children & horses, met a man who appeared of some consideration who turned back with us, he halted a woman & gave us small sammon, this man continued with me all night and partook of what i had which was a little pork verry salt. those indians are verry attentive to strangers &c. i left our interpreter & his woman to accompany the indians to capt lewis tomorrow the day they informed me they would set out i killed a pheasent at the indian camp larger than a dungal fowl with feshey protuberances about the head like a turkey. frost last night [lewis, august , ] wednesday august st . this morning was very cold. the ice / of an inch thick on the water which stood in the vessels exposed to the air. some wet deerskins that had been spread the grass last evening are stiffly frozen. the ink feizes in my pen. the bottoms are perfectly covered with frost insomuch that they appear to be covered with snow. this morning early i dispatched two hunters to kill some meat if possible before the indians arrive; drewyer i sent with the horse into the cove for that purpose. the party pursued their several occupations as yesterday. by evening i had all the baggage, saddles, and harness completely ready for a march. after dark, i made the men take the baggage to the cash and deposit it. i beleve we have been unperceived by the indians in this movement. notwithstanding the coldness of the last night the day has proved excessively warm. neither of the hunters returned this evening and i was obliged to issue pork and corn. the mockersons of both sexes are usually the same and are made of deer elk or buffaloe skin dressed without the hair. sometimes in the winter they make them of buffaloe skin dressed with the hair on and turn the hair inwards as the mandans minetares and most of the nations do who inhabit the buffaloe country. the mockerson is formed with one seem on the outer edge of the foot is cut open at the instep to admit the foot and sewed up behind. in this rispect they are the same with the mandans. they sometimes ornament their mockersons with various figures wrought with the quills of the porcupine. some of the dressey young men orniment the tops of their mockersons with the skins of polecats and trale the tail of that animal on the ground at their heels as they walk.the robe of the woman is generally smaller than that of the man but is woarn in the same manner over the sholders. the chemise is roomy and comes down below the middle of the leg the upper part of this garment is formed much like the shirt of the men except the sholder strap which is never used with the chemise. in women who give suck, they are left open at the sides nearly as low as the waist, in others, close as high as the sleeve. the sleeve underneath as low as the elbow is open, that part being left very full. the sides tail and upper part of the sleeves are deeply fringed and sometimes ornimented in a similar manner with the shirts of the men with the addition of little patches of red cloth about the tail edged around with beads. the breast is usually ornament with various figures of party colours rought with the quills of the porcupine. it is on this part of the garment that they appear to exert their greatest ingenuity. a girdle of dressed leather confines the chemise around the waist. when either the man or woman wish to disengage their arm from the sleeve they draw it out by means of the opening underneath the arm an throw the sleeve behind the body. the legings of the women reach as high as the knee and are confined with a garter below. the mockerson covers and confins it's lower extremity. they are neither fringed nor ornamented. these legings are made of the skins of the antelope and the chemise usually of those of the large deer bighorn and the smallest elk.--they seldom wear the beads they possess about their necks at least i have never seen a grown person of either sex wear them on this part; some their children are seen with them in this way. the men and women were them suspen from the ear in little bunches or intermixed with triangular peices of the shells of the perl oister. the men also were them attached in a similar manner to the hare of the fore part of the crown of the head; to which they sometimes make the addition of the wings and tails of birds. the nose in neither sex is pierced nor do they wear any ornament in it. they have a variety of small sea shells of which they form collars woarn indiscriminately by both sexes. these as well as the shell of the perl oister they value very highly and inform us that they obtain them from their friends and relations who live beyond the barren plain towards the ocean in a s. westerly direction. these friends of theirs they say inhabit a good country abounding with elk, deer, bear, and antelope, and possess a much greater number of horses and mules than they do themselves; or using their own figure that their horses and mules are as numerous as the grass of the plains. the warriors or such as esteem themselves brave men wear collars made of the claws of the brown bear which are also esteemed of great value and are preserved with great care. these claws are ornamented with beads about the thick end near which they are peirced through their sides and strung on a throng of dressed leather and tyed about the neck commonly with the upper edge of the tallon next the breast or neck but sometimes are reversed. it is esteemed by them an act of equal celebrity the killing one of these bear or an enimy, and with the means they have of killing this animal it must really be a serious undertaking. the sweet sented grass which grows very abundant on this river is either twisted or plaited and woarn around the neck in ether sex, but most commonly by the men. they have a collar also woarn by either sex. it generally round and about the size of a man's finger; formed of leather or silk-grass twisted or firmly rolled and covered with the quills of the porcupine of different colours. the tusks of the elk are pierced strung on a throng and woarn as an orniment for the neck, and is most generally woarn by the women and children. the men frequently wear the skin of a fox or a broad strip of that of the otter around the forehead and head in form of a bando. they are also fond of the feathers of the tail of the beautifull eagle or callumet birds with which they ornament their own hair and the tails and mains of their horses. the dress of these people is quite as desent and convenient as that of any nation of indians i ever saw. this morning early capt. c. resumed his march; at the distance of five miles he arrived at some brush lodges of the shoshones inhabited by about seven families here he halted and was very friendly received by these people, who gave himself and party as much boiled salmon as they could eat; they also gave him several dryed salmon and a considerable quantity of dryed chokecherries. after smoking with them he visited their fish wear which was abut yds. distant. he found the wear extended across four channels of the river which was here divided by three small islands. three of these channels were narrow, and were stoped by means of trees fallen across, supported by which stakes of willow were driven down sufficiently near each other to prevent the salmon from passing. about the center of each a cilindric basket of eighteen or feet in length terminating in a conic shape at it's lower extremity, formed of willows, was opposed to a small apperture in the wear with it's mouth up stream to receive the fish. the main channel of the water was conducted to this basket, which was so narrow at it's lower extremity that the fish when once in could not turn itself about, and were taken out by untying the small ends of the longitudinal willows, which frormed the hull of the basket. the wear in the main channel was somewhat differently contrived. there were two distinct wears formed of poles and willow sticks, quite across the river, at no great distance from each other. each of these, were furnished with two baskets; the one wear to take them ascending and the other in decending. in constructing these wears, poles were first tyed together in parcels of three near the smaller extremity; these were set on end, and spread in a triangular form at the base, in such manner, that two of the three poles ranged in the direction of the intended work, and the third down the stream. two ranges of horizontal poles were next lashed with willow bark and wythes to the ranging poles, and on these willow sticks were placed perpendicularly, reaching from the bottom of the river to about or four feet above it's surface; and placed so near each other, as not to permit the passage of the fish, and even so thick in some parts, as with the help of gravel and stone to give a direction to the water which they wished.--the baskets were the same in form of the others. this is the form of the work, and disposition of the baskets. after examining the wears capt. c. returned to the lodges, and shortly continued his rout and passed the river to the lard. side a little distance below the wears. he sent collins with an indian down the lard. side of the river to the forks me. in surch of cruzatte who was left at the upper camp yesterday to purchase a horse and had followed on today and passed them by another road while they were at the lodges and had gone on to the forks. while capt. clark was at these lodges an indian brought him a tomehawk which he said he found in the grass near the lodge where i had staid at the upper camp when i was first with his nation the tommahawk was drewyer's he missed it in the morning before we had set out and surched for it but it was not to be found i beleive the young fellow stole it, but if he did it is the only article they have pilfered and this was now returned. capt. c. after traveling about miles through the valley with the course of the river nearly n. w. encamped on the stard. side in a small bottom under a high clift of rocks. on his way one of the party killed a very large salmon in a creek which they passed at the distance of ms. he was joined this evening by cruzatte and collins who brought with them five fresh salmon which had been given them by the indians at the forks. the forks of this river is famous as a gig fishery and is much resorted by the natives.--they killed one deer today. the guide apeared to be a very friendly intelligent old man, capt. c. is much pleased with him. [clark, august , ] august st wednesday frost last night proceeded on with the indians i met about miles to there camp, i entered a lodge and after smokeing with all who came about me i went to see the place those people take the fish, a wear across the creek in which there is stuk baskets set in different derections so as to take the fish either decending or assending on my return to the camp which was yards only the different lodges (which is only bushes) brought in to the lodge i was introduced into, sammon boiled, and dried choke chers. sufficent for all my party.--one man brought me a tomahawk which we expected they had stolen from a man of capt lewis's party, this man informed me he found the tomk in the grass near the place the man slept. crossed the river and went over a point of high land & struck it again near a bluff on the right side the man i left to get a horse at the upper camp missed me & went to the forks which is about five miles below the last camp. i sent one man by the forks with derections to join me to night with the one now at that place, those two men joined me at my camp on the right side below the st clift with sammon which the indians gave them at the forks, the place they gig fish at this season. their method of takeing fish with a gig or bone is with a long pole, about a foot from one end is a strong string attached to the pole, this string is a little more than a foot long and is tied to the middle of a bone from to inches long, one end sharp the other with a whole to fasten on the end of the pole with a beard to the large end, the fasten this bone on one end & with the other, feel for the fish & turn and strike them so hard that the bone passes through and catches on the opposit side, slips off the end of the pole and holds the center of the bone those indians are mild in their disposition appear sincere in their friendship, punctial, and decided. kind with what they have, to spare. they are excessive pore, nothing but horses there enemies which are noumerous on account of there horses & defenceless situation, have deprived them of tents and all the small conveniances of life. they have only a few indifferent knives, no ax, make use of elk's horn sharpened to spit ther wood, no clothes except a short legins & robes of different animals, beaver, bear, buffalow, wolf panthor, ibex, sheep deer, but most commonly the antilope skins which they ware loosely about them--their ornements are orter skin dcurated with see shells & the skins & tales of the white weasel, sea shels of different size hung to their ears hair and breast of their shirts, beeds of shells platted grass, and small strings of otter skin dressed, they are fond of our trinkets, and give us those ornements as the most valueable of their possession. the women are held sacred and appear to have an equal shere in all conversation, which is not the case in any othe nation i have seen. their boeys & girls are also admited to speak except in councils, the women doe all the drugery except fishing and takeing care of the horses, which the men apr. to take upon themselves.--the men ware the hair loose flowing over ther sholders & face the women cut short, orniments of the back bones of fish strung plated grass grains of corn strung feathers and orniments of birds claws of the bear encurcling their necks the most sacred of all the orniments of this nation is the sea shells of various sizes and shapes and colours, of the bassterd perl kind, which they inform us they get from the indians to the south on the other side of a large fork of this river in passing to which they have to pass thro sandy & barron open plains without water to which place they can travel in or days--the men who passed by the forks informed me that the s w. fork was double the size of the one i came down, and i observed that it was a handsom river at my camp i shall injustice to capt lewis who was the first white man ever on this fork of the columbia call this louis's river. one deer killed this morning, and a sammon in the last creek / feet long the westerley fork of the columbia river is double the size of the easterley fork & below those forks the river is about the size jeffersons river near its mouth or yards wide, it is verry rapid & sholey water clear but little timber. this clift is of a redish brown colour the rocks which fall from it is a dark brown flint tinged with that colour. some gullies of white sand stone and sand fine & as white as snow. the mountains on each side are high, and those on the east ruged & contain a fiew scattering pine, those on the west contain pine on ther tops & high up the hollows--the bottoms of this is wide & rich from some distance above the place i struck the east fork they are also wide on the east passed a large creek which fall in on the right side miles below the forks a road passes up this creek & to the missouri. [lewis, august , ] thursday august ed this morning early i sent a couple of men to complete the covering of the cash which could not be done well last night in the dark, they soon accomplished their work and returned. late last night drewyer returned with a fawn he had killed and a considerable quantity of indian plunder. the anecdote with rispect to the latter is perhaps worthy of relation. he informed me that while hunting in the cove yesterday about ock. he came suddonly upon an indian camp, at which there were a young man an old man a boy and three women, that they seemed but little supprised at seeing him and he rode up to them and dismounted turning horse out to graize. these people had just finished their repast on some roots, he entered into conversation with them by signs, and after about minutes one of the women spoke to the others of the party and they all went immediately and collected their horses brought them to camp and saddled them at this moment he thought he would also set out and continue his hunt, and accorgingly walked to catch his horse at some little distance and neglected to take up his gun which, he left at camp. the indians perceiving him at the distance of fifty paces immediately mounted their horses, the young man took the gun and the whole of them left their baggage and laid whip to their horses directing their course to the pass of the mountains. finding himself deprived of his gun he immediately mounted his horse and pursued; after runing them about miles the horses of two of the women nearly gave out and the young fellow with the gun from their frequent crys slackened his pace and being on a very fleet horse road around the women at a little distance at length drewer overtook the women and by signs convinced them that he did not wish to hirt them they then halted and the young fellow approached still nearer, he asked him for his gun but the only part of the answer which he could understand was pah kee which he knew to be the name by which they called their enimies. watching his opportunity when the fellow was off his guard he suddonly rode along side of him seized his gun and wrest her out of his hands. the fellow finding drewyer too strong for him and discovering that he must yeald the gun had pesents of mind to open the pan and cast the priming before he let the gun escape from his hands; now finding himself devested of the gun he turned his horse about and laid whip leaving the women to follow him as well as they could. drewyer now returned to the place they had left their baggage and brought it with him to my camp. it consisted of several dressed and undressed skins; a couple of bags wove with the fingers of the bark of the silk-grass containing each about a bushel of dryed service berries some checherry cakes and about a bushel of roots of three different kinds dryed and prepared for uce which were foalded in as many parchment hides of buffaloe. some flint and the instrument of bone for manufactureing the flint into arrow points. some of this flint was as transparent as the common black glass and much of the same colour easily broken, and flaked off much like glass leaving a very sharp edge. one speceis of the roots were fusiform abot six inches long and about the size of a man's finger at the larger end tapering to a small point. the radicles larger than in most fusiform roots. the rind was white and thin. the body or consistence of the root was white mealy and easily reduced by pounding to a substance resembleing flour which thickens with boiling water something like flour and is agreeably flavored. this rout is frequently eaten by the indians either green or in it's dryed state without the preparation of boiling. another speceis was much mutilated but appeared to be fibrous; the parts were brittle, hard of the size of a small quill, cilindric and as white as snow throughout, except some small parts of the hard black rind which they had not seperated in the preperation. this the indians with me informed were always boiled for use. i made the exprement, found that they became perfectly soft by boiling, but had a very bitter taste, which was naucious to my pallate, and i transfered them to the indians who had eat them heartily. a third speceis were about the size of a nutmeg, and of an irregularly rounded form, something like the smallest of the jerusalem artichoke, which they also resemble in every other appearance. they had become very hard by being dryed these i also boiled agreeably to the instruction of the indians and found them very agreeable. they resemble the jerusalem artichoke very much in their flavor and i thought them preferable, however there is some allowance to be made for the length of time i have now been without vegitable food to which i was always much attatched. these are certainly the best root i have yet seen in uce among the indians. i asked the indians to shew me the plant of which these roots formed a part but they informed me that neither of them grew near this place. i had set most of the men at work today to dress the deerskin belonging to those who had gone on command with capt. clark. at a.m. charbono the indian woman, cameahwait and about men with a number of women and children arrived. they encamped near us. after they had turned out their horses and arranged their camp i called the cheifs and warriors together and addressed them a second time; gave them some further presents, particularly the second and third cheifs who it appeared had agreeably to their promise exerted themselves in my favour. having no fresh meat and these poor devils half starved i had previously prepared a good meal for them all of boiled corn and beans which i gave them as soon as the council was over and i had distributed the presents. this was thankfully received by them. the chief wished that his nation could live in a country where they could provide such food. i told him that it would not be many years before the whitemen would put it in the power of his nation to live in the country below the mountains where they might cultivate corn beans and squashes. he appeared much pleased with the information. i gave him a few dryed squashes which we had brought from the mandans he had them boiled and declared them to be the best thing he had ever tasted except sugar, a small lump of which it seems his sister sah-cah-gar wea had given him. late in the evening i made the men form a bush drag, and with it in about hours they caught very good fish, most of them large trout. among them i now for the first time saw ten or a douzen of a whte speceis of trout. they are of a silvery colour except on the back and head, where they are of a bluish cast. the scales are much larger than the speckled trout, but in their form position of their fins teeth mouth &c they are precisely like them they are not generally quite as large but equally well flavored. i distributed much the greater portion of the fish among the indians. i purchased five good horses of them very reasonably, or at least for about the value of six dollars a peice in merchandize. the indians are very orderly and do not croud about our camp nor attempt to disterb any article they see lying about. they borrow knives kettles &c from the men and always carefully return them. capt. clark says, "we set out early and passed a small creek at one mile, also the points of four mountains which were high steep and rocky. the mountains are so steep that it is almost incredible to mention that horses had passed them. our road in many places lay over the sharp fragments of rocks which had fallen from the mountains and lay in confused heaps for miles together; yet notwithstanding our horsed traveled barefoot over them as fast as we could and did not detain us. passed two bold runing streams, and arrived at the entrance of a small river" where some indian families resided. they had some scaffoalds of fish and burries exposed to dry. they were not acquainted with the circumstance of any whitemen being in their country and were therefore much allarmed on our approach several of the women and children fled in the woods for shelter. the guide was behind and the wood thick in which their lodges were situated we came on them before they had the least notice of us. those who remained offered us every thing they had, which was but little; they offered us collars of elks tusks which their children woar salmon beries &c. we eat some of their fish and buries but returned them the other articles they had offered with a present of some small articles which seemed to add much to their pacification. the guide who had by this time arrived explained to them who we were and our object in visiting them; but still there were some of the women and children inconsoleable, they continued to cry during our stay, which was about an hour. a road passes up this river which my guide informed me led over the mountains to the missouri. from this place i continued my rout along the steep side of a mountain for about miles and arrived at the river near a small island on the lower point of which we encamped in the evening we attempted to gig fish but were unsuccessfull only obtaining one small salmon. in the course of the day we had passed several women and children geathering burries who were very liberal in bestoing us a part of their collections. the river is very rapid and shoaly; many rocks lie in various derections scattered throughout it's bed. there are some few small pine scattered through the bottoms, of which i only saw one which appeared as if it would answer for a canoe and that was but small. the tops of the mountains on the lard. side are covered with pine and some also scattered on the sides of all the mountains. i saw today a speceis of woodpecker, which fed on the seeds of the pine. it's beak and tail were white, it's wings were black, and every other part of a dark brown. it was about the size of a robin- [clark, august , ] august d thursday we set out early passed a small creek on the right at mile and the points of four mountains verry steap high & rockey, the assent of three was so steap that it is incrediable to describe the rocks in maney places loose & sliped from those mountains and is a bed of rugid loose white and dark brown loose rock for miles. the indian horses pass over those clifts hills sids & rocks as fast as a man, the three horses with me do not detain me any on account of those dificuelties, passed two bold rung. streams on the right and a small river at the mouth of which several families of indians were encamped and had several scaffolds of fish & buries drying we allarmed them verry much as they knew nothing of a white man being in their countrey, and at the time we approached their lodges which was in a thick place of bushes-my guiedes were behind.--they offered every thing they possessed (which was verry littl) to us, some run off and hid in the bushes the first offer of theirs were elks tuskes from around their childrens necks, sammon &c. my guide attempted passifyed those people and they set before me berres, & fish to eate, i gave a fiew small articles to those fritened people which added verry much to their pasification but not entirely as some of the women & childn. cried dureing my stay of an hour at this place, i proceeded on the side of a verry steep & rockey mountain for miles and encamped on the lower pt. of an island. we attempted to gig fish without suckcess. caught but one small one.the last creek or small river is on the right side and "a road passes up it & over to the missouri" in this day passed several womin and children gathering and drying buries of which they were very kind and gave us a part. the river rapid and sholey maney stones scattered through it in different directions. i saw to day bird of the wood pecker kind which fed on pine burs its bill and tale white the wings black every other part of a light brown, and about the size of a robin. some fiew pine scattered in the bottoms & sides of the mountains (the top of the motn. to the left covered & inaxcessable) i saw one which would make a small canoe. [lewis, august , ] friday august rd . this morning i arrose very early and despatched two hunters on horseback with orders to extend their hunt to a greater distance up the s. e. fork than they had done heretofore, in order if possible to obtain some meet for ourselves as well as the indians who appeared to depend on us for food and our store of provision is growing too low to indulge them with much more corn or flour. i wished to have set out this morning but the cheef requested that i would wait untill another party of his nation arrived which he expected today, to this i consented from necessity, and therefore sent out the hunters as i have mentioned. i also laid up the canoes this morning in a pond near the forks; sunk them in the water and weighted them down with stone, after taking out the plugs of the gage holes in their bottoms; hoping by this means to guard against both the effects of high water, and that of the fire which is frequently kindled in these plains by the natives. the indians have promised to do them no intentional injury and beleive they are too lazy at any rate to give themselves the trouble to raise them from their present situation in order to cut or birn them. i reminded the chief of the low state of our stores of provision and advised him to send his young men to hunt, which he immediately recommended to them and most of them turned out. i wished to have purchased some more horses of them but they objected against disposing of any more of them untill we reach their camp beyond the mountains. the indians pursued a mule buck near our camp i saw this chase for about miles it was really entertaining, there were about twelve of them in pursuit of it on horseback, they finally rode it down and killed it. the all came in about p.m. having killed mule deer and three goats. this mule buck was the largest deer of any kind i had ever seen. it was nearly as large as a doe elk. i observed that there was but little division or distribution of the meat they had taken among themselves. some familes had a large stock and others none. this is not customary among the nations of indians with whom i have hitherto been acquainted i asked cameahwait the reason why the hunters did not divide the meat among themselves; he said that meat was so scarce with them that the men who killed it reserved it for themselves and their own families. my hunters arrived about in the evening with two mule deer and three common deer. i distributed three of the deer among those families who appeared to have nothing to eat. at three p.m. the expected party of indians arrived, about men women and children. i now learnt that most of them were thus far on their way down the valley towards the buffaloe country, and observed that there was a good deel of anxiety on the part of some of those who had promised to assist me over the mountains to accompany this party, i felt some uneasiness on this subject but as they still said they would return with me as they had promised i said nothing to them but resolved to set out in the morning as early as possible. i dispatched two hunters this evening into the cove to hunt and leave the meat they might kill on the rout we shall pass tomorrow. the metal which we found in possession of these people consited of a few indifferent knives, a few brass kettles some arm bands of iron and brass, a few buttons, woarn as ornaments in their hair, a spear or two of a foot in length and some iron and brass arrow points which they informed me they obtained in exchange for horses from the crow or rocky mountain indians on the yellowstone river. the bridlebits and stirrips they obtained from the spaniards, tho these were but few. many of them made use of flint for knives, and with this instrument, skined the animals they killed, dressed their fish and made their arrows; in short they used it for every purpose to which the knife is applyed. this flint is of no regular form, and if they can only obtain a part of it, an inch or two in length that will cut they are satisfyed, they renew the edge by fleaking off the flint by means of the point of an elk's or deer's horn. with the point of a deer or elk's horn they also form their arrow points of the flint, with a quickness and neatness that is really astonishing. we found no axes nor hatchets among them; what wood they cut was done either with stone or elk's horn. the latter they use always to rive or split their wood. their culinary eutensils exclusive of the brass kettle before mentioned consist of pots in the form of ajar made either of earth, or of a white soft stone which becomes black and very hard by birning, and is found in the hills near the three forks of the missouri betwen madison's and gallitin's rivers they have also spoons made of the buffaloe's horn and those of the bighorn. their bows are made of ceader or pine and have nothing remarkable about them. the back of the bow is covered with sinues and glue and is about / feet long. much the shape of those used by the siouxs mandans minnetares &c. their arrows are more slender generally than those used by the nations just mentioned but much the same in construction. their sheild is formed of buffaloe hide, perfectly arrow proof, and is a circle of feet i. or f. i. in diameter. this is frequently painted with varios figures and ornamented around the edges with feather and a fringe of dressed leather. they sometimes make bows of the elk's horn and those also of the bighorn. those of the elk's horn are made of a single peice and covered on the back with glue and sinues like those made of wood, and are frequently ornamented with a stran wrought porcupine quills and sinues raped around them for some distance at both extremities. the bows of the bighorn are formed of small peices laid flat and cemented with gleue, and rolled with sinews, after which, they are also covered on the back with sinews and glew, and highly ornamented as they are much prized. forming the sheild is a cerimony of great importance among them, this implement would in their minds be devested of much of its protecting power were it not inspired with those virtues by their old men and jugglers. their method of preparing it is thus, an entire skin of a bull buffaloe two years old is first provided; a feast is next prepared and all the warriors old men and jugglers invited to partake. a hole is sunk in the ground about the same in diameter with the intended sheild and about inches deep. a parcel of stones are now made red hot and thrown into the hole water is next thrown in and the hot stones cause it to emit a very strong hot steem, over this they spread the green skin which must not have been suffered to dry after taken off the beast. the flesh side is laid next to the groround and as many of the workmen as can reach it take hold on it's edges and extend it in every direction. as the skin becomes heated, the hair seperates and is taken of with the fingers, and the skin continues to contract untill the whoe is drawn within the compas designed for the shield, it is then taken off and laid on a parchment hide where they pound it with their heels when barefoot. this operation of pounding continues for several days or as long as the feast lasts when it is delivered to the propryeter and declared by the jugglers and old men to be a sufficient defence against the arrows of their enimies or even bullets if feast has been a satisfactory one. many of them beleive implisitly that a ball cannot penitrate their sheilds, in consequence of certain supernaural powers with which they have been inspired by their jugglers.--the poggamoggon is an instrument with a handle of wood covered with dressed leather about the size of a whip handle and inches long; a round stone of pounds weight is also covered with leather and strongly united to the leather of the handle by a throng of inches long; a loop of leather united to the handle passes arond the wrist. a very heavy blow may be given with this instrument. they have also a kind of armor which they form with many foalds of dressed atelope's skin, unite with glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses. these are sufficient against the effects of the arrow.--the quiver which contains their arrows and implements for making fire is formed of various skins. that of the otter seems to be prefered. they are but narrow, of a length sufficent to protect the arrow from the weather, and are woarn on the back by means of a strap which passes over the left sholder and under the wright arm.their impliments for making fire is nothing more than a blunt arrow and a peice of well seasoned soft spongey wood such as the willow or cottonwood. the point of this arrow they apply to this dry stick so near one edge of it that the particles of wood which are seperated from it by the friction of the arrow falls down by it's side in a little pile. the arrow is held between the palms of the hand with the fingers extended, and being pressed as much as possible against the peice is briskly rolled between the palms of the hands backwards and forwards by pressing the arrow downwards the hands of course in rolling arrow also decend; they bring them back with a quick motion and repeat the operation till the dust by the friction takes fire; the peice and arrow are then removed and some dry grass or boated wood is added. it astonished me to see in what little time these people would kindle fire in this way. in less than a minute they will produce fire. capt. clark set out this morning very early and poroceeded but slowly in consequence of the difficulty of his road which lay along the steep side of a mountain over large irregular and broken masses of rocks which had tumbled from the upper part of the mountain. it was with much wrisk and pain that the horses could get on. at the distance of four miles he arrived at the river and the rocks were here so steep and juted into the river such manner that there was no other alternative but passing through the river, this he attempted with success tho water was so deep for a short distance as to swim the horses and was very rapid; he continued his rout one mile along the edge of the river under this steep clift to a little bottom, below which the whole current of the river beat against the stard. shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock perfectly inaccessible to horses. here also the little track which he had been pursuing, terminated. he therefore determined to leave the horses and the majority of the party here and with his guide and three men to continue his rout down the river still further, in order more fully to satisfy himself as to it's practicability. accordingly he directed the men to hunt and fish at this place untill his return. they had not killed anything today but one goose, and the ballance of the little provision they had brought with them, as well as the five salmon they had procured yesterday were consumed last evening; there was of tours no inducement for his halting any time, at this place; after a few minutes he continued his rout clambering over immence rocks and along the sides of lofty precepices on the border of the river to the distance of miles, at which place a large creek discharged itself on the norh side yds. wide and deep. a short distance above the entrance of this creek there is a narrow bottom which is the first that he had found on the river from that in which he left the horses and party. a plain indian road led up this creek which the guide informed him led to a large river that ran to the north, and was frequented by another nation who occasionally visited this river for the purpose of taking fish. at this place he saw some late appearance of indians having been encamped and the tracks of a number of horses. capt. c. halted here about hours, caught some small fish, on which, with the addition of some berries, they dined. the river from the place at which he left the party to his present station was one continued rapid, in which there were five shoals neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes nor even run with empty ones. at those several places therefore it would be necessary to unload and transport the baggage for a considerable distance over steep and almost inacassable rocks where there was no possibility of employing horses for the releif of the men; the canoes would next have to be let down by cords and even with this precaution capt. c. conceived there would be much wriske of both canoes and men. at one of those shoals the lofty perpendicular rocks which from the bases of the mountains approach the river so nearly on each side, as to prevent the possibility of a portage, or passage for the canoes without expending much labour in removing rocks and cuting away the earth in some places. to surmount these difficulties, precautions must be observed which in their execution must necessarily consume much time and provision, neither of which we can command. the season is now far advanced to remain in these mountains as the indians inform us we shall shortly have snow; the salmon have so far declined that they are themselves haistening from the country and not an animal of any discription is to be seen in this difficult part of the river larger than a pheasant or a squirrel and they not abundant; add to this that our stock of provision is now so low that it would not support us more than ten days. the bends of the river are short and the currant beats from side to side against the rocks with great violence. the river is about yds. wide and so deep that it cannot be foarded but in a few places, and the rocks approach the river so near in most places that there is no possibility of passing between them and the water; a passage therefore with horses along the river is also impracticable. the sides of these mountains present generally one barren surface of confused and broken masses of stone. above these are white or brown and towards the base of a grey colour and so hard that when struck with a steel, yeald fire like flint. those he had just past were scarcely releived by the appearance of a tree; but those below the entrance of the creek were better covered with timber, and there were also some tall pine near the river. the sides of the mountains are very steep, and the torrents of water which roll down their sides at certain seasons appear to carry with them vast quantities of the loose stone into the river. after dinner capt. c. continued his rout down the river and at / a mile pased another creek not so large as that just mentioned, or about yards wide. here his guide informed him that by ascending this creek some distance they would have a better road and would cut off a considerable bend which the river made to the south; accordingly he pursued a well beaten indian track which led up this creek about six miles, then leaving the creek on the wright he passed over a ridge, and at the distance of a mile arrived at the river where it passes through a well timbered bottom of about eighty acres of land; they passed this bottom and asscended a steep and elivated point of a mountain, from whence the guide shewed him the brake of the river through the mountains for about miles further. this view was terminated by one of the most lofty mountains, capt. c. informed me, he had ever seen which was perfectly covered with snow. the river directed it's course immediately to this stupendous mountain at the bace of which the gude informe him those difficulties of which himself and nation had spoken, commenced. that after the river reached this mountain it continued it's rout to the north for many miles between high and perpendicular rocks, roling foaming and beating against innumerable rocks which crouded it's channel; that then it penetrated the mountain through a narrow gap leaving a perpendicular rock on either side as high as the top of the mountain which he beheld. that the river here making a bend they could not see through the mountain, and as it was impossible to decend the river or clamber over that vast mountain covered with eternal snow, neither himself nor any of his nation had ever been lower in this direction, than in view of the place at which the river entered this mountain; that if capt. c. wished him to do so, he would conduct him to that place, where he thought they could probably arrive by the next evening. capt. c. being now perfictly satisfyed as to the impractability of this rout either by land or water, informed the old man, that he was convinced of the varacity of his assertions and would now return to the village from whence they had set out where he expected to meet myself and party. they now returned to the upper part of the last creek he had passed, and encamped. it was an hour after dark before he reached this place. a small river falls into this fork of the columbia just above the high mountain through which it passes on the south side. [clark, august , ] august rd friday we set out early proceed on with great dificuelty as the rocks were so sharp large and unsettled and the hill sides steep that the horses could with the greatest risque and dificulty get on, no provisions as the sammons given us yesterday by the indians were eaten last night, one goose killed this morning; at miles we came to a place the horses could not pass without going into the river, we passed one mile to a verry bad riffle the water confined in a narrow channel & beeting against the left shore, as we have no parth further and the mounts. jut so close as to prevent the possibiley of horses proceeding down, i deturmined to delay the party here and with my guide and three men proceed on down to examine if the river continued bad or was practiable. i set out with three men directing those left to hunt and fish until my return. i proceeded on somtims in a small wolf parth & at other times climeing over the rocks for miles to a large creek on the right side above the mouth of this creek for a short distance is a narrow bottom & the first, below the place i left my partey, a road passes down this creek which i understoode passed to the water of a river which run to th north & was the ground of another nation, some fresh sign about this creek of horse and camps. i delayd hours to fish, cought some small fish on which we dined. the river from the place i left my party to this creek is almost one continued rapid, five verry considerable rapids the passage of either with canoes is entirely impossable, as the water is confined betwen hugh rocks & the current beeting from one against another for some distance below &c. &c. at one of those rapids the mountains close so clost as to prevent a possibility of a portage with great labour in cutting down the side of the hill removeing large rocks &c. &c. all the others may be passed by takeing every thing over slipery rocks, and the smaller ones passed by letting down the canoes empty with cords, as running them would certainly be productive of the loss of some canoes, those dificuelties and necessary precautions would delay us an emince time in which provisions would be necessary. (we have but little and nothing to be precured in this quarter except choke cheres & red haws not an animal of any kind to be seen and only the track of a bear) below this creek the lofty pine is thick in the bottom hill sides on the mountains & up the runs. the river has much the resemblance of that above bends shorter and no passing, after a few miles between the river & the mountains & the current so strong that is dangerous crossing the river, and to proceed down it would rendr it necessarey to cross almost at every bend this river is about yards wide and can be forded but in a few places. below my guide and maney other indians tell me that the mountains close and is a perpendicular clift on each side, and continues for a great distance and that the water runs with great violence from one rock to the other on each side foaming & roreing thro rocks in every direction, so as to render the passage of any thing impossible. those rapids which i had seen he said was small & trifleing in comparrison to the rocks & rapids below, at no great distance & the hills or mountains were not like those i had seen but like the side of a tree streight up--those mountains which i had passed were steep contain a white, a brown, & low down a grey hard stone which would make fire, those stone were of different sises all sharp and are continuly slipping down, and in maney places one bed of those stones inclined from the river bottom to the top of the mountains, the torrents of water which come down aftr a rain carries with it emence numbers of those stone into the river about / a mile below the last mentioned creek another creek falls in, my guide informed me that our rout was up this creek by which rout we would save a considerable bend of the river to the south. we proceeded on a well beeten indian parth up this creak about miles and passed over a ridge mile to the river in a small vally through which we passed and assended a spur of the mountain from which place my guide shew me the river for about miles lower & pointed out the dificulty we returned to the last creek & camped about one hour after dark. there my guide shewed me a road from the n which came into the one i was in which he said went to a large river which run to the north on which was a nation he called tushapass, he made a map of it [lewis, august , ] saturday august th . as the indians who were on their way down the missouri had a number of spare hoses with them i thought it probable that i could obtain some of them and therefore desired the cheif to speak to them and inform me whether they would trade. they gave no positive answer but requested to see the goods which i was willing to give in exchange. i now produced some battle axes which i had made at fort mandan with which they were much pleased. knives also seemed in great demand among them. i soon purchased three horses and a mule. for each horse i gave an ax a knife handkercheif and a little paint; & for the mule the addition of a knife a shirt handkercheif and a pair of legings; at this price which was quite double that given for the horses, the fellow who sold him made a merit of having bestoed me one of his mules. i consider this mule a great acquisition. these indians soon told me that they had no more horses for sale and i directed the party to prepare to set out. i had now nine horses and a mule, and two which i had hired made twelve these i had loaded and the indian women took the ballance of the baggage. i had given the interpreter some articles with which to purchase a horse for the woman which he had obtained. at twelve oclock we set out and passed the river below the forks, directing our rout towards the cove along the track formerly mentioned. most of the horses were heavily laden, and it appears to me that it will require at least horses to convey our baggage along such roads as i expect we shall be obliged to pass in the mountains. i had now the inexpressible satisfaction to find myself once more under way with all my baggage and party. an indian had the politeness to offer me one of his horses to ride which i accepted with cheerfullness as it enabled me to attend better to the march of the party. i had reached the lower part of the cove when an indian rode up and informed me that one of my men was very sick and unable to come on. i directed the party to halt at a small run which falls into the creek on lard. at the lower part of the cove and rode back about miles where i found wiser very ill with a fit of the cholic. i sent sergt. ordway who had remained with him for some water and gave him a doze of the essence of peppermint and laudinum which in the course of half an hour so far recovered him that he was enabled to ride my horse and i proceeded on foot and rejoined the party. the sun was yet an hour high but the indians who had for some time impatiently waited my return at length unloaded and turned out their horses and my party had followed there ex-ample. as it was so late and the indians had prepared their camp for the night i thought it best to acquiess and determined also to remain. we had traveled only about six miles. after we encamped we had a slight shower of rain. goodrich who is our principal fisherman caught several fine trout. drewyer came to us late in the evening and had not killed anything. i gave the indians who were absolutely engaged in transporting the baggage, a little corn as they had nothing to eat. i told cameahwait that my stock of provision was too small to indulge all his people with provision and recommended it to him to advise such as were not assisting us with our baggage to go on to their camp to morrow and wait our arrival; which he did accordingly. cameahwait literally translated is one who never walks. he told me that his nation had also given him another name by which he was signalized as a warrior which was too-et'-te-con'-e or black gun. these people have many names in the course of their lives, particularly if they become distinguished characters. for it seems that every important event by which they happen to distinguish themselves intitles them to claim another name which is generally scelected by themselves and confirmed by the nation. those distinguishing acts are the killing and scalping an enemy, the killing a white bear, leading a party to war who happen to be successfull either in destroying their enemies or robing them of their horses, or individually stealing the horses of an enemy. these are considered acts of equal heroism among them, and that of killing an enemy without scalping him is considered of no importance; in fact the whole honour seems to be founded in the act of scalping, for if a man happens to slay a dozen of his enemies in action and others get the scalps or first lay their hand on the dead person the honor is lost to him who killed them and devolves on those who scalp or first touch them. among the shoshones, as well as all the indians of america, bravery is esteemed the primary virtue; nor can any one become eminent among them who has not at some period of his life given proofs of his possessing this virtue. with them there can be no preferment without some warelike achievement, and so completely interwoven is this principle with the earliest elements of thought that it will in my opinion prove a serious obstruction to the restoration of a general peace among the nations of the missouri. while at fort mandan i was one day addressing some cheifs of the minetares wo visited us and pointing out to them the advantages of a state of peace with their neighbours over that of war in which they were engaged. the chiefs who had already geathered their havest of larals, and having forceably felt in many instances some of those inconveniences attending a state of war which i pointed out, readily agreed with me in opinon. a young fellow under the full impression of the idea i have just suggested asked me if they were in a state of peace with all their neighhours what the nation would do for cheifs?, and added that the cheifs were now oald and must shortly die and that the nation could not exist without cheifs. taking as granted that there could be no other mode devised for making cheifs but that which custom had established through the medium of warlike acievements. the few guns which the shoshones have are reserved for war almost exclusively and the bow and arrows are used in hunting. i have seen a few skins among these people which have almost every appearance of the common sheep. they inform me that they finde this animals on the high mountains to the west and s. w. of them. it is about the size of the common sheep, the wool is reather shorter and more intermixed with long hairs particularly on the upper part of the neck. these skins have been so much woarn that i could not form a just idea of the animal or it's colour. the indians however inform me that it is white and that it's horns are lunated comprest twisted and bent backward as those of the common sheep. the texture of the skin appears to be that of the sheep. i am now perfectly convinced that the sheep as well as the bighorn exist in these mountains. the usual caparison of the shoshone horse is a halter and saddle. the st consists either of a round plated or twisted cord of six or seven strands of buffaloe's hair, or a throng of raw hide made pliant by pounding and rubing. these cords of bufaloe's hair are about the size of a man's finger and remarkably strong. this is the kind of halter which is prefered by them. the halter of whatever it may be composed is always of great length and is never taken from the neck of the horse which they commonly use at any time. it is first attatched at one end about the neck of the horse with a knot that will not slip, it is then brought down to his under jaw and being passed through the mouth imbaces the under jaw and tonge in a simple noose formed by crossing the rope inderneath the jaw of the horse. this when mounted he draws up on the near side of the horse's neck and holds in the left hand, suffering it to trail at a great distance behind him sometimes the halter is attatched so far from the end that while the shorter end serves him to govern his horse, the other trails on the grond as before mentioned. they put their horses to their full speed with those cords trailing on the ground. when they turn out the horse to graze the noose is mearly loosed from his mouth. the saddle is made of wood and covered with raw hide which holds the parts very firmly together. it is made like the pack saddles in uce among the french and spaniards. it consists of two flat thin boards which fit the sides of the horses back, and are held frirm by two peices which are united to them behind and before on the outer side and which rise to a considerable hight terminating sometimes in flat horizontal points extending outwards, and alwas in an accute angle or short bend underneath the upper part of these peices. a peice of buffaloe's skin with the hair on, is usually put underneath the saddle; and very seldom any covering on the saddle. stirrups when used are made of wood and covered with leather. these are generally used by the elderly men and women; the young men scarcely ever use anything more than a small pad of dressed leather stuffed with hair, which is confined with a leather thong passing arond the body of the horse in the manner of a girth. they frequently paint their favorite horses, and cut their ears in various shapes. they also decorate their mains and tails, which they never draw or trim, with the feathers of birds, and sometimes suspend at the breast of the horse the finest ornaments they possess. the spanish bridle is prefered by them when they can obtain them, but they never dispence with the cord about the neck of the horse, which serves them to take him with more ease when he is runing at large. they are excellent horsemen and extreemly expert in casting the cord about the neck of a horse. the horses that have been habituated to be taken with the cord in this way, however wild they may appear at first, surrender the moment they feel the cord about their necks.--there are no horses in this quarter which can with propriety be termed wild. there are some few which have been left by the indians at large for so great a length of time that they have become shye, but they all shew marks of having been in possession of man. such is that one which capt. clark saw just below the three forks of the missouri, and one other which i saw on the missouri below the entrance of the mussle shell river.--capt. clark set out very early this morning on his return, he traveled down the creek to it's entrance by the same indian track he had ascended it; at the river he marked his name on a pine tree, then ascended to the bottom above the second creek, and brekfasted on burries, which occupyed them about one hour. he now retraced his former track and joined the party where he had left them at p.m. on his way capt. c. fell from a rock and injured one of his legs very much. the party during his absence had killed a few pheasants and caught a few small fish on which together with haws and serviceburies they had subsisted. they had also killed one cock of the mountains capt. clark now wrote me a discription of the river and country, and stated our prospects by this rout as they have been heretofore mentioned and dispatched colter on horseback with orders to loose no time reaching me. he set out late with the party continued his rout about two miles and encamped. capt clark had seen some trees which would make small canoes but all of them some distance below the indian caps which he passed at the entrance of fish creek. [clark, august , ] august th satturday set out verry early this morning on my return passed down the creek at the mouth marked my name on a pine tree, proceed on to the bottom above the creek & brackfast on buries & delayed hour, then proceed on up the river by the same rout we decended to the place i left my party where we arrived at oclock, (i sliped & bruised my leg verry much on a rock) the party had killed several phesents and cought a fiew small fish on which they had subsisted in my absence. also a heath hen, near the size of a small turkey. i wrote a letter to capt lewis informing him of the prospects before us and information recved of my guide which i thought favourable &c. & stating two plans one of which for us to pursue &c. and despatched one man & horse and directed the party to get ready to march back, every man appeared disheartened from the prospects of the river, and nothing to eate, i set out late and camped miles above, nothing to eate but choke cherries & red haws which act in different ways so as to make us sick, dew verry heavy, my beding wet in passing around a rock the horses were obliged to go deep into the water. the plan i stated to capt lewis if he agrees with me we shall adopt is to procure as many horses (one for each man) if possible and to hire my present guide who i sent on to him to interegate thro the intprtr. and proceed on by land to some navagable part of the columbia river, or to the ocean, depending on what provisions we can procure by the gun aded to the small stock we have on hand depending on our horses as the last resort. a second plan to divide the party one part to attempt this deficuet river with what provisions we had, and the remaindr to pass by land on hose back depending on our gun &c for provisions &c. and come together occasionally on the river. the s of which i would be most pleased with &c. i saw several trees which would make small canoes and by putting together would make a siseable one, all below the last indian camp several miles [lewis, august , ] sunday august th . this morning loaded our horses and set out a little after sunrise; a few only of the indians unengaged in assisting us went on as i had yesterday proposed to the cheif. the others flanked us on each side and started some antelope which they pursued for several hours but killed none of them. we proceeded within ms. of the narrow pass or seven miles from our camp of last evening and halted for dinner. our hunters joined us at noon with three deer the greater part of which i gave the indians. sometime after we had halted, charbono mentioned to me with apparent unconcern that he expected to meet all the indians from the camp on the columbia tomorrow on their way to the missouri. allarmed at this information i asked why he expected to meet them. he then informed me that the st cheif had dispatched some of his young men this morning to this camp requesting the indians to meet them tomorrow and that himself and those with him would go on with them down the missouri, and consequently leave me and my baggage on the mountain or thereabouts. i was out of patience with the folly of charbono who had not sufficient sagacity to see the consequencies which would inevitably flow from such a movement of the indians, and altho he had been in possession of this information since early in the morning when it had been communicated to him by his indian woman yet he never mentioned it untill the after noon. i could not forbear speaking to him with some degree of asperity on this occasion. i saw that there was no time to be lost in having those orders countermanded, or that we should not in all probability obtain any more horses or even get my baggage to the waters of the columbia. i therefore called the three cheifs together and having smoked a pipe with them, i asked them if they were men of their words, and whether i could depent on the promises they had made me; they readily answered in the affermative; i then asked them if they had not promised to assist me with my baggage to their camp on the other side of the mountains, or to the place at which capt. clark might build the canoes, should i wish it. they acknowledged that they had. i then asked them why they had requested their people on the other side of the mountain to meet them tomorrow on the mountain where there would be no possibility of our remaining together for the purpose of trading for their horses as they had also promised. that if they had not promised to have given me their assistance in transporting my baggage to the waters on the other side of the mountain that i should not have attempted to pass the mountains but would have returned down the river and that in that case they would never have seen anymore white men in their country. that if they wished the white men to be their friends and to assist them against their enemies by furnishing them with arms and keeping their enemies from attacking them that they must never promis us anything which they did not mean to perform. that when i had first seen them they had doubted what i told them about the arrival of the party of whitemen in canoes, that they had been convinced that what i told them on that occasion was true, why then would they doubt what i said on any other point. i told them that they had witnessed my liberality in dividing the meat which my hunters killed with them; and that i should continue to give such of them as assisted me a part of whatever we had ourselves to eat. and finally concluded by telling them if they intended to keep the promisses they had made me to dispatch one of their young men immediately with orders to their people to remain where they were untill our arrival. the two inferior cheifs said that they wished to assist me and be as good as their word, and that they had not sent for their people, that it was the first chief who had done so, and they did not approve of the measure. cameahwait remained silent for some time, at length he told me that he knew he had done wrong but that he had been induced to that measure from seeing all his people hungary, but as he had promised to give me his assistance he would not in future be worse than his word. i then desired him to send immediately and countermand his orders; acordingly a young man was sent for this purpose and i gave him a handkerchief to engage him in my interest. this matter being arranged to my satisfaction i called all the women and men together who had been assisting me in the transportation of the baggage and gave them a billet for each horse which they had imployed in that service and informed them when we arrived at the plaice where we should finally halt on the river i would take the billet back and give them merchandize for it. every one appeared now satisfyed and when i ordered the horses loaded for our departure the indians were more than usually allert. we continued our march untill late in the evening and encamped at the upper part of the cove where the creek enters the mountains; here our hunters joined us with another deer which they had killed, this i gave to the women and children, and for my own part remained supperless. i observed considerable quantities of wild onions in the bottom lands of this cove. i also saw several large hares and many of the cock of the plains. capt. clark set out early this morning and continued his rout to the indian camp at the entrance of fish creek; here he halted about an hour; the indians gave himself and party some boiled salmon and hurries. these people appeared extreemly hospitable tho poor and dirty in the extreem. he still pursued the track up the river by which he had decended and in the evening arrived at the bluff on the river where he had encamped on the st inst. it was late in the evening before he reached this place. they formed their camp, and capt. c. sent them in different directions to hunt and fish. some little time after they halted a party of indians passed by on their way down the river, consisting of a man a woman and several boys; from these people the guide obtained salmon which together with some small fish they caught and a beaver which shannon killed furnished them with a plentifull supper. the pine grows pretty abundantly high up on the sides of the mountains on the opposite side of the river. one of the hunters saw a large herd of elk on the opposite side of the river in the edge of the timbered land.--winsor was taken very sick today and detained capt c. very much on his march. three hunters whom he had sent on before him this morning joined him in the evening having killed nothing; they saw only one deer. the course and the distances, of capt. clark's rout down this branch of the columbia below this bluff, commencing opposite to an island, are as follow. this morning while passing through the shoshone cove frazier fired his musquet at some ducks in a little pond at the distance of about yards from me; the ball rebounded from the water and pased within a very few feet of me. near the upper part of this cove the shoshonees suffered a very severe defeat by the minnetares about six years since. this part of the cove on the n. e. side of the creek has lately been birned by the indians as a signal on some occasion. [clark, august , ] august th sunday set out verry early and halted one hour at the indian camp, they were kind gave us all a little boiled sarnmon & dried buries to eate, abt. half as much as i could eate, those people are kind with what they have but excessive pore & durtey.--we proceeded on over the mountains we had before passed to the bluff we encamped at on the s instant where we arrived late and turned out to hunt & fish, cought several small fish, a party of squars & one man with several boys going down to guathe berries below, my guide got two sammon from this party (which made about half a supper for the party), after dark shannon came in with a beaver which the party suped on sumptiously--one man verry sick to day which detained us verry much i had three hunters out all day, they saw one deer, killed nothing. one of the party saw elk on a mountain to our right assending, amongst the pine timber which is thick on that side [lewis, august , ] monday august th . this morning was excessively cold; there was ice on the vessels of water which stood exposed to the air nearly a quarter of an inch thick. we collected our horses and set out at sunrise. we soon arrived at the extreem source of the missouri; here i halted a few minutes, the men drank of the water and consoled themselves with the idea of having at length arrived at this long wished for point. from hence we proceeded to a fine spring on the side of the mountain where i had lain the evening before i first arrived at the shoshone camp. here i halted to dine and graize our horses, there being fine green grass on that part of the hillside which was moistened by the water of the spring while the grass on the other parts was perfectly dry and parched with the sun. i directed a pint of corn to be given each indian who was engaged in transporting our baggage and about the same quantity to each of the men which they parched pounded and made into supe. one of the women who had been assisting in the transportation of the baggage halted at a little run about a mile behind us, and sent on the two pack horses which she had been conducting by one of her female friends. i enquired of cameahwait the cause of her detention, and was informed by him in an unconcerned manner that she had halted to bring fourth a child and would soon overtake us; in about an hour the woman arrived with her newborn babe and passed us on her way to the camp apparently as well as she ever was. it appears to me that the facility and ease with which the women of the aborigines of north america bring fourth their children is reather a gift of nature than depending as some have supposed on the habitude of carrying heavy burthens on their backs while in a state of pregnancy. if a pure and dry air, an elivated and cold country is unfavourable to childbirth, we might expect every difficult incident to that operation of nature in this part of the continent; again as the snake indians possess an abundance of horses, their women are seldom compelled like those in other parts of the continent to carry burthens on their backs, yet they have their children with equal convenience, and it is a rare occurrence for any of them to experience difficulty in childbirth. i have been several times informed by those who were conversent with the fact, that the indian women who are pregnant by whitemen experience more difficulty in childbirth than when pregnant by an indian. if this be true it would go far in suport of the opinion i have advanced. the tops of the high and irregular mountains which present themselves to our view on the opposite side of this branch of the columbia are yet perfectly covered with snow; the air which proceeds from those mountains has an agreeable coolness and renders these parched and south hillsides much more supportable at this time of the day it being now about noon. i observe the indian women collecting the root of a speceis of fennel which grows in the moist grounds and feeding their poor starved children; it is really distressing to witness the situation of those poor wretches. the radix of this plant is of the knob kind, of a long ovate form terminating in a single radicle, the whole bing about or four inches in length and the thickest part about the size of a man's little finger. it is white firm and crisp in it's present state, when dryed and pounded it makes a fine white meal; the flavor of this root is not unlike that of annisseed but not so pungent; the stem rises to the hight of or four feet is jointed smooth and cilindric; from r to of those knobed roots are attatched to the base of this stem. the leaf is sheathing sessile, & pultipartite, the divisions long and narrow; the whole is of a deep green. it is now in blame; the flowers are numerous, small, petals white, and are of the umbellaferous kind. several small peduncles put forth from the main stock one at each joint above the sheathing leaf. it has no root leaves. the root of the present year declines when the seeds have been matured and the succeeding spring other roots of a similar kind put fourth from the little knot which unites the roots and stem and grow and decline with the stem as before mentioned. the sunflower is very abundant near the watercourses the seeds of this plant are now rip and the natives collect them in considerable quantities and reduce them to meal by pounding and rubing them between smooth stones. this meal is a favorite food their manner of using it has been beforementiond. after dinner we continued our rout towards the village. on our near approach we were met by a number of young men on horseback. cameahwait requested that we would discharge our guns when we arrived in sight of the village, accordingly when i arrived on an eminence above the village in the plain i drew up the party at open order in a single rank and gave them a runing fire discharging two rounds. they appeared much gratifyed with this exhibition. we then proceeded to the village or encampment of brush lodges in number. we were conducted to a large lodge which had been prepared for me in the center of their encampmerit which was situated in a beautifull level smooth and extensive bottom near the river about miles above the place i had first found them encamped. here we arrived at in the evening arranged our baggage near my tent and placed those of the men on either side of the baggage facing outwards. i found colter here who had just arrived with a letter from capt. clark in which capt. c. had given me an account of his peregrination and the description of the river and country as before detailed from this view of the subject i found it a folly to think of attemping to decend this river in canoes and therefore to commence the purchase of horses in the morning from the indians in order to carry into execution the design we had formed of passing the rocky mountains. i now informed cameahwait of my intended expedition overland to the great river which lay in the plains beyond the mountains and told him that i wished to purchase horses of himself and his people to convey our baggage. he observed that the minnetares had stolen a great number of their horses this spring but hoped his people would spear me the number i wished. i also asked a guide, he observed that he had no doubt but the old man who was with capt. c. would accompany us if we wished him and that he was better informed of the country than any of them. matters being thus far arranged i directed the fiddle to be played and the party danced very merily much to the amusement and gratification of the natives, though i must confess that the state of my own mind at this moment did not well accord with the prevailing mirth as i somewhat feared that the caprice of the indians might suddenly induce them to withhold their horses from us without which my hopes of prosicuting my voyage to advantage was lost; however i determined to keep the indians in a good humour if possible, and to loose no time in obtaining the necessary number of horses. i directed the hunters to turn out early in the morning and indeavor to obtain some meat. i had nothing but a little parched corn to eat this evening. this morning capt. c. and party [clark, august , ] august th monday a fine morning despatched three men a head to hunt, our horses missing sent out my guide and four men to hunt them, which detained me untill oclock a.m. at which time i set out and proceeded on by the way of the forks to the indian camps at the first were not one mouthfull to eate untill night as our hunters could kill nothing and i could see & catch no fish except a few small ones. the indians gave us sammon boiled which i gave to the men, one of my men shot a sammon in the river about sunset those fish gave us a supper. all the camp flocked about me untill i went to sleep--and i beleve if they had a sufficency to eate themselves and any to spare they would be liberal of it i derected the men to mend their mockessons to night and turn out in the morning early to hunt deer fish birds &c. &c. saw great numbers of the large black grass hopper. some bars which were verry wild, but few birds. a number of ground lizards; some fiew pigions [clark, august , ] august th tuesday some frost this morning every man except one, out hunting, a young man came from the upper village & informed me that capt lewis would join me abt. oclock to day. one man killed a small sammon, and the indians gave me another which afforded us a sleight brackfast. those pore people are here depending on what fish they can catch, without anything else to depend on; and appere contented, my party hourly complaining of their retched situation and doubts of starveing in a countrey where no game of any kind except a fiew fish can be found, an indian brough in to the camp sammon, two of which i purchased which afforded us a supper. [clark, august , ] august th wednesday a frost this morning. the inds. cought out of their traps several sammon and gave us two, i purchased two others which we made last us to day. several a camp of about indians came from the west fork and passed up to day, nothing killed by my party with every exertion in all places where game probably might be found. i dispatched one man to the upper camps to enquire if cap. lewis was comeing &c. he returned after night with a letter from capt. lewis informing me of his situation at the upper village, and had precured horses for our rout through by land on the plan which i had preposed in which he agreed with me in; and requsted me to ride up and get the horses the indian informed him they had reserved for me &c. i purchased some fish roe of those pore but kind people with whome i am encamped for which i gave three small fish hooks, the use of which they readily proseved, one indian out all day & killed only one sammon with his gig; my hunters killed nothing, i had three pack saddles made to day for our horses which i expected capt lewis would purchase &c. those sammon which i live on at present are pleasent eateing, not with standing they weaken me verry fast and my flesh i find is declineing [clark, august , ] august th thursday a cold morning some frost. the wind from the south, i left our baggage in possession of men and proceeded on up to join capt lewis at the upper village of snake indians where i arrived at oclock found him much engaged in counceling and attempting to purchase a fiew more horses. i spoke to the indians on various subjects endeavoring to impress on theire minds the advantaje it would be to them for to sell us horses and expedite the our journey the nearest and best way possibly that we might return as soon as possible and winter with them at some place where there was plenty of buffalow,--our wish is to get a horse for each man to carry our baggage and for some of the men to ride occasionally, the horses are handsom and much acustomed to be changed as to their parsture; we cannot calculate on their carrying large loads & feed on the grass which we may calculate on finding in the mountain thro which we may expect to pass on our rout made some selestial observations, the lard. of this part the columbia river is ____ north. longtd. ____ w i purchased a horse for which i gave my pistol balls powder & a knife. our hunters killed deer near their camp to day. yesterday & the day before, this meet was a great treat to me as i had eate none for days past [clark, august , ] august th friday a fine morning, finding that we could purchase no more horse than we had for our goods &c. (and those not a sufficint number for each of our party to have one which is our wish) i gave my fuzee to one of the men & sold his musket for a horse which completed us to total horses, we purchased pack cords made saddles & set out on our rout down the river by land guided by my old guide one other who joined him, the old gude's sons followed him before we set out our hunters killed three deer proceded on miles and encamped on the river south side--at the time we set out from the indian camps the greater part of the band set out over to the waters of the missouri. we had great attention paid to the horses, as they were nearly all sore backs and several pore, & young those horses are indifferent, maney sore backs and others not acustomed to pack, and as we cannot put large loads on them are compelled to purchase as maney as we can to take our small propotion of baggage of the parties. (& eate if necessary) proceeded on miles to day [clark, august , ] august st satturday a fine morning set out before sun rise, as we passed the lodges at which place i had encamped for thre nights and left men, those men joined us and we proceeded on in the same rout i decended the st instant, halted hours on sammon creek to let our horses graze the wind hard from the s. w. i met an indian on horse back who fled with great speed to some lodges below & informed them that the enemis were coming down, armd with guns &c. the inhabitents of the lodges indisceved him, we proceeded on the road on which i had decended as far as the st run below & left the road & proceeded up the run in a tolerable road miles & encamped in some old lodjes at the place the road leaves the creek and assends the high countrey six indians followed us four of them the sons of our guide; our hunters killed one deer a goose & prarie fowl. this day warm and sultrey, praries or open valies on fire in several places--the countrey is set on fire for the purpose of collecting the different bands, and a band of the flatheads to go to the missouri where they intend passing the winter near the buffalow proceeded on miles to day, miles of which up a run [clark, september , ] september st sunday a fine morning set out early and proceeded on over high ruged hills passing the heads of the small runs which fall into the river on our left to a large creek which falls into the river miles to our left and encamped in the bottom, some rain to day at and in the evening which obliges us to continu all night despatched men to the mouth of the creek to purchase fish of the indians at that place, they returned with some dried, we giged sammon & killed one deer to day. the countrey which we passed to day is well watered & broken pore stoney hilly country except the bottoms of the creek which is narrow, all the indians leave us except our guide, one man shot two bear this evining unfortunately we could git neither of them [clark, september , ] september nd monday a cloudy mornin, raind some last night we set out early and proceeded on up the creek, crossed a large fork from the right and one from the left; and at miles left the roade on which we were pursuing and which leads over to the missouri; and proceeded up a west fork without a roade proceded on thro thickets in which we were obliged to cut a road, over rockey hill sides where our horses were in pitial danger of slipping to ther certain distruction & up & down steep hills, where several horses fell, some turned over, and others sliped down steep hill sides, one horse crippeled & gave out. with the greatest dificuelty risque &c. we made five miles & encamped on the left side of the creek in a small stoney bottom after night some time before the rear came up, one load left, about miles back, the horse on which it was carried crippled. some rain at night [clark, september , ] september rd tuesday a cloudy morning, horses verry stiff sent men back with the horse on which capt lewis rode for the load left back last night which detained us until) oclock at which time we set out. the country is timbered with pine generally the bottoms have a variety of srubs & the fur trees in great abundance. hills high & rockey on each side, in the after part of the day the high mountains closed the creek on each side and obliged us to take on the steep sides of those mountains, so steep that the horses could screcly keep from slipping down, several sliped & injured themselves verry much, with great dificuelty we made ____ miles & encamped on a branh of the creek we assended after crossing several steep points & one mountain, but little to eate i killed pheasents & the huntes with a little corn afforded us a kind of supper, at dusk it began to snow at oclock some rain. the mountains to the east covered with snow. we met with a great misfortune, in haveing our last thmometer broken by accident, this day we passed over emence hils and some of the worst roade that ever horses passed our horses frequently fell snow about inches deep when it began to rain which termonated in a sleet our genl. courses nearly north from the r [clark, september , ] september th wednesday a verry cold morning every thing wet and frosed, we detained untill oclock to thaw the covering for the baggage &c. &c. groun covered with snow, we assended a mountain & took a divideing ridge which we kept for several miles & fell on the head of a creek which appeared to run the course we wished to go, i was in front, & saw several of the argalia or ibex decended the mountain by verry steep decent takeing the advantage of the points and best places to the creek, where our hunter killed a deer which we made use of and prosued our course down the creek to the forks about miles where we met a part of the flat head nation of lodges about men total and at least horses, those people recved us friendly, threw white robes over our sholders & smoked in the pipes of peace, we encamped with them & found them friendly but nothing but berries to eate a part of which they gave us, those indians are well dressed with skin shirts & robes, they stout & light complected more so than common for indians, the chiefs harangued untill late at night, smoked our pipe and appeared satisfied. i was the first white man who ever wer on the waters of this river. [clark, september , ] september th thursday a cloudy morning we assembled the chiefs & warriers and spoke to them (with much dificuely as what we said had to pass through several languajes before it got in to theirs, which is a gugling kind of languaje spoken much thro the fhrought) we informed them who we were, where we came from, where bound and for what purpose &c. &c. and requsted to purchase & exchange a fiew horses with them, in the course of the day i purchased horses & exchanged for which we gave a fiew articles of merchendize. those people possess ellegant horses.--we made chiefs whome we gave meadels & a few small articles with tobacco; the women brought us a few berries & roots to eate and the principal chief a dressed brarow, otter & two goat & antilope skins those people wore their hair the men cewed with otter skin on each side falling over the sholrs forward, the women loose promisquisly over ther sholdrs & face long shirts which coms to the anckles & tied with a belt about their waste with a roabe over, the have but fiew ornaments and what they do were are similar to the snake indians, they call themselves eoote-lash-schute and consist of lodges in all and divided into several bands on the heads of columbia river & missouri, some low down the columbia river [clark, september , ] september th friday some little rain, purchased two fine horses & took a vocabiliary of the language litened our loads & packed up, rained contd. untill oclock we set out at oclock at the same time all the indians set out on ther way to meet the snake indians at the forks of the missouri. crossed a small river from the right we call ____ soon after setting out, also a small creek from the north all three forks comeing together below our camp at which place the mountains close on each side of the river, we proceeded on n w. crossed a mountain and struck the river several miles down, at which place the indians had encamped two days before, we proceeded on down the river which is yds. wide shallow & stoney. crossing it several times & encamped in a small bottom on the right side. rained this evening nothing to eate but berries, our flour out, and but little corn, the hunters killed pheasents only--all our horses purchased of the oote lash shutes we secured well for fear of their leaveing of us, and watched them all night for fear of their leaving us or the indians prosuing & steeling them. [clark, september , ] september th satturday a cloudy & rainie day the greater part of the day dark & drisley we proceedd on down the river thro a vallie passed several small runs on the right & creeks on the left the vallie from to miles wide the snow top mountains to our left, open hilley countrey on the right. saw horses left by the indians those horses were as wild a elk. one of our hunters came up this morning without his horse, in the course of the night the horse broke loose & cleared out--we did not make camp untill dark, for the want of a good place, one of our hunters did not join us this evening. he haveing killed an elk packed his horses & could not overtake us [clark, september , ] september th sunday a cloudy morning set out early and proceeded on through an open vallie for miles passed creeks on the right some runs on the left, the bottoms as also the hills stoney bad land. some pine on the creeks and mountains, an partial on the hills to the right hand side. two of our hunters came up with us at oclock with an elk, & buck--the wind from the n. w. & cold. the foot of the snow mountains approach the river on the left side. some snow on the mountain to the right also proceeded on down the vallie which is pore stoney land and encamped on the right side of the river a hard rain all the evening we are all cold and wet. on this part of the river on the head of clarks river i observe great quantities of a peculiar sort of prickly peare grow in clusters ovel & about the size of a pigions egge with strong thorns which is so birded as to draw the pear from the cluster after penetrateing our feet. drewyer killed a deer. i killed a prarie fowl we found mears and a colt the mears were lame, we ventered to let our late purchase of horses loose to night [lewis, september , ] monday september th . set out at a m. this morning and proceeded down the flathead river leaving it on our left, the country in the valley of this river is generally a prarie and from five to miles wide the growth is almost altogether pine principally of the longleafed kind, with some spruce and a kind of furr resembleing the scotch furr. near the wartercourses we find a small proportion of the narrow leafed cottonwood some redwood honeysuckle and rosebushes form the scant proportion of underbrush to be seen. at we halted on a small branch which falls in to the river on the e. side, where we breakfasted on a scant proportion of meat which we had reserved from the hunt of yesterday added to three geese which one of our hunters killed this morning. two of our hunters have arrived, one of them brought with him a redheaded woodpecker of the large kind common to the u states. this is the first of the kind i have seen since i left the illinois. just as we were seting out drewyer arrived with two deer. we continued our rout down the valley about miles and crossed the river; it is hear a handsome stream about yards wide and affords a considerable quantity of very clear water, the banks are low and it's bed entirely gravel. the stream appears navigable, but from the circumstance of their being no sammon in it i believe that there must be a considerable fall in it below. our guide could not inform us where this river discharged itself into the columbia river, he informed us that it continues it's course along the mountains to the n. as far as he knew it and that not very distant from where we then were it formed a junction with a stream nearly as large as itself which took it's rise in the mountains near the missouri to the east of us and passed through an extensive valley generally open prarie which forms an excellent pass to the missouri. the point of the missouri where this indian pass intersects it, is about miles above the gates of the rocky mountain, or the place where the valley of the missouri first widens into an extensive plain after entering the rockey mountains. the guide informed us that a man might pass to the missouri from hence by that rout in four days. we continued our rout down the w. side of the river about miles further and encamped on a large creek which falls in on the west as our guide informes that we should leave the river at this place and the weather appearing settled and fair i determined to halt the next day rest our horses and take some scelestial observations. we called this creek travellers rest. it is about yards wide a fine bould clear runing stream the land through which we passed is but indifferent a could white gravley soil. we estimate our journey of this day at m. [clark, september , ] september th monday a fair morning set out early and proceeded on thro a plain as yesterday down the valley crossed a large scattering creek on which cotton trees grew at / miles, a small one at miles, both from the right, the main river at miles & encamped on a large creek from the left which we call travelers rest creek. killed deer & ducks & prarie fowls. day fair wind n. w. see suplement [lewis, september , ] tuesday september th . the morning being fair i sent out all the hunters, and directed two of them to procede down the river as far as it's junction with the eastern fork which heads near the missouri, and return this evening. this fork of the river we determined to name the valley plain river. i think it most probable that this river continues it's course along the rocky mts. northwardly as far or perhaps beyond the scources of medecine river and then turning to the west falls into the tacootchetessee. the minetares informed us that there was a large river west of, and at no great distance from the sources of medecine river, which passed along the rocky mountains from s. to n.this evening one of our hunters returned accompanyed by three men of the flathead nation whom he had met in his excurtion up travellers rest creek. on first meeting him the indians were allarmed and prepared for battle with their bows and arrows, but he soon relieved their fears by laying down his gun and advancing towards them. the indians were mounted on very fine horses of which the flatheads have a great abundance; that is, each man in the nation possesses from to a hundred head. our guide could not speake the language of these people but soon engaged them in conversation by signs or jesticulation, the common language of all the aborigines of north america, it is one understood by all of them and appears to be sufficiently copious to convey with a degree of certainty the outlines of what they wish to communicate. in this manner we learnt from these people that two men which they supposed to be of the snake nation had stolen horses from them and that they were in pursuit of the theaves. they told us they were in great hast, we gave them some boiled venison, of which the eat sparingly. the sun was now set, two of them departed after receiving a few small articles which we gave them, and the third remained, having agreed to continue with us as a guide, and to introduce us to his relations whom he informed us were numerous and resided in the plain below the mountains on the columbia river, from whence he said the water was good and capable of being navigated to the sea; that some of his relation were at the sea last fall and saw an old whiteman who resided there by himself and who had given them some handkerchiefs such as he saw in our possession.--he said it would require five sleeps wich is six days travel, to reach his relations. the flatheads are a very light coloured people of large stature and comely form. [clark, september , ] september th tuesday a fair morning concluded to delay to day and make some observations, as at this place the rout which we are to prosue will pass up the travelers rest creek, the day proved fair and we took equal altitudes & some inner observations. the latd. ° ' " as the guide report that no game is to be found on our rout for a long ways, ads an addition to the cause of our delay to precure some meat, despatched all our hunters in different directions, to hunt the deer which is the only large game to be found they killed deer a beaver & grouse which was divided, one of the hunters colter, met with tushapaw indians who were in pursuit of snake indians that bade taken from ther camps on the head of kooskooske river horses, those indians came with colter to our camp & informed by signs of their misfortune & the rout to ther villages &c. &c. one of them concluded to return with us. we gave them a ring fish hook & tied a pece of ribin in the hare of each which appeared to please them verry much, cap lewis gave them a steel & a little powder to make fire, after eating of them proceeded on in pursute of their horses. men all much engaged preparing mockersons &c. &c. the countrey about this place is already described in that above. [clark, september , ] september th wednesday a fair morning wind from the n w we set out at oclock and proceeded on up the travelers rest creek, accompanied by the flat head or tushapaws indians about miles below this creek a large fork comes in from the right and heads up against the waters of the missouri below the three forks, this river has extensive vallies of open leavel land, "and passes in its whole course thro a valie" they call it our guide tels us a fine large roade passes up this river to the missouri--the loss of of our horses detained us util. oclock. p.m. our flathead indian being restless thought proper to leave us and proceed on alone, sent out the hunters to hunt in advance as usial. (we have selected of the best hunters to go in advance to hunt for the party. this arrangement has been made long sinc) we proceeded on up the creek on the right side thro a narrow valie and good road for miles and encamped at some old indian lodges, nothing killed this evening hills on the right high & ruged, the mountains on the left high & covered with snow. the day verry worm [clark, september , ] september th thursday a white frost set out at oclock & proceeded on up the creek, passed a fork on the right on which i saw near an old indian encampment a swet house covered wthh earth, at miles assended a high hill & proceeded through a hilley and thickly timbered countrey for miles & on the right of the creek, passing several branches from the right of fine clear water and struck at a fork at which place the road forks, one passing up each fork. the timber is short & long leaf pine spruce pine & fur. the road through this hilley countrey is verry bad passing over hills & thro steep hollows, over falling timber &c. &c. continued on & passed some most intolerable road on the sides of the steep stoney mountains, which might be avoided by keeping up the creek which is thickly covered with under groth & falling timber crossed a mountain miles with out water & encamped on a hill side on the creek after decending a long steep mountain, some of our party did not git up untill oclock p m. i mad camp at on this roade & particularly on this creek the indians have pealed a number of pine for the under bark which they eate at certain seasons of the year, i am told in the spring they make use of this bark our hunters killed only one pheasent this after noon. party and horses much fatigued. [clark, september , ] september th wednesday a cloudy morning capt lewis and one of our guides lost their horses, capt lewis & men detained to hunt the horses, i proceeded on with the partey up the creek at miles passed several springs which i observed the deer elk &c. had made roads to, and below one of the indians had made a whole to bathe, i tasted this water and found it hot & not bad tasted the last ____ in further examonation i found this water nearly boiling hot at the places it spouted from the rocks (which a hard corse grit, and of great size the rocks on the side of the mountain of the same texture) i put my finger in the water, at first could not bare it in a second-as several roads led from these springs in different derections, my guide took a wrong road and took us out of our rout miles through intolerable rout, after falling into the right road i proceeded on thro tolerabl rout for abt. or miles and halted to let our horses graze as well as waite for capt lewis who has not yet come up, the pine countrey falling timber &c. &c. continue. this creek is verry much darned up with the beaver, but we can see none, dispatched two men back to hunt capt lewis horse, after he came up, and we proceeded over a mountain to the head of the creek which we left to our left and at miles from the place i nooned it, we fell on a small creek from the left which passed through open glades some of which / a mile wide, we proceeded down this creek about miles to where the mountains closed on either side crossing the creek several times & encamped. one deer & some pheasants killed this morning, i shot pheasents of the common kind except the taile was black. the road over the last mountain was thick steep & stoney as usial, after passing the head of travelers rest creek, the road was verry fine leavel open & firm some mountains in view to the s e & s w. covered with snow. [clark, september , ] september th thursday a cloudy day in the valies it rained and hailed, on the top of the mountains some snow fell we set out early and crossed a high mountn on the right of the creek for miles to the forks of the glade creek the right hand fork which falls in is about the size of the other, we crossed to the left side at the foks, and crossd a verry high steep mountain for miles to a large fork from the left which appears to head in the snow toped mountains southerley and s. e. we crossd. glade creek above its mouth, at a place the tushepaws or flat head indians have made wears across to catch sammon and have but latterly left the place i could see no fish, and the grass entirely eaten out by the horses, we proceeded on miles & encamped opposit a small island at the mouth of a branch on the right side of the river which is at this place yards wide, swift and stoney, here we wer compelled to kill a colt for our men & selves to eat for the want of meat & we named the south fork colt killed creek, and this river we call flathead river- the mountains which we passed today much worst than yesterday the last excessively bad & thickly strowed with falling timber & pine spruc fur hackmatak & tamerack, steep & stoney our men and horses much fatigued, the rain ____ [clark, september , ] wednesday septr. th we set out early. the morning cloudy and proceeded on down the right side of river over steep points rockey & buschey as usial for miles to an old indian fishing place, here the road leaves the river to the left and assends a mountain winding in every direction to get up the steep assents & to pass the emence quantity of falling timber which had falling from dift. causes i e. fire & wind and has deprived the greater part of the southerley sides of this mountain of its gren timber, miles up the mountain i found a spring and halted for the rear to come up and to let our horses rest & feed, about hours the rear of the party came up much fatigued & horses more so, several horses sliped and roled down steep hills which hurt them verry much the one which carried my desk & small trunk turned over & roled down a mountain for yards & lodged against a tree, broke the desk the horse escaped and appeared but little hurt some others verry much hurt, from this point i observed a range of high mountains covered with snow from s e. to s w with their top bald or void of timber. after two hours delay we proceeded on up the mountain steep & ruged as usial, more timber near the top, when we arrived at the top as we conceved we could find no water and concluded to camp and make use of the snow we found on the top to cook the remnt. of our colt & make our supe, evening verry cold and cloudy. two of our horses gave out, pore and too much hurt to proceed on and left in the rear--nothing killed to day except phests. from this mountain i could observe high ruged mountains in every direction as far as i could see. with the greatest exertion we could only make miles up this mountain and encamped on the top of the mountain near a bank of old snow about feet deep lying on the northern side of the mountain and in small banks on the top & leavel parts of the mountain, we melted the snow to drink, and cook our horse flesh to eat. [clark, september , ] saturday septr. th began to snow about hours before day and continud all day the snow in the morning inches deep on the old snow, and by night we found it from to inches deep i walked in front to keep the road and found great dificuelty in keeping it as in maney places the snow had entirely filled up the track, and obliged me to hunt several minits for the track at oclock we halted on the top of the mountain to worm & dry our selves a little as well as to let our horses rest and graze a little on some long grass which i observed, (on) the south steep hills side & falling timber continue to day, and a thickly timbered countrey of different kinds of pine, which are so covered with snow, that in passing thro them we are continually covered with snow, i have been wet and as cold in every part as i ever was in my life, indeed i was at one time fearfull my feet would freeze in the thin mockersons which i wore, after a short delay in the middle of the day, i took one man and proceeded on as fast as i could about miles to a small branch passing to the right, halted and built fires for the party agains their arrival which was at dusk verry cold and much fatigued we encamped at this branch in a thickly timbered bottom which was scercely large enough for us to lie leavil, men all wet cold and hungary. killed a second colt which we all suped hartily on and thought it fine meat. i saw black tail deer to day before we set out which came up the mountain and what is singular snaped tims at a large buck. it is singular as my gun has a steel frisen and never snaped times before in examining her found the flint loose to describe the road of this day would be a repitition of yesterday excpt the snow which made it much wors to proseed as we had in maney places to derect our selves by the appearence of the rubbings of the packs against the trees which have limbs quiet low and bending downwards [clark, september , ] sunday th septr. cloudy morning our horses much scattered which detained us untill one oclock p.m. at which time we set out the falling snow & snow from the trees which kept us wet all the after noon passed over several high ruged knobs and several dreans & springs passing to the right, & passing on the ridge devideing the waters of two small rivers. road excessively bad snow on the knobs, no snow in the vallies killed a fiew pheasents which was not sufficient for our supper which compelled us to kill something. a coalt being the most useless part of our stock he fell a prey to our appetites. the after part of the day fare, we made only miles to day two horses fell & hurt themselves very much. we encamped on the top of a high knob of the mountain at a run passing to the left. we proceed on as yesterday, & with dificulty found the road [lewis, september , ] wednesday september th . cap clark set out this morning to go a head with six hunters. there being no game in these mountains we concluded it would be better for one of us to take the hunters and hurry on to the leavel country a head and there hunt and provide some provision while the other remained with and brought on the party the latter of these was my part; accordingly i directed the horses to be gotten up early being determined to force my march as much as the abilities of our horses would permit. the negligence of one of the party willard who had a spare horse not attending to him and bringing him up last evening was the cause of our detention this morning untill / after a m when we set out. i sent willard back to serch for his horse, and proceeded on with the party at four in the evening he overtook us without the horse, we marched miles this day and encamped on the side of a steep mountain; we suffered for water this day passing one rivulet only; we wer fortunate in finding water in a steep raviene about / maile from our camp. this morning we finished the remainder of our last coult. we dined & suped on a skant proportion of portable soupe, a few canesters of which, a little bears oil and about lbs. of candles form our stock of provision, the only recources being our guns & packhorses. the first is but a poor dependance in our present situation where there is nothing upon earth exept ourselves and a few small pheasants, small grey squirrels, and a blue bird of the vulter kind about the size of a turtle dove or jay bird. our rout lay along the ridge of a high mountain course s. w. in. used the snow for cooking. [clark, september , ] monday th septr. a fair morning cold i proceded on in advance with six hunters to try and find deer or something to kill we passed over a countrey similar to the one of yesterday more falling timber passed several runs & springs passing to the right from the top of a high part of the mountain at miles i had a view of an emence plain and leavel countrey to the s w. & west at a great distance a high mountain in advance beyond the plain, saw but little sign of deer and nothing else, much falling timber, made miles and encamped on a bold running creek passing to the left which i call hungery creek as at that place we had nothing to eate. i halted only one hour to day to let our horses feed on grass and rest [lewis, september , ] thursday september th . set out this morning a little after sun rise and continued our rout about the same course of yesterday or s. w. for miles when the ridge terminated and we to our inexpressable joy discovered a large tract of prairie country lying to the s. w. and widening as it appeared to extend to the w. through that plain the indian informed us that the columbia river, in which we were in surch run. this plain appeared to be about miles distant, but our guide assured us that we should reach it's borders tomorrow the appearance of this country, our only hope for subsistance greately revived the sperits of the party already reduced and much weakened for the want of food. the country is thickly covered with a very heavy growth of pine of which i have ennumerated distinct species. after leaving the ridge we asscended and decended several steep mountains in the distance of miles further when we struck a creek about yards wide our course being s. w. we continued our rout miles along the side of this creek upwards passing of it's branches which flowed in from the n. st at the place we struck the creek and the other miles further. the road was excessively dangerous along this creek being a narrow rockey path generally on the side of steep precipice, from which in many places if ether man or horse were precipitated they would inevitably be dashed in pieces. fraziers horse fell from this road in the evening, and roled with his load near a hundred yards into the creek. we all expected that the horse was killed but to our astonishment when the load was taken off him he arose to his feet & appeared to be but little injured, in minutes he proceeded with his load. this was the most wonderfull escape i ever witnessed, the hill down which he roled was almost perpendicular and broken by large irregular and broken rocks. the course of this creek upwards due w. we encamped on the stard. side of it in a little raviene, having traveled miles over a very bad road. we took a small quantity of portable soup, and retired to rest much fatiegued. several of the men are unwell of the disentary. brakings out, or irruptions of the skin, have also been common with us for some time. [clark, september , ] tuesday th septr. set out early proceeded on up the creek passing through a small glade at miles at which place we found a horse. i derected him killed and hung up for the party after takeing a brackfast off for our selves which we thought fine after brackfast proceed on up the creek two miles & left it to our right passed over a mountain, and the heads of branch of hungary creek, two high mountains, ridges and through much falling timber (which caused our road of to day to be double the derect distance on the course) struck a large creek passing to our left which i kept down for miles and left it to our left & passed over a mountain bad falling timber to a small creek passing to our left and encamped. i killed pheasents, but fiew birds blue jay, small white headed hawk, some crows & ravins & large hawks. road bad. [lewis, september , ] friday september th . this morning my attention was called to a species of bird which i had never seen before. it was reather larger than a robbin, tho much it's form and action. the colours were a blueish brown on the back the wings and tale black, as wass a stripe above the croop / of an inch wide in front of the neck, and two others of the same colour passed from it's eyes back along the sides of the head. the top of the head, neck brest and belley and butts of the wing were of a fine yellowish brick reed. it was feeding on the buries of a species of shoemake or ash which grows common in country & which i first observed on d of this month. i have also observed two birds of a blue colour both of which i believe to be of the haulk or vulter kind. the one of a blue shining colour with a very high tuft of feathers on the head a long tale, it feeds on flesh the beak and feet black. it's note is cha-ah, cha-ah. it is about the size of a pigeon; and in shape and action resembles the jay bird.- another bird of very similar genus, the note resembling the mewing of the cat, with a white head and a light blue colour is also common, as are a black species of woodpecker about the size of the lark woodpecker three species of pheasants, a large black species, with some white feathers irregularly scattered on the brest neck and belley a smaller kind of a dark uniform colour with a red stripe above the eye, and a brown and yellow species that a good deel resembles the phesant common to the atlantic states. we were detained this morning untill ten oclock in consequence of not being enabled to collect our horses. we had proceeded about miles when we found the greater part of a horse which capt clark had met with and killed for us. he informed me by note that he should proceed as fast as possible to the leavel country which lay to the s. w. of us, which we discovered from the hights of the mountains on the th there he intended to hunt untill our arrival. at one oclock we halted and made a hearty meal on our horse beef much to the comfort of our hungry stomachs. here i larnt that one of the packhorses with his load was missing and immediately dispatched baptiest lapage who had charge of him, to surch for him. he returned at ; oc. without the horse. the load of the horse was of considerable value consisting of merchandize and all my stock of winter cloathing. i therefore dispatched two of my best woodsmen in surch of him, and proceeded with the party. our rout lay through a thick forrest of large pine the general course being s. w. and distance about miles. our road was much obstructed by fallen timber particularly in the evening we encamped on a ridge where ther was but little grass for our horses, and at a distance from water. however we obtained as much as served our culinary purposes and suped on our beef. the soil as you leave the hights of the mountains becomes gradually more fertile. the land through which we passed this evening is of an excellent quality tho very broken, it is a dark grey soil. a grey free stone appearing in large masses above the earth in many places. saw the hucklebury, honeysuckle, and alder common to the atlantic states, also a kind of honeysuckle which bears a white bury and rises about feet high not common but to the western side of the rockey mountains. a growth which resembles the choke cherry bears a black bury with a single stone of a sweetish taste, it rises to the hight of or feet and grows in thick clumps. the arborvita is also common and grows to an immence size, being from to feet in diameter. [clark, september , ] wednesday th september i set out early and proceeded on through a countrey as ruged as usial passed over a low mountain into the forks of a large creek which i kept down miles and assended a steep mountain leaveing the creek to our left hand passed the head of several dreans on a divideing ridge, and at miles decended the mountain to a leavel pine countrey proceeded on through a butifull countrey for three miles to a small plain in which i found maney indian lodges, at the distance of mile from the lodges i met boys, when they saw me ran and hid themselves searched found gave them small pieces of ribin & sent them forward to the village a man came out to meet me with;great caution & conducted us to a large spacious lodge which he told me (by signs) was the lodge of his great chief who had set out days previous with all the warriers of the nation to war on a south west derection & would return in or days. the fiew men that were left in the village aged, great numbers of women geathered around me with much apparent signs of fear, and apr. pleased they gave us a small piece of buffalow meat, some dried salmon beries & roots in different states, some round and much like an onion which they call quamash the bread or cake is called passhe-co sweet, of this they make bread & supe they also gave us the bread made of this root all of which we eate hartily, i gave them a fiew small articles as preasents, and proceeded on with a chief to his village miles in the same plain, where we were treated kindly in their way and continued with them all night those two villages consist of about double lodges, but fiew men a number of women & children; they call themselves cho pun-nish or pierced noses; " their dialect appears verry different from the tushapaws altho origneally the same people" they are darker than the tushapaws their dress similar, with more beads white & blue principally, brass & copper in different forms, shells and ware their haire in the same way. they are large portley men small women & handsom fetued emence quantity of the quawmash or pas-shi-co root gathered & in piles about the plains, those roots grow much an onion in marshey places the seed are in triangular shell on the stalk. they sweat them in the following manner i. e. dig a large hole feet deep cover the bottom with split wood on the top of which they lay small stones of about or inches thick, a second layer of splited wood & set the whole on fire which heats the stones, after the fire is extinguished they lay grass & mud mixed on the stones, on that dry grass which supports the pash-shi-co root a thin coat of the same grass is laid on the top, a small fire is kept when necessary in the center of the kite &c. i find myself verry unwell all the evening from eateing the fish & roots too freely. sent out the hunters they killed nothing saw some signs of deer. [lewis, september , ] saturday september st . we were detained this morning untill ock. in consequence of not being able to collect our horses. we then set out and proceeded along the ridge on which we had encamped, leaving which at / we passed a large creek runing to the left just above it's junction with another which run parrallel with and on the left of our road before we struck the creek; through the level wide and heavy timbered bottom of this creek we proceeded about / miles when bearing to the right we passed a broken country heavily timbered great quantities of which had fallen and so obstructed our road that it was almost impracticable to proceed in many places. though these hills we proceeded about ms. when we passed a small creek on which capt clark encamped on the th passing this creek we continued our rout ms thro a similar country when we struck a large creek at the forks, passed the northen branch and continued down it on the west side mile and encamped in a small open bottom where there was tolerable food for our horses. i directed the horses to be hubbled to prevent delay in the morning being determined to make a forced march tomorrow in order to reach if possible the open country. we killed a few pheasants, and i killd a prarie woolf which together with the ballance of our horse beef and some crawfish which we obtained in the creek enabled us to make one more hearty meal, not knowing where the next was to be found. the arborvita increases in quantity and size. i saw several sticks today large enough to form eligant perogues of at least feet in length.--i find myself growing weak for the want of food and most of the men complain of a similar deficiency and have fallen off very much. the general course of this day s w m. [clark, september , ] septr. st saturday a fine morning sent out all the hunters early in different directions to kill something and delayed with the indians to prevent suspicion & to acquire as much information as possible. one of them drew me a chart of the river & nations below informed of one falls below which the white men lived from whome they got white beeds cloth &c. &c. the day proved warm, chifs of bands visited me to day--the hunters all returned without any thing, i collected a horse load of roots & sammon & sent r fields with one indian to meet capt lewis at oclock set out with the other men to the river, passed thro a fine pine country decended a steep ruged hill verry long to a small river which comes from our left and i suppose it to be ____ river passed down the river miles on a steep hill side at r r oclock p.m. arrived at a camp of squars a boy & children those people were glad to see us & gave us drid sammon one had formerly been taken by the minitarries of the north & seen white men, our guide called the chief who was fishing on the other side of the river, whome i found a cherfull man of about i gave him a medal. [clark, september , ] thursday st septr. a fine morning sent out all the hunters in different directions to hunt deer, i myself delayd with the chief to prevent suspission and to collect by signs as much information as possible about the river and countrey in advance. the cheif drew me a kind of chart of the river, and informed me that a greater cheif than himself was fishing at the river half a days march from his village called the twisted hare, and that the river forked a little below his camp and at a long distance below & below large forks one from the left & the other from the right the river passed thro'gh the mountains at which place was a great fall of the water passing through the rocks, at those falls white people lived from whome they preceured the white beeds & brass &c. which the womin wore; a chief of another band visit me to day and smoked a pipe, i gave my handkerchief & a silver cord with a little tobacco to those chiefs, the hunters all return without any thing, i purchased as much provisions as i could with what fiew things i chaned to have in my pockets, such a salmon bread roots & berries, & sent one man r. fields with an indian to meet capt. lewis, and at oclock p m. set out to the river, met a man at dark on his way from the river to the village, whome i hired and gave the neck handkerchief of one of the men, to polit me to the camp of the twisted hare we did not arrive at the camp of the twisted hare but oppost, untill half past oclock p m. found at this camp five squars & children. my guide called to the chief who was encamped with others on a small island in the river, he soon joind me, i found him a chearfull man with apparant siencerity, i gave him a medal &c. and smoked untill oclock a.m. and went to sleep. the countrey from the mountains to the river hills is a leavel rich butifull pine countrey badly watered, thinly timbered & covered with grass--the weather verry worm after decending into the low countrey,- the river hills are verry high & steep, small bottoms to this little river which is flat head & is yards wide and sholey this river is the one we killed the first coalt on near a fishing were i am verry sick to day and puke which relive me. [lewis, september , ] sunday september cd . notwithstanding my positive directions to hubble the horses last evening one of the men neglected to comply. he plead ignorance of the order. this neglect however detained us untill / after eleven ock at which time we renewed our march, our course being about west. we had proceeded about two and a half miles when we met reubin fields one of oure hunters, whom capt. clark had dispatched to meet us with some dryed fish and roots that he had procured from a band of indians, whose lodges were about eight miles in advance. i ordered the party to halt for the purpose of taking some refreshment. i divided the fish roots and buries, and was happy to find a sufficiency to satisfy compleatly all our appetites. fields also killed a crow after refreshing ourselves we proceeded to the village due west / miles where we arrived at ock. in the afternoon our rout was through lands heavily timbered, the larger wood entirely pine. the country except the last miles was broken and decending the pleasure i now felt in having tryumphed over the rocky mountains and decending once more to a level and fertile country where there was every rational hope of finding a comfortable subsistence for myself and party can be more readily conceived than expressed, nor was the flattering prospect of the final success of the expedition less pleasing. on our approach to the village which consisted of eighteen lodges most of the women fled to the neighbouring woods on horseback with their children, a circumstance i did not expect as capt. clark had previously been with them and informed them of our pacific intentions towards them and also the time at which we should most probably arrive. the men seemed but little concerned, and several of them came to meet us at a short distance from their lodges unarmed. [clark, september , ] september nd sunday a fine morning, i proceed on down the little river to about / a mile & found the chif in a canoe comeing to meet me i got into his canoe & crossed over to his camp on a small island at a rapid sent out the hunters leaving one to take care of the baggage, & after eating a part of a samn. i set out on my return to meet capt. lewis with the chief & his son at miles met shields with deer, i took a small peice & changed for his horse which was fresh & proced on this horse threw me times which hurt me some. at dark met capt lewis encamped at the first village men much fatigued & reduced, the supply which i sent by r flds. was timely, they all eate hartily of roots & fish, horses lost days journey back [clark, september , ] friday nd septr. a verry worm day the hunters shild killed deer this morning. i left them on the island and set out with the chief & his son on a young horse for the village at which place i expected to meet capt lewis this young horse in fright threw himself & me times on the side of a steep hill & hurt my hip much, cought a coalt which we found on the roade & i rode it for several miles untill we saw the chiefs horses, he cought one & we arrived at his village at sunset, & himself and myslf walked up to the d village where i found capt lewis & the party encamped, much fatigued, & hungery, much rejoiced to find something to eate of which they appeared to partake plentifully. i cautioned them of the consequences of eateing too much &c. the planes appeared covered with spectators viewing the white men and the articles which we had, our party weacke and much reduced in flesh as well as strength, the horse i left hung up they receved at a time they were in great want, and the supply i sent by r. fields proved timely and gave great encouragement to the party with captn. lewis. he lost horses one of which belonged to our guide. those indians stole out of r. f. shot pouch his knife wipers compas & steel, which we could not precure from them, we attempted to have some talk with those people but could not for the want of an interpreter thro which we could speake, we were compelled to converse altogether by signs--i got the twisted hare to draw the river from his camp down which he did with great cherfullness on a white elk skin, from the s fork which is a few seven miles below, to the large fork on which the so so ne or snake indians fish, is south sleeps; to a large river which falls in on the n w. side and into which the clarks river empties itself is sleeps from the mouth of that river to the falls is sleeps at the falls he places establishments of white people &c. and informs that great numbers of indians reside on all those foks as well as the main river; one other indian gave me a like account of the countrey, some few drops of rain this evening. i precured maps of the country & river with the situation of indians, to come from several men of note seperately which varied verey little. [clark, september , ] septr. rd sunday traded with the indians, made chiefs and gave them meadels & tobacco & handkerchif & knives, and a flag & left a flag & hand kerches for the great chief when he returns from war, in the evening proceeded to the d vilg miles, a hard wind and rain at dark, traded for some root bread & skins to make shirts. hot day [clark, september , ] saturday rd septr . we assembled the principal men as well as the chiefs and by signs informed them where we came from where bound our wish to inculcate peace and good understanding between all the red people &c. which appeared to satisfy them much, we then gave other medals to other chefs of bands, a flag to the twisted hare, left a flag & handkerchief to the grand chief gave, a shirt to the twisted hare & a knife & handkerchif with a small pece of tobacco to each. finding that those people gave no provisions to day we deturmined to purchase with our small articles of merchindize, accord we purchased all we could, such as roots dried, in bread, & in ther raw state, berris of red haws & fish and in the evening set out and proceeded on to the d village miles dist. where we also purchased a few articles all amounting to as much as our weak horses could carry to the river capt. lewis & men verry sick this evening, my hip verry painfull, the men trade a few old tin canisters for dressed elk skin to make themselves shirts, at dark a hard wind from the s w accompaned with rain which lasted half an hour. the twisted hare envited capt lewis & myself to his lodge which was nothin more than pine bushes & bark, and gave us some broiled dried salmon to eate, great numbers about us all night at this village the women were busily employed in gathering and drying the pas-she co root of which they had great quantites dug in piles [clark, september , ] septr. th monday set out early for the river and proceeded on the same road i had prevsly gorn to the island at which place i had found the chief & formed a camp several or men sick, capt lewis sick all complain of a lax & heaviness at the stomack, i gave rushes pills to several hot day maney indians & thier gangues of horses follow us hot day hunter had deer [clark, september , ] sunday th septr. a fine morning collected our horses despatched j. colter back to hunt the horses lost in the mountains & bring up some shot left behind, and at oclock we all set out for the river and proceeded on by the same rout i had previously traveled, and at sunset we arrived at the island on which i found the twisted hare and formed a camp on a large island a littl below, capt lewis scercely able to ride on a jentle horse which was furnishd by the chief, several men so unwell that they were compelled to lie on the side of the road for some time others obliged to be put on horses. i gave rushes pills to the sick this evening. several indians follow us. [clark, september , ] septr. th i with th chief & young men went down to hunt timber for canoes--proceeded on down to the forks miles n ° w miles s. °w miles, halted young men cought sammon, the forks nearly the same size, crossed the south fork & found timber large pine in a bottom proceeded up the south side parts of party sick capt lewis verry sick hot day [clark, september , ] monday th of september a verry hot day most of the party complaining and of our hunters left here on the nd verry sick they had killed only two bucks in my absence. i set out early with the chief and young men to hunt some trees calculated to build canoes, as we had previously deturmined to proceed on by water, i was furnished with a horse and we proceeded on down the river crossed a creek at mile from the right verry rockey which i call rock dam creek & passed down on the n side of the river to a fork from the north which is about the same size and affords about the same quantity of water with the other forks we halted about an hour, one of the young men took his guilt and killed fine salmon two of them were roasted and we eate, two canoes came up loaded with the furnitur & provisions of families, those canoes are long stedy and without much rake i crossed the south fork and proceeded up on the south side, the most of the way thro a narrow pine bottom in which i saw fine timber for canoes one of the indian canoes with men with poles set out from the forks at the same time i did and arrived at our camp on the island within minits of the same time i did, not withstanding rapids which they had to draw the canoe thro in the distance, when i arrived at camp found capt lewis verry sick, several men also verry sick, i gave some salts & tarter emetic, we deturmined to go to where the best timbr was and there form a camp [clark, september , ] septr. th set out early and proceeded down the river to the bottom on the s side opposit the forks & formed a camp had ax handled ground &c. our axes all too small, indians caught sammon & sold us, chiefs & thir families came & camped near us, several men bad, capt lewis sick i gave pukes salts &c. to several, i am a little unwell. hot day [clark, september , ] tuesday th septr. set out early and proceeded on down the river to a bottom opposit the forks of the river on the south side and formed a camp. soon after our arrival a raft came down the n. fork on which was two men, they came too, i had the axes distributed and handled and men apotned. ready to commence building canoes on tomorrow, our axes are small & badly calculated to build canoes of the large pine, capt lewis still very unwell, several men taken sick on the way down, i administered salts pils galip, tarter emetic &c. i feel unwell this evening, two chiefs & their families follow us and encamp near us, they have great numbers of horses. this day proved verry hot, we purchase fresh salmon of the indians [clark, september , ] septr. th thursday set all the men able to work abt. building canoes, colter returned and found one horse & the canister of shot left in the mountains he also killed a deer / of which he brought hot day--men sick [clark, september , ] th septr. wednesday all the men able to work comened building canoes, several taken sick at work, our hunters returned sick without meet. j. colter returned he found only one of the lost horses, on his way killed a deer, half of which he gave the indians the other proved nourishing to the sick the day verry hot, we purchase fresh salmon of them several indians come up the river from a camp some distance below capt lewis very sick nearly all the men sick. our shoshonee indian guide employed himself makeing flint points for his arrows [clark, september , ] septr. th friday several men sick all at work which is able, nothing killed to day. drewyer sick maney indians visit us worm day [clark, september , ] thursday th septr. our men nearly all complaining of ther bowels, a heaviness at the stomach & lax, some of those taken first getting better, a number of indians about us gazeing &c. &c. this day proved verry worm and sultery, nothing killed men complaining of their diat of fish & roots. all that is able working at the canoes, several indians leave us to day, the raft continue on down the river, one old man informed us that he had been to the white peoples fort at the falls & got white beeds &c his story was not beleved as he could explain nothing. [clark, september , ] septr. th satterday drewyer killed deer collins der men conte sickly at work all able to work. [clark, september , ] sunday th septr. a cool morning wind from the s. w. men sick as usial, all the men that are able to at work, at the canoes drewyer killed deer colter killed deer, the after part of this day worm cap lewis very sick, and most of the men complaning very much of ther bowels & stomach [clark, september , ] sunday th septr. forks a fine morning our men recruting a little cool, all at work doing something except which are verry sick, great run of small duck passing down the river this morning. [clark, september , ] septr. th saturday (monday) a fine fair morning a the men recruiting a little, all at work which are able. great number of small ducks pass down the river this morning. maney indians passing up and down the river. [clark, october , ] october st tuesday a cool morning wind from the n. e. i examine & dry all our article cloths &. nothing to eate except drid fish verry bad diet capt lewis getting much better than for several days past several indians visit us from the different villages below and on the main fork s. nothing killed [clark, october , ] october st tuesday a cool morning wind from the east had examined and dried all our clothes and other articles and laid out a small assortment of such articles as those indians were fond of to trade with them for some provisions (they are remarkably fond of beeds) nothin to eate except a little dried fish which they men complain of as working of them as as much as a dost of salts. capt lewis getting much better. several indians visit us from the different tribes below some from the main south fork our hunters killed nothing to day worm evening [clark, october , ] oct. nd wednesday dispatch men & an indian up to the villages we first came too to purchase roots fish &c. nothing to eate but roots. gave a small pice of tobacco to the indians, broachs & rings with my handkerchif divided between of them. i walked on the hills to hunt to day, saw only one deer, could kill nothing day excesively hot in the river bottom wind north, burning out the holler of our canoes, men something better nothing except a small prarie wolf killed to day, our provisions all out except what fiew fish we purchase of the indians with us; we kill a horse for the men at work to eate &c. &c. [clark, october , ] october nd wednesday despatched men frasure & s. guterich back to the village with indian & horses to purchase dried fish, roots &c. we have nothing to eate but roots, which give the men violent pains in their bowels after eating much of them. to the indians who visited us yesterday i gave divided my handkerchief between of them, with a small piece of tobacco & a pece of riebin & to the principal men each a ring & brooch. i walked out with my gun on the hills which is verry steep & high could kill nothing. day hot wind n. hunters killed nothing excep a small prarie wolf. provisions all out, which compells us to kill one of our horses to eate and make suep for the sick men. [clark, october , ] october rd thursday canoe camp a fair cool morning wind from the east all our men getting well and at work at the canoes &c. [clark, october , ] october rd thursday a fine morning cool wind east all our men getting better in helth, and at work at the canoes &. the indians who visited us from below set out on their return early. several others came from different directions [clark, october , ] october th friday this morning is a little cool wind from the east. displeased an indian by refuseing to let him have a pice of tobacco. thre inds. from the s. fork visit us frasur and guterich return from the village with fish roots &c. which they purchased [clark, october , ] october th friday a cool wind from off the eastern mountains i displeased an indian by refuseing him a pice of tobacco which he tooke the liberty to take out of our sack three indians visit us from the grat river south of us. the two men frasure and guterich return late from the vllage with fish roots &c. which they purchased as our horse is eaten we have nothing to eate except dried fish & roots which disagree with us verry much. the after part of this day verry warm. capt lewis still sick but able to walk about a little. [clark, october , ] october th saturday a cool morning wind from the east, collected all our horses, & branded them in no. and delivered them to the men who were to take charge of them, each of which i gave a knife & one a wampom shell gorget, the lattd. of this place the mean of observations is ° ' . " north. nothing to eate but dried roots & dried fish, capt lewis & my self eate a supper of roots boiled, which filled us so full of wind, that we were scercely able to breathe all night felt the effects of it. lanced canoes to day one proved a little leakey the other a verry good one [clark, october , ] october th saty wind easterley and cool, had all our horses in number collected and branded cut off their fore top and delivered them to the brothers and one son of one of the chiefs who intends to accompany us down the river to each of those men i gave a knife & some small articles &c. they promised to be attentive to our horses untill we should return. lattitude of this place from the mean of two observations is ° ' . " north nothing to eate except dried fish & roots. capt lewis & myself eate a supper of roots boiled, which swelled us in such a manner that we were scercely able to breath for several hours--finished and lanced of our canoes this evening which proved to be verry good our hunters with every diligence could kill nothing. the hills high and ruged and woods too dry to hunt the deer which is the only game in our neighbourhood. several squars came with fish and roots which we purchased of them for beeds, which they were fond of--capt lewis not so well to day as yesterday [clark, october , ] october th sunday a col easterley wind which spring up in the latter part of the night and continues untill about or oclock a.m. had all our saddles collected a whole dug and in the night buried them, also a canister of powder and a bag of balls at the place the canoe which shields made was cut from the body of the tree--the saddles were buried on the side of a bend about / a mile below--all the canoes finished this evening ready to be put into the water. i am taken verry unwell with a paine in the bowels & stomach, which is certainly the effects of my diet-which last all night-. the winds blow cold from a little before day untill the suns gets to some hight from the mountans east as they did from the mountans at the time we lay at the falls of missouri from the west the river below this forks is called kos kos keel it is clear rapid with shoals or swift places the open countrey commences a fiew miles below this on each side of the river, on the lard side below the st creek. with a few trees scattered near the river. passd maney bad rapids, one canoe that in which i went in front sprung a leak in passing the rd rapid set out at oclock p m & proceeded on [clark, october , ] october th monday i continu verry unwell but obliged to attend every thing all the canoes put into the water and loaded, fixed our canoes as well as possible and set out as we were about to set out we missd. both of the chiefs who promised to accompany us; i also missed my pipe tomahawk which could not be found. the after part of the day cloudy proceded on passed rapids which wer danjerous the canoe in which i was struck a rock and sprung a leak in the rd rapid, we proceeded on miles and encamped on a stard point oppost a run. passed a creek small on the lard. side at miles, a short distanc from the river at feet inches n. of a dead toped pine treee had burid lead canisters of powder had the canoes unloaded examined and mended a small leake which we discovered in a thin place in her side passed several camps of indians to day our course and distance shall be given after i get to the forks. &c.which the indians say is the last of the bad water untill we get to the great falls day below, where the white people live &c. the lodges are of sticks set in a form of roof of a house & covered with mats and straw [clark, october , ] th octr. tuesday a cloudy morning changed canoes and buried lead canisters of powder foot in. north of a dead toped pine opposit our camp & opposit the mouth of a run after repareing leaks in the canoes sprung coming over the rapids yesterday set out at oclock [clark, october , ] october th tuesday a cloudy morning loaded our canoes which was unloaded last night and set out at oclock passed rapids four islands and a creek on the stard side at miles just below which one canoe in which serjt. gass was stearing and was nearle turning over, she sprung a leak or split open on one side and bottom filled with water & sunk on the rapid, the men, several of which could not swim hung on to the canoe, i had one of the other canoes unloaded & with the assistance of our small canoe and one indian canoe took out every thing & toed the empty canoe on shore, one man tompson a little hurt, every thing wet perticularly the greater part of our small stock of merchindize, had every thing opened, and two sentinals put over them to keep off the indians, who are enclined to theave haveing stole several small articles those people appeared disposed to give us every assistance in their power dureing our distress--we passed several encampments of indians on the islands and those near the rapids in which places they took the salmon, at one of those camps we found our two chiefs who had promised to accompany us, we took them on board after the serimony of smokeing [clark, october , ] octo. th all day drying our roots good & articles which got wet in the canoe last night. our snake indian guides left us without our knowledge, the indians troublesom stole my spoon which they returned. men merry at night & singular acts of a ind. woman [clark, october , ] october th wednesday the morning cool as usial the greater part of the day proved to be cloudy, which was unfavourable for drying our things &c. which got wet yesterday. in examoning our canoe found that by putting knees & strong peces pined to her sides and bottom &c. she could be made fit for service in by the time the goods dried, set men to work at her, serjt. pryor & gass, jo fields & gibson, others to collect rosin, at oclock she was finished stronger than ever the wet articles not sufficiently dried to pack up obliged us to delay another night dureing the time one man was tradeing for fish for our voyage, at dark we were informed that our old guide & his son had left us and had been seen running up the river several miles above, we could not account for the cause of his leaveing us at this time, without receiving his pay for the services he had rendered us, or letting us know anything of his intention. we requested the chief to send a horseman after our old guide to come back and recive his pay &c. which he advised us not to do as his nation would take his things from him before he passed their camps the indians and our party were very mery this after noon a woman faind madness &c. &c. singular acts of this woman in giveing in small potions all she had & if they were not received she would scarrify her self in a horid manner &c. capt lewis recovring fast. a verry worm day, indians continue all day on the banks to view us as low as the forks. two indians come up in a canoe, who means to accompany us to the great rapids, could get no observations, worm night the water of the south fork is of a bluish green colour [clark, october , ] october th wednesday thursday a fine morning loaded and set out at oclock at / miles passed a run on the stard. side haveing passed islands and two bad rapids at miles lower passed a creek on the lard. with wide cotton willow bottoms haveing passed an island and a rapid an indian camp of three lodgs below the creek at / miles lower we arrived at the heade of a verry bad riffle at which place we landed near lodges of indians on the lard side to view the riffle, haveing passed two islands & six rapids several of them verry bad-after view'g this riffle two canoes were taken over verry well; the third stuck on a rock which took us an hour to get her off which was effected without her receving a greater injurey than a small split in her side which was repared in a short time, we purchased fish & dogs of those people, dined and proceeded on- here we met with an indian from the falls at which place he sais he saw white people, and expressd an inclination to accompany us, we passd. a fiew miles above this riffle lodges and an indian batheing in a hot bath made by hot stones thrown into a pon of water. at this riffle which we call ragid rapid took meridian altitude of the suns upper limb with sextt. ° ' " latd. produced ____ north at five miles lower and sixty miles below the forks arived at a large southerly fork which is the one we were on with the snake or so-so-nee nation (haveing passed rapids) this south fork or lewis's river which has two forks which fall into it on the south the ist small the upper large and about days march up imediately parrelal to the first villages we came to and is called by those indians par-nash-te on this fork a little above its mouth resides a chief who as the indian say has more horses than he can count and further sayeth that louises river is navagable about miles up with maney rapids at which places the indians have fishing camps and lodjes built of an oblong form with flat ruffs. below the st river on the south side there is ten established fishing places on the st fork which fall in on the south side is one fishing place, between that and the par nash to river, five fishing places, above two, and one on that river all of the cho-pun-nish or pierced nose nation many other indians reside high up those rivers the countrey about the forks is an open plain on either side i can observe at a distance on the lower stard. side a high ridge of thinly timbered countrey the water of the south fork-is a greenish blue, the north as clear as cristial imediately in the point is an indian cabin & in the south fork a small island, we came to on the stard. side below with a view to make some luner observations the night proved cloudy and we were disapointed the indians came down all the couses of this river on each side on horses to view us as we were desending,--the man whome we saw at the ruged rapid and expressed an inclination to accompany us to the great rapids, came up with his son in a small canoe and procisted in his intentions- worthey of remark that not one stick of timber on the river near the forks and but a fiew trees for a great distance up the river we decended i think lewis's river is about yards wide, the koos koos ke river about yards wide and the river below the forks about yards wide. a miss understanding took place between shabono one of our interpreters, and jo. & r fields which appears to have originated in just--our diet extremely bad haveing nothing but roots and dried fish to eate, all the party have greatly the advantage of me, in as much as they all relish the flesh of the dogs, several of which we purchased of the nativs for to add to our store of fish and roots &c. &c.- the cho-pun-nish or pierced nose indians are stout likeley men, handsom women, and verry dressey in their way, the dress of the men are a white buffalow robe or elk skin dressed with beeds which are generally white, sea shells-i e the mother of pirl hung to ther hair & on a pice of otter skin about their necks hair cewed in two parsels hanging forward over their sholders, feathers, and different coloured paints which they find in their countrey generally white, green & light blue. some fiew were a shirt of dressed skins and long legins, & mockersons painted, which appears to be their winters dress, with a plat of twisted grass about their necks. the women dress in a shirt of ibex, or goat skins which reach quite down to their anckles with a girdle, their heads are not ornemented, their shirts are ornemented with quilled brass, small peces of brass cut into different forms, beeds, shells & curios bones &c. the men expose those parts which are generally kept from view by other nations but the women are more perticular than any other nation which i have passed in screting the parts their amusements appear but fiew as their situation requires the utmost exertion to prcure food they are generally employed in that pursute, all the summer & fall fishing for the salmon, the winter hunting the deer on snow shoes in the plains and takeing care of ther emence numbers of horses, & in the spring cross the mountains to the missouri to get buffalow robes and meet &c. at which time they frequent meet with their enemies & lose their horses & maney of ther people ther disorders are but fiew and those fiew of a scofelous nature. they make great use of swetting. the hot and cold baethes, they are verry selfish and stingey of what they have to eate or ware, and they expect in return something for everything give as presents or the survices which they doe let it be however small, and fail to make those returns on their part. [clark, october , ] october th a cloudy morning wind from the east we set out early and proceeded on passed a rapid at two miles, at miles we came too at some indian lodges and took brackfast, we purchased all the fish we could and seven dogs of those people for stores of provisions down the river. at this place i saw a curious swet house under ground, with a small whole at top to pass in or throw in the hot stones, which those in threw on as much water as to create the temporature of heat they wished--at mile passed a rapid at miles halted at an indian lodge, to purchase provisions of which we precred some of the pash-he-quar roots five dogs and a few fish dried, after takeing some dinner of dog &c we proceeded on. came to and encamped at indian lodges at a great place of fishing here we met an indian of a nation near the mouth of this river. we purchased three dogs and a fiew fish of those indians, we passed today nine rapids all of then great fishing places, at different places on the river saw indian houses and slabs & spilt timber raised from the ground being the different parts of the houses of the natives when they reside on this river for the purpose of fishing at this time they are out in the plain on each side of the river hunting the antilope as we are informed by our chiefs, near each of those houses we observe grave yards picketed, or pieces of wood stuck in permiscuesly over the grave or body which is covered with earth, the country on either side is an open plain leavel & fertile after assending a steep assent of about feet not a tree of any kind to be seen on the river the after part of the day the wind from the s. w. and hard. the day worm. [clark, october , ] october th saturday a fair cool morning wind from e after purchasing all the drid fish those people would spear from their hole in which they wer buried we set out at oclock and proceeded on [clark, october , ] october th saturday a fair cool morning wind from the east. after purchaseing every speces of the provisions those indians could spare we set out and proceeded on at three miles passed four islands swift water and a bad rapid opposit to those islands on the lard. side. at / miles passed the mouth of a large creek on the lard side opposit a small island here the countrey assends with a gentle assent to the high plains, and the river is yards wide about mile below the creek on the same side took meridian altitude which gave ° ' " latitude produced ____ north in the afternoon the wind shifted to the s. w. and blew hard we passed to day ____ rapids several of them very bad and came to at the head of one (at miles) on the stard. side to view it before we attemptd. to dsend through it. the indians had told us was verry bad--we found long and dangerous about miles in length, and maney turns necessary to stear clare of the rocks, which appeared to be in every direction. the indians went through & our small canoe followed them, as it was late we deturmined to camp above untill the morning. we passed several stoney islands today country as yesterday open plains, no timber of any kind a fiew hack berry bushes & willows excepted, and but few drift trees to be found so that fire wood is verry scerce--the hills or assents from the water is faced with a dark ruged stone. the wind blew hard this evening.- [clark, october , ] october th sunday rained a little before day, and all the morning, a hard wind from the s west untill oclock, the rained seased & wind luled, and capt lewis with two canoes set out & passed down the rapid the others soon followed and we passed over this bad rapid safe. we should make more portages if the season was not so far advanced and time precious with us the wife of shabono our interpetr we find reconsiles all the indians, as to our friendly intentions a woman with a party of men is a token of peace [clark, october , ] october th sunday a windey dark raney morning the rain commenced before day and continued moderately until) near oclock--we took all our canoes through this rapid without any injurey. a little below passed through another bad rapid at ____ miles passed the mo. of a large creek little river in a stard. bend, imediately below a long bad rapid; in which the water is confined in a chanel of about yards between rugid rocks for the distance of a mile and a half and a rapid rockey chanel for miles above. this must be a verry bad place in high water, here is great fishing place, the timbers of several houses piled up, and a number of wholes of fish, and the bottom appears to have been made use of as a place of deposit for their fish for ages past, here two indians from the upper foks over took us and continued on down on horse back, two others were at this mouth of the creek--we passed a rapid about mile lower. at dusk came to on the std. side & encamped. the two inds. on horse back stayed with us. the countery thro which we passed to day is simlar to that of yesterday open plain no timber passed several houses evacuated at established fishing places, wind hard from the s. w. in the evening and not very cold [clark, october , ] october th monday a verry cool morning wind from the west set out at oclock proceeded on at this rapid the canoe a stern steared by drewyer struck a rock turned the men got out on a rock the stern of the canoe took in water and she sunk the men on the rock hel her, a number of articles floated all that could be cought were taken by of the othr canoes, great many articles lost among other things of the mens beding shot pouches tomahaws &c. &c. and every article wet of which we have great cause to lament as all our loose powder two canisters, all our roots prepared in the indian way, and one half of our goods, fortunately the lead canisters which was in the canoe was tied down, otherwise they must have been lost as the canoe turned over we got off the men from the rock toed our canoe on shore after takeing out all the stores &c. we could & put them out to dry on the island on which we found some wood which was covered with stones, this is the parts of an indian house, which we used for fire wood, by the wish of our two chiefs--those chees, one of them was in the canoe, swam in & saved some property, the inds. have buried fish on this isld. which we are cautious not to touch. our small canoe & three indians in another was out of sight at the time our missfortune hapined, and did not join us. wind hard s w. [clark, october , ] october th monday a verry cold morning wind from the west and cool untill about oclock when it shifted to the s. w. at / miles passed a remarkable rock verry large and resembling the hull of a ship situated on a lard point at some distance from the assending countrey passed rapids at and miles. at miles we came too at the head of a rapid which the indians told me was verry bad, we viewed the rapid found it bad in decending three stern canoes stuk fast for some time on the head of the rapid and one struk a rock in the worst part, fortunately all landed safe below the rapid which was nearly miles in length. here we dined, and for the first time for three weeks past i had a good dinner of blue wing teel, after dinner we set out and had not proceded on two miles before our stern canoe in passing thro a short rapid opposit the head of an island, run on a smoth rock and turned broad side, the men got out on the rock all except one of our indian chiefs who swam on shore, the canoe filed and sunk a number of articles floated out, such as the mens bedding clothes & skins, the lodge &c. &c. the greater part of which were cought by of the canoes, whilst a rd was unloading & steming the swift current to the relief of the men on the rock who could with much dificuelty hold the canoe. however in about an hour we got the men an canoe to shore with the loss of some bedding tomahaws shot pouches skins clothes &c &c. all wet we had every articles exposed to the sun to dry on the island, our loss in provisions is verry considerable all our roots was in the canoe that sunk, and cannot be dried sufficint to save, our loose powder was also in the canoe and is all wett this i think, we shall saved.--in this island we found some split timber the parts of a house which the indians had verry securely covered with stone, we also observed a place where the indians had buried there fish, we have made it a point at all times not to take any thing belonging to the indians even their wood. but at this time we are compelled to violate that rule and take a part of the split timber we find here bured for fire wood, as no other is to be found in any direction. our small canoe which was a head returned at night with ores which they found floating below. the wind this after noon from the s. w. as usial and hard way of the forks to the indian camps at the first were not one mouthfull to eate untill night as our hunters could kill nothing and i could see & catch no fish except a few small ones. the indians gave us sammon boiled which i gave to the men, one of my men shot a sammon in the river about sunset those fish gave us a supper. all the camp flocked about me untill i went to sleep--and i beleve if they had a sufficency to eate themselves and any to spare they would be liberal of it i detected the men to mend their mockessons to night and turn out in the morning early to hunt deer fish birds &c. &c. saw great numbers of the large black grass hopper. some bars which were verry wild, but few birds. a number of ground lizards; some fiew pigions plainly see a rainge of mountains which bore s. e. & n. w. the nearest point south about miles, and becoms high toward the n. w. the plaines on each side is wavering. labiesh killed gees & ducks of the large kind. at two oclock we loaded & set out, our powder & provisions of roots not sufficently dry. we shall put them out at the forks or mouth of this river which is at no great distance, and at which place we shall delay to make some selestial observations &c. passed eleven island and seven rapids to day. several of the rapids verry bad and dificuelt to pass. the islands of different sizes and all of round stone and sand, no timber of any kind in sight of the river, a fiew small willows excepted; in the evening the countrey becomes lower not exceding or feet above the water and back is a wavering plain on each side, passed thro narrows for miles where the clifts of rocks juted to the river on each side compressing the water of the river through a narrow chanel; below which it widens into a kind of bason nearly round without any proceptiable current, at the lower part of this bason is a bad dificuelt and dangerous rapid to pass, at the upper part of this rapid we over took the three indians who had polited us thro the rapids from the forks. those people with our chiefs had proceeded on to this place where they thought proper to delay for us to warn us of the difficulties of this rapid. we landed at a parcel of split timber, the timber of a house of indians out hunting the antilope in the plains; and raised on scaffolds to save them from the spring floods. here we were obliged for the first time to take the property of the indians without the consent or approbation of the owner. the night was cold & we made use of a part of those boards and split logs for fire wood. killed two teel this evening. examined the rapids which we found more dificuelt to pass than we expected from the indians information. a suckcession of sholes, appears to reach from bank to bank for miles which was also intersepted with large rocks sticking up in every direction, and the chanel through which we must pass crooked and narrow. we only made miles today, owing to the detention in passing rapids &c. [clark, october , ] oar. th wednesday a cool morning set out early passed the rapid with all the canoes except sgt. pryors which run on a rock near the lower part of the rapid and stuck fast, by the assistance of the other canoes she was unloaded and got off the rock without any further injorey than, the wetting the greater part of her loading--loaded and proceeded on i walked around this rapid we halted a short time above the point and smoked with the indians, & examined the point and best place for our camp, we camped on the columbia river a little above the point i saw about men comeing down from their villages & were turned back by the chief, after we built our fires of what wood we could collect, & get from the indians, the chief brought down all his men singing and dancing as they came, formed a ring and danced for some time around us we gave them a smoke, and they returned the village a little above, the chief & several delay untill i went to bead. bought dogs & they gave us several fresh salmon & som horse dried [clark, october , ] october th wednesday a cool morning deturmined to run the rapids, put our indian guide in front our small canoe next and the other four following each other, the canoes all passed over safe except the rear canoe which run fast on a rock at the lower part of the rapids, with the early assistance of the other canoes & the indians, who was extreamly ellert every thing was taken out and the canoe got off without any enjorie further than the articles which it was loaded all wet. at miles passed a bad rapid at which place we unloaded and made a portage of / of a mile, haveing passd. smaller rapids, three islands and the parts of a house above, i saw indians & horses on the south side below. five indians came up the river in great haste, we smoked with them and gave them a piece of tobacco to smoke with their people and sent them back, they set out in a run & continued to go as fast as they could run as far as we could see them. after getting safely over the rapid and haveing taken diner set out and proceeded on seven miles to the junction of this river and the columbia which joins from the n. w. passd. a rapid two islands and a graveley bare, and imediately in the mouth a rapid above an island. in every direction from the junction of those rivers the countrey is one continued plain low and rises from the water gradually, except a range of high countrey which runs from s. w & n e and is on the opposit side about miles distant from the collumbia and keeping its detection s w untill it joins a s w. range of mountains. we halted above the point on the river kimooenim to smoke with the indians who had collected there in great numbers to view us, here we met our chiefs who left us two days ago and proceeded on to this place to inform those bands of our approach and friendly intentions towards all nations &c. we also met the men who had passed us several days ago on hors back, one of them we observed was a man of great influence with those indians, harranged them; after smokeing with the indians who had collected to view us we formed a camp at the point near which place i saw a fiew pieces of drift wood after we had our camp fixed and fires made, a chief came from their camp which was about / of a mile up the columbia river at the head of about men singing and beeting on their drums stick and keeping time to the musik, they formed a half circle around us and sung for some time, we gave them all smoke, and spoke to their chiefs as well as we could by signs informing them of our friendly disposition to all nations, and our joy in seeing those of our children around us, gave the principal chief a large medal shirt and handkf. a nd chief a meadel of small size, and to the cheif who came down from the upper villages a small medal & handkerchief. the chiefs then returned with the men to their camp; soon after we purchased for our provisions seven dogs, some fiew of those people made us presents of fish and several returned and delayed with us untill bedtime--the old chiefs who accompanied us from the head of the river precured us some full such as the stalks of weed or plant and willow bushes--one man made me a present of a about lb. of verry fat dried horse meat. great quantities of a kind of prickley pares, much worst than any i have before seen of a tapering form and attach themselves by bunches. [clark, october , ] october th thursday forks of columbia this morning after the luner observations, the old chief came down, and several men with dogs to sell & womin with fish &c. the dogs we purchased the fish not good. i took men and set out in a small canoe with a view to go as high up the columbia river as the st forks which the indians made signs was but a short distance, i set out at oclock firs course was n. ° w miles to the lower point of a island on the lard. side, passed an island in the middle of the river at miles, at the head of which is a rapid not bad at this rapid lodges of mats on the lard emenc quantites of dried fish, then west miles to the lower point of an island on the stard. side, lodges of indians large and built of mats- passed verry large mat lodges at mile on the stard side large scaffols of fish drying at every lodge, and piles of salmon lying. the squars engaged prepareing them for the scaffol--a squar gave me a dried salmon from those lodes on the island an indian showed me the mouth of the river which falls in below a high hill on the lard. n. ° w. miles from the island. the river bending lard.--this river is remarkably clear and crouded with salmon in maney places, i observe in assending great numbers of salmon dead on the shores, floating on the water and in the bottoms which can be seen at the debth of feet. the cause of the emence numbers of dead salmon i can't account for so it is i must have seen or dead and maney living the indians, i believe make use of the fish which is not long dead as, i struck one nearly dead and left him floating, some indians in a canoe behind took the fish on board his canoe the bottoms on the south side as high as the tarcouche tesse is from to miles wide, back of the bottoms rises to hilly countrey, the plain is low on the north & easte for a great distance no wood to be seen in any direction. the tarcouche tesse bears south of west, the columbia n w above range of hills on the west parrelel a range of mountains to the east which appears to run nearly north & south distance not more than miles--i returned to the point at dusk followed by three canoes of indians in number--i killed a fowl of the pheasent kind as large as a turkey. the length from his beeck to the end of its tail feet -- / inches, from the extremity of its wings across feet inches. the tail feathers inches long, feeds on grass hoppers, and the seed of wild isoop those indians are orderly, badly dressed in the same fashions of those above except the women who wore short shirts and a flap over them fishing houses of mats robes of deer, goat & beaver. [clark, october , ] october th thursday a fair morning made the above observations during which time the principal chief came down with several of his principal men and smoked with us. several men and woman offered dogs and fish to sell, we purchased all the dogs we could, the fish being out of season and dieing in great numbers in the river, we did not think proper to use them, send out hunters to shute the prarie cock a large fowl which i have only seen on this river; several of which i have killed, they are the size of a small turkey, of the pheasant kind, one i killed on the water edge to day measured from the beek to the end of the toe feet & / inches; from the extremities of its wings feet inches; the tale feathers is inches long; they feed on grasshoppers and the seed of the wild plant which is also peculiar to this river and the upper parts of the missoury somewhat resembling the whins-. capt. lewis took a vocabelary of the language of those people who call themselves so hulk, and also one of the language of a nation resideing on a westerly fork of the columbia which mouthes a fiew miles above this place who call themselves chim na pum some fiew of this nation reside with the so kulks nation, their language differ but little from either the sokulks or the cho-pun-nish (or pierced nose) nation which inhabit the koskoskia river and lewis's r below. i took two men in a small canoe and assended the columbia river miles to an island near the stard. shore on which two large mat lodges of indians were drying salmon, (as they informed me by signs for the purpose of food and fuel, & i do not think at all improbable that those people make use of dried fish as fuel,) the number of dead salmon on the shores & floating in the river is incrediable to say and at this season they have only to collect the fish split them open and dry them on their scaffolds on which they have great numbers, how far they have to raft their timber they make their scaffolds of i could not lern; but there is no timber of any sort except small willow bushes in sight in any directionfrom this island the natives showed me the enterance of a large westerly fork which they call tapetett at about miles distant, the evening being late i deturmined to return to the forks, at which place i reached at dark. from the point up the columbia river is n. ° w. miles to the lower point of an island near the lard. side passed a island in the middle of the river at miles at the head of which is a rapid, not dangerous on the lard side opposit to this rapid is a fishing place mat lodges, and great quants. of salmon on scaffolds drying. saw great numhers of dead salmon on the shores and floating in the water, great numbers of indians on the banks viewing me and canoes accompanied me from the point--the waters of this river is clear, and a salmon may be seen at the deabth of or feet. west miles to the lower point of a large island near the stard. side at lodges, passed three large lodges on the stard side near which great number of salmon was drying on scaffolds one of those mat lodges i entered found it crouded with men women and children and near the enterance of those houses i saw maney squars engaged splitting and drying salmon. i was furnished with a mat to sit on, and one man set about prepareing me something to eate, first he brought in a piece of a drift log of pine and with a wedge of the elks horn, and a malet of stone curioesly carved he split the log into small pieces and lay'd it open on the fire on which he put round stones, a woman handed him a basket of water and a large salmon about half dried, when the stones were hot he put them into the basket of water with the fish which was soon suflicently boiled for use. it was then taken out put on a platter of rushes neetly made, and set before me they boiled a salmon for each of the men with me, dureing those preperations, i smoked with those about me who chose to smoke which was but fiew, this being a custom those people are but little accustomed to and only smok thro form. after eateing the boiled fish which was delicious, i set out & halted or came too on the island at the two lodges. several fish was given to me, in return for which i gave small pieces of ribbond from those lodges the natives showed me the mouth of tap teel river about miles above on the west side this western fork appears to beare nearly west, the main columbia river n w.--a range of high land to the s w and parralal to the river and at the distance of miles on the lard. side, the countrey low on the stard. side, and all coverd. with a weed or plant about & three feet high and resembles the whins. i can proceive a range of mountains to the east which appears to bare n. & south distant about or miles. no wood to be seen in any derection--on my return i was followd. by canoes in which there was indians i shot a large prairie cock several grouse, ducks and fish. on my return found great numbr. of the nativs with capt lewis, men all employd in dressing ther skins mending their clothes and putting ther arms in the best order the latter being always a matter of attention with us. the dress of those natives differ but little from those on the koskoskia and lewis's rivers, except the women who dress verry different in as much as those above ware long leather shirts which highly ornimented with heeds shells &c. &c. and those on the main columbia river only ware a truss or pece of leather tied around them at their hips and drawn tite between ther legs and fastened before so as barly to hide those parts which are so sacredly hid & scured by our women. those women are more inclined to copulency than any we have yet seen, with low stature broad faces, heads flatened and the foward compressed so as to form a streight line from the nose to the crown of the head, their eyes are of a duskey black, their hair of a corse black without orniments of any kind braded as above, the orniments of each sects are similar, such as large blue & white beeds, either pendant from their ears or encircling their necks, or wrists & arms. they also ware bracelets of brass, copper & horn, and trinkets of shells, fish bones and curious feathers. their garments consists of a short shirt of leather and a roabe of the skins of deer or the antilope but fiew of them ware shirts all have short robes. those people appears to live in a state of comparitive happiness; they take a greater share labor of the woman, than is common among savage tribes, and as i am informd. content with one wife (as also those on the ki moo e nim river) those people respect the aged with veneration, i observed an old woman in one of the lodges which i entered she was entirely blind as i was informed by signs, had lived more than winters, she occupied the best position in the house, and when she spoke great attention was paid to what she said-. those people as also those of the flat heads which we had passed on the koskoske and lewis's rivers are subject to sore eyes, and maney are blind of one and some of both eyes. this misfortune must be owing to the reflections of the sun &c. on the waters in which they are continually fishing during the spring summer & fall, & the snows dureing the, winter seasons, in this open countrey where the eye has no rest. i have observed amongst those, as well in all other tribes which i have passed on these waters who live on fish maney of different sectes who have lost their teeth about middle age, some have their teeth worn to the gums, perticelar those of the upper jaws, and the tribes generally have bad teeth the cause of it i cannot account sand attachd. to the roots &c the method they have of useing the dri'd salmon, which is mearly worming it and eating the rine & scales with the flesh of the fish, no doubt contributes to it the houses or lodges of the tribes of the main columbia river is of large mats made of rushes, those houses are from to feet in length generally of an oblong squar form, suported by poles on forks in the iner side, six feet high, the top is covered also with mats leaveing a seperation in the whole length of about or inches wide, left for the purpose of admitting light and for the smok of the fire to pass which is made in the middle of the house.--the roughfs are nearly flat, which proves to me that rains are not common in this open countrey those people appeare of a mild disposition and friendly disposedthey have in their huts independant of their nets gigs & fishing tackling each bows & large quivers of arrows on which they use flint spikes. theire ammusements are similar to those of the missouri. they are not beggerley and receive what is given them with much joy. i saw but flew horses they appeared make but little use of those animals principally useing canoes for their uses of procureing food &c. [clark, october , ] october th friday a cold morning faire & wind from s e several heath hens or large pheasents lit near us & the men killed six of them. took one altitude of the suns upper limb ° ' " at h m s a.m. several indian canoes come down & joind those with us, made a second chief by giveing a meadel & wampom i also gave a string of wampom to the old chief who came down with us and informed the indians of our views and intentions in a council measured the width of the columbia river, from the point across to a point of view is s ° w from the point up the columa to a point of view is n. ° w. poles, thence across to the st point of view is s / e measured the width of ki moo e nim river, from the point across to an object on the opposit side is n. / e from the point up the river is n. e. poles thence accross to the point of view is n. ° east distance across the columbia / yds water distance across the ki-moo-e nim yds water names of this nation above the mouth of the ki-moo-e-nim is so-kulk perced noses the names of the nation on the kimoenim river is chopun-nish piercd noses at the prarie the name of a nation at the second forks of the tape tele river, or nocktock fork chim-na-pum, some of which reside with the so kulkc above this-at and a few miles distance,-- men in a canoe come up from below stayed a fiew minits and returned. took a meridian altitude ° ' " the suns upper limb. the lattitudes produced is ° ' / " north, capt lewis took a vocabillary of the so kulk or pierced noses language and chim-nd-pum language whic is in some words different but orriginally the same people the great chief cuts-sa.h nim gave me a sketch of the rivers & tribes above on the great river & its waters on which he put great numbers of villages of his nation & friends, as noted on the sketch the fish being very bad those which was offerd to us we had every reason to believe was taken up on the shore dead, we thought proper not to purchase any, we purchased forty dogs for which we gave articles of little value, such as beeds, bell, & thimbles, of which they appeard verry fond, at oclock we set out down the great columbia accompand by our two old chiefs, one young man wished to accompany us, but we had no room for more, & he could be of no service to us the great chief continued with us untill our departure. we encamped a little below & opsd. the lower point of the island on the lard. side no wood to be found we were obliged to make use small drid willows to cook--our old chief informed us that the great chief of all the nations about lived at the lodges above and wished us to land &c. he said he would go up and call him over they went up and did not return untill late at night, about came down & built a fire above and stayed all night. the chief brought a basket of mashed berries. [clark, october , ] october th friday this morning cool and fare wind from the s. e. six of the large prarie cock killed this morning. several canoes of indians came down and joined those with us, we had a council with those in which we informed of our friendly intentions towards them and all other of our red children; of our wish to make a piece between all of our red children in this quarter &c. &c. this was conveyed by signs thro our chiefs who accompanied us, and was understood, we made a d chief and gave strings of wompom to them all in remembrance of what we said--four men in a canoe came up from a large encampment on an island in the river about miles below, they delayed but a fiew minits and returned, without speaking a word to us. the great chief and one of the chim-na pum nation drew me a sketch of the columbia above and the tribes of his nation, living on the bank, and its waters, and the tape tett river which falls in miles above on the westerly side see sketch below for the number of villages and nations &c. &c. we thought it necessary to lay in a store of provisions for our voyage, and the fish being out of season, we purchased forty dogs for which we gave articles of little value, such as bells, thimbles, knitting pins, brass wire & a few beeds all of which they appeared well satisfied and pleased. every thing being arranged we took in our two chiefs, and set out on the great columbia river, haveing left our guide and the two young men two of them enclined not to proceed on any further, and the rd could be of no service to us as he did not know the river below took our leave of the chiefs and all those about us and proceeded on down the great columbia river passed a large island at miles about miles in length, a island on the stard. side the upper point of which is opposit the center of the last mentioned island and reaches / miles below the st. island and opposit to this near the middle of the river nine lodges are situated on the upper point at a rapid which is between the lower point of the st island and upper point of this; great numbers of indians appeared to be on this island, and emence quantites of fish scaffold we landed a few minits to view a rapid which commenced at the lower point, passd this rapid which was verry bad between small islands two still smaller near the lard. side, at this rapid on the stard. side is lodges of indians drying fish, at / miles lower and / below the point passed an island close under the stard. side on which was lodges of indians drying fish on scaffolds as above at miles from the point the river passesinto the range of high countrey at which place the rocks project into the river from the high clifts which is on the lard. side about / of the way across and those of the stard side about the same distance, the countrey rises here about feet above the water and is bordered with black rugid rocks, at the commencement of this high countrey on lard side a small riverlet falls in which appears to passed under the high county in its whole cose saw a mountain bearing s. w. conocal form covered with snow. passed islands, at the upper point of the rd is a rapid, on this island is two lodges of indians, drying fish, on the fourth island close under the stard. side is nine large lodges of indians drying fish on scaffolds as above at this place we were called to land, as it was near night and no appearance of wood, we proceeded on about miles lower to some willows, at which place we observed a drift log formed a camp on the lard side under a high hill nearly opposit to five lodges of indians; soon after we landed, our old chiefs informed us that the large camp above "was the camp of the st chief of all the tribes in this quarter, and that he had called to us to land and stay all night with him, that he had plenty of wood for us &" this would have been agreeable to us if it had have been understood perticelarly as we were compelled to use drid willows for fuel for the purpose of cooking, we requested the old chiefs to walk up on the side we had landed and call to the chief to come down and stay with us all night which they did; late at night the chief came down accompanied by men, and formed a camp a short distance above, the chief brought with him a large basket of mashed berries which he left at our lodge as a present. i saw on the main land opposit those lodges a number of horses feeding, we made miles to day. [clark, october , ] october th saturday, the great chief d chief and a chief of a band below came and smoked with us we gave a meadel a string of wampom & handkerchef to the great chief by name yel-leppit the d chief we gave a string of wampom, his name is ____ the d who lives below a string of wampom his name i did not learn. the chief requested us to stay untill we excused our selves and set out at oclock p. crusat played on the violin which pleasd and astonished those reches who are badly clad, / with robes not half large enough to cover them, they are homeley high cheeks, and but fiew orniments. i suped on the crane which i killed to day. [clark, october , ] october th saturday the great chief yel-lep-pit two other chiefs, and a chief of band below presented themselves to us verry early this morning. we smoked with them, enformed them as we had all others above as well as we could by signs of our friendly intentions towards our red children perticular those who opened their ears to our councils. we gave a medal, a handkercheif & a string of wompom to yelleppit and a string of wompom to each of the others. yelleppit is a bold handsom indian, with a dignified countenance about years of age, about feet inches high and well perpotiond. he requested us to delay untill the middle of the day, that his people might come down and see us, we excused our selves and promised to stay with him one or days on our return which appeared to satisfy him; great numbers of indians came down in canoes to view us before we set out which was not untill oclock a m. we proceeded on passed a island, close under the lard side about six miles in length opposit to the lower point of which two isds. are situated on one of which five lodges vacent & saffolds drying fish at the upper point of this island swift water. a short distance below passed two islands; one near the middle of the river on which is seven lodges of indians drying fish, at our approach they hid themselves in their lodges and not one was to be seen untill we passed, they then came out in greater numbers than is common in lodges of their size, it is probable that, the inhabitants of the lodges above had in a fright left their lodges and decended to this place to defend them selves if attackted there being a bad rapid opposit the island thro which we had to pass prevented our landing on this island and passifying those people, about four miles below this fritened island we arrived at the head of a verry bad rapid, we came too on the lard side to view the rapid before we would venter to run it, as the chanel appeared to be close under the oppd. shore, and it would be necessary to liten our canoe, i deturmined to walk down on the lard side, with the chiefs the interpreter & his woman, and derected the small canoe to prcede down on the lard side to the foot of the rapid which was about miles in length i sent on the indian chiefs &c. down and i assended a high clift about feet above the water from the top of which is a leavel plain extending up the river and off for a great extent, at this place the countrey becoms low on each side of the river, and affords a prospect of the river and countrey below for great extent both to the right and left; from this place i descovered a high mountain of emence hight covered with snow, this must be one of the mountains laid down by vancouver, as seen from the mouth of the columbia river, from the course which it bears which is west i take it to be mt. st. helens, destant miles a range of mountains in the derection crossing, a conacal mountain s. w. toped with snow this rapid i observed as i passed opposit to it to be verry bad interseped with high rock and small rockey islands, here i observed banks of muscle shells banked up in the river in several places, i delayed at the foot of the rapid about hours for the canoes which i could see met with much dificuelty in passing down the rapid on the oposit side maney places the men were obliged to get into the water and haul the canoes over sholes--while setting on a rock wateing for capt lewis i shot a crain which was flying over of the common kind. i observed a great number of lodges on the opposit side at some distance below and several indians on the opposit bank passing up to where capt. lewis was with the canoes, others i saw on a knob nearly opposit to me at which place they delayed but a short time before they returned to their lodges as fast as they could run, i was fearfull that those people might not be informed of us, i deturmined to take the little canoe which was with me and proceed with the three men in it to the lodges, on my aproach not one person was to be seen except three men off in the plains, and they sheared off as i aproached near the shore, i landed in front of five lodges which was at no great distance from each other, saw no person the enteranc or dores of the lodges wer shut with the same materials of which they were built a mat, i approached one with a pipe in my hand entered a lodge which was the nearest to me found persons men, women and a few children setting permiscuesly in the lodg, in the greatest agutation, some crying and ringing there hands, others hanging their heads. i gave my hand to them all and made signs of my friendly dispotion and offered the men my pipe to smok and distributed a fiew small articles which i had in my pockets,-this measure passified those distressed people verry much, i then sent one man into each lodge and entered a second myself the inhabitants of which i found more fritened than those of the first lodge i destributed sundrey small articles amongst them, and smoked with the men, i then entered the third h & fifth lodge which i found somewhat passified, the three men, drewer jo. & r. fields, haveing useed everey means in their power to convince them of our friendly disposition to them, i then set my self on a rock and made signs to the men to come and smoke with me not one come out untill the canoes arrived with the chiefs, one of whom spoke aloud, and as was their custom to all we had passed the indians came out & set by me and smoked they said we came from the clouds &c &c and were not men &c. &c. this time capt. lewis came down with the canoes rear in which the indian, as soon as they saw the squar wife of the interperters they pointed to her and informed those who continued yet in the same position i first found them, they imediately all came out and appeared to assume new life, the sight of this indian woman, wife to one of our interprs. confirmed those people of our friendly intentions, as no woman ever accompanies a war party of indians in this quarter--capt lewis joined us and we smoked with those people in the greatest friendship, dureing which time one of our old chiefs informed them who we were from whence we came and where we were going giveing them a friendly account of us, those people do not speak prosisely the same language of those above but understand them, i saw several horses and persons on hors back in the plains maney of the men womin and children came up from the lodges below; all of them appeared pleased to see us, we traded some fiew articles for fish and berries, dined, and proceeded on passed a small rapid and lodges below the five, and encamped below an island close under the lard side, nearly opposit to lodges on an island near the middle of the river, and the main stard shor soon after we landed which was at a fiew willow trees about indians came from the different lodges, and a number of them brought wood which they gave us, we smoked with all of them, and two of our party peter crusat & gibson played on the violin which delighted them greatly, we gave to the principal man a string of wompon treated them kindly for which they appeared greatfull, this tribe can raise about men their dress are similar to those at the fork except their robes are smaller and do not reach lower than the waste and / of them have scercely any robes at all, the women have only a small pece of a robe which covers their sholders neck and reaching down behind to their wastes, with a tite piece of leather about the waste, the brests are large and hang down verry low illy shaped, high cheeks flattened heads, & have but fiew orniments, they are all employed in fishing and drying fish of which they have great quantites on their scaffolds, their habits customs &c. i could not lern. i killed a duck that with the crain afforded us a good supper. the indians continued all night at our fires this day we made miles. [clark, october , ] october th sunday a very cold morning wind s. w. about indians came over this morning to see us, after a smoke, a brackfast on dogs flesh we set out. about men killed large speckle guts duck in malade small ducks the flavour of which much resembles the canvis back no timber of any kind on the river, we saw in the last lodges acorns of the white oake which the inds. inform they precure above the falls the men are badly dressed, some have scarlet & blue cloth robes. one has a salors jacket, the women have a short indiferent shirt, a short robe of deer or goat skins, & a small skin which they fastend. tite around their bodies & fastend. between the legs to hide the [clark, october , ] october th sunday a cool morning wind s. w. we concluded to delay untill after brackfast which we were obliged to make on the flesh of dog. after brackfast we gave all the indian men smoke, and we set out leaveing about of the nativs at our encampment; passd. three indian lodges on the lard side a little below our camp which lodges i did not discover last evening, passed a rapid at seven miles one at a short distance below we passed a verry bad rapid, a chane of rocks makeing from the stard. side and nearly chokeing the river up entirely with hugh black rocks, an island below close under the stard. side on which was four lodges of indians drying-fish,--here i saw a great number of pelicons on the wing, and black comerants. at one oclock we landed on the lower point of an island at some indian lodges, a large island on the stard side nearly opposit and a small one a little below on the lard side on those three island i counted seventeen indian lodges, those people are in every respect like those above, prepareing fish for theire winter consumption here we purchased a fiew indifferent dried fish & a fiew berries on which we dined-(on the upper part of this island we discovered an indian vault) our curiosity induced us to examine the methot those nativs practicd in diposeing the dead, the vaut was made by broad poads and pieces of canoes leaning on a ridge pole which was suported by forks set in the ground six feet in hight in an easterly and westerly direction and about feet in length, and feet wide, in it i observed great numbers of humane bones of every description perticularly in a pile near the center of the vault, on the east end scul bomes forming a circle on mats-; in the westerley part of the vault appeared to be appropriated for those of more resent death, as many of the bodies of the deceased raped up in leather robes lay on board covered with mats, &c we observed, independant of the canoes which served as a covering, fishing nets of various kinds, baskets of different sizes, wooden boles, robes skins, trenchers, and various kind of trinkets, in and suspended on the ends of the pieces forming the vault; we also saw the skeletons of several horses at the vault & great number of bones about it, which convinced me that those animals were sacrefised as well as the above articles to the deceased.) after diner we proceeded on to a bad rapid at the lower point of a small island on which four lodges of indians were situated drying fish; here the high countrey commences again on the stard. side leaveing a vallie of miles in width, from the mustle shel rapid. examined and passed this rapid close to the island at miles lower passed a large island near the middle of the river a brook on the stard. side and islds. all in view of each other below, a riverlit falls in on the lard. side behind a small island a small rapid below. the star side is high rugid hills, the lard. side a low plain and not a tree to be seen in any direction except a fiew small willow bushes which are scattered partially on the sides of the bank the river to day is about / of a mile in width; this evening the countrey on the lard. side rises to the hight of that on the starboard side, and is wavering--we made miles to day; the current much more uniform than yesterday or the day before. killed speckle guls severl. ducks of a delicious flavour. [clark, october , ] october st monday a verry cold morning we set out early wind from the s w. we could not cook brakfast before we embarked as usial for the want of wood or something to burn.- [clark, october , ] october st monday a verry cool morning wind from the s. w. we set out verry early and proceeded on, last night we could not collect more dry willows the only fuel, than was barely suffient to cook supper, and not a sufficency to cook brackfast this morning, passd. a small island at / miles a large one miles in the middle of the river, some rapid water at the head and eight lodges of nativs opposit its lower point on the stard. side, we came too at those lodges, bought some wood and brackfast. those people recived us with great kindness, and examined us with much attention, their employments custom dress and appearance similar to those above; speak the same language, here we saw two scarlet and a blue cloth blanket, also a salors jacket the dress of the men of this tribe only a short robe of deer or goat skins, and that of the womn is a short piece of dressed skin which fall from the neck so as to cover the front of the body as low as the waste, a short robe, which is of one deer or antilope skin, and a hap, around their waste and drawn tite between their legs as before described, their orniments are but fiew, and worn as those above. we got from those people a fiew pounded rotes fish and acorns of the white oake, those acorns they make use of as food, and inform us they precure them of the nativs who live near the falls below which place they all discribe by the term timm at miles lower passed a rapid, large rocks stringing into the river of large size opposit to this rapid on the stard. shore is situated two lodges of the nativs drying fish here we halted a fiew minits to examine the rapid before we entered it which was our constant custom, and at all that was verry dangerous put out all who could not swim to walk around, after passing this rapid we proceeded on passed anoothe rapid at miles lower down, above this rapid on five lodges of indians fishing &c. above this rapid maney large rocks on each side at some distance from shore, one mile passed an island close to the stard. side, below which is two lodge of nativs, a little below is a bad rapid which is bad crouded with hugh rocks scattered in every direction which renders the pasage verry difficuelt a little above this rapid on the lard. side emence piles of rocks appears as if sliped from the clifts under which they lay, passed great number of rocks in every direction scattered in the river lodges a little below on the stard. side, and one lodge on an island near the stard. shore opposit to which is a verry bad rapid, thro which we found much dificuelty in passing, the river is crouded with rocks in every direction, after passing this dificult rapid to the mouth of a small river on the larboard side yards wide descharges but little water at this time, and appears to take its sourse in the open plains to the s. e. from this place i proceved some fiew small pines on the tops of the high hills and bushes in the hollars. imediately above & below this little river comences a rapid which is crouded with large rocks in every direction, the pasage both crooked and dificuelt, we halted at a lodge to examine those noumerous islands of rock which apd. to extend maney miles below,-. great numbs. of indians came in canoes to view us at this place, after passing this rapid which we accomplished without loss; winding through between the hugh rocks for about miles-. (from this rapid the conocil mountain is s. w. which the indians inform me is not far to the left of the great falls; this i call the timm or falls mountain it is high and the top is covered with snow) imediately below the last rapids there is four lodges of indians on the stard. side, proceeded on about two miles lower and landed and encamped near five lodges of nativs, drying fish those are the relations of those at the great falls, they are pore and have but little wood which they bring up the river from the falls as they say, we purchased a little wood to cook our dog meat and fish; those people did not recive us at first with the same cordiality of those above, they appeare to be the same nation speak the same language with a little curruption of maney words dress and fish in the same way, all of whome have pierced noses and the men when dressed ware a long taper'd piece of shell or beed put through the nose-this part of the river is furnished with fine springs which either rise high up the sides of the hills or on the bottom near the river and run into the river. the hills are high and rugid a fiew scattering trees to be seen on them either small pine or scrubey white oke. the probable reason of the indians residing on the stard. side of this as well as the waters of lewis's river is their fear of the snake indians who reside, as they nativs say on a great river to the south, and are at war with those tribes, one of the old chiefs who accompanies us pointed out a place on the lard. side where they had a great battle, not maney years ago, in which maney were killed on both sides-, one of our party j. collins presented us with some verry good beer made of the pashi-co-quar-mash bread, which bread is the remains of what was laid in as stores of provisions, at the first flat heads or cho-punnish nation at the head of the kosskoske river which by being frequently wet molded & sowered &c. we made miles to day. [clark, october , ] october nd tuesday a fine morning calm. we set out at oclock and on the course s. ° w. miles passed lodges & inds. and rapids as mentioned in the cours of yesterday, from the expiration of took our baggage & formed a camp below the rapids in a cove on the stard side the distance yards haveing passed at the upper end of the portage lodges of indians, below the rapids & above the camp large loges of indians, great numbers of baskets of pounded fish on the rocks islands & near their lodges thos are neetly pounded & put in verry new baskets of about or pounds wight. hire indians to take our heavy articles across the portage purchased a dog for supper great numbers of indians view us, we with much dificuelty purchd. as much wood as cooked our dogs this evening, our men all in helth--the indians have their grave yards on an island in the rapids. the great chief of those indians is out hunting. no indians reside on the lard side for fear of the snake indians with whome they are at war and who reside on the large fork on the lard. a little above [clark, october , ] october d tuesday a fine morning calm and fare we set out at oclock passed a verry bad rapid at the head of an island close under the stard. side, above this rapid on the stard side is six lodges of nativs drying fish, at mls. passed a bad rapid at the head of a large island of high, uneaven rocks, jutting over the water, a small island in a stard. bend opposit the upper point, on which i counted parcels of dryed and pounded fish; on the main stard shore opposit to this island five lodges of indians are situated several indians in canoes killing fish with gigs, &c. opposit the center of this island of rocks which is about miles long we discovered the enterence of a large river on the lard. side which appeared to come from the s. e.--we landed at some distance above the mouth of this river and capt. lewis and my self set out to view this river above its mouth, as our rout was intersepted by a deep narrow chanel which runs out of this river into the columbia a little below the place we landed, leaveing a high dry rich island of about yards wide and yards long here we seperated, i proceeded on to the river and struck it at the foot of a verry considerable rapid, here i beheld an emence body of water compressd in a narrow chanel of about yds in width, fomeing over rocks maney of which presented their tops above the water, when at this place capt. lewis joined me haveing delayed on the way to examine a root of which the nativs had been digging great quantities in the bottoms of this river. at about two miles above this river appears to be confined between two high hils below which it divided by numbers of large rocks, and small islands covered with a low groth of timber, and has a rapid as far as the narrows three small islands in the mouth of this river, this river haveing no indian name that we could find out, except "the river on which the snake indians live," we think it best to leave the nameing of it untill our return. we proceeded on pass the mouth of this river at which place it appears to discharge / as much water as runs down the columbia. at two miles below this river passed eight lodges on the lower point of the rock island aforesaid at those lodges we saw large logs of wood which must have been rafted down the to war-ne hi ooks river, below this island on the main stard shore is lodges of nativs; here we landed a fiew minits to smoke, the lower point of one island opposit which heads in the mouth of towarnehiooks river which i did not observe untill after passing these lodges about / a mile lower passed more lodges on the same side and miles below the upper mouth of towarnehiooks river the comencement of the pitch of the great falls, opposit on the stard. side is lodges of the nativs we landed and walked down accompanied by an old man to view the falls, and the best rout for to make a portage which we soon discovered was much nearest on the stard. side, and the distance yards one third of the way on a rock, about yards over a loose sand collected in a hollar blown by the winds from the bottoms below which was disagreeable to pass, as it was steep and loose. at the lower part of those rapids we arrived at large lodges of nativs drying and prepareing fish for market, they gave us philburts, and berries to eate, we returned droped down to the head of the rapids and took every article except the canoes across the portag where i had formed a camp on ellegable situation for the protection of our stores from thieft, which we were more fearfull of, than their arrows. we despatched two men to examine the river on the opposit side, and reported that the canoes could be taken down a narrow chanel on the opposit side after a short portage at the head of the falls, at which place the indians take over their canoes. indians assisted us over the portage with our heavy articles on their horses, the waters is divided into several narrow chanels which pass through a hard black rock forming islands of rocks at this stage of the water, on those islands of rocks as well as at and about their lodges i observe great numbers of stacks of pounded salmon neetly preserved in the following manner, i e after suffiently dried it is pounded between two stones fine, and put into a speces of basket neetly made of grass and rushes of better than two feet long and one foot diamiter, which basket is lined with the skin of salmon stretched and dried for the purpose, in theis it is pressed down as hard as is possible, when full they secure the open part with the fish skins across which they fasten tho the loops of the basket that part very securely, and then on a dry situation they set those baskets the corded part up, their common custom is to set as close as they can stand and on the top of them, and secure them with mats which is raped around them and made fast with cords and covered also with mats, those baskets of from to w. each form a stack. thus preserved those fish may be kept sound and sweet several years, as those people inform me, great quantities as they inform us are sold to the whites people who visit the mouth of this river as well as to the nativs below. on one of those island i saw several tooms but did not visit them the principal chiefs of the bands resideing about this place is out hunting in the mountains to the s. w.--no indians reside on the s. w.side of this river for fear (as we were informed) of the snake indians, who are at war with the tribes on this river---they represent the snake indians as being verry noumerous, and resideing in a great number of villages on towarnehiooks river which falls in miles above on the lard. side and is reaches a great ways and is large a little abov its mouth at which part it is not intersepted with rapids, they inform that one considerable rapid & maney small ones in that river, and that the snake live on salmon, and they go to war to their first villages in days, the couse they pointed is s. e. or to the s of s. e. we are visited by great numbers of indians to day to view us, we purchased a dog for supper, some fish and with dificuelty precured as much wood as cooked supper, which we also purchased we made miles to day [clark, october , ] october rd (saturday) wednesday took the canoes over the portage on the lard. side with much dificuelty, description on another paper one canoe got loose & cought by the indians which we were obliged to pay. our old chiefs over herd the indians from below say they would try to kill us & informed us of it, we have all the arm examined and put in order, all th inds leave us early, great numbers of flees on the lard side--shot a sea oter which i did not get, great numbers about those rapids we purchased dogs, small & fat for our party to eate, the indians not verry fond of selling their good fish, compells us to make use of dogs for food exchanged our small canoe for a large & a very new one built for riding the waves obsd merdn. altd. ° ' " latd. prodsd. ° ' / " north [clark, october , ] october d wednesday a fine morning, i with the greater part of the men crossed in the canoes to opposit side above the falls and hauled them across the portage of yards which is on the lard. side and certainly the best side to pass the canoes i then decended through a narrow chanel of about yards wide forming a kind of half circle in it course of a mile to a pitch of feet in which the chanel is divided by large rocks at this place we were obliged to let the canoes down by strong ropes of elk skin which we had for the purpose, one canoe in passing this place got loose by the cords breaking, and was cought by the indians below. i accomplished this necessary business and landed safe with all the canoes at our camp below the falls by oclock p.m. nearly covered with flees which were so thick amongst the straw and fish skins at the upper part of the portage at which place the nativs had been camped not long since; that every man of the party was obliged to strip naked dureing the time of takeing over the canoes, that they might have an oppertunity of brushing the flees of their legs and bodies--great numbers of sea otters in the river below the falls, i shot one in the narrow chanel to day which i could not get. great numbers of indians visit us both from above and below---one of the old chiefs who had accompanied us from the head of the river, informed us that he herd the indians say that the nation below intended to kill us, we examined all the arms &c. complete the amunition to rounds. the nativs leave us earlyer this evening than usial, which gives a shadow of confirmation to the information of our old chief, as we are at all times & places on our guard, are under no greater apprehention than is common. we purchased small fat dogs for the party to eate the nativs not being fond of selling their good fish, compells us to make use of dog meat for food, the flesh of which the most of the party have become fond of from the habits of useing it for some time past. the altitude of this day ° ' " gave for latd. ° ' / n. i observed on the beach near the indian lodges two canoes butifull of different shape & size to what we had seen above wide in the midde and tapering to each end, on the bow curious figures were cut in the wood &c. capt. lewis went up to the lodges to see those canoes and exchanged our smallest canoe for one of them by giveing a hatchet & few trinkets to the owner who informed that he purchased it of a white man below for a horse, these canoes are neeter made than any i have ever seen and calculated to ride the waves, and carry emence burthens, they are dug thin and are suported by cross pieces of about inch diamuter tied with strong bark thro holes in the sides. our two old chiefs appeared verry uneasy this evening. [clark, october , ] october th thursday a fine morning the indians approached us with caution. our old chiefs deturmin to return home, saying they were at war with indians below and they would kill them we pursuaded them to stay nights longer with us, with a view to make a peace with those indians below as well as to have them with us dureing our delay with this tribe. capt lewis went to view the falls i set out with the party at oclock a m at / miles passed a rock which makes from the stard side lodges above below and confined the river in a narrow channel of about yards this continued for about / of a mile & widened to about yards, in those narrows the water was agitated in a most shocking manner boils swell & whorl pools, we passed with great risque it being impossible to make a portage of the canoes, about miles lower passed a verry bad place between rocks one large & in the middle of the river here our canoes took in some water, i put all the men who could not swim on shore; & sent a fiew articles such as guns & papers, and landed at a village of houses on the stard side in a deep bason where the river ap-prd. to be blocked up with emence rocks i walked down and examined the pass found it narrow, and one verry bad place a little in the narrows i pursued this chanel which is from to yards wide and swels and boils with a most tremendeous manner; prosued this channel ms & returned found capt lewis & a chief from below with maney of his men on a visit to us, one of our party pete crusat played on the violin which pleased the savage, the men danced, great numbers of sea orter pole cats about those fishories. the houses of those indians are feet square and sunk feet under ground & covered with bark with a small door round at top rose about inches above ground, to keep out the snow i saw parcels of fish stacked, and great quantites in the houses [clark, october , ] october th thursday the morning fare after a beautifull night, the nativs approached us this morning with great caution. our two old chiefs expressed a desire to return to their band from this place, saying "that they could be of no further service to us, as their nation extended no further down the river than those falls, and as the nation below had expressed hostile intentions against us, would certainly kill them; perticularly as they had been at war with each other;" we requested them to stay with us two nights longer, and we would see the nation below and make a peace between them, they replied they "were anxious to return and see our horses" we insisted on their staying with us two nights longer to which they agreed; our views were to detain those chiefs with us untill we should pass the next falls, which we were told was verry bad, and at no great distance below, that they might inform us of any designs of the nativs, and if possible to bring about a peace between them and the tribes below. the first pitch of this falls is feet perpendicular, then passing thro a narrow chanel for mile to a rapid of about feet fall below which the water has no perceptable fall but verry rapid see sketch no. . it may be proper here to remark that from some obstruction below, the cause of which we have not yet learned, the water in high fluds (which are in the spring) rise below these falls nearly to a leavel with the water above the falls; the marks of which can be plainly trac'd around the falls. at that stage of the water the salmon must pass up which abounds in such great numbers above--below those falls are salmon trout and great numbers of the heads of a species of trout smaller than the salmon. those fish they catch out of the salmon season, and are at this time in the act of burrying those which they had drid for winter food. the mode of buring those fish is in holes of various sizes, lined with straw on which they lay fish skins in which they inclose the fish which is laid verry close, and then covered with earth of about or inches thick. capt lewis and three men crossed the river and on the opposit side to view the falls which he had not yet taken a full view of--at oclock a.m. i set out with the party and proceeded on down a rapid stream of about yards wide at / miles the river widened into a large bason to the stard. side on which there is five lodges of indians. here a tremendious black rock presented itself high and steep appearing to choke up the river nor could i see where the water passed further than the current was drawn with great velocity to the lard side of this rock at which place i heard a great roreing. i landed at the lodges and the natives went with me to the top of this rock which makes from the stard. side; from the top of which i could see the dificuelties we had to pass for several miles below; at this place the water of this great river is compressed into a chanel between two rocks not exceeding forty five yards wide and continues for a / of a mile when it again widens to yards and continues this width for about miles when it is again intersepted by rocks. this obstruction in the river accounts for the water in high floods riseing to such a hite at the last falls. the whole of the current of this great river must at all stages pass thro this narrow chanel of yards wide. as the portage of our canoes over this high rock would be impossible with our strength, and the only danger in passing thro those narrows was the whorls and swills arriseing from the compression of the water, and which i thought (as also our principal watermen peter crusat) by good stearing we could pass down safe, accordingly i detur mined to pass through this place notwithstanding the horrid appearance of this agitated gut swelling, boiling & whorling in every direction (which from the top of the rock did not appear as bad as when i was in it;) however we passed safe to the astonishment of all the inds. of the last lodges who viewed us from the top of the rock. passed one lodge below this rock and halted on the stard. side to view a verry bad place, the current divided by islands of rocks the lower of them large and in the middle of the river, this place being verry bad i sent by land all the men who could not swim and such articles as was most valuable to us such as papers guns & amunition, and proceeded down with the canoes two at a time to a village of wood housies in a deep bend to the stard. side below which a rugid black rock about feet biter than the common high fluds of the river with several dry chapels which appeared to choke the river up quite across; this i took to be the d falls or the place the nativs above call timm, the nativs of this village reived me verry kindly, one of whome envited me into his house, which i found to be large and comodious, and the first wooden houses in which indians have lived since we left those in the vicinty of the illinois, they are scattered permiscuisly on a elivated situation near a mound of about feet above the common leavel, which mound has some remains of houses and has every appearance of being artificial--those houses are about the same shape size and form feet wide and feet long with one dore raised inches above ground, they are / inches high & wide, forming in a half circle above those houses were sunk into the earth six feet, the roofs of them was supported by a ridge pole resting on three strong pieces of split timber thro one of which the dore was cut that and the walls the top of which was just above ground suported a certain number of spars which are covered with the bark of the white ceadar, or arber vitea; and the whole attached and secured by the fibers of the cedar. the eaves at or near the earth, the gable ends and side walls are secured with split boards which is seported on iner side with strong pieces of timber under the eves &c. to keep those pieces errect & the earth from without pressing in the boards, suported by strong posts at the corners to which those poles were attached to give aditional strength, small openings were left above the ground, for the purpose, as i conjectured, of deschargeing their arrows at a besiegeing enimey; light is admited thro an opening at top which also serves for the smoke to pass through. one half of those houses is apropriated for the storeing away dried & pounded fish which is the principal food the other part next the dore is the part occupied by the nativs who have beds raised on either side, with a fire place in the center of this space each house appeared to be occupied by about three families; that part which is apropriated for fish was crouded with that article, and a fiew baskets of burries--i dispatched a sufficent number of the good swimers back for the canoes above the last rapid and with men walked down three miles to examine the river over a bed of rocks, which the water at verry high fluds passes over, on those rocks i saw several large scaffols on which the indians dry fish; as this is out of season the poles on which they dry those fish are tied up verry securely in large bundles and put upon the scaffolds, i counted stacks of dried pounded fish in different places on those rocks which must have contained io,ooo w. of neet fish, the evening being late i could not examine the river to my satisfaction, the chanel is narrow and compressed for about miles, when it widens into a deep bason to the stard. side, & again contracts into a narrow chanel divided by a rock i returned through a rockey open countrey infested with pole-cats to the village where i met with capt. lewis the two old chiefs who accompanied us & the party & canoes who had all arrived safe; the canoes haveing taken in some water at the last rapids. here we formed a camp near the village, the principal chief from the nation below with several of his men visited us, and afforded a favourable oppertunity of bringing about a piece and good understanding between this chief and his people and the two chiefs who accompanied us which we have the satisfaction to say we have accomplished, as we have every reason to believe and that those two bands or nations are and will be on the most friendly terms with each other. gave this great chief a medal and some other articles, of which he was much pleased, peter crusat played on the violin and the men danced which delighted the nativs, who shew every civility towards us. we smoked with those people untill late at night, when every one retired to rest. [clark, october , ] october th friday a cold morning, we deturmined to attempt the chanel after brackfast i took down all the party below the bad places with a load & one canoe passed well, a d passed well i had men on the shore with ropes to throw in in case any acidence happened at the whirl &c--the inds on the rocks veiwing us the rd canoe nearly filled with water we got her safe to shore. the last canoe came over well which to me was truly gratifying set out and had not passed mils before canoes run against a rock in the river with great force no damg. met with a d chief of the nation from hunting, we smoked with him and his party and gave a medal of the small size & set out passed great numbers of rocks, good water and came to at a high point of rocks below the mouth of a creek which falls in on the lard side and head up towards the high snow mountain to the s w. this creek is yards wide and has some beaver signs at its mouth river about / a mile wide and crouded with sea otters, & drum was seen this evening we took possession of a high point of rocks to defend our selves in case the threts of those indians below should be put in execution against us. sent out some hunters to look if any signs of game, one man killed a small deer & several others seen i killed a goose, and suped hartily on venison & goose. camped on the rock guard under the hill. [clark, october , ] october th friday a cool morning capt lewis and my self walked down to see the place the indians pointed out as the worst place in passing through the gut, which we found difficuelt of passing without great danger, but as the portage was impractiable with our large canoes, we concluded to make a portage of our most valuable articles and run the canoes thro accordingly on our return divided the party some to take over the canoes, and others to take our stores across a portage of a mile to a place on the chanel below this bad whorl & suck, with some others i had fixed on the chanel with roapes to throw out to any who should unfortunately meet with difficuelty in passing through; great number of indians viewing us from the high rocks under which we had to pass, the firt canoes passed thro very well, the th nearly filled with water, the last passed through by takeing in a little water, thus safely below what i conceved to be the worst part of this chanel, felt my self extreamly gratified and pleased. we loaded the canoes & set out, and had not proceeded, more than two mile before the unfortunate canoe which filled crossing the bad place above, run against a rock and was in great danger of being lost, this chanel is through a hard rough black rock, from - yards wide. swelling and boiling in a most tremendious maner several places on which the indians inform me they take the salmon as fast as they wish; we passed through a deep bason to the stard side of mile below which the river narrows and divided by a rock the curent we found quit jentle, here we met with our two old chiefs who had been to a village below to smoke a friendly pipe, and at this place they met the cheif & party from the village above on his return from hunting all of whome were then crossing over their horses, we landed to smoke a pipe with this chief whome we found to be a bold pleasing looking man of about years of age dressd. in a war jacket a cap legins & mockersons. he gave us some meat of which he had but little and informed us he in his rout met with a war party of snake indians from the great river of the s. e. which falls in a few miles above and had a fight. we gave this chief a medal, &c. a parting smoke with our two faithful friends the chiefs who accompanied us from the head of the river, (who had purchased a horse each with robes and intended to return on horse back) we proceeded on down the water fine, rocks in every derection for a fiew miles when the river widens and becoms a butifull jentle stream of about half a mile wide, great numbers of the sea orter about those narrows and both below and above. we came too, under a high point of rocks on the lard. side below a creek of yards wide and much water, as it was necessary to make some selestial observations we formed our camp on the top of a high point of rocks, which forms a kind of fortification in the point between the river & creek, with a boat guard, this situation we concieve well calculated for defence, and conveniant to hunt under the foots of the mountain to the west & s. w. where timber of different kinds grows, and appears to be handsom coverts for the deer, in oke woods, sent out hunters to examine for game g. d. killed a small deer & other saw much sign, i killed a goose in the creek which was verry fat--one of the guard saw a drum fish to day as he conceved our situation well calculated to defend our selves from any designs of the natives, should they be enclined to attack us. this little creek heads in the range of mountains which run s s w & n w for a long distance on which is scattering pine white oake &c. the pinical of the round toped mountain which we saw a short distance below the forks of this river is s. ° w. of us and abt miles, it is at this time toped with snow we called this the falls mountain or timm mountain. the face of the countrey, on both side of the river above and about the falls, is steep ruged and rockey open and contain but a small preportion of erbage, no timber a fiew bushes excepted, the nativs at the upper falls raft their timber down towarnehooks river & those at the narrows take theirs up the river to the lower part of the narrows from this creek, and carry it over land miles to their houses &c. at the mouth of this creek saw some beaver sign, and a small wolf in a snare set in the willows the snars of which i saw several made for to catch wolves, are made as follows vz: a long pole which will spring is made fast with bark to a willow, on the top of this pole a string [clark, october , ] october th saturday a fine morning sent out six men to hunt deer & collect rozin to pitch our canoes, had all our articles put out to dry--canoes drawed out and repaired, the injories recved in drawing them over the rocks, every article wet in the canoe which nearly sunk yesterday- in the evening chief and men came over in a single canoe, those chf's proved to be the great chiefs of the tribes above, one gave me a dressed elk skin, and gave us som deer meet, and cakes of white bread made of white roots, we gave to each chief a meadel of the small size a red silk handkerchief & a knife to the st a arm ban & a pin of paint & a comb to his son a piece of riben tied to a tin gorget and hams of venison they deturmined to stay with us all night, we had a fire made for them & one man played on the violin which pleased them much my servent danced--our hunters killed five deer, verry large gray squirrels, a goose & pheasent, one man giged a salmon trout which we had fried in a little bears oil which a chief gave us yesterday and i think the finest fish i ever tasted, saw great numbers of white crams flying in different directions verry high. the river has rose nearly inches to day and has every appearance of a tide, from what cause i can't say--our hunters saw elk & bear signs to day in the white oake woods the country to the lard is broken country thinly timbered with pine and white oake, a mountain which i must call timm or falls mountain rises verry high and bears to s w the course it has bore sinc we first saw it. our men danced to night. dried all our wet articles and repaired our canoes the flees my self and the men got on them in passing thro the plains the indians had lately lived in lodges on the lard. side at the falls, are very troublesom and with every exertion the men can't get rid of them, perticilarly as they have no clothes to change those which they wore those indians are at ware with the snake indians on the river which falls in a few miles above this and have lately had a battle with them, their loss i cannot lern. [clark, october , ] october th saturday a fine morning sent six men out to hunt deer, and collect rozin to pitch the canoes which has become verry leakey, by frequently hauling them over rocks &c as well striking rocks frequently in passing down. all our articles we have exposed to the sun to dry; and the canoes drawn out and turned up--maney of our stores entirely spoiled by being repeetedly wet; a number of indians came to the oposit side of the river in the fore part of the day and shew that they were anxious to cross to us, we did not think proper to cross them in our canoes and did not send for them. in the evening two chiefs and men came over in a small canoe, those two chiefs proved to be the two principal chiefs of the tribes above at the falls, and above, who was out hunting at the time we passed their bands; one of those chiefs made capt lewis and my self each a small present of deer meat, and small cakes of white bread made of roots. we gave to each chief a meadel of the small size a red silk handkerchief, arm band, knife & a piece of paint, and acknowledged them as chiefs; as we thought it necessary at this time to treat those people verry friendly & ingratiate our selves with them, to insure us a kind & friendly reception on our return, we gave small presents to several, and half a deer to them to eate. we had also a fire made for those people to sit around in the middle of our camp, and peter crusat played on the violin, which pleased those nativs exceedingly. the two chiefs and several men deturmined to delay all night (yorked danced for the inds) with us all the others returned, leaving the horses for those who staied on the opposit side. our hunters returned in the evening killed five deer, four verry large grey squirels and a grouse. one of the guard at the river guiged a salmon trout, which we had fried in a little bears oil which the chief we passed below the narrows gave us; this i thought one of the most delicious fish i have ever tasted great numbers of white crain flying in different directions verry high--the river rose inches today from what cause i cannot say certainly, as the tides cannot effect the river here as there is a falls below, i conjecture that the rise is owing to the winds which has set up the river for hours past. our hunters inform that the countrey back is broken, stoney and thinly timbered with pine and white oake. they saw elk & bear sign in the mountains. dried all our wet articles and repared our canoes to day, and the party amused themselves at night danceing. the flees which the party got on them at the upper & great falls, are very troublesom and dificuelt to get rid of, perticularly as the men have not a change of clothes to put on, they strip off their clothes and kill the flees, dureing which time they remain neckid. the nations in the vicinity of this place is at war with the snake indians who they say are noumerous and live on the river we passed above the falls on the same side on which we have encamped, and the nearest town is about four days march they pointed nearly s. e. and informed that they had a battle with those inds. laterly, their loss i could not assertain [clark, october , ] october th sunday a verry windy night and morning wind from the west and hard, send out hunters and they killed deer pheasent and a squirel the chiefs and party continue with us, we treat them well give them to eate & smoke, they were joined by seven others, from below who stayed about hours and returned down the river in a pet, soon after the chiefs deturmined to go home we had them put across the river the wind verry high, we took a vocabelary of the languages of the nations, the one liveing at the falls call themselves e-nee-shur the other resideing at the levels or narrows in a village on the std. side call themselves e-chee-lute not withstanding those people live only miles apart, but fiew words of each others language--the language of those above having great similarity with those tribes of flat heads we have passed--all have the clucking tone anexed which is predomint. above, all flatten the heads of their female children near the falls, and maney above follow the same custom the language of the che-luc-it-to-quar a fiew miles below is different from both in a small degree. the wind increased in the evening and blew verry hard from the same point w. day fair and cold--the creek at which we are encamped is called by the natives-que-nett some words with shabono about his duty--the pinical of falls mountain bears s ° w. about miles [clark, october , ] october th sunday wind hard from the west all the last night and this morning. some words with shabono our interpreter about his duty. sent out several hunters who brought in four deer, one grouse & a squirel. the two chiefs & party was joined by seven others from below in two canoes, we gave them to eate & smoke several of those from below returned down the river in a bad humer, haveing got into this pet by being prevented doeing as they wished with our articles which was then exposed to dry--we took a vocabelary of the languages of those two chiefs which are verry different notwithstanding they are situated within six miles of each other, those at the great falls call themselves e-nee-shur and are understood on the river above. those at the great narrows call themselves eche-lute and is understood below, maney words of those people are the same, and common to all the flat head bands which we have passed on the river, all have the clucking tone anexed which is prodomonate above. all the bands flatten the heads of the female children, and maney of the male children also. those two chief leave us this evening and returned to their bands, the wind verry high & from the west, day proved fair and cool. the nativs call this creek near which we are encamped-que-nett. [clark, october , ] october th monday a windey morning loaded our canoes and set out at oclock a m canoes came down from the village above & from that below in one of those canoes a indian wore his hair cued, and had on a round hat. wind from west those indians have a musket a sword, and several brass tea kitties which they appear to be verry fond of we purchased of those people five small dogs, and some dried beries & white bread of roots, the wind rose and we were obliged to lie by about mile below on the lard. side north mile to a rock island on the stard. side. we had not landed long eer an indian canoe came from below with indians in it, those indians make verry nice canoes of pine. thin with aporns & carve on the head imitation of animals & other heads; the indians above sacrafise the property of the deceased to wit horses canoes, bowls basquets of which they make great use to hold water boil their meet &c. &c. great many indians came down from the uppr village & sat with us, smoked, rained all the evenig & blew hard from the west encamped on the lard side opsd. an rock in a verry bad place [clark, october , ] october th monday a cool windey morning we loaded our canoes and set out at oclock, a.m. as we were about to set out canoes from above and from below came to view us in one of those canoes i observed an indian with round hat jacket & wore his hair cued we proceeded on river inclosed on each side in high clifts of about feet of loose dark coloured rocks at four miles we landed at a village of houses on the stard. side under some rugid rocks, those people call themselves chil-luckit-tequaw, live in houses similar to those described, speake somewhat different language with maney words the same & understand those in their neighbourhood cap lewis took a vocabilary of this language i entered one of the houses in which i saw a british musket, a cutlass and several brass tea kittles of which they appeared verry fond saw them boiling fish in baskets with stones, i also saw figures of animals & men cut & painted on boards in one side of the house which they appeared to prize, but for what purpose i will not venter to say,-. here we purchased five small dogs, some dried buries, & white bread made of roots, the wind rose and we were obliged to lie by all day at mile below on the lard. side. we had not been long on shore before a canoe came up with a man woman & children, who had a fiew roots to sell, soon after maney others joined them from above, the wind which is the cause of our delay, does not retard the motions of those people at all, as their canoes are calculated to ride the highest waves, they are built of white cedar or pine verry light wide in the middle and tapers at each end, with aperns, and heads of animals carved on the bow, which is generally raised. those people make great use of canoes, both for transpotation and fishing, they also use of bowls & baskets made of grass & splits to hold water and boil their fish & meat. maney of the nativs of the last village came down set and smoke with us, wind blew hard accompanied with rain all the evening, our situation not a verry good one for an encampment, but such as it is we are obliged to put up with, the harbor is a safe one, we encamped on the sand wet and disagreeable one deer killed this evening, and another wounded near our camp. [clark, october , ] october th tuesday a cloudy morning wind still from th west not hard, we set out at day light proceeded on about miles and came too at a lodge of a chief which we made at the upper village at th falls about his house there is six others this chief gave us to eate sackacommis burries hasel nuts fish pounded, and a kind of bread made of roots--we gave to the women pices of ribon, which they appeared pleased with--those houses are large feet sqr and contain abt. men, say inhabitents- those people are friendly gave us to eate fish beries, nuts bread of roots & drid beries and we call this the friendly village we purchased dogs of them & sacks of pounded fish, and some fiew dried berries and proceeded on at miles further we landed to smoke a pipe with the people of a village of houses we found those people also friendly their village is situated imediately below the mouth of a river of yards water which falls in on the stard. side and heads in the mountains to the n. & n, e, the indians inform us that this river is long and full of falls no salmon pass up it. they also inform that nations lives on this river by hunting and on buries &c. the countrey begin to be thinly timbered with pine & low white oake verry rocky and hilley--we purchased at this vilg dogs--at the end of this course is rocks, in the river and a rock point from the lard. the middle rock is large and has a number of graves on it we call it the sepulchar island. the last river we call caterack river from the number of falls which the indians inform is on it the indians are afraid to hunt or be on th lard side of this columbia river for fear of the snake ind. who reside on a fork of this river which falls in above the falls a good situation for winter quarters if game can be had is just below sepulchar rock on the lard side, high & pine and oake timber the rocks ruged above, good hunting countrey back, as it appears from the river indian village opsd. of lodgs river / mile wide at rocks the robes of those indians are, of wolf deer elk, wild cats, some fox, & deer i saw one of the mountain sheep, th wool thick and long corse hair on the back, resembling bristles--those animals live among the rocks in those mountains below, orter is much valued by those people they cew their hair on each side with it and ware it about the necks with the tail in front came too at miles on this course at houses of flatheads and encamped on the stard. side, a pond lies back of those people in which we saw great numbers of the small swan. we purchased of those people dogs they gave us high bush cramburies, bread of roots and roots, they were pleased with musick of th violin. [clark, october , ] october th tuesday a cloudy morning wind from the west but not hard, we set out at day light, and proceeded on about five miles came too on the stard. side at a village of houses built in the same form and materials of those above, here we found the chief we had seen at the long narrows named ____ we entered his lodge and he gave us to eate pounded fish, bread made of roots, filberts nuts, & the berries of sackecomme. we gave to each woman of the lodge a brace of ribon of which they were much pleased. each of those houses may be calculated to contain men and soles, they are hospitable and good humered speak the same language of the inhabitants of the last village, we call this the friendly village. i observed in the lodge of the chief sundery articles which must have been precured from the white people, such a scarlet & blue cloth sword jacket & hat. i also observed two wide split boards with images on them cut and painted in emitation of a man; i pointed to this image and asked a man to what use he put them to, he said something the only word i understood was "good," and then steped to the image and took out his bow & quiver to show me, and some other of his war emplemints, from behind it. the chief then directed his wife to hand him his medison bag which he opened and showed us fingers which he said was the fingers of his enemies which he had taken in war, and pointed to s. e. from which direction i concluded they were snake indians; this is the first instance i ever knew of the indians takeing any other trofea of their exploits off the dead bodies of their enimies except the scalp.--the chief painted those fingers with several other articles which was in his bag red and securely put them back, haveing first mad a short harrang which i suppose was bragging of what he had done in war. we purchased dogs and sacks of fish, & some fiew ascid berries, after brackfast we proceeded on, the mountains are high on each side, containing scattering pine white oake & under groth, hill sides steep and rockey; at miles lower we observed a small river falling in with great rapidity on the stard. side below which is a village of houses, here we landed to smoke a pipe with the nativs and examine the mouth of the river, which i found to be yards wide rapid and deep, the inhabitants of the village are friendly and chearfull; those people inform us also those at the last village that this little river is long and full of falls, no salmon pass up it, it runs from n. n. e. that ten nations live on this river and its waters, on buries, and what game they can kill with their bow & arrows we purchased dogs and set out--(this village is the of the same nation of the one we last passed) and proceeded on the countrey on each side begin to be thicker timbered with pine and low white oake; verry rockey and broken. passed three large rocks in the river the middle rock is large long and has several squar vaults on it. we call this rockey island the sepulchar--the last river we passed we shall call the cataract river from the number of falls which the indians say is on it- passed lodges of indians a short distance below the sepulchar island on the stard. side river wide, at mile passed houses on the stard. side, six miles lower passed houses above the mouth of a small river yards wide on the lard. side a thick timbered bottom above & back of those houses; those are the first houses which we have seen on the south side of the columbia river, (and the axess to those dificuelt) for fear of the approach of their common enemies the snake indians, passed houses on the std. side scattered on the bank--from the mouth of this little river which we shall call labeasche river, the falls mountain is south and the top is covered with snow. one mile below pass the mouth of a large rapid stream on the stard. side, opposit to a large sand bar, in this creek the indians above take their fish, here we saw several canoes, which induced us to call this canoe creek it is yards wide, about miles lower and below the sand bar is a butifull cascade falling over a rock of about feet, a short distance lower passed indian houses on the lard. side in a timbered bottom, a fiew miles further we came too at houses on stard. side, back of which is a pond in which i saw great numbers of small swan, capt. lewis and i went into the houses of those people who appeared somewhat surprised at first their houses are built on the same construction of those above, speak the same language and dress in the same way, robes of the skins of wolves deer, elk, wild cat, or loucirvia & fox, also saw a mountain sheap skin the wool of which is long, thick, & corse with long corse hare on the top of the neck and back something resembling bristles of a goat, the skin was of white hare, those animals these people inform me by signs live in the mountains among the rocks, their horns are small and streight, orter skins are highly prised among those people as well as those on the river above, they cue their hare which is divided on each sholder, and also ware small strips about their necks with the tale hanging down in front.--those people gave us, high bush cram berries, bread made of roots, and roots; we purchased three dogs for the party to eate; we smoked with the men, all muche pleased with the violin-. here the mountains are high on each side, those to the lard. side has some snow on them at this time, more timber than above and of greater variety. [clark, october , ] october th wednesday a cloudy morning. some little rain all night, after eating a slight brackfast of venison we set out. the rocks project into the river in maney places and have the appearance of haveing fallen from the highe hills those projected rocks is common & small bays below & nitches in the rocks passed cascades or small streams falling from the mountains on lard. this part of the river resembles a pond partly dreaned leaving many stumps bare both in & out of the water, current about mil pr. hour the bottom above the river is about / of a mile wide and rich, some deer & bear sign--rained moderately all day we are wet and cold. saw several specis of wood which i never saw before, some resembling beech & others poplar.--day dark and disagreeable i with men proceeded down the river miles on an old indian parth to view the rapids, which i found impassable for our canoes without a portage, the roade bad at mile i saw a town of houses laterly abandoned on an elevated situation opsd. a d shute, returned at dark. capt. lewis and men went to the town found them kind they gave beries & nuts, but he cd. get nothin from them in the way of information, the greater part of those people out collecting roots below, rained all the evining those people have one gun & maney articles which they have purchased of the white people their food is principally fish [clark, october , ] october th wednesday a cool morning, a moderate rain all the last night, after eating a partial brackfast of venison we set out passed several places where the rocks projected into the river & have the appearance of haveing seperated from the mountains and fallen promiscuisly into the river, small nitches are formed in the banks below those projecting rocks which is comon in this part of the river, saw cascades caused by small streams falling from the mountains on the lard. side, a remarkable circumstance in this part of the river is, the stumps of pine trees are in maney places are at some distance in the river, and gives every appearance of the rivers being darned up below from some cause which i am not at this time acquainted with, the current of the river is also verry jentle not exceeding / mile pr. hour and about / of a mile in width. some rain, we landed above the mouth of a small river on the stard. side and dined j. shields killed a buck & labiech ducks, here the river widens to about one mile large sand bar in the middle, a great rock both in and out of the water, large stones, or rocks are also permiscuisly scattered about in the river, this day we saw some fiew of the large buzzard capt. lewis shot at one, those buzzards are much larger than any other of ther spece or the largest eagle white under part of their wings &c. the bottoms above the mouth of this little river is rich covered with grass & firn & is about / of a mile wide rich and rises gradually, below the river (which is yards wide above its mouth) the countery rises with steep assent. we call this little river new timbered river from a speces of ash which grows on its banks of a verry large and different from any we had before seen, and a timber resembling the beech in bark but different in its leaf which is smaller and the tree smaller. passed maney large rocks in the river and a large creek on the stard. side in the mouth of which is an island, passed on the right of islands near the stard. side, and landed on an island close under the stard. side at the head of the great shute, and a little below a village of large houses on a deep bend on the stard. side, and opposit small islands imediately in the head of the shute, which islands are covered with pine, maney large rocks also, in the head of the shute. ponds back of the houses, and countrey low for a short distance. the day proved cloudy dark and disagreeable with some rain all day which kept us wet. the countary a high mountain on each side thickly covered with timber, such as spruc, pine, cedar, oake cotton &c. &c. i took two men and walked down three miles to examine the shute and river below proceeded along an old indian path, passd. an old village at mile on an ellevated situation of this village contained verry large houses built in a different form from any i had seen, and laterly abandoned, and the most of the boads put into a pond of water near the village, as i conceived to drown the flees, which was emencely noumerous about the houses-. i found by examonation that we must make a portage of the greater perpotion of our stores / miles, and the canoes we could haul over the rocks, i returned at dark capt lewis and men had just returned from the village, cap l. informed me that he found the nativs kind, they gave him berries, nuts & fish to eate; but he could get nothing from them in the way of information. the greater part of the inhabitants of this village being absent down the river some distance colecting roots capt. l. saw one gun and several articles which must have been precured from the white people. a wet disagreeable evening, the only wood we could get to burn on this little island on which we have encamped is the newly discovered ash, which makes a tolerable fire. we made fifteen miles to daye. [clark, october , ] october st thursday a cloudey raney morning i proceed down the river to view it more at leasure, i took jos. fields & peter crusat and proceeded on down, send crusat back at ms. to examine the rapid near the shore & i proceeded on down about miles to a very high rock in a bottom on the stard. opsd. islands covered with timber on which i saw inds. at a distance; found the river rocky for miles, after which the current became uniform--at mile i passed an old deserted village on a pond on a high situation of houses--at / miles one house the only remt. of an antient village / a mile lower i saw vaults for the dead which was nearly square feet closely covered with broad boads curiously engraved, the bones in some of those vaults wer feet thick, in others the dead was yet layed side of each other nearly east & west, raped up & bound securley in robes, great numbers of trinkets brass kittle, sea shells, iron, pan hare &c. &c. was hung about the vaults and great many wooden gods, or images of men cut in wood, set up round the vaults, some of those so old and worn by time that they were nearly worn out of shape, and some of those vaults so old that they were roted entirely to the ground--notwithstanding they wood is of pine & _____ or seder as also the wooden gods i can not learn certainly if those people worship those woden emiges, they have them in conspicuous parts of their houses at miles i passed large houses on the stard side a little above the last rapid and opposit a large island which is situated near the lard. side--the enhabitents of those houses had left them closely shut up, they appeared to contn. a great deel of property and provisions such as those people use, i did not disturb any thing about those houses, but proceed on down below the rapid which i found to be the last, a large village has at some period been on the stard. side below this rapid the bottom is high stoney and about miles wide covered with grass, here c is the head of a large island in high water, at this time no water passes on the stard. side i walked thro this island which i found to be verry rich, open & covered with strawberry vines, and has greatly the appearance of having at some period been cultivated, the natives has dug roots in some parts of this isld. which is about miles long & wide, a small island covered with timber opposit the lower point no water runs on the stard. side. of it. below and in the middle of the river is a large island covered with tall trees opposit the strawberry island on its stard. side a creek falls in which has no running water at present, it has the appearanc of throwing out emense torents--i saw indians in a canoe below--jo. killed a sand hill crane & we returned by the same rout to camp at the grand shute where i found several indians, i smoked. two canoes loaded with fish for the trade below came down & unloaded the after noon fare those indians cut off the hands of those they kill & proserve the fingers. [clark, october , ] october st thursday a cloudy rainey disagreeable morning i proceeded down the river to view with more attention we had to pass on the river below, the two men with me jo. fields & peter crusat proceeded down to examine the rapids the great shute which commenced at the island on which we encamped continud with great rapidity and force thro a narrow chanel much compressd. and interspersed with large rocks for / a mile, at a mile lower is a verry considerable rapid at which place the waves are remarkably high, and proceeded on in a old indian parth / miles by land thro a thick wood & hill side, to the river where the indians make a portage, from this place i dispatched peter crusat (our principal waterman) back to follow the river and examine the practibility of the canoes passing, as the rapids appeared to continue down below as far as i could see, i with jo. fields proceeded on, at / a mile below the end of the portage passed a house where there had been an old town for ages past as this house was old decayed and a plat of flees i did not enter it, about / a mile below this house in a verry thick part of the woods is vaults which appeared closely covered and highly deckerated with orniments. those vaults are all nearly the same sise and form feet square, feet high, sloped a little so as to convey off the rain made of pine or cedar boards closely connected & scurely covered with wide boards, with a dore left in the east side which is partially stoped with wide boards curiously engraved. in several of those vaults the dead bodies wre raped up verry securely in skins tied around with cords of grass & bark, laid on a mat, all east & west and some of those vaults had as maney as bodies laying on the side of each other. the other vaults containing bones only, some contained bones for the debth of feet. on the tops and on poles attached to those vaults hung brass kitties & frying pans pearced thro their bottoms, baskets, bowls of wood, sea shels, skins, bits of cloth, hair, bags of trinkets & small peices of bone &c and independant of the curious ingraveing and paintings on the boards which formed the vaults i observed several wooden images, cut in the figure of men and set up on the sides of the vaults all round. some of those so old and worn by time, that they were nearly out of shape, i also observed the remains of vaults rotted entirely into the ground and covered with moss. this must bee the burrying place for maney ages for the inhabitants of those rapids, the vaults are of the most lasting timber pine & cedar--i cannot say certainly that those nativs worship those wooden idols as i have every reason to believe they do not; as they are set up in the most conspicious parts of their houses, and treated more like orniments than objects of aderation. at miles lower & below our camp i passed a village of large houses abandend by the nativs, with their bores bared up, i looked into those houses and observed as much property as is usial in the houses of those people which induced me to conclude that they wre at no great distance, either hunting or colecting roots, to add to their winter subsistance. from a short distance below the vaults the mountain which is but low on the stard. side leave the river, and a leavel stoney open bottom suckceeds on the said std. side for a great distance down, the mountains high and rugid on the lard side this open bottom is about miles a short distance below this village is a bad stoney rapid and appears to be the last in view i observed at this lower rapid the remains of a large and antient village which i could plainly trace by the sinks in which they had formed their houses, as also those in which they had buried their fish--from this rapid to the lower end of the portage the river is crouded with rocks of various sizes between which the water passes with great velociety createing in maney places large waves, an island which is situated near the lard. side occupies about half the distance the lower point of which is at this rapid. immediately below this rapid the high water passes through a narrow chanel through the stard. bottom forming an island of miles long & one wide, i walked through this island which i found to be verry rich land, and had every appearance of haveing been at some distant period cultivated. at this time it is covered with grass intersperced with strawberry vines. i observed several places on this island where the nativs had dug for roots and from its lower point i observed indians in a canoe below the upper point of an island near the middle of the river covered with tall timber, which indued me to believe that a village was at no great distanc below, i could not see any rapids below in the extent of my view which was for a long distance down the river, which from the last rapids widened and had everry appearance of being effected by the tide,--i deturmind to return to camp miles distant, a remarkable high detached rock stands in a bottom on the stard side near the lower point of this island on the stard. side about feet high and paces around, we call the beaten rock. a brook falls into the narrow chanel which forms the strawberry island, which at this time has no running water, but has every appearance of dischargeing emence torrents &c. &c. jo. fields shot a sand hill crane. i returned by the same rout on an indian parth passing up on the n w. side of the river to our camp at the great shute. found several indians from the village, i smoked with them; soon after my return two canoes loaded with fish & bear grass for the trade below, came down,from the village at the mouth of the catterack river, they unloaded and turned their canoes up side down on the beech, & camped under a shelveing rock below our camp one of the men shot a goose above this great shute, which was floating into the shute when an indian observed it, plunged into the water & swam to the goose and brought in on shore, at the head of the suck, as this indian richly earned the goose i suffered him to keep it which he about half picked and spited it up with the guts in it to roste. this great shute or falls is about / a mile with the water of this great river compressed within the space of paces in which there is great numbers of both large and small rocks, water passing with great velocity forming & boiling in a most horriable manner, with a fall of about feet, below it widens to about paces and current gentle for a short distance. a short distance above is three small rockey islands, and at the head of those falls, three small rockey islands are situated crosswise the river, several rocks above in the river & large rocks in the head of the shute; those obstructions together with the high stones which are continually brakeing loose from the mountain on the stard side and roleing down into the shute aded to those which brake loose from those islands above and lodge in the shute, must be the cause of the rivers darning up to such a distance above, where it shows such evidant marks of the common current of the river being much lower than at the present day [clark, november , ] november st friday a verry cold morning wind from n. e and hard set all hands packing the loading over th portage which is below the grand shutes and is yards of bad way over rocks & on slipery hill sides the indians who came down in canoes last night packed their fish over a portage of / miles to avoid a d shute. four of them took their canoes over the st portage and run the d shute, great numbers of sea otters, they are so cautious that i with deficuelty got a shute at one to day, which i must have killed but could not get him as he sunk we got all our canoes and baggage below the great shute of the canoes being leakey from injures recved in hauling them over the rocks, obliged us to delay to have them repaired a bad rapid just below us three indian canoes loaded with pounded fish for the &c. trade down the river arrived at the upper end of the portage this evening. i can't lern whether those indians trade with white people or inds. below for the beeds & copper, which they are so fond of--they are nearly necked, prefuring beeds to anything--those beeds they trafick with indians still higher up this river for skins robes &c. &c. the indians on those waters do not appear to be sickly, sore eyes are common and maney have lost their eyes, some one and, maney both, they have bad teeth, and the greater perpotion of them have worn their teeth down, maney into the gums, they are rather small high cheeks, women small and homely, maney of them had sweled legs, large about the knees,-owing to the position in which they set on their hams, they are nearly necked only a piece of leather tied about their breech and a small robe which generally comes to a little below their wastes and scercely sufficely large to cover arround them when confined--they are all fond of clothes but more so of beeds perticularly blue & white beeds. they are durty in the extreme both in their coockery and in their houses. those at the last village raise the beads about five feet from the earth-under which they store their provisions--their houses is about feet to feet square, the bore of which is about inc. high and inches wide in this form cut in a wide pine board they have maney imeges cut in wood, generally, in the figure of a man--those people are high with what they have to sell, and say the white people below give them great prices for what they sell to them. their nose are all pierced, and the wear a white shell maney of which are inch long pushed thro the nose--all the women have flat heads pressed to almost a point at top the press the female childrens heads between bords when young-untill they form the skul as they wish it which is generally verry flat. this amongst those people is considered as a great mark of butyand is practised in all the tribes we have passed on this river more or less. men take more of the drugery off the women than is common with indians [clark, november , ] november st friday a verry cool morning wind hard from the n. e. the indians who arrived last evining took their canoes on ther sholders and carried them below the great shute, we set about takeing our small canoe and all the baggage by land yards of bad slippery and rockey way the indians we discoverd took ther loading the whole length of the portage / miles, to avoid a second shute which appears verry bad to pass, and thro which they passed with their empty canoes. great numbers of sea otters, they are so cautious that i with dificuelty got a shot at one to day, which i must have killed, but could not get him as he sunk we got all our baggage over the portage of yards, after which we got the large canoes over by slipping them over the rocks on poles placed across from one rock to another, and at some places along partial streams of the river. in passing those canoes over the rocks &c. three of them recived injuries which obliged us to delay to have them repared. several indian canoes arrived at the head of the portage, some of the men accompanied by those from the village came down to smoke with us, they appear to speak the same language with a little different axcent i visited the indian village found that the construction of the houses similar to those abov described, with this difference only that they are larger say from to feet by feet, raised about feet above the earth, and nearly as much below the dores in the same form and size cut in the wide post which supports one end of the ridge pole and which is carved and painted with different figures & hieroglyphics those people gave me to eate nuts berries & a little dried fish, and sold me a hat of ther own taste without a brim, and baskets in which they hold their water--their beads are raised about / feet, under which they store away their dried fish, between the part on which they lie and the back wall they store away their roots burries nuts and valuable articles on mats, which are spread also around the fire place which is sunk about one foot lower than the bottom fore of the house, this fire place is about feet long and six feet wide secured with a fraim those houses are calculated for , & families, each familey haveing a nice painted ladder to assend up to their beads. i saw in those houses several wooden images all cut in imitation of men, but differently fasioned and placed in the most conspicious parts of the houses, probably as an orniment i cannot lern certainly as to the traffick those inds. carry on below, if white people or the indians who trade with the whites who are either settled or visit the mouth of this river. i believe mostly with the latter as their knowledge of the white people appears to be verry imperfect, and the articles which they appear to trade mostly i e pounded fish, beargrass, and roots; cannot be an object of comerce with furin merchants--however they git in return for those articles blue and white beeds copper tea kitties, brass arm bands, some scarlet and blue robes and a fiew articles of old clothes, they prefer beeds to any thing and will part with the last mouthfull or articles of clothing they have for a fiew of those beeds, those beeds the trafick with indians still higher up this river for roabs, skins, cha-pel-el bread, beargrass &c. who in their turn trafick with those under the rockey mountains for beargrass, pashico roots & robes &c. the nativs of the waters of the columbia appear helthy, some have turners on different parts of their bodies, and sore and weak eyes are common, maney have lost their sight entirely great numbers with one eye out and frequently the other verry weak; this misfortune i must again asscribe to the water &c. they have bad teeth, which is not common with indians, maney have worn their teeth down and some quite into their gums, this i cannot satisfactorily account for it, do ascribe it in some measure to their method of eateing, their food, roots pertiularly, which they make use of as they are taken out of the earth frequently nearly covered with sand, i have not seen any of their long roots offered for sale clear of sand. they are rether below the common size high cheeks womin small and homely, and have swelled legs and thighs, and their knees remarkably large which i ascribe to the method in which they sit on their hams-go nearly necked wareing only a piece of leather tied about their breast which falls down nearly as low as the waste, a small roabe about feet square, and a piece of leather tied about their breach, they have all flat heads in this quarter they are tirty in the extream, both in their person and cooking, ware their hare loose hanging in every direction. they asc high prices for what they sell and say that the white people below give great prices for every thing &c. the noses are all pierced and when they are dressed they have a long tapered piece of white shell or wampum put through the nose, those shells are about inches in length. i observed in maney of the villeages which i have passed, the heads of the female children in the press for the purpose of compressing their heads in their infancy into a certain form, between two boards [clark, november , ] novr. d saturday meridian altitude ° ' " made a portage of about / miles with half of the baggage, and run the rapid with the canoes without much damage, one struck a rock & split a little, and others took in some water squars came over the portage loaded with dried fish & beargrass, soon after men came down in a canoe after takeing brackfast, & after taking a meridian altitude we set out passed bad rapids one at & the other at mile below the isd on lard. and upper end of strawberry island on the stard. side from the creek end of last course we labiech killed geese & a brant, collins one jos. fields & r those gees are much smaller than common, and have white under their rumps & around the tale, the tide rises here a fiew inches, i cannot assertain the prosise hite it rises at the last rapid or at this placeof camp. the indians we left at the portage passed us this evening one other canoe come up [clark, november , ] november nd saturday examined the rapid below us more pertcelarly the danger appearing too great to hazzard our canoes loaded, dispatched all the men who could not swim with loads to the end of the portage below, i also walked to the end of the portage with the carriers where i delayed untill everry articles was brought over and canoes arrived safe. here we brackfast and took a meridn. altitude ° ' " about the time we were setting out squars came over loaded with dried fish, and bear grass neetly bundled up, soon after indian men came down over the rapid in a large canoe. passed a rapid at miles & at miles opposit the lower point of a high island on the lard side, and a little below houses on the stard. bank, a small creek on the lard side opposit straw berry island, which heads below the last rapid, opposit the lower point of this island passed three islands covered with tall timber opposit the beatin rock those islands are nearest the starboard side, imediately below on the stard. side passed a village of nine houses, which is situated between small creeks, and are of the same construction of those above; here the river widens to near a mile, and the bottoms are more extensive and thickly timbered, as also the high mountains on each side, with pine, spruce pine, cotton wood, a species of ash, and alder. at miles passed a rock near the middle of the river, about feet high and feet diamuter, proceed on down a smoth gentle stream of about miles wide, in which the tide has its effect as high as the beaten rock or the last rapids at strawberry island,--saw great numbers of waterfowl of different kinds, such as swan, geese, white & grey brants, ducks of various kinds, guls, & pleaver. labeach killed brantjoseph fields & collins one. we encamped under a high projecting rock on the lard. side, here the mountains leave the river on each side, which from the great shute to this place is high and rugid; thickly covered with timber principalley of the pine species. the bottoms below appear extensive and thickly covered with wood. river here about / miles wide. seven indians in a canoe on their way down to trade with the nativs below, encamp with us, those we left at the portage passed us this evening and proceeded on down the ebb tide rose here about inches, the flood tide must rise here much higher--we made miles to day from the great shute- [clark, november , ] november rd sunday the fog so thick this morning we did not think it prudent to set out untill oclock we set out and proceeded on verry well, accompanied by our indian friends--this morning labich killed geese flying collins killed a duck--the water rose inches last night the effects of tide. the countrey has a handsom appearance in advance no mountains extensive bottoms--the water shallow for a great distance from shore-. the fog continued thick untill oclock, we coasted, and halted at the mouth of a large river on the lard side, this river throws out emence quanty of sand and is verry shallow, th narrowest part yards wide bold current, much resembling the river plat, several islands about mile up and has a sand bar of miles in extent imedeately in its mouth, discharging it waters by mouths, and crowding its corse sands so as to throw the columbian waters on its nothern banks, & confdg it to / ms. in width passed a small prarie on the stard. side above, a large creek opposit qk sand river on the stard. side, extensive bottoms and low hilley countrey on each side (good wintering place) a high peaked mountain suppose to be mt. hood is on the lard side s. e. miles distant from the mouth of quick sand river.- [clark, november , ] november rd sunday the fog so thick this morning that we could not see a man steps off, this fog detained us untill oclock at which time we set out, accompanied by our indian friends who are from a village near the great falls, previous to our setting out collins killed a large buck, and labiech killed geese flying. i walked on the sand beech lard. side, opposit the canoes as they passed allong. the under groth rushes, vines &c. in the bottoms too thick to pass through, at miles i arrived at the enterance of a river which appeared to scatter over a sand bar, the bottom of which i could see quite across and did not appear to be inches deep in any part; i attempted to wade this stream and to my astonishment found the bottom a quick sand, and impassable--i called to the canoes to put to shore, i got into the canoe and landed below the mouth, & capt lewis and my self walked up this river about / miles to examine this river which we found to be a verry considerable stream dischargeing its waters through chanels which forms an island of about miles in length on the river and / miles wide, composed of corse sand which is thrown out of this quick sand river compressing the waters of the columbia and throwing the whole current of its waters against its northern banks, within a chanel of / a mile wide, several small islands mile up this river, this stream has much the appearance of the river plait; roleing its quick sands into the bottoms with great velocity after which it is divided into chanels by a large sand bar before mentioned, the narrowest part of this river is yards-on the opposit side of the columbia a falls in above this creek on the same side is a small prarie. extensive low country on each side thickly timbered. the quick sand river appears to pass through the low countrey at the foot of those high range of mountains in a southerly direction,--the large creeks which fall into the columbia on the stard. side rise in the same range of mountains to the n. n. e. and pass through some ridgey land--a mountain which we suppose to be mt. hood is s. e about miles distant from the mouth of quick sand river this mtn. is covered with snow and in the range of mountains which we have passed through and is of a conical form but rugid--after takeing dinner at the mouth of this river we proceeded on passed the head of a island near the lard side back of which on the same side and near the head a large creek falls in, and nearly opposit & miles below the upper mouth of quick sand river is the lower mouth, this island is / miles long, has rocks at the upper point, some timber on the borders of this island in the middle open and ponney. some rugid rocks in the middle of the stream opposit this island. proceeded in to center of a large island in the middle of the river which we call dimond isld. from its appearance, here we met indn men in canoes from below, they informed us they saw vestles below &c. &c. we landed on the north side of this dimond island and encamped, capt. l walked out with his gun on the island, sent out hunters & fowlers--below quick sand river the countrey is low rich and thickly timbered on each side of the river, the islands open & some ponds river wide and emence numbers of fowls flying in every direction such as swan, geese, brants, cranes, stalks, white guls, comerants & plevers &c. also great numbers of sea otter in the river--a canoe arrived from the village below the last rapid with a man his wife and children, and a woman whome had been taken prisoner from the snake inds. on clarks river i sent the interpreters wife who is a so so ne or snake indian of the missouri, to speake to this squar, they could not understand each other sufficiently to converse. this familey and the inds. we met from below continued with us capt lewis borrowed a small canoe of those indians & men took her across to a small lake in the isld. cap l. and men set out after night in this canoe in serch of the swans, brants ducks &c. &c. which appeared in great numbers in the lake, he killed a swan and several ducks which made our number of fowls this evening swan, brant and ducks, on which we made a sumptious supper. we gave the indian-who lent the canoe a brant, and some meat to the others. one of those indians, the man from the village near the lower rapids has a gun with a brass barrel & cock of which he prises highly--note the mountain we saw from near the forks proves to be mount hood [clark, november , ] novr. th monday a cloudy cool morning, wind west, we set out at / past oclock having dispatched men in the small canoe to hunt (those people men & women heads are flat) we landed at a village men of flatheads of houses canoes built of straw, we were treated verry kindly by them, they gave us round root near the size of a hens egg roasted which they call wap-to to eate i walked out on the stard. side found the country fine, an open prarie for mile back of which the wood land comence riseing back, the timber on the edge of the prarie is white oke, back is spruce pine & other species of pine mixed some under groth of a wild crab & a specis of wood i'm not acquainted, a specis of maple & cotton wood grow near this river, some low bushes indians continue to be with us, several canoes continue with us, the indians at the last village have more cloth and uriopian trinkets than above i saw some guns, a sword, maney powder flasks, salers jackets, overalls, hats & shirts, copper and brass trinkets with few beeds only. dureing the time i was at dinner the indians stold my tomahawk which i made use of to smoke i serched but could not find it, a pond on the stard side, off from the river. raspberries and ____ are also in the bottoms--met a large and small canoe with men from below the men were dressed with a variety of articles of european manufactory the large canoe had emeges on the bow & stern handsomly carved in wood & painted with the figur of a bear in front & man in a stern. saw white geese with black wings--saw a small crab-apple with all the taste & flavor of the common--those indians were all armed with pistols or bows and arrows ready sprung war axes &c. mount hellen bears n. ° e about miles, this is the mountain we saw near the foks of this river. it is emensely high and covered with snow, riseing in a kind of cone perhaps the highest pinecal from the common leavel in america passed a village of hs. on the stard side at mils, one at mls. one deer ducks & brant killed [clark, november , ] november th monday a cloudy cool morning wind from the west we set out at / past oclock, one man shannon set out early to walk on the island to kill something, he joined us at the lower point with a buck. this island is miles long and near miles wide thinly timbered (tide rose last night inches perpndicular at camp) near the lower point of this dimond island is the head of a large island seperated from a small one by a narrow chanel, and both situated nearest the lard side, those islands as also the bottoms are thickly covered with pine &c. river wide, country low on both sides; on the main lard shore a short distance below the last island we landed at a village of houses; of those houses were thached with straw, and covered with bark, the other house is built of boards in the form of those above, except that it is above ground and about feet in length and covered with broad split boards this village contains about men of the skil-loot nation i counted canoes on the bank in front of this village maney of them verry large and raised in bow. we recognised the man who over took us last night, he invited us to a lodge in which he had some part and gave us a roundish roots about the size of a small irish potato which they roasted in the embers until they became soft, this root they call wap-pa-to which the bulb of the chinese cultivate in great quantities called the sa-git ti folia or common arrow head-. it has an agreeable taste and answers verry well in place of bread. we purchased about bushels of this root and divided it to our party, at miles below this village passed the upper point of a large island nearest the lard side, a small prarie in which there is a pond opposit on the stard. here i landed and walked on shore, about miles a fine open prarie for about mile, back of which the countrey rises gradually and wood land comencies such as white oake, pine of different kinds, wild crabs with the taste and flavour of the common crab and several species of undergroth of which i am not acquainted, a few cottonwood trees & the ash of this countrey grow scattered on the river bank, saw some elk and deer sign and joined capt. lewis at a place he had landed with the party for diner. soon after several canoes of indians from the village above came down dressed for the purpose as i supposed of paying us a friendly visit, they had scarlet & blue blankets salors jackets, overalls, shirts and hats independant of their usial dress; the most of them had either war axes spears or bows sprung with quivers of arrows, muskets or pistols, and tin flasks to hold their powder; those fellows we found assumeing and disagreeable, however we smoked with them and treated them with every attention & friendship. dureing the time we were at dinner those fellows stold my pipe tomahawk which they were smoking with, i imediately serched every man and the canoes, but could find nothing of my tomahawk, while serching for the tomahawk one of those scoundals stole a cappoe of one of our interpreters, which was found stufed under the root of a treer, near the place they sat, we became much displeased with those fellows, which they discovered and moved off on their return home to their village, except canoes which had passed on down--we proceeded on met a large & a small canoe from below, with men the large canoe was ornimented with images carved in wood the figures of a bear in front & a man in stern, painted & fixed verry netely on the of the canoe, rising to near the hight of a man two indians verry finely dressed & with hats on was in this canoe passed the lower point of the island which is nine miles in length haveing passed islands on the stard side of this large island, three small islands at its lower point. the indians make signs that a village is situated back of those islands on the lard. side and i believe that a chanel is still on the lrd, side as a canoe passed in between the small islands, and made signs that way, probably to traffick with some of the nativs liveing on another chanel, at miles lower, and leagues below quick sand river passed a village of four large houses on the lard. side, near which we had a full view of mt. helien which is perhaps the highest pinical in america from their base it bears n. ° e about miles--this is the mountain i saw from the muscle shell rapid on the th of october last covered with snow, it rises something in the form of a sugar lofe--about a mile lower passed a single house on the lard. side, and one on the stard. side, passed a village on each side and camped near a house on the stard. side we proceeded on untill one hour after dark with a view to get clear of the nativs who was constantly about us, and troublesom, finding that we could not get shut of those people for one night, we landed and encamped on the stard. side soon after canoes came to us loaded with indians, we purchased a fiew roots of them. this evening we saw vines much resembling the raspberry which is verry thick in the bottoms. a range of high hills at about miles on the lard side which runs s. e. & n w. covered with tall timber the bottoms below in this range of hills and the river is rich and leavel, saw white geese with a part of their wings black. the river here is / miles wide, and current jentle. opposit to our camp on a small sandy island the brant & geese make such a noise that it will be impossible for me to sleap. we made miles to day killed a deer and several brant and ducks. i saw a brarow tamed at the st village to day the indians which we have passd to day of the scil-loot nation in their language from those near & about the long narrows of the che-luc-it-te-quar or e-chee-lute, their dress differ but little, except they have more of the articles precured from the white traders, they all have flatened heads both men and women, live principally on fish and wap pa toe roots, they also kill some fiew elk and deer, dureing the short time i remained in their village they brought in three deer which they had killed with their bow & arrows. they are thievishly inclined as we have experienced. [clark, november , ] novr. th tuesday a cloudy morning som rain the after part of last night & this morning. i could not sleep for the noise kept by the swans, geese, white & black brant, ducks &c. on a opposit base, & sand hill crane, they were emensely numerous and their noise horrid. we set out at sun rise & our hunters killed brant of which were white with black wings ducks, and a swan which were divided, we came too and encamped on the lard. side under a high ridgey land, the high land come to the river on each side. the river about / mile wide. those high lands rise gradually from the river & bottoms--we are all wet cold and disagreeable, rain continues & encreases. i killed a pheasent which is very fat--my feet and legs cold. i saw snakes to day on a island, but little appearance of frost at this place. [clark, november , ] november th tuesday rained all the after part of last night, rain continues this morning, i slept but verry little last night for the noise kept dureing the whole of the night by the swans, geese, white & grey brant ducks &c. on a small sand island close under the lard. side; they were emensely noumerous, and their noise horid--we set out early here the river is not more than / of a mile in width, passed a small prarie on the stard. side passed houses about / a mile from each other on the lard. side a canoe came from the upper house, with men in it mearly to view us, passed an isld. covered with tall trees & green briers seperated from the stard. shore by a narrow chanel at miles i observed on the chanel which passes on the stard side of this island a short distance above its lower point is situated a large village, the front of which occupies nearly / of a mile fronting the chanel, and closely connected, i counted houses in front here the river widens to about / miles. seven canoes of indians came out from this large village to view and trade with us, they appeared orderly and well disposed, they accompanied us a fiew miles and returned back. about / miles below this village on the lard side behind a rockey sharp point, we passed a chanel / of a mile wide, which i take to be the one the indian canoe entered yesterday from the lower point of immage canoe island a some low clifts of rocks below this chanel, a large island close under the stard side opposit, and small islands, below, here we met canoes from below,--below those islands a range of high hills form the stard. bank of the river, the shore bold and rockey, covered with a thick groth of pine an extensive low island, seperated from the lard side by a narrow chanel, on this island we stoped to dine i walked out found it open & covered with grass interspersed with small ponds, in which was great numbr. of foul, the remains of an old village on the lower part of this island, i saw several deer our hunters killed on this island a swan, white grey brant & ducks all of them were divided, below the lower point of this island a range of high hills) which runs s. e. forms the lard. bank of the river the shores bold and rockey & hills covered with pine, the high hills leave the river on the stard. side a high bottom between the hill & river. we met canoes of indians from below, in which there is indians, one of those canoes is large, and ornimented with images on the bow & stern. that in the bow the likeness of a bear, and in stern the picture of a man--we landed on the lard. side & camped a little below the mouth of a creek on the stard. side a little below the mouth of which is an old village which is now abandaned-; here the river is about one and a half miles wide, and deep, the high hills which run in a n w. & s e. derection form both banks of the river the shore boald and rockey, the hills rise gradually & are covered with a thick groth of pine &c. the valley which is from above the mouth of quick sand river to this place may be computed at miles wide on a derect line, & extends a great distanc to the right & left rich thickly covered with tall timber, with a fiew small praries bordering on the river and on the islands; some fiew standing ponds & several small streams of running water on either side of the river; this is certainly a fertill and a handsom valley, at this time crouded with indians. the day proved cloudy with rain the greater part of it, we are all wet cold and disagreeable--i saw but little appearance of frost in this valley which we call wap-pa-loo columbia from that root or plants growing spontaneously in this valley only in my walk of to day i saw striped snakes i killed a grouse which was verry fat, and larger than common. this is the first night which we have been entirely clear of indians since our arrival on the waters of the columbia river. we made miles to day by estimation- [clark, november , ] november th wednesday a cold wet morning. rain contd. untill ____ oclock we set out early & proceeded on the corse of last night &c. [clark, november , ] november th wednesday a cool wet raney morning we set out early at miles pass lodges of indians in a small bottom on the lard side i believe those indians to be travelers. opposit is the head of a long narrow island close under the starboard side, back of this island two creeks fall in about miles apart, and appear to head in the high hilley countrey to the n. e. opposit this long island is others one small and about the middle of the river. the other larger and nearly opposit its lower point, and opposit a high clift of black rocks on the lard. side at miles: here the indians of the lodges we passed to day came in their canoes with sundery articles to sell, we purchased of them wap-pa-too roots, salmon trout, and i purchased beaver skins for which i gave small fish hooks. here the hills leave the river on the lard. side, a butifull open and extensive bottom in which there is an old village, one also on the stard. side a little above both of which are abandened by all their inhabitents except two small dogs nearly starved, and an unreasonable portion of flees--the hills and mountains are covered with sever kinds of pine-arber vitea or white cedar, red loril, alder and several species of under groth, the bottoms have common rushes, nettles, & grass the slashey parts have bull rushes & flags--some willow on the waters edge, passed an island miles long and one mile wide, close under the stard. side below the long narrow island below which the stard hills are verry from the river bank and continues high and rugid on that side all day, we over took two canoes of indians going down to trade one of the indians spoke a fiew words of english and said that the principal man who traded with them was mr. haley, and that he had a woman in his canoe who mr. haley was fond of &c. he showed us a bow of iron and several other things which he said mr. haley gave him. we came too to dine on the long narrow island found the woods so thick with under groth that the hunters could not get any distance into the isld. the red wood, and green bryors interwoven, and mixed with pine, alder, a specis of beech, ash &c. we killed nothing to day the indians leave us in the evening, river about one mile wide hills high and steep on the std. no place for several miles suffcently large and leavil for our camp we at length landed at a place which by moveing the stones we made a place sufficently large for the party to lie leavil on the smaller stones clear of the tide cloudy with rain all day we are all wet and disagreeable, had large fires made on the stone and dried our bedding and kill the flees, which collected in our blankets at every old village we encamped near i had like to have forgotten a verry remarkable knob riseing from the edge of the water to about feet high, and about paces around at its base and situated on the long narrow island above and nearly opposit to the lodges we passed to day, it is some distance from the high land & in a low part of the island [clark, november , ] november th thursday a cloudy fogey morning, a little rain. set out at oclock proceeded on the womens peticoat is about inches long made of arber vita or the white cedar bark wove to a string and hanging down in tossles and tied so as to cover from their hips as low as the peticoat will reach and only covers them when standing, as in any other position the tosels seperate. those people sold us otter skins for fish hooks of which they wer fond we delayed / hour & set out the tide being up in & the river so cut with islands we got an indian to pilot us into the main chanel one of our canoes seperated from us this morning in the fog--great numbers of water fowls of every descriptn. common to this river [clark, november , ] november th thursday a cloudy foggey morning some rain. we set out early proceeded under the stard shore under a high rugid hills with steep assent the shore boalt and rockey, the fog so thick we could not see across the river, two canos of indians met and returned with us to their village which is situated on the stard side behind a cluster of marshey islands, on a narrow chanl. of the river through which we passed to the village of houses, they gave us to eate some fish, and sold us, fish, wap pa to roots three dogs and otter skins for which we gave fish hooks principally of which they were verry fond. those people call themselves war-ci-a-cum and speake a language different from the nativs above with whome they trade for the wapato roots of which they make great use of as food. their houses differently built, raised entirely above ground eaves about feet from the ground supported and covered in the same way of those above, dotes about the same size but in the side of the house in one corner, one fire place and that near the opposit end; around which they have their beads raised about feet from the fore which is of earth, under their beads they store away baskets of dried fish berries & wappato, over the fire they hang the flesh as they take them and which they do not make immediate use. their canoes are of the same form of those above. the dress of the men differ verry little from those above, the womin altogether different, their robes are smaller only covering their sholders & falling down to near the hip--and sometimes when it is cold a piec of fur curiously plated and connected so as to meet around the body from the arms to the hips the garment which occupies the waist and thence as low as the knee before and mid leg behind, cannot properly be called a petticoat, in the common acception of the word; it is a tissue formed of white cedar bark bruised or broken into small straps, which are interwoven in their center by means of several cords of the same materials which serves as well for a girdle as to hold in place the straps of bark which forms the tissue, and which strans, confined in the middle, hang with their ends pendulous from the waiste, the whole being of suffcent thickness when the female stands erect to conceal those parts useally covered from familiar view, but when she stoops or places herself in any other attitudes this battery of venus is not altogether impervious to the penetrating eye of the amorite. this tissue is sometims formed of little strings of the silk grass twisted and knoted at their ends &c. those indians are low and ill shaped all flat heads after delaying at this village one hour and a half we set out piloted by an indian dressed in a salors dress, to the main chanel of the river, the tide being in we should have found much dificuelty in passing into the main chanel from behind those islands, without a pilot, a large marshey island near the middle of the river near which several canoes came allong side with skins, roots fish &c. to sell, and had a temporey residence on this island, here we see great numbers of water fowls about those marshey islands; here the high mountanious countrey approaches the river on the lard side, a high mountn. to the s w. about miles, the high mountans. countrey continue on the stard side, about miles below the last village and miles of this day we landed at a village of the same nation. this village is at the foot of the high hills on the stard side back of small islands it contains indifferent houses built in the same form of those above, here we purchased a dog some fish, wappato roots and i purchased beaver skins for the purpose of makeing me a roab, as the robe i have is rotten and good for nothing. opposit to this village the high mountaneous countrey leave the river on the lard side below which the river widens into a kind of bay & is crouded with low islands subject to be covered by the tides--we proceeded on about miles below the village under a high mountaneous countrey on the stard. side. shore boald and rockey and encamped under a high hill on the stard. side opposit to a rock situated half a mile from the shore, about feet high and feet diamieter, we with dificuelty found a place clear of the tide and sufficiently large to lie on and the only place we could get was on round stones on which we lay our mats rain continud. moderately all day & two indians accompanied us from the last village, they we detected in stealing a knife and returned, our small canoe which got seperated in the fog this morning joined us this evening from a large island situated nearest the lard side below the high hills on that side, the river being too wide to see either the form shape or size of the islands on the lard side. great joy in camp we are in view of the ocian, this great pacific octean which we been so long anxious to see. and the roreing or noise made by the waves brakeing on the rockey shores (as i suppose) may be heard distictly we made miles to day as computed [clark, november , ] novr. th friday a cloudy morning some rain and wind we changed our clothes and set out at oclock proceeded on close under the stard. side r. fields killed a goose & canvis back ducks in this bay after dinner we took the advantage of the returning tide & proceeded on to the d point, at which place we found the swells too high to proceed we landed and drew our canoes up so as to let the tide leave them. the three indians after selling us fish for which we gave seven small fishing hooks, and a piece of red cloth. some fine rain at intervales all this day. the swells continued high all the evening & we are compelled to form an encampment on a point scercely room sufficent for us all to lie clear of the tide water. hills high & with a steep assent, river wide & at this place too salt to be used for drink. we are all wet and disagreeable, as we have been continually for severl. days past, we are at a loss & cannot find out if any settlement is near the mouth of this river. the swells were so high and the canoes roled in such a manner as to cause several to be verry sick. reuben fields, wiser mcneal & the squar wer of the number [clark, november , ] november th friday a cloudy morning some rain, we did not set out untill oclock, haveing changed our clothing--proceeded on close under the stard. side, the hills high with steep assent, shore boald and rockey several low islands in a deep bend or bay to the lard side, river about or miles wide. three indians in a canoe overtook us, with salmon to sell, passed old villages on the stard. side and at miles entered a nitch of about miles wide and miles deep with several creeks makeing into the stard hills, this nitch we found verry shallow water and call it the shallow nitch we came too at the remains of an old village at the bottom of this nitch and dined, here we saw great numbers of fowl, sent out men and they killed a goose and two canves back ducks here we found great numbers of hees which we treated with the greatest caution and distance; after diner the indians left us and we took the advantage of a returning tide and proceeded on to the second point on the std. here we found the swells or waves so high that we thought it imprudent to proceed; we landed unloaded and drew up our canoes. some rain all day at intervales; we are all wet and disagreeable, as we have been for several days past, and our present situation a verry disagreeable one in as much; as we have not leavel land sufficient for an encampment and for our baggage to lie cleare of the tide, the high hills jutting in so close and steep that we cannot retreat back, and the water of the river too salt to be used, added to this the waves are increasing to such a hight that we cannot move from this place, in this situation we are compelled to form our camp between the hite of the ebb and flood tides, and rase our baggage on logs--we are not certain as yet if the whites people who trade with those people or from whome they precure ther goods are stationary at the mouth, or visit this quarter at stated times for the purpose of trafick &c. i believe the latter to be the most probable conjucture--the seas roled and tossed the canoes in such a manner this evening that several of our party were sea sick. [clark, november , ] novr. th saturday the tide of last night obliged us to unload all the canoes one of which sunk before she was unloaded by the high waves or swells which accompanied the returning tide, the others we unloaded, and others was filled with water soon after by the swells or high sees which broke against the shore imediately where we lay, rained hard all the fore part of the day, the tide which rose untill oclock p m to day brought with it such emence swells or waves, added to a hard wind from the south which loosened the drift trees which is verry thick on the shores, and tossed them about in such a manner, as to endanger our canoes very much, with every exertion and the strictest attention by the party was scercely suffient to defend our canoes from being crushed to pieces between those emensely large trees maney of them feet long and feet through. the tide of this day rose about ____ feet & inches higher than yesterday this is owing to the wind which sets in from the ocian, we are compelled to move our camp from the water, as also the loading every man as wet all the last night and this day as the rain could make them which contind. all day. at oclock the wind shifted about to the s. w imediately from the ocian and blew a storm for about hours, raised the tide verry high all wet & cold labiech killed ducks very fat & r. fields saw elk sign. not withstanding the disagreeable time of the party for several days past they are all chearfull and full of anxiety to see further into the ocian. the water is too salt to drink, we use rain water. the salt water has acted on some of the party already as a pergitive. rain continus. [clark, november , ] november th saturday the tide of last night did not rise sufficintly high to come into our camp, but the canoes which was exposed to the mercy of the waves &c. which accompanied the returning tide, they all filled, and with great attention we saved them untill the tide left them dry--wind hard from the south and rained hard all the fore part of the day, at oclock p m the flood tide came in accompanied with emence waves and heavy winds, floated the trees and drift which was on the point on which we camped and tosed them about in such a manner as to endanger the canoes verry much, with every exertion and the strictest attention by every individual of the party was scercely sufficient to save our canoes from being crushed by those monsterous trees maney of them nearly feet long and from to feet through. our camp entirely under water dureing the hight of the tide, every man as wet as water could make them all the last night and to day all day as the rain continued all day, at oclock p m the wind shifted about to the s. w. and blew with great violence imediately from the ocian for about two hours, notwithstanding the disagreeable situation of our party all wet and cold (and one which they have experienced for several days past) they are chearfull and anxious to see further into the ocian, the water of the river being too salt to use we are obliged to make use of rain water--some of the party not accustomed to salt water has made too free a use of it on them it acts as a pergitive. at this dismal point we must spend another night as the wind & waves are too high to proceed. [clark, november , ] november th sunday rained verry hard the greater part of the last night & continus this morning, the wind has layed and the swells are fallen. we loaded our canoes and proceeded on, passed a deep bay on the stard. side i call ____ the wind rose from the n w. and the swells became so high, we were compelled to return about miles to a place where we could unld. our canoes, which was in a small bay on driftwood, on which we had also to make our fires to dry our selves as well as we could the shore being either a clift of purpendicular rocks or steep assents to the hight of or feet, we continued on this drift wood untill about oclock when the evening appearing favourable we loaded & set out in hopes to turn the point below and get into a better harber, but finding the waves & swells continue to rage with great fury below, we got a safe place for our stores & a much beter one for the canoes to lie and formed a campment on drift logs in the same little bay under a high hill at the enterence of a small drean which we found verry convt. on account of its water, as that of the river is brackish--the logs on which we lie is all on flote every high tide--the rain continud all day--we are all wet, also our beding and many other articles. we are all employed untill late drying our bedding. nothing to eate but pounded fish [clark, november , ] november th sunday rained verry hard the greater part of last night and continues this morning. the wind has luled and the waves are not high; we loaded our canoes and proceeded on passed several small and deep nitch on the stard. side, we proceeded on about miles saw great numbers of sea guls, the wind rose from the n. w. and the waves became so high that we were compelled to return about miles to a place we could unload our canoes, which we did in a small nitch at the mouth of a small run on a pile of drift logs where we continued untill low water, when the river appeared calm we loaded and set out; but was obliged to return finding the waves too high for our canoes to ride, we again unloaded the canoes, and stoed the loading on a rock above the tide water, and formed a camp on the drift logs which appeared to be the only situation we could find to lie, the hills being either a perpendicular clift, or steep assent, riseing to about feet--our canoes we secured as well as we could--we are all wet the rain haveing continued all day, our beding and maney other articles, employ our selves drying our blankets- nothing to eate but dried fish pounded which we brought from the falls. we made miles today [clark, november , ] november th monday a hard rain all the last night we again get wet the rain continue at intervals all day. wind verry high from s w and blew a storm all day sent out jo. fields & collins to hunt. at oclock at a time the wind was verry high and waves tremendeous five indians came down in a canoe loaded with fish of salmon spes. called red charr, we purchased of those indians of these fish, for which we gave, fishing hooks & some trifling things, we had seen those indians at a village behind some marshey islands a few days ago. they are on their way to trade those fish with white people which they make signs live below round a point, those people are badly clad, one is dressd. in an old salors jacket & trouses, the others elk skin robes. we are truly unfortunate to be compelled to lie days nearly in the same place at a time that our day are precious to us, the wind shifted to ____ the indians left us and crossed the river which is about miles wide through the highest sees i ever saw a small vestle ride, their canoe is small, maney times they were out of sight before the were miles off certain it is they are the best canoe navigators i ever saw the tide was hours later to day than yesterday and rose much higher, the trees we camped on was all on flote for about hours from untill oclock p m, the great quantities of rain which has fallen losenes the stones on the side of the hill & the small ones fall on us, our situation is truly a disagreeable one our canoes in one place at the mercy of the waves our baggage in another and our selves & party scattered on drift trees of emense sizes, & are on what dry land they can find in the crevices of the rocks & hill sides [clark, november , ] november th monday a hard rain all the last night, dureing the last tide the logs on which we lay was all on float sent out jo fields to hunt, he soon returned and informed us that the hills was so high & steep, & thick with undergroth and fallen timber that he could not get out any distance; about oclock indians came down in a canoe, the wind verry high from the s. w. with most tremendious waves brakeing with great violence against the shores, rain falling in torrents, we are all wet as usial and our situation is truly a disagreeable one; the great quantites of rain which has loosened the stones on the hill sides, and the small stones fall down upon us, our canoes at one place at the mercy of the waves, our baggage in another and our selves and party scattered on floating logs and such dry spots as can be found on the hill sides, and crivices of the rocks. we purchased of the indians red chary which we found to be an excellent fish we have seen those indians above and are of a nation who reside above and on the opposit side who call themselves call-har-ma they are badly clad & illy made, small and speak a language much resembling the last nation, one of those men had on a salors jacket and pantiloons and made signs that he got those clothes from the white people who lived below the point &c. those people left us and crossed the river (which is about miles wide at this place) through the highest waves i ever saw a small vestles ride. those indians are certainly the best canoe navigaters i ever saw. rained all (lay [clark, november , ] november th tuesday a tremendious thunder storm abt. oclock this morning accompanied by wind from the s w. and hail, this storm of hard clap's thunder lighting and hail untill about oclock at intervals it then became light for a short time when the heavens became darkined by a black cloud from the s, w, & a hard rain suckceeded which lasted untill oclock with a hard wind which raised the seas tremendiously high braking with great force and fury against the rocks & trees on which we lie, as our situation became seriously dangerous, we took the advantage of a low tide & moved our camp around a point a short distance to a small wet bottom at the mouth of a small creek, which we had not observed when we first came to this cove, from its being very thick and obscured by drift trees & thick bushes, send out men to hunt they found the woods so thick with pine & timber and under broth that they could not get through, saw some elk tracks, i walked up this creek & killed salmon trout, the men killd. of the salmon species, the pine of fur specs, or spruc pine grow here to an emense size & hight maney of them & feet through and upwards of feet high. it would be distressing to a feeling person to see our situation at this time all wet and cold with our bedding &c. also wet, in a cove scercely large nough to contain us, our baggage in a small holler about / a mile from us, and canoes at the mercy of the waves & drift wood, we have scured them as well as it is possible by sinking and wateing them down with stones to prevent the emence waves dashing them to pices against the rocks--one got loose last night & was left on a rock by the tide some distance below without recving much damage. fortunately for us our men are helthy. it was clear at for a short time. i observed the mountains on the opposit side was covered with snowour party has been wet for days and is truly disagreeable, their robes & leather clothes are rotten from being continually wet, and they are not in a situation to get others, and we are not in a situation to restore them--i observe great numbers of sea guls, flying in every derection--three men gibson bratten & willard attempted to decend in a canoe built in the indian fashion and abt. the size of the one the indians visited us in yesterday, they could not proceed, as the waves tossed them about at will, they returned after proceeding about mile--we got our selves tolerable comfortable by drying our selves & bedding cought salmon this evining in a small branch above about mile [clark, november , ] november th tuesday a tremendious wind from the s. w. about oclock this morning with lightineng and hard claps of thunder, and hail which continued untill oclock a.m. when it became light for a short time, then the heavens became sudenly darkened by a black cloud from the s. w. and rained with great violence untill oclock, the waves tremendious brakeing with great fury against the rocks and trees on which we were encamped. our situation is dangerous. we took the advantage of a low tide and moved our camp around a point to a small wet bottom at the mouth of a brook, which we had not observed when we came to this cove; from it being verry thick and obscured by drift trees and thick bushes it would be distressing to see our situation, all wet and colde our bedding also wet, (and the robes of the party which compose half the bedding is rotten and we are not in a situation to supply their places) in a wet bottom scercely large enough to contain us, our baggage half a mile from us and canoes at the mercy of the waves, altho secured as well as possible, sunk with emence parcels of stone to wate them down to prevent their dashing to pieces against the rocks; one got loose last night and was left on a rock a short distance below, without rciving more daminage than a split in her bottom--fortunately for us our men are healthy. men gibson bratten & willard attempted to go aroud the point below in our indian canoe, much such a canoe as the indians visited us in yesterday, they proceeded to the point from which they were oblige to return, the waves tossing them about at will i walked up the branch and giged salmon trout. the party killed salmon to day in a branch about miles above. rain continued [clark, november , ] november th wednesday some intervales of fair weather last night, rain and wind continue this morning, as we are in a cove & the mountains verry high & pine spruce verry high & thick cannot deturmine the procise course of the winds. i walked to the top of the first part of the mountain with much fatigue as the distance was about miles thro intolerable thickets of small pine, arrow wood a groth much resembling arrow wood with briers, growing to & feet high interlocking with each other & furn, aded to this difficulty the hill was so steep that i was obliged to drawing my self up in many places by the bowers, the countrey continues thick and hilley as far back a i could see. some elk sign, rained all day moderately. i am wet &c. &c. the hail which fell night past is yet to be seen on the mountain on which i was to day. i saw a small red berry which grows on a stem of about or inches from the ground, in bunches and in great quantity on the mountains, the taste insiped. i saw a number of verry large spruce pine one of which i measured feet around and verry tall. my principal objects in assdg. this mountain was to view the river below, the weather being so cloudey & thick that i could not see any distance down, discovered the wind high from the n. w. and waves high at a short distance below our encampment, (squar displeased with me for not sin &c &c. wap-lo a excellent root which is rosted and tastes like a potato i cut my hand despatched men in a indian canoe (which is calculated to ride high swells) down to examine if they can find the bay at the mouth & good barbers below for us to proceed in safty. the fides at every hud come in with great swells & breake against the rocks & drift trees with great fury--the rain continue all the evening nothing to eate but pounded fish which we have as a reserve see store, and what pore fish we can kill up the branch on which we are encamped our canoe and the three men did not return this evening--if we were to have cold weather to accompany the rain which we have had for this or days passed we must eneviatilbly suffer verry much as clothes are scerce with us. [clark, november , ] november th wednesday some intervales of fair weather last night, rain continue this morning. i walked up the brook & assended the first spur of the mountain with much fatigue, the distance about miles, through an intolerable thickets of small pine, a groth much resembling arrow wood on the stem of which there is thorns; this groth about or feet high inter lockd into each other and scattered over the high fern & fallen timber, added to this the hills were so steep that i was compelled to draw my self up by the assistance of those bushes--the timber on those hills are of the pine species large and tall maney of them more than feet high & from to feet through at the stump those hills & as far back as i could see, i saw some elk sign, on the spur of the mountain tho not fresh. i killed a salmon trout on my return. the hail which fell nights past is yet to be seen on the mountains; i saw in my ramble to day a red berry resembling solomons seal berry which the nativs call sol-me and use it to eate. my principal object in assending this mountain was to view the countrey below, the rain continuing and weather proved so cloudy that i could not see any distance on my return we dispatched men colter, willard and shannon in the indian canoe to get around the point if possible and examine the river, and the bay below for a god barber for our canoes to lie in safty &c. the tide at every floot tide came with great swells brakeing against the rocks & drift trees with great fury the rain continue all day. nothing to eate but pounded fish which we keep as a reserve and use in situations of this kind. [clark, november , ] novr. th thursday rained last night without intermission and this morning the wind blew hard from the ____ we could not move, one canoe was broken last night against the rocks, by the waves dashing her against them in high tide about oclock indians come up in a canoe thro emence waves & swells, they landed and informed us they saw the men we sent down yesterday, at some distance below soon after those people came colter one of the men returned and informed us that he had proceeded with his canoe as far as they could, for the waves and could find no white people, or bay, he saw a good canoe barber & camps of indians at no great distance below and that those with us had taken his gig & knife &c. which he forcably took from them & they left us, after our treating them well. the rain continue all day all wet as usial, killed only fish to day for the whole party, at oclock capt. lewis drewyer jo. & r. fields & frasure set out down on the shore to examine if any white men were below within our reach, they took a empty canoe & men to set them around the point on a gravelley beech which colter informed was at no great distance below. the canoe returned at dusk half full of water, from the waves which dashed over in passing the point capt lewis is object is also to find a small bay as laid down by vancouver just out of the mouth of the columbia river. rained as usial all the evening, all wet and disagreeable situated [clark, november , ] november th thursday rained all the last night without intermition, and this morning. wind blows verry hard but our situation is such that we cannot tell from what point it comes--one of our canoes is much broken by the waves dashing it against the rocks-- indians came up in a canoe, thro the waves, which is verry high and role with great fury--they made signs to us that they saw the men we sent down yesterday. only of those indians landed, the other which was women played off in the waves, which induced me to suspect that they had taken something from our men below, at this time one of the men colter returnd by land and informed us that those indians had taken his gigg & basket, i called to the squars to land and give back the gigg, which they would not doe untill a man run with a gun, as if he intended to shute them when they landed, and colter got his gig & basket i then ordered those fellows off, and they verry readily cleared out they are of the war-ci-a-cum n. colter informed us that "it was but a short distance from where we lay around the point to a butifull sand beech, which continud for a long ways, that he had found a good harber in the mouth of a creek near indian lodgesthat he had proceeded in the canoe as far as he could for the waves, the other two men willard & shannon had proceeded on down" capt lewis concluded to proceed on by land & find if possible the white people the indians say is below and examine if a bay is situated near the mouth of this river as laid down by vancouver in which we expect, if there is white traders to find them &c. at oclock he set out with men drewyer jos. & reu. fields & r. frasure, in one of our large canoes and men to set them around the point on the sand beech. this canoe returned nearly filled with water at dark which it receved by the waves dashing into it on its return, haveing landed capt. lewis & his party safe on the sand beech. the rain continues all day all wet. the rain &c. which has continued without a longer intermition than hours at a time for ten days past has distroyd. the robes and rotted nearly one half of the fiew clothes the party has, perticularley the leather clothes,--fortunately for us we have no very cold weather as yet and if we have cold weather before we can kill & dress skins for clothing the bulk of the party will suffer verry much. [clark, november , ] november th friday rained all the last night at intervales of sometimes of hours, this morning it became calm & fair, i prepared to set out at which time the wind sprung up from the s. e. and blew down the river & in a fiew minits raised such swells and waves brakeing on the rocks at the point as to render it unsafe to proceed. i went to the point in an empty canoe and found it would be dangerous to proceed even in an empty canoe the sun shown untill oclock p.m.which gave an oppertunity for us to dry some of our bedding, & examine our baggage, the greater part of which i found wet some of our pounded fish spoiled i had all the arms put in order & amunition examined. the rainey weather continued without a longer intermition than hours at a time from the th in the morng. untill the th is eleven days rain, and the most disagreeable time i have experienced confined on a tempiest coast wet, where i can neither get out to hunt, return to a better situation, or proceed on: in this situation have we been for six days past.--fortunately the wind lay about oclock we loaded i in great haste and set out passed the blustering point below which is a sand beech, with a small marshey bottom for miles on the stard. side, on which is a large village of houses deserted by the inds. & in full possession of the flees, a small creek fall in at this village, which waters the country for a few miles back; shannon & indians met me here, shannon informed me he met capt. lewis some distance below & he took willard with him & sent him to meet me, the inds with him wer rogues, they had the night before stold both his and willards guns from under their heads, capt. lewis & party arrived at the camp of those indians at so timely a period that the inds. were allarmed & delivered up the guns &c. the tide meeting of me and the emence swells from the main ocean (imedeately in front of us) raised to such a hite that i concluded to form a camp on the highest spot i could find in the marshey bottom, and proceed no further by water as the coaste becomes verry dangerous for crafts of the size of our canoes-and as the ocian is imedeately in front and gives us an extensive view of it from cape disapointment to point addams, my situation is in the upper part of haley bay s. ° w. ____ miles course five to cape disapt. and s. ° w. course ____ miles from point addams the river here at its mouth from point addams to the enterance of haley bay above is ____ miles or thereabouts, a large isd. the lower point of which is immediately in the mouth above indians in a canoe came down with papto roots to sell, for which they asked, blankets or robes, both of which we could not spare i informed those indians all of which understood some english that if they stole our guns &c the men would certainly shute them, i treated them with great distance, & the sentinal which was over our baggage allarmed them verry much, they all promised not to take any thing, and if any thing was taken by the squars & bad boys to return them &c. the waves became very high evening fare & pleasent, our men all comfortable in the camps they have made of the boards they found at the town above [clark, november , ] november th friday rained all the last night, this morning it became calm and fair, i preposed setting out, and ordered the canoes repared and loaded; before we could load our canoes the wind sudenly sprung up from the s. e and blew with such violence, that we could not proceed in safty with the loading. i proceeded to the point in an empty canoe, and found that the waves dashed against the rocks with such violence that i thought it unsave to set out with the loaded canoes--the sun shown untill oclock p m which afford us time to dry our bedding and examine the baggage which i found nearly all wet, some of our pounded fish spoiled in the wet; i examined the amunition and caused all the arms to be put in order. about oclock the wind luled, and the river became calm, i had the canoes loaded in great haste and set out, from this dismal nitich where we have been confined for days passed, without the possibility of proceeding on, returning to a better situation, or get out to hunt, scerce of provisions, and torents of rain poreing on us all the time- proceeded on passed the blustering point below which i found a butifull sand beech thro which runs a small below the mouth of this stream is a village of houses uninhabited by anything except flees, here i met g. shannon and indians. shannon informed me that he met capn. lewis at an indian hut about miles below who had sent him back to meet me, he also told me the indians were thievish, as the night before they had stolen both his and willards rifles from under their heads, that they set out on their return and had not proceeded far up the beech before they met capt lewis, whose arival was at a timely moment and alarmed the indians so that they instantly produced the guns--i told those indians who accompanied shannon that they should not come near us, and if any one of their nation stold anything from us, i would have him shot, which they understoot verry well. as the tide was comeing in and the seas became verry high imediately from the ocian (imediately faceing us) i landed and formed a camp on the highest spot i could find between the hight of the tides, and the slashers in a small bottom this i could plainly see would be the extent of our journey by water, as the waves were too high at any stage for our canoes to proceed any further down. in full view of the ocian from point adams to cape disapointment, i could not see any island in the mouth of this river as laid down by vancouver. the bay which he laies down in the mouth is imediately below me. this bay we call haleys bay from a favourate trader with the indians which they say comes into this bay and trades with them course to point adams is s. °w. about miles to cape disapointment is s. °w. about miles indians of the war-ki a cum nation came down with pap-pa-too to sell &c. the indians who accompanied shannon from the village below speake a different language from those above, and reside to the north of this place the call themselves chin nooks, i told those people that they had attempted to steal guns &c. that if any one of their nation stole any thing that the sentinl. whome they saw near our baggage with his gun would most certainly shute them, they all promised not to tuch a thing, and if any of their womin or bad boys took any thing to return it imediately and chastise them for it. i treated those people with great distance. our men all comfortable in their camps which they have made of boards from the old village above. we made miles to day. [clark, november , ] november th satturday a fine morning cool the latter part of the night, i had all our articles of every discription examined, and found much wet, had all put out & dried, the indians theves left me. i took a meridean altd. with sextt. ° the shakeing emige below--i sent out several hunters some to kill fowl others to hunt deer or elk. the sea is fomeing and looks truly dismal to day, from the wind which blew to day from the s. w. an indian canoe passed down to day, loaded with roots &c. three indians came up from below i gave them smoke but allowed then no kind of priveleges what ever, they camped with the which came down yesterday, near us, the evening provd. cloudy & i could make no lunar observations. one man sick with a violent cold, caught by lying in his wet clothes, several nights course from stormey point to cape disapointment is ____ miles, passd a small creek and an old village at miles on the stard side a small creek at mile we encamped just above a point in a deep bay to the stard. side into which falls small rivers std. grat many indians liveing on the bay & those two rivers, the the countrey on the stard. side high broken & thickly timbered, that on the lard. at some distance from point adms high and mountains on a pinecal of a which is snow at this time--near the point is low bottom land our hunters and fowlers killd deer crane & ducks, my servt. york killed geese & white, black and speckle brants, the white brant, with part of their wings black is much the largest, the black brant is verry small, a little larger than a large duck--the deer pore but large [clark, november , ] november th saturday cool the latter part of the last night this morning clear and butifull; i had all our articles of every discription examined and put out to dry. the chin nooks left us i took a meridenal altitude with the sextn. ° ' which gave for lattitude ° ' / " north. i sent out several hunters and fowlers in pursute elk, deer, or fowls of any kind. wind hard from the s w the waves high & look dismal indeed breaking with great fury on our beech an indian canoe pass down to day loaded with wap-pa-toe roots; several indians came up to day from below, i gave them smoke but allowed them no kind of privilage whatever in the camp, they with the which came down yesterday encamped a short distance from us. the evening proved cloudy and i could not take any luner observations--one man sick with a violent cold, caught by laying in his wet leather clothes for maney nights past. the countrey on the stard side above haley bay is high broken and thickley timbered on the lard side from point adams the contrey appears low for or miles back to the mountains, a pinical of which now is covered with snow or hail, as the opposit is too far distant to be distinguished well, i shall not attempt to describe any thing on that side at present. our hunters and fowlers killed deer crain & ducks, and my man york killed geese and brant, of them white with a part of their wings black and much larger than the grey brant which is a sise larger than a duck. [clark, november , ] november th sunday a fair cool windey morning wind from the east. every tide which rises feet inches at this place, comes in with high swells which brake on the sand shore with great fury. i sent out men to kill deer & fowls this morning at half past oclock capt. lewis and his party returned haveing around passd. point disapointment and some distance on the main ocian to the n w. several indians followed him & soon after a canoe with wapto roots, & lickorish boiled, which they gave as presents, in return for which we gave more than the worth to satisfy,them a bad practice to receive a present of indians, as they are never satisfied in return. our hunters killed deer & th fowler ducks & q brant i surveyed a little on the corse & made some observns. the chief of the nation below us came up to see us the name of the nation is chin-nook and is noumerous live principally on fish roots a fiew elk and fowls. they are well armed with good fusees. i directed all the men who wished to see more of the ocean to get ready to set out with me on tomorrow day light. the following men expressed a wish to accompany me i'e seri. nat pryor serjt. j. ordway, jo. fields r. fields, jo. shannon, jo colter, william bratten, peter wiser, shabono & my servant york. all others being well contented with what part of the ocean & its curiosities which could be seen from the vicinity of our camp. [clark, november , ] november th sunday a fair cool morning wind from the east. the tide rises at this place feet inches and comes in with great waves brakeing on the sand beech on which we lay with great fury six hunters out this morning in serch of deer & fowl. at half past oclock capt lewis returned haveing travesed haleys bay to cape disapointment and the sea coast to the north for some distance. several chinnook indians followed (,apt l--and a canoe came up with roots mats &c. to sell. those chinnooks made us a present of a rute boiled much resembling the common liquorice in taste and size; in return for this root we gave more than double the value to satisfy their craveing dispostn. it is a bad practice to receive a present from those indians as they are never satisfied for what they reive in return if ten time the value of the articles they gave. this chin nook nation is about souls inhabid the countrey on the small rivrs which run into the bay below us and on the ponds to the n w of us, live principally on fish and roots, they are well armed with fusees and sometimes kill elk deer and fowl. our hunters killed to day deer, brant and ducks, and inform me they saw some elk sign. i directed all the men who wished to see more of the main ocian to prepare themselves to set out with me early on tomorrow morning. the principal chief of the chinnooks & his familey came up to see us this evening- [clark, november , ] novr. th monday a little cloudy this morning i set out at day light with men & my sevent, shabono, sergt. pryer odderway jos. & r. fields shannon colter, wiser, lebiech & york proceeded on down the shore from the st point at a run & island near the shore here the traders ancher & trade? we passed at each point a soft clifts of yellow, brown & dark soft stones here capt lewis myself & severl. of the men marked our names day of the month & by land &c. &c. from this s. w. miles to the iner pt. of cape disapointmt passed a point & small nitches (reuben fields killed a vulter) we found a curious fiat fish shaped like a turtle, with fins on each side, and a tale notched like a fish, the internals on one sid and tale & fins flat wise this fish flownder has a white on one side & lies flat to the ground--passed from last hitch across to the ocean / a mile low land the cape is a high partly bald hill, founded on rock, i assencled a high seperate bald hill covered with long corse grass & seperated from the hight of country by a slashey bottom miles s. w of the cape--thence to a d grassey pt is n. ° w. miles, those hills are founded on rocks & the waves brake with great fury against them, the coast is sholey for several miles of this cape & for some distance off to the n w a sand bar in the mouth. sholey some distance out from the mouth the coast from the cape n w is open for a short distance back then it becomes thick piney countrey intersperced with ponds point addams is s ° w about miles the course on that side bears s w. i cannot assertain the prosise course of the deep water in the mouth of the river, the channel is but narrow. i proceeded on up above the d point and encamped on the shore above the high tide, evening clear, for a short time. supd. on brant and pounded fish men all chearfull, express a desire to winter near the falls this winter. [clark, november , ] november h monday a little cloudy this morning i set out with to men and my man york to the ocian by land. i. e. seijt. ordway & pryor, jos. & ru. fields, go. shannon, w. brattin,_j. colter, p. wiser, w. labieche & p. shabono one of our interpreters & york. i set out at day light and proceeded on a sandy beech from cape disapointment to a high point of a mountn. which we shall call clarke's point of view beares s. ° w. about miles, point adams is verry low and is situated within the direction between those two high points of land, the water appears verry shole from off the mouth of the river for a great distance, and i cannot assertain the direction of the deepest chanel, the indians point nearest the opposit side. the waves appear to brake with tremendious force in every direction quite across a large sand bar lies within the mouth nearest to point adams which is nearly covered at high tide. i suped on brant this evening with a little pounded fish. some rain in the after part of the night. men appear much satisfied with their trip beholding with estonishment the high waves dashing against the rocks & this emence ocian [clark, november , ] november th tuesday began to rain a little before day and continued raining untill oclock i proceeded on thro emencely bad thickets & hills crossing points to a rd on which we built a fire and cooked a deer which jos. field killd. from this point i can see into a deep bend in the coast to the n. e. for miles. after brackfast i proceeded on n. e. miles to comcement a large sand bar at a low part ponds a little off from the coast here the high rockey hills end and a low marshey countrey suckceed. i proceeded up the course n. ° w. miles & marked my name & the day of the month on a pine tree, the waters which wash this sand beach is tinged with a deep brown colour for some distance out. the course contd. is n. ° w. low coast and sand beech, saw a dead sturgen feet long on the sand, & the back bone of a whale, as i conceived raind i then returned to the cape & dined, some curious deer on this course darker large boded shorte legs pronged horns & the top of the tale black under part white as usial passed a nitch in the rocks below into which falls a stream, after dinner i set out on my return s. e. passed over a low ridge & thro a piney countrey vs miles to the bay, thence up the bay to the mouth of the chen-nook river crossed in the canoe we had left there & encamped on the upper side the hills in the point of this bay are not high, & imedeately below this river the present yellow bluffs above the river and up for about miles the land is low slashey and contains much drift wood, the countrey up this creek is low with copse of high land or as i may say elevated. the buzzard which ruben fields killed diameter of one feather is-- / & line from the tip of one to the tip of the other wing is feet inches, from the point of the bill to the tale is feet / ins. middle toe / inches, toe nale inches wing feather feet / in. tale feathers / in. head is / inch long including the beek [clark, november , ] november th tuesday a cloudy rainey day proceeded up the coast which runs from my camp / miles west of the iner extry of the cape n. ° w. miles through a rugged hilley countrey thickly off the sea coast to the comencment of an extencive sand beech which runs n. ° w. to point lewis about miles distance. i proceeded up this coast miles and marked my name on a low pine. and returned miles back (the countrey opsd. this sand coast is low and slashey,) crossed the point miles to the bay and encamped on chinnook river--see another book for perticulars [clark, november , ] tuesday november the th i arose early this morning from under a wet blanket caused by a shower of rain which fell in the latter part of the last night and sent two men on a head with directions to proceed on near the sea coast and kill something for brackfast and that i should follow my self in about half an hour. after drying our blankets a little i set out with a view to proceed near the coast the direction of which induced me to conclude that at the distance of or miles, the bay was at no great distance across. i overtook the hunters at about miles, they had killed a small deer on which we brackfast it comened raining and continud moderately untill oclock a m. after takeing a sumptious brackfast of venison which was rosted on stiks exposed to the fire, i proceeded on through ruged country of high hills and steep hollers on a course from the cape n ° w. miles on a direct line to the commencement of a sandy coast which extended n. ° w. from the top of the hill above the sand shore to a point of high land distant near miles. this point i have taken the liberty of calling after my particular friend lewis--at the commencement of this sand beech the high lands leave the sea coast in a direction to chinnook river, and does not touch the sea coast again below point lewis leaveing a low pondey countrey, maney places open with small ponds in which there is great numbr. of fowl i am informed that the chinnook nation inhabit this low countrey and live in large wood houses on a river which passes through this bottom parrilal to the sea coast and falls into the bay i proceeded on the sandy coast miles, and marked my name on a small pine, the day of the month & year, &c. and returned to the foot of the hill, from which place i intended to strike across to the bay, i saw a sturgeon which had been thrown on shore and left by the tide feet in length, and several joints of the back bone of a whale which must have foundered on this part of the coast. after dineing on the remains of our small deer i proceeded through over a land s e with some ponds to the bay distance about miles, thence up to the mouth of chinnook river miles, crossed this little river in the canoe we left at its mouth and encamped on the upper side in an open sandy bottom--the hills next to the bay cape disapointment to a short distance up the chinnook river is not verry high thickly coverd. with different species of pine &c. maney of which are large, i observed in maney places pine of or feet through growing on the bodies of large trees which had fallen down, and covered with moss and yet part sound. the deer of this coast differ materially from our common deer in a much as they are much darker deeper bodied shorter ledged horns equally branched from the beem the top of the tail black from the rute to the end eyes larger and do not lope but jump-. [clark, november , ] novr. wednesday some rain last night despatchd. men to hunt jo. fields & cotter to hunt elk & labich to kill some brant for our brackfast the morning cleared up fare and we proceeded on by the same rout we went out, at the river we found no indians. made a raft & ruben fields crossed and took over a small canoe which lay at the indian cabin--this creek is at this time of high tide yards wide & the marshes for some distance up the creek covered with water. not an indian to be seen near the creek. i proceeded on to camp & on my way was over taken by indians one gave us sturgeon & wapto roots to eate i met several parties on way all of them appeared to know me & was distant, found all well at camp, maney indians about one of which had on a robe made of sea orter skins. capt lewis offered him many things for his skins with others a blanket, a coat all of which he refused we at length purchased it for a belt of blue beeds which the squar had- the tide being out we walked home on the beech [clark, november , ] wednesday november the th some rain last night dispatched labiech to kill some fowl for our brackfast he returned in about hours with large ducks on which we brackfast i proceeded on to the enterance of a creek near a cabin no person being at this cabin and canoes laying on the opposit shore from us, i deturmined to have a raft made and send a man over for a canoe, a small raft was soon made, and reuben fields crossed and brought over a canoe--this creek which is the outlet of a number of ponds, is at this time (high tide) yds wide--i proceeded on up the beech and was overtaken by three indians one of them gave me some dried sturgeon and a fiew wappato roots, i employd those indians to take up one of our canoes which had been left by the first party that came down, for which service i gave them each a fishing hook of a large size--on my way up i met several parties of chinnooks which i had not before seen they were on their return from our camp. all those people appeard to know my deturmonation of keeping every individual of their nation at a proper distance, as they were guarded and resurved in my presence &c. found maney of the chin nooks with capt. lewis of whome there was cheifs com com mo ly & chil-lar-la-wil to whome we gave medals and to one a flag. one of the indians had on a roab made of sea otter skins the fur of them were more butifull than any fur i had ever seen both capt. lewis & my self endeavored to purchase the roab with different articles at length we precured it for a belt of blue beeds which the squar-wife of our interpreter shabono wore around her waste. in my absence the hunters had killed several deer and fowl of different kinds [clark, november , ] november st thursday a cloudy morning most of the indians left us, the nation on the opposit side is small & called clap-soil, their great chief name stil-la-sha the nation liveing to the north is called chieltz. the chief is name malaugh not large nation and wore his beards as informed by the inds. in my absence the hunters kild. deer, brants & a crane. great numbers of the dark brant passing southerley, the white yet stationary, no gees & swan to be seen. the wind blew hard from the s. e. which with the addition of the flood tide raised emence swells & waves which almost entered our encampment morng. dark & disagreeable, a supriseing climent. we have not had one cold day since we passed below the last falls or great shute & some time before the climent is temperate, and the only change we have experienced is from fair weather to rainey windey weather--i made a chief & gave a medel this man is name tow-wall and appears to have some influence with the nation and tells me he lives at the great shute-we gave the squar a coate of blue cloth for the belt of blue beeds we gave for the sea otter skins purchased of an indian. at oclock it began to rain, and continued moderately all day, some wind from the s. e., waves too high for us to proceed on our homeward bound journey. lattitude of this place is ° ' / " north several indians and squars came this evening i beleave for the purpose of gratifying the passions of our men, those people appear to view sensuality as a necessary evile, and do not appear to abhore this as crime in the unmarried females. the young women sport openly with our men, and appear to receive the approbation of their friends & relations for so doing maney of the women are handsom. they are all low both men and women, i saw the name of j. bowmon marked or picked on a young squars left arm. the women of this nation pick their legs in different figures as an orpiment. they were their hair loose, some trinkets in their ears, none in the nose as those above, their dress is as follows, i,e the men, were a roabe of either the skins of ____ a small fured animal, & which is most common, or the skins of the sea orter, loon, swan, beaver, deer, elk, or blankets either red, blu, or white, which roabes cover the sholders arms & body, all other parts are nakd. the women were a short peticoat of the iner bark of the white ceder or arber vita, which hang down loose in strings nearly as low as the knee, with a short robe which fall half way down the thigh. no other part is covered. the orniments are beeds, blue principally, large brass wire around their rists som rings, and maney men have salors clothes, many have good fusees & ball & powder--the women ware a string of something curious tied tight above the anckle, all have large swelled legs & thighs the men small legs & thighs and generally badly made--they live on elk deer fowls, but principally fish and roots of kinds, lickorish, wapto &c. the women have more privalages than is common amongst indians--pocks & venerial is common amongst them i saw one man & one woman who appeared to be all in scabs, & several men with the venereal, their other disorders and the remides for them i could not lern we divided some ribin between the men of our party to bestow on their favourite lasses, this plan to save the knives & more valueable articles. those people gave me sturgion salmon & wapto roots, & we bought roots, some mats &c. &c. for which we were obliged to give emence prices--we also purchased a kind of cranberry which the indians say the geather in the low lands, off of small either vines or bushes just abov the ground--we also purchased hats made of grass &c. of those indians, some very handsom mats made of flags-some fiew curious baskets made of a strong weed & willow or ____ splits-, also a sweet soft black root, about th sise & shape of a carrot, this root they value verry highly- the wapto root is scerce, and highly valued by those people, this root they roste in hot ashes like a potato and the outer skin peals off, tho this is a trouble they seldom perform. [clark, november , ] thursday november st a cloudy morning most of the chinnooks leave our camp and return home, great numbers of the dark brant passing to the south, the white brant have not yet commenced their flight. the wind blew hard from the s. e. which with the addition of the flood tide raised verry high waves which broke with great violence against the shore throwing water into our camp--the fore part of this day cloudy at oclock it began to rain and continud all day moderately, several indians visit us to day of differant nations or bands some of the chiltz nation who reside on the sea coast near point lewis, several of the clotsops who reside on the opposit side of the columbia imediately opposit to us, and a chief from the grand rapid to whome we gave a medal. an old woman & wife to a cheif of the chinnooks came and made a camp near ours she brought with her young squars i believe for the purpose of gratifying the passions of the men of our party and receving for those indulgiences such small as she (the old woman) thought proper to accept of, those people appear to view sensuality as a necessary evel, and do not appear to abhor it as a crime in the unmarried state--the young females are fond of the attention of our men and appear to meet the sincere approbation of their friends and connections, for thus obtaining their favours; the womin of the chinnook nation have handsom faces low and badly made with large legs & thighs which are generally swelled from a stopage of the circulation in the feet (which are small) by maney strands of beeds or curious strings which are drawn tight around the leg above the anckle, their legs are also picked with different figures, i saw on the left arm of a squar the following letters,. bowmon, all those are considered by the natives of this quarter as handsom deckerations, and a woman without those deckorations is considered as among the lower class they ware their hair lose hanging over their back and sholders maney have blue beeds threaded & hung from different parts of their ears and about ther neck and around their wrists, their dress other wise is prosisely like that of the nation of wa ci a cum as already discribed. a short roab, and tissue or kind of peticoat of the bark of cedar which fall down in strings as low as the knee behind and not so low before maney of the men have blankets of red blue or spotted cloth or the common three & / point blankets, and salors old clothes which they appear to prise highly, they also have robes of sea otter, beaver, elk, deer, fox and cat common to this countrey, which i have never seen in the u states. they also precure a roabe from the nativs above, which is made of the skins of a small animal about the size of a cat, which is light and dureable and highly prized by those people--the greater numbers of the men of the chinnooks have guns and powder and ball--the men are low homely and badly made, small crooked legs large feet, and all of both sects have flattened heads--the food of this nation is principally fish & roots the fish they precure from the river by the means of nets and gigs, and the salmon which run up the small branches together with what they collect drifted up on the shores of the sea coast near to where they live the roots which they use are several different kinds, the wappato which they precure from the nativs above, a black root which they call shaw-na tah que & the wild licquorish is the most common, they also kill a fiew elk deer & fowl--maney of the chinnooks appear to have venerious and pustelus disorders. one woman whome i saw at the beech appeared all over in scabs and ulsers &c. we gave to the men each a pece of ribin we purchased cramberies mats verry netely made of flags and rushes, some roots, salmon and i purchased a hat made of splits & strong grass, which is made in the fashion which was common in the u states two years ago also small baskets to hold water made of split and straw, for those articles we gave high prices-. [clark, november , ] novr. nd friday some little rain all the last night with wind, before day the wind increased to a storm from the s. s. e. and blew with violence throwing the water of the river with emence waves out of its banks almost over whelming us in water, o! how horriable is the day--this storm continued all day with equal violence accompanied with rain, several indians about us, nothing killed the waves & brakers flew over our camp, one canoe split by the tossing of those waves--we are all confined to our camp and wet. purchased some wapto roots for which was given, brass armbans & rings of which the squars were fond. we find the indians easy ruled and kept in order by a stricter indifference towards them [clark, november , ] friday november nd a moderate rain all the last night with wind, a little before day light the wind which was from the s s. e. blew with such violence that we wer almost overwhelmned with water blown from the river, this storm did not sease at day but blew with nearly equal violence throughout the whole day accompaned with rain. o! how horriable is the day waves brakeing with great violence against the shore throwing the water into our camp &c. all wet and confind to our shelters, several indian men and women crouding about the mens shelters to day, we purchased a fiew wappato roots for which we gave armbans, & rings to the old squar, those roots are equal to the irish potato, and is a tolerable substitute for bread the threat which i made to the men of this nation whome i first saw, and an indifference towards them, is i am fulley convinced the cause of their conducting themselves with great propriety towards ourselves & party. [clark, november , ] november rd saturday the cloudy and calm, a moderate rain the greater part of the last night, sent out men to hunt this morning and they killed bucks, rained at intervales all day. i marked my name the day of the month & year on a beech trees & (by land) capt lewis branded his and the men all marked their nams on trees about the camp. one indian came up from their village on some lakes near haleys bay. in the evening indians of the clatt sopp nation, opposit came over, they brought with them sea orter skins, for which the asked such high prices we were uneabled to purchase, without reduceing our small stock of merchindize on which we have to depend in part for a subsistance on our return home, kiled brant & ducks to day [clark, november , ] saturday november rd . a calm cloudy morning, a moderate rain the greater part of the last night, capt lewis branded a tree with his name date &c. i marked my name the day & year on a alder tree, the party all cut the first letters of their names on different trees in the bottom. our hunters killed bucks, brant & ducks to day. in the evening seven indians of the clot sop nation came over in a canoe, they brought with them sea otter skins for which they asked blue beads &c. and such high pricies that we were unable to purchase them without reducing our small stock of merchendize, on which we depended for subcistance on our return up this river--mearly to try the indian who had one of those skins, i offered him my watch, handkerchief a bunch of red beads and a dollar of the american coin, all of which he refused and demanded "ti-a, co-mo-shack" which is chief beads and the most common blue beads, but fiew of which we have at this time this nation is the remains of a large nation destroyed by the small pox or some other which those people were not acquainted with, they speak the same language of the chinnooks and resemble them in every respect except that of stealing, which we have not cought them at as yet. [clark, november , ] november th sunday several of the chenn nook n. came, one of them brought an sea orter skin for which we gave some blue beeds--this day proved to be fair and we dried our wet articles bedding &c. the hunters killed only brant no deer or any thing else the old chief of chinn-nook nation and several men & women came to our camp this evening & smoked the pipe serjt j. ordway cross & examine s serjt. n. pryor do do s sgt. p. gass do do s jo. shields proceed to sandy r go. shannon examn. cross falls t. p. howard do do falls p. wiser do do s. r j. collins do do s. r jo fields do do up al. willard do do up r willard do do up j. potts do do falls r. frasure do do up wm. bratten do do up r. fields do do falls j. b. thompson do do up j. colter do do up h. hall do do s. r. labeech do do s r peter crusatte do do s r j. b. depage do do up shabono --- - s. guterich do do falls w. werner do do up go. gibson do do up jos. whitehouse do do up geo drewyer examn other side falls mcneal do do up york " " lookout falls sandy river lookout up janey in favour of a place where there is plenty of potas. cp l proceed on to morrow & examine the other side if good hunting to winter there, as salt is an objt. if not to proceed on to sandy it is probable that a vestle will come in this winter, & that by proceeding on at any distance would not inhance our journey in passing the rockey mountains, &c. w c. in favour of proceding on without delay to the opposit shore & there examine, and find out both the disposition of the indians, & probibilaty of precureing subsistance, and also enquire if the tradeing vestles will arrive before the time we should depart in the spring, and if the traders, comonly arive in a seasonable time, and we can subsist without a depends. on our stores of goods, to continue as the climent would be more favourable on the sea coast for our naked men than higher up the countrey where the climate must be more severe--the advantage of the arival of a vestle from whome we can precure goods will be more than an over ballance, for the bad liveing we shall have in liveing on pore deer & elk we may get in this neighbourhood. if we cannot subsist on the above terms to proceed on, and make station camps, to neighbourhood of the frendly village near the long narrows & delay untill we can proceed up the river. salt water i view as an evil in as much as it is not helthy--i am also of opinion that one two or three weeks exemination on the opposide if the propects are any wise favourable, would not be too long variation of the compass is ° east [clark, november , ] sunday november th . a fair morning sent out hunters, and we proceeded to make the following observations a chief and several men of the chin nook nation came to smoke with us this evening one of the men brought a small sea otter skin for which we gave some blue beads--this day proved fair which gave us an oppertunity of drying our wet articles, bedding &c. &c. nothing killed to day except one brant. the variation of the compass is ° east. being now determined to go into winter quarters as soon as possible, as a convenient situation to precure the wild animals of the forest which must be our dependance for subsisting this winter, we have every reason to believe that the nativs have not provisions suffient for our consumption, and if they had, their price's are so high that it would take ten times as much to purchase their roots & dried fish as we have in our possesion, encluding our small remains of merchindz and clothes &c. this certinly enduces every individual of the party to make diligient enquiries of the nativs the part of the countrey in which the wild animals are most plenty. they generaly agree that the most elk is on the opposit shore, and that the greatest numbers of deer is up the river at some distance above the elk being an animal much larger than deer, easier to kiled better meat (in the winter when pore) and skins better for the clothes of our party; added to-, a convenient situation to the sea coast where we could make salt, and a probibility of vessels comeing into the mouth of columbia ("which the indians inform us would return to trade with them in months") from whome we might precure a fresh supply of indian trinkets to purchase provisions on our return home; together with the solicitations of every individual, except one of our party induced us conclude to cross the river and examine the opposit side, and if a sufficent quantity of elk could probebly be precured to fix on a situation as convenient to the elk & sea coast as we could find--added to the above advantagies in being near the sea coast one most strikeing one occurs to me i e, the climate which must be from every appearance much milder than that above the st range of mountains, the indians are slightly clothed and give an account of but little snow, and the weather which we have experiened since we arrived in the neighbourhood of the sea coast has been verry warm, and maney of the fiew days past disagreeably so. if this should be the case it will most certainly be the best situation of our naked party dressed as they are altogether in leather. [clark, november , ] november th munday a fine day several indians come up from below, we loaded and set out up the river, and proceeded on to the shallow bay, landed to dine, the swells too high to cross the river, agreeabley to our wish which is to examine if game can be precured sufficent for us to winter on that side, after dinner which was on drid pounded fish we proceeded on up on the north side to near the place of our encampment of the th instant and encamped after night the evening cloudy wind of to day generally from the e s. e, saw from near of last campment mount ranier bearing ____ [clark, november , ] monday th november the wind being high rendered it impossible for us to cross the river from our camp, we deturmind to proceed on up where it was narrow, we set out early accompanied by chit sops for a fiew miles, they left us and crossed the river through emence high waves; we dined in the shallow bay on dried pounded fish, after which we proceeded on near the north side of the columbia, and encamp a little after night near our encampment of the th instant near a rock at some distance in the river. evening cloudy the winds of to day is generally e. s. e which was a verry favourable point for us as the highlands kept it from us mt. st. hilians can be seen from the mouth of this river. [clark, november , ] november th tuesday cloudy and some rain this morning at daylight wind blew from the e n. e, we set out and proceeded on up on the north side of this great river to a rock in the river from thence we crossed to the lower point of an ____ island passed between islands to the main shore, and proceeded down the south side, passed inlets & halted below the d at a indian village of large houses--those indians live on an emenence behind a island or a channel of the river not more than yds wide, they live on fish & elk and wapto roots, of which we bought a few at a high price they call them selves cat-tar-bets description we proceeded on about miles and encamped in a deep bend to the south, we had not been encamped long ere indians came in a canoe to trade the wapto roots--we had rain all the day all wet and disagreeable a bad place to camp all around this great bend is high land thickly timbered brushey & almost impossible to penetrate we saw on an island below the village a place of deposit for the dead in canoes great numbers of swan geese brant ducks & gulls in this great bend which is crouded with low islands covered with weeds grass &c. and overflowed every flood tide the people of the last village is-____ they ask emence prices for what they have to sel blue beeds is their great trade they are fond of clothes or blankits of blue red or brown we are now decending to see if a favourable place should offer on the so side to winter &c. from a high point opsd. a high isd down the south side is s. ° w mis to a point of low land opsd. upr. pt of isd. passed lowr. pt. st isd. marshey. at the upr. pt. of low isd. opsd. each other at miles [clark, november , ] tuesday th november cloudy and some rain this morning from oclock. wind from the e. n. e, we set out out early and crossed a short distance above the rock out in the river, & between some low marshey islands to the south side of the columbia at a low bottom about miles below point samuel and proceeded near the south side leaveing the seal islands to our right and a marshey bottom to the left miles to the calt-har-mar village of large wood houses on a handsom elivated situation near the foot of a spur of the high land behind a large low island seperated from the southerly shore by a chanel of about yards wide, this nation appear to differ verry little either in language, customs dress or appearance from the chin nooks & war-ci a cum live principally on fish and pappato they have also other roots, and some elk meat. we purchased some green fish, & wap pa to for which we gave imoderate pricie's. after dining on the fresh fish which we purchased, we proceeded on through a deep bend to the south and encamped under a high hill, where we found much difficuelty in precureing wood to burn, as it was raining hard, as it had been the greater part of the day. soon after we encamped indians of the last town came in a canoe with wappato roots to sell to us some of which we purchased with fish hooksfrom the village quite around this bend to the west the land is high and thickly timbered with pine balsom &c. a short distance below the calt har mer village on the island which is opposit i observed several canoes scaffold in which contained their dead, as i did not examine this mode of deposing the dead, must refer it to a discription hereafter. [clark, november , ] november th wednesday some rain all the last night & this morning at day light canoes and men came down with roots meat, skins &c. to sill, they asked such high prices we were unable to purchase any thing, and as we were about setting out, discovered that one of those indians had stole an ax, we serched and found it under the roabe of one man whome we shamed verry much we proceeded on, around point william th swells became high and rained so hard we concluded to halt and dry our selves, soon after our landing the wind rose from the east and blew hard accompanied with rain, this rain obliged us to unload & draw up our canoes, one of which was split to feet before we got her out of the river, this place the peninsoley is about yards and miles around this point of land. water salt below not salt above. [clark, november , ] wednesday th november rained all the last night and this morning it continues moderatelyat day light canoes and indians came from the village with roots mats, skins &c. to sell, they asked such high prices that we were unable to purchase any thing of them, as we were about to set out missed one of our axes which was found under an indians roab i shamed this fellow verry much and told them they should not proceed with us- we proceded on between maney small islands passing a small river of ____ yds wide which the indians call ____ and around a verry remarkable point which projects about / miles directly towards the shallow bay the isthmus which joins it to the main land is not exceding yards and about miles around. we call this point william below this point the waves became so high we were compelled to land unload and traw up the canoes, here we formed a camp on the neck of land which joins point william to the main at an old indian hut. the rain continued hard all day we are all wet and disagreeable. one canoe split before we got her out of the water feet--the water at our camp salt that above the isthmus fresh and fine [clark, november , ] november th thursday wind shifted about to the s. w. and blew hard accompanied with hard rain all last night, we are all wet bedding and stores, haveing nothing to keep our selves or stores dry, our lodge nearly worn out, and the pieces of sales & tents so full of holes & rotten that they will not keep any thing dry, we sent out the most of the men to drive the point for deer, they scattered through the point; some stood on the pensolu, we could find no deer, several hunters attempted to penetrate the thick woods to the main south side without suckcess, the swan & gees wild and cannot be approached, and wind to high to go either back or forward, and we have nothing to eate but a little pounded fish which we purchasd. at the great falls, this is our present situation,! truly disagreeable. aded to this the robes of our selves and men are all rotten from being continually wet, and we cannot precure others, or blankets in their places. about oclock the wind shifted about to the n. w and blew with great violence for the remainder of the day at maney times it blew for or minits with such violence that i expected every moment to see trees taken up by the roots, some were blown down. those squals were suckceeded by rain,! o how tremendious is the day. this dredfull wind and rain continued with intervales of fair weather, the greater part of the evening and night. [clark, november , ] thursday th november wind shifted about to the s. w. and blew hard accompanied with hard rain. rained all the last night we are all wet our bedding and stores are also wet, we haveing nothing which is sufficient to keep ourselves bedding or stores dry several men in the point hunting deer without suckcess, the swan and brant which are abundant cannot be approached sufficently near to be killed, and the wind and waves too high to proceed on to the place we expect to find elk, & we have nothing to eate except pounded fish which we brought from the great falls, this is our present situation; truly disagreeable. about oclock the wind shifted around to the n w. and blew with such violence that i expected every moment to see trees taken up by the roots, maney were blown down. this wind and rain continued with short intervales all the latter part of the night. o! how disagreeable is our situation dureing this dreadfull weather. [lewis, november , ] november th . the wind being so high the party were unable to proceed with the perogues. i determined therefore to proceed down the river on it's e. side in surch of an eligible place for our winters residence and accordingly set out early this morning in the small canoe accompanyed by men. drewyer r. fields, shannon, colter & labiesh. proceeded along the coast. send out the hunters they killed deer brant a goos and seven ducks, it rained upon us by showers all day. left three of these deer and took with us one encamped at an old indian hunting lodge which afforded us a tolerable shelter from the rain, which continued by intervales throughout the night. [clark, november , ] november th friday blew hard and rained the greater part of the last night and this morning, capt lewis and men set out in our small indian canoe (which is made in the indian fashion calculated ride the waves) down the south side of the river to the place the indians informed us by signs that numbers of elk were to be found near the river--the swells and waves being too high for us to proceed down in our large canoes, in safty i sent out two hunters to hunt deer, & one to hunt fowl, all the others employed in drying their leather and prepareing it for use, as but fiew of them have many other clothes to boste of at this time, we are smoked verry much in this camp the shore on the side next the sea is covered with butifull pebble of various colours--our diat at this time and for severall days past is the dried pounded fish we purchased at the falls boiled in a little salt water [clark, november , ] friday th of november the wind and rain continued all the last night, this morning much more moderate. the waves still high and rain continues. capt lewis and hunters set out in our indian canoe (which is calculated to ride wave) dow to the place we expected to find elk from the inds. information, they pointed to a small bay which is yet below us--i sent out men to hunt deer which i expected might be on the open hill sides below, another to hunt fowl in the deep bend above the point, all the others engaged drying their leather before the fire, and prepareing it for usethey haveing but fiew other species of clothing to ware at this time the winds are from such points that we cannot form our camp so as to provent the smoke which is emencely disagreeable, and painfull to the eyes--the shore below the point at our camp is formed of butifull pebble of various colours. i observe but fiew birds of the small kind, great numbers of wild fowls of various kinds, the large buzzard with white wings, grey and bald eagle's, large red tailed hawks, ravens & crows in abundance, the blue magpie, a small brown bird which frequents logs & about the roots of trees--snakes, lizards, small bugs, worms, spiders, flyes & insects of different kinds are to be seen in abundance at this time. [lewis, november , ] november th . cloudy morning set out before sun rise and continued our rout up the bey sent out three men to examin the country to the s. & w. they returned after about hours and informed me that the wood was so thick and obstructed by marrasses & lakes that they were unable to proceed to the ocean which could not be at any considerable distance fom the apparent sound of the waves breaking on the coast. we now returned and asscended the inlet which we had last passd no fresh appearance of elk or deer in our rout so far. asscend the inlet as we intended about m. found it became much smaller and that it did not keep it's direction to the high land which boar s. w. but inclined west. therefore returned to the large arm of the bay which we passed this morning. here we expect to meet with the clat-sop indians, who have tantilized us with there being much game in their neighbourhood. this information in fact was the cause of my present resurch, for where there is most game is for us the most eliguble winter station.--continued our rout up the large arm of the bay about miles and encamped on the stard. side on the highland. the water was quite sweet. therefore concluded that it must be supplyed from a large crick. at our camp it is yds. wide, tho it gets narrower above. it rained but little on us today tho it was cloudy generally.--wind from n. e.--saw a great abundance of fowls, brant, large geese, white brant sandhill cranes, common blue crains, cormarants, haulks, ravens, crows, gulls and a great variety of ducks, the canvas back, duckinmallard, black and white diver, brown duck--&c &c [clark, november , ] november th saturday some rain and hail with intervales of fair weather for and hours dureing the night and untill oclock this morning at which time it cleared up fair and the sun shown, i send men in a canoe in the deep bend above the peninsulear to hunt fowles, & men in the thick woods to hunt elk had all our wet articles dried & the men all employed dressing their skins, i observe but few birds in this countrey of the small kindsgreat numbers of wild fowl, the large buzzard with white under their wings grey & bald eagle large red tailed hawk, ravins, crows, & a small brown bird which is found about logs &c. but fiew small hawks or other smaller birds to be seen at this time snakes, lizzards, snales bugs worms spiders, flies & insects of different kinds are to be seen in plenty at this time. the squar, gave me a piece of bread to day made of some flower she had cearfully kept for her child, and had unfortunately got wet the hunters killed only hawks, saw elk but could not git a shot at them, the fowlers, killed black ducks, with white sharp bills, a brown spot in their foward, some white under the tail, which short, and a fiew of the tips of the wing feathers white, their toes are long seperated and flaped, no craw, keep in emence large flocks in the shallow waters & feed on grass &c.- several men complaining of being unwell to day--a broock comes in to the bend above the st point above, and a river falls in the next nitch above this river is small,--i observe rose bushes pine, a kind of ash a species of beech and a species of maple, in addition to the pine lorrel and under groth common to the woods in this lower countrey the hills are not high & slope to the river [clark, november , ] saturday th of november some rain and hail with intervales of fair weather for the space of one or two hours at a time dureing the night untill oclock this morning, at which time it cleared away and the sun shewn for ____ hours, several men out hunting i send men in the bend above to hunt fowl &c. in a canoe, employ all the others in drying our wet articles by the fire several men complain of a looseness and gripeing which i contribute to the diet, pounded fish mixed with salt water, i derect that in future that the party mix the pounded fish with fresh water--the squar gave me a piece of bread made of flour which she had reserved for her child and carefully kept untill this time, which has unfortunately got wet, and a little sour--this bread i eate with great satisfaction, it being the only mouthfull i had tasted for several months past. my hunters killed three hawks, which we found fat and delicious, they saw elk but could not get a shot at them. the fowlers killed black ducks with sharp white beeks keep in large flocks & feed on grass, they have no craw and their toes are seperate, common in the u. states the chinnooks cath ldh mah & others in this neighbourhood bury their dead in their canoes. for this purpose pieces of split timber are set erect on end, and sunk a fiew feet in the ground, each brace having their flat sides opposit to each other and sufficiently far assunder to admit the width of the canoe in which the dead are to be deposited; through each of those perpindicular posts, at the hight of feet a mortice is cut, through which two bars of wood are incerted; on those cross bars a small canoe is placed, in which the body is laid after beaing carefully roled in a robe of some dressed skins; a paddle is also deposited with them; a larger canoe is now reversed, overlaying and imbracing the small one, and resting with its gunnals on the cross bars; one or more large mats of flags or rushes are then rold. around the canoe and the whole securely lashed with a long cord usially made of the bark of the arbar vita or white cedar. on the cross bars which support the canoes is frequently hung or laid various articles of clothing culinary utensils &c. we cannot understand them sufficiently to make any enquiries relitive to their religious opinions, from their depositing various articles with their dead, beleve in a state of future ixistance. i walked on the point and observed rose bushes different species of pine, a spcies of ash, alder, a species of wild crab loral and several species of under broth common to this lower part of the columbia river- the hills on this coast rise high and are thickly covered with lofty pine maney of which are & feet through and more than feet high. hills have a steep assent. [lewis, december , ] december st cloudy morning wind from the s. e. sent out the men to hunt and examin the country, they soon returned all except drewyer and informed me that the wood was so thick it was almost impenetrable and that there was but little appearance of game; they had seen the track of one deer only and a few small grey squirrels. these suirrels are about the size of the red squirrel of the lakes and eastern atlantic states, their bellies are of a redish yellow, or tanners ooze colour the tale flat and as long as the body eyes black and moderately large back and sides of a greyish brown the brier with a brown bark and three laves which put forth at the extremety of the twigs like the leaves of the blackbury brier, tho is a kind of shrub and rises sometimes to the hight of feet the green brier yet in leaf; the ash with a remarkable large leaf; the large black alder. the large elder with skey blue buries. the broad leave shrub which grows something like the quill wood but has no joints, the leaf broad and deeply indented the bark peals hangs on the stem and is of a yelowish brown colour. the seven bark is also found here as is the common low cramburry-there is a wild crab apple which the natives eat this growth differs but little in appearance from that of the wild crab of the atlantic states. but the fruit consists of little oval hurries which grow in clusters at the extremities of the twigs like the black haws. the fruit is of a brown colour, oval form and about double as large as the black haw; the rind is smoth and tough somewhat hard; the seed is like that of the wild crab and nearly as large; the pulp is soft of a pale yellow coulour; and when the fruit has been touched by the frost is not unpleasant, being an agreeable assed. the tree which bears a red burry in clusters of a round form and size of a red haw. the leaf like that of the small magnolia, and brark smoth and of a brickdust red coulour it appears to be of the evergreen kind.--half after one oclock drewyer not yet arrived. heard him shoot times just above us and am in hopes he has fallen in with a gang of elk. [clark, december , ] december st sunday cloudy windey morning wind from the east, sent out hunters in the woods, i intended to take men in a canoe and hunt the marshey islands above, found the wind too high & returned to partake of the dried fish, the day some what cooler than usial, but scercely perceveable. began to rain at sun set and continued half the night. my hunters returned without any thing saw gang of elk a disagreeable situation, men all employed in mending their leather clothes, socks &c. and dressing some leather. the sea which is imedeately in front roars like a repeeted roling thunder and have rored in that way ever since our arrival in its borders which is now days since we arrived in sight of the great western ocian, i cant say pasific as since i have seen it, it has been the reverse. elegant canoes [clark, december , ] sunday december st a cloudy windey morning wind from the east, dispatched two hunters, i deturmined to take a canoe & a fiew men and hunt the marshey islands above point william, the wind rose so high that i could not proceed, and returned to partake the dried fish, which is our standing friend, began to rain hard at sun set and continud. my hunters returned without any thing haveing seen parcels of elk men all employed to day in mending their leather clothes, shoes &c. and dressing leather. the emence seas and waves which breake on the rocks & coasts to the s w. & n w roars like an emence fall at a distance, and this roaring has continued ever since our arrival in the neighbourhood of the sea coast which has been days since we arrived in sight of the great western; (for i cannot say pacific) ocian as i have not seen one pacific day since my arrival in its vicinity, and its waters are forming and petially perpetually breake with emenc waves on the sands and rockey coasts, tempestous and horiable. i have no account of capt. lewis since he left me. [clark, december , ] december nd monday cloudy and some little rain this morning i despatched men to hunt and and my servent in a canoe to a creek above to try & catch some fish- i am verry unwell the drid fish which is my only diet does not agree with me and several of the men complain of a lax, and weakness--i expect capt. lewis will return to day with the hunters and let us know if elk or deer can be found sufficent for us to winter on, if he does not come i shall move from this place, to one of better prospects for game &c. joseph fields came home with the marrow bones of an elk which he had killed miles distant, i sent out men in a canoe for the meat, the evening being late they did not return this night, which proved fair moon shineing night--this is the first elk we have killed on this side the rockey mounts a great deal of elk sign in the neighbourhood [clark, december , ] monday nd december cloudy with some rain this morning i send out three men to hunt & & my man york in a canoe up the ke-ke-mar-que creek in serch of fish and fowl--i feel verry unwell, and have entirely lost my appetite for the dried pounded fish which is in fact the cause of my disorder at present--the men are generally complaining of a lax and gripeing--in the evening joseph field came in with the marrow bones of a elk which he killed at miles distant, this welcome news to us. i dispatched six men in a empty canoe with jo. mediately for the elk which he said was about miles from the water this is the first elk which has been killd. on this side of the rockey mountains--jo fields givs me an account of a great deel of elk sign & says he saw gangs of those animals in his rout, but it rained so hard that he could not shoot them--the party up the creek returned without any thing and informs me they could not see any fish in the creek to kill and the fowls were too wild to be killed, this must [clark, december , ] december rd tuesday a fair windey morning wind from the east, the men sent after an elk yesterday returnd. with an elk which revived the sperits of my men verry much, i am unwell and cannot eate, the flesh o! how disagreeable my situation, a plenty of meat and incaple of eateing any--an indian canoe came down with indians in it from the upper village, i gave a fish hook for a fiew wap-e-to roots, which i eate in a little elk supe, the indians proceeded on down. wind confines to blow, and serjt. pryor & gibson who went to hunt yesterday has not returnd. as yet i marked my name & the day of the month and year on a large pine tree on this peninsella & by land capt william clark december rd . by land. u states in & "--the squar broke the two shank bones of the elk after the marrow was taken out, boiled them & extracted a pint of greese or tallow from them--serjt. pryor & gibson returned after night and informed me they had been lost the greater part of the time they were out, and had killed elk which they left lying haveing taken out their interals. some rain this afternoon [clark, december , ] tuesday d december a fair windey morning wind from the east the men returned with the elk which revived the spirits of my party verry much i am still unwell and can't eate even the flesh of the elk. an indian canoe of indians came too, those inds. are on their way down to the chit sops with wap pa to to barter with that nation, i purchasd. a fiew of those roots for which i gave small fish hooks, those roots i eate with a little elks soupe which i found gave me great relief i found the roots both nurishing and as a check to my disorder. the indians proceeded on down through emence high waves maney times their canoe was entirely out of sight before they were / a mile distance. serjt. pryor & gibson who went hunting yesterday has not returned untill after night, they informed me that they had killed elk at a great distance which they left lying, haveing taken out their interals that they had been lost and in their ramble saw a great deel of elk sign. after eateing the marrow out of two shank bones of an elk, the squar choped the bones fine boiled them and extracted a pint of grease, which is superior to the tallow of the animal. some rain this evening i marked my name on a large pine tree imediately on the isthmus william clark december rd . by land from the u. states in & . [clark, december , ] december th wednesday some little rain all the last night and this morning after day the rain increased and continued i despatched serjt. pryer & men to the elk which he had killed yesterday, with directions to save the meet and take loads to the river below in the next great bend--a spring tide which rose feet higher than common flud tides, and high water at oclock to day--wind from the s. e in the after noon hard wind from south--rained all day, moderately the swells too high for me to proceed down, as i intended, i feel my self something better and have an appetite to eate something [clark, december , ] wednesday th december some rain all the last night, this morning it increased with the wind from the s. e. i set out sergiant pryor and men to the elk he had killed with directions to carry the meat to a bay which he informed me was below and as he believed at no great distance from the elk, and i should proceed on to that bay as soon as the wind would lay a little and the tide went out in the evening--the smoke is exceedingly disagreeable and painfull to my eyes, my appetite has returned and i feel much better of my late complaint--a spring tide to day rose feet higher than common flood tides and high water at oclock--hard wind from the south this evening, rained moderately all day and the waves too high for me to proceed in safty to the bay as i intended, in some part of which i expected would be convenient for us to make winter quarters, the reports of seven huntes agreeing that elke were in great abundance about the bay below. no account of capt. lewis. i fear some accident has taken place in his craft or party [clark, december , ] december th thursday som hard showers of rain last night, this morn cloudy and drisley rain, in the bay above the showers appear harder. high water to day at oclock this tide is ins. higher than that of yesterday all our stores again wet by the hard showers of last night capt lewis's long delay below has been the cause of no little uneasiness on my part for him, a conjectures has crouded into my mind respecting his probable situation & safty---rained hard. capt lewis returned haveing found a good situation and elk suffient to winter on, his party killed elk & deer in their absence in serch of a situation and game rain continued all the after pt. of the day accompanied with hard wind from the s w. which provents our moveing from this camp. [clark, december , ] thursday th of december some hard showers of rain last night, this morning cloudy and drisley at some little distant above the isthmus the rain is much harder. high water to day at this tide is inches higher than that of yesterday. all our stores and bedding are again wet by the hard rain of last night. capt. lewis's long delay below, has been the sorce of no little uneasness on my part of his probable situation and safty, the repeeted rains and hard winds which blows from the s, w. renders it impossible for me to move with loaded canoes along an unknown coast we are all wet & disagreeable; the party much better of indispositions-. capt. lewis returned with men in the canoe and informs me that he thinks that a sufficient number of elk may be prcured convenient to a situation on a small river which falls into a small bay a short distance below, that his party had killed elk & deer in his rout, two men of his party left behind to secure the elk this was verry satisfactory information to all the party. we accordingly deturmined to proceed on to the situation which capt. lewis had viewed as soon as the wind and weather should permit and comence building huts &c. [clark, december , ] december th friday wind blew hard all the last night, and a moderate rain, the waves verry high, this morning the wind which is still from the s w increased and rained continued all day, at dusk wind shifted to the north and it cleared up and became fare, high water to day at oclock & inches higher than yesterday. we were obliged to move our camp out of the water on high grown all wet. [clark, december , ] friday th of december the wind blew hard all the last night with a moderate rain, the waves verry high, the wind increased & from the s. w. and the rain continued all day, about dark the wind shifted to the north cleared away and became fair weather. the high tide of today is inches higher than yesterday, and obliged us to move our camp which was in a low situation, on higher ground smoke exceedingly disagreeable. [clark, december , ] december th saturday some rain from to last night this morning fair, we set out at oclock down to the place capt lewis pitched on for winter quarters, when he was down proceeded on against the tide at the point no. we met our men sent down after meet to point adams is west to pt. disapointment n w they informed me that they found the elk after being lost in the woods for one day and part of another, the most of the meat was spoiled, they distance was so great and uncertain and the way bad, they brought only the skins, york was left behind by some accident which detained us some time eer he came up after passing round the pt. no. in verry high swells, we stopd & dined in the commencement of a bay, after which proceeded on around the bay to s e. & assended a creek miles to a high pt. & camped haveing passed arm makeing up to our left into the countrey mt. st. helens is the mountain we mistook for mt. reeaneer receved small brooks on the east, extencive marshes at this place of encampment we propose to build & pass the winter, the situation is in the center of as we conceve a hunting countrey--this day is fair except about oclock at which time some rain and a hard wind imedeately after we passed the point from the n. e which continued for a about hours and cleared up. no meat [clark, december , ] saturday th of december some rain from to last night, this morning fair, have every thing put on board the canoes and set out to the place capt lewis had viewed and thought well situated for winter quarters--we proceeded on against the tide to a point about ____ miles here we met sergt pryor and his party returning to the camp we had left without any meat, the waves verry verry high, as much as our canoes could bear rendered it impossible to land for the party, we proceeded on around the point into the bay and landed to take brackfast on deer which had been killed & hung up, one of which we found the other had been taken off by some wild animal probably panthors or the wildcat of this countrey here all the party of serjt pryors joined us except my man york, who had stoped to rite his load and missed his way, sergt pryor informed us that he had found the elk, which was much further from the bay than he expected, that they missed the way for one day and a half, & when he found the elk they were mostly spoiled, and they only brought the skins of of the elk after brackfast i delayed about half an hour before york came up, and then proceeded around this bay which i have taken the liberty of calling meriwethers bay the cristian name of capt. lewis who no doubt was the st white man who ever surveyed this bay, we assended a river which falls in on the south side of this bay miles to the first point of high land on the west side, the place capt. lewis had viewed and formed in a thick groth of pine about yards from the river, this situation is on a rise about feet higher than the high tides leavel and thickly covered with lofty pine. this is certainly the most eligable situation for our purposes of any in its neighbourhood. meriwethers bay is about miles across deep & receves rivers the kil how-d-nah-kle and the ne tul and several small creeks--we had a hard wind from the n. e. and some rain about oclock to day which lasted hours and cleared away. from the point above meriwethers bay to point adams is west to point disapointment is n. ° w [clark, december , ] december th sunday a cloudy morning, i took men and set out to the sea to find the nearest place & make a way, to prevent our men getting lost and find a place to make salt, steered s ° w at miles passed the head of a brook running to the right, the lands good roleing much falling timber, lofty pine of the spruce kind, & some fur, passed over a high hill & to a creek which we kept down / miles and left it to our right, saw fish in this creek & elk & bear tracks on it, passed over a ridge to a low marshey bottom which we crossed thro water & thick brush for / a mile to the comencement of a prarie which wavers, covered with grass & sackay commis, at / crossed a marsh yds wide, boggey and arrived at a creek which runs to the right. saw a gange of elk on the opposit side below, rafted the creek, with much dificulty & followed the elk thro, emence bogs, & over small knobs in the bogs about miles to the south & killed an elk, and formed a camp, covered our selves with the elk skins. the left of us bogs & a lake or pond those bogs shake, much cramberry growing amongst the moss. some rain this evening we made a harty supper of the elk & hung up the balsa [clark, december , ] sunday december th fort clatsop we haveing fixed on this situation as the one best calculated for our winter quarters i deturmin'd to go as direct a course as i could to the sea coast which we could here roar and appeared to be at no great distance from us, my principal object is to look out a place to make salt, blaze the road or rout that they men out hunting might find the direction to the fort if they should get lost in cloudy weather-and see the probibillity of game in that direction, for the support of the men, we shall send to make salt, i took with me five men and set out on a course s w proceeded on a dividing ridge through lofty piney land much falling timber. passed the heads of brooks one of them had wide bottoms which was over flown & we waded to our knees crossed slashes and arrived at a creek in a open ridgey prarie covered with sackacomma this creek we were obliged to raft, which is about yards over and runs in a direction to point adams, we discovered a large gange of elk in the open lands, and we prosued them through verry bad slashes and small ponds about miles, killed one and camped on a spot scercely large enough to lie clear of the water. it is almost incredeable to assurt the bogs which those animals can pass through, i prosue'd this gang of elk through bogs which the wate of a man would shake for / an acre, and maney places i sunk into the mud and water up to my hips without finding any bottom on the trale of those elk. those bogs are covered with a kind of moss among which i observe an ebundance of cramberries. in those slashes small knobs are promisquisly scattered about which are steep and thickly covered with pine common to the countrey & lorel. we made a camp of the elk skin to keep off the rain which continued to fall, the small knob on which we camped did not afford a sufficiency of dry wood for our fire, we collected what dry wood we could and what sticks we could cut down with the tomahawks, which made us a tolerable fire. [clark, december , ] december th monday rained all the last night we are all wet, send men in pursute of the elk & with the other i set out with a view to find the ocian in our first direction, which can be at no great distance, i crossed slashes by wadeing to my knees & was prevented proceeding by the th which was a pond of yds. we. i went around, and was stoped by a th which apd. to be a rung stream to the right. i then returned to the raft and recrossd. & proceeded down the stream i first struck about miles & met indians, who informed me they lived on the see cost at a short distance, i de-termd. to accompany them to their vilg. & we set out, crossed the stream, and of the indians took the canoe over the wavering open rich plains for / a mile and we crossed the same stream which run to the left, we then left the canoe and proceeded to the same stream which runs to the right and empties its self into the see here i found their vilg. lodges on the west bank of this little river which is here yards wide, crossed in a canoe & was invited to a lodge by a young chief was treated great politeness, we had new mats to set on, and himself and wife produced for us to eate, fish, lickorish, & black roots, on neet small mats, and cramberries & sackacomey berris, in bowls made of horn, supe made of a kind of bread made of berries common to this countrey which they gave me in a neet wooden trencher, with a cockle shell to eate it with it began to rain and with a tremendious storm from the s. w. which lasted untill oclock p m--when i was disposd to go to sleep neet mats was produced & i lay on them but the flees were so troublesom that i slept but little those people has plays which they are fond of one is with a been which they pass from one hand into the other, and the oponent guess on this game the resquist nubr of the white beeds which is the principal property--they other game is with round pieces of wood much the shape of the ____ backgammon which they role thro between pins. [clark, december , ] monday th december rained all the last night we are all wet, i directed hunters drewyer & shannon to go in pursute of the elk, with the other men i determined to proceed on to the ocian, & set out on a westerley direction crossed slashes and arived at a creek which i could not cross as it was deep and no wood to make a raft, i proceeded down this creek a short distance and found that i was in a fork of the creek, i then returned to raft on which we had crossed the day. crossed and kept down about one mile and met indians loaded with fresh salmon which they had giged in the creek i crossed yesterday in the hills, those indians made signs that they had a town on the seacoast at no great distance, and envited me to go to their town which envitation i axcepted and accompand. them, they had a canoe hid in the creek which i had just before rafted which i had not observed, we crossed in this little canoe just large enough to carry men an their loads after crossing of the indians took the canoe on theire sholders and carried it across to the other creek about / of a mile, we crossed the d creek and proceeded on to the mouth of the creek which makes a great bend above the mouth of this creek or to the s. is houses and about families of the clat sop nation, we cross to those houses, which were built on the s. exposur of the hill, sunk into the ground about feet the walls roof & gable ends are of split pine boards, the dotes small with a ladder to decend to the iner part of the house, the fires are in the middle of the house their beads ar all around raised about / feet from the bottom flore all covered with mats and under those beads was stored their bags baskets and useless mats, those people treated me with extrodeanary friendship, one man attached himself to me as soon as i entered the hut, spred down new mats for me to set on, gave me fish berries rutes &c. on small neet platteers of rushes to eate which was repeated, all the men of the other houses came and smoked with me those people appeared much neeter in their diat than indians are comonly, and frequently wash theer faces and hands--in the eveng an old woman presented a bowl made of a light coloured horn a kind of surup made of dried berries which is common to this countrey which the natives call shele wele this surup i though was pleasent, they gave me cockle shells to eate a kind of seuip made of bread of the shele well berries mixed with roots in which they presented in neet trenchers made of wood. a flock of brant lit in the creek which was yds wide i took up my small rifle and shot one which astonished those people verry much, they plunged into the creek and brought the brant on shorein the evening it began to rain and continud accompanied with a violent wind from the s. w. untill oclock p.m. those people have a singular game which they are verry fond of and is performed with something about the size of a large been which they pass from, one hand into the other with great dexterity dureing which time they sing, and ocasionally, hold out their hands for those who chuse to risque their property to guess which hand the been is in-; the individual who has the been is a banker & opposed to all in the room. on this game they risque their beeds & other parts of their most valuable effects--this amusement has occupied about hours of this evening, several of the lodge in which i am in have lost all the beeds which they had about them--they have one other game which a man attempted to show me, i do not properly understand it, they make use of maney peces about the shape and size of backgammon pices which they role through between two pins stuck up at certain distancies &.--when i was disposed to go to sleep the man who had been most attentive named cus-ka-lah producd new mats and spred them near the fire, and derected his wife to go to his bead which was the signal for all to retire which they did emediately. i had not been long on my mats before i was attacked most violently by the flees and they kept up a close siege dureing the night [clark, december , ] december th tusday a cloudey rainy morning those people was some what astonished, at three shot i made with my little riffle to day, a gangu of brant set in the little river, i killd. of them as they set, and on my return saw a duck which i took the head off of, the men plunged into the water like spaniards dogs after those fowls, after eateing a brackfast which was similar to my suppar, i attempted to purchase some fiew roots which i offered red beeds for, they would give scercely any thing for beeds of that colour, i then offered small fish hooks which they were fond of and gave me some roots for them, i then set out on my return by the same road i had went out accompd. by my young chief by name cus-ca-lar who crossed me over the creek, and returned i proceeded on to my camp thro a heavy cold rain, saw no game--at the sea cost near those indins i found various kinds of shells, a kind of bay opsd. those people with a high pt. about miles below, out from which at some dists i saw large rocks, as the day was cloudy i could not see distinctly--found capt lewis with all hands felling trees, to build with, rained nearly all day, in my absence they men had bt. in the elk which was killed some days past men complaining of being unwell from various causes [clark, december , ] tuesday th december a cloudy rainey morning verry early i rose and walked on the shore of the sea coast and picked up several curious shells. i saw indians walking up and down the beech which i did not at first understand the cause of, one man came to where i was and told me that he was in serch of fish which is frequently thrown up on shore and left by the tide, and told me the "sturgion was verry good" and that the water when it retired left fish which they eate this was conclusive evedance to me that this small band depended in some measure for their winters subsistance on the fish which is thrown on shore and left by the tide- after amuseing my self for about an hour on the edge of the rageing seas i returned to the houses, one of the indians pointed to a flock of brant sitting in the creek at short distance below and requested me to shute one, i walked down with my small rifle and killed two at about yds distance, on my return to the houses two small ducks set at about steps from me the indians pointed at the ducks they were near together, i shot at the ducks and accidently shot the head of one off, this duck and brant was carried to the house and every man came around examined the duck looked at the gun the size of the ball which was to the pound and said in their own language clouch musket, wake, com ma-tax musket which is, a good musket do not under stand this kind of musket &c. i entered the same house i slept in, they imediately set before me their best roots, fish and surup-, i attempted to purchase a small sea otter skin for read beeds which i had in my pockets, they would not trade for those beeds not priseing any other colour than blue or white, i purchased a little of the berry bread and a fiew of their roots for which i gave small fish hooks, which they appeared fond of--i then set out on my return by the same rout i had come out accompanied by cus-ka lah and his brother as far as the d creek, for the purpose of setting me across, from which place they returned, and i proceeded on through a heavy rain to the camp at our intended fort, saw a bears track & the tracks of elk in the thick woods--found capt lewis with all the men out cutting down trees for our huts &c. in my absence the men brought in the six elk which was killed several days ago-. men complaining of violent coalds. three indians in a canoe came up from the clat sop village yesterday and returned to day. the sea coast is about miles distant nearly west about miles of the distance through a thick wood with reveens hills and swamps the land, rich black moald miles in a open wavering sandy prarie, ridge runing parrelal to the river, covered with green grass. [clark, december , ] december th wednesday rained all last night moderately, we are all employed putting up the huts, rained at intervales all day moderately employed in putting up cabins for our winter quarters, one man with turners, one with a strained knee, one sick with disentary & serjt. pryor unwell from haveing his sholder out of place [clark, december , ] wednesday th december rained all the last night moderately we are all employed putting up huts or cabins for our winters quarters. sergeant pryor unwell from a dislocation of his sholder, gibson with the disentary, jo. fields with biles on his legs, & werner with a strained knee. the rained continued moderately all day. [clark, december , ] december th thursday some moderate showers last night and this morning all hands who are well employed in building cabins, despatched men to get board timber, the flees so bad last night that, i made but a broken nights rest we can't get them out of our robes & skins, which we are obliged to make use of for bedding some rain to day at intervales--all at work, in the evening canoe of indians came from the villages of clotsop below, & brought wapitoo roots a black root they call si-ni-tor and a small sea orter skin all of which we purchased for a fiew fishing hooks & some snake indian tobacco. those indians appeare well disposed, i made a chief of one & gave him a small medel, his name is conyear we treated those people well--they are tite deelers, value blu & white beeds verry highly, and sell their roots also highly as they purchase them from the indians abov for a high price [clark, december , ] thursday th december all hands that are well employ'd in cutting logs and raising our winter cabins, detached two men to split boards--some rain at intervales all last night and to day--the flees were so troublesom last night that i made but a broken nights rest, we find great dificuelty in getting those trouble insects out of our robes and blankets--in the evening two canoes of chit sops visit us they brought with them wap pa to, a black sweet root they call sha-na toe qua, and a small sea otter skin, all of which we purchased for a fiew fishing hooks and a small sack of indian tobacco which was given by the snake inds. those indians appear well disposed we gave a medal to the principal chief named con-ny-au or com mo-wol and treated those with him with as much attention as we could--i can readily discover that they are close deelers, & stickle for a verry little, never close a bargin except they think they have the advantage value blue beeds highly, white they also prise but no other colour do they value in the least--the wap pa to they sell high, this root the purchase at a high price from the nativs above. [clark, december , ] december th friday the indians left us to day after brackfast, haveing sold us of the robes of a small animal for which i intend makeing a capot, and sold capt lewis loucirvia skins for the same purpose. drewyer & shannon returned from hunting havg. killed elk and butchered all except which they could not get as night provented ther finding them & they spoild. indians in a canoe came and offered us for sale sinutor roots, fish & sea otter skins for sale none of which we could purchase. some rain last night and this day at several times, light showers. we continue building our houses of the streightest & _____ logs, sent out men to split timber to covet the cabins, and i am glad to find the timber splits butifully, and of any width [clark, december , ] friday th december the clatsops leave us to day after a brackfast on elk which they appeared to be very fond of before they left us they sold me two robes of the skins of a small animal about the size of a cat, and to captain lewis cat or loucirva skins for the purpose of makeing a coat. drewyer & shannon returned from hunting, haveing killed elk & left them boochered in the woods near the right fork of the river about miles above this place--in the evining indians came in a canoe, and offered to us for sale roots & sea otter skins, neither of which we could purchase this evening. some showers of rain last night, and to day several verry hard showers--we continue to put up the streight butifull balsom pine on our houses-and we are much pleased to find that the timber splits most butifully and to the width of feet or more. [clark, december , ] december th saturday a cloudy day & rained moderately all day we finish the log works of our building, the indians leave us to day after selling a small sea otter skin and a roabe, send men to stay at the elk which is out in the woods &c. [clark, december , ] saturday th december the day cloudy and rained moderately all day we finish the log work of our building, the indians leave us to day after selling a small sea otter skin and a roab, dispatch men to the elk out in the woods with derections to delay untill the party goes up tomorrow. all employd in finishing a house to put meat into. all our last supply of elk has spoiled in the repeeted rains which has been fallen ever since our arrival at this place, and for a long time before, scerce one man in camp can host of being one day dry since we landed at this point, the sick getting better, my man york sick with cholick & gripeing [clark, december , ] december th sunday i set out with men in canoes for the elk proced up the st right hand fork miles & pack the meat from the woods to the cano from mile to miles distance all hands pack not one man exempted from this labour i also pack my self some of this meat, and cook for those out in packing some rain in the evening cloudy all day, the last load of meat all the party got out of the road or direction and did not get to the canoe untill after night, did not join to night [clark, december , ] sunday the th december . i set out early with men and canoes for the elk, proceed up the river three miles and thence up a large creek from the right about miles the hite of the tide water drew up the canoes and all hands went out in three different parties and brought in to the canoe each man a quarter of elk, i sent them out for a second load and had some of the first cooked against their return, after eateing a harty diner dispatched the party for a third and last load, about half the men missed their way and did not get to the canoes untill after dark, and serjt. ordway colter, colins whitehouse & mcneal staid out all night without fire and in the rain--cloudy all day some rain in the evening. [clark, december , ] december th monday rained all the last night we covered our selves as well as we could with elk skins, & set up the greater part of the night, all wet i lay in the water verry cold, the men who stayed out all night joined me this morning cold & wet, ordway colter collens, jo whitehouse j mcneal, i had the two canoes loaded with the elk which was brought to the canoes, despatched men to meet me below with elk, the rain contines, with tremendious gusts of wind, which is tremds. i proceeded on and took in the elk which was brought to the creek, & send back men to carrey to the canoe & take down to camp elk which was left in the woods, and i proceeded on to camp thro the same chanel i had assd. the winds violent trees falling in every derection, whorl winds, with gusts of rain hail & thunder, this kind of weather lasted all day, certainly one of the worst days that ever was! i found indeans with capt lewis in camp they had brought fish to sell, we had a house covered with punchen & our meat hung up. several men complaining of hurting themselves carry meet, &c. [clark, december , ] monday th december i as also the party with me experiencd a most dreadfull night rain and wet without any couvering, indeed we set up the greater part of the night, when we lay down the water soon came under us and obliged us to rise. the five men who stayed out all night joind me this morning wet and cold, haveing stayed out without fire or shelter and the rain poreing down upon them all night their appearance was truly distressingthey had left all their loads near the place they spent the night--i dispatched men for elk which was reather below on the opposit side of the creak, with directions to meet me at the d bend in the creek below, had all the meat which had been brought in yesterday put into canoes and proceeded down to the d bend where i met the men with the elk, dispatchd men with one of those who staid out last night for the meet left in the woods & the remainder an elk at some distance and proceeded on my self with canoes to the fort. wind violent from the s e trees falling, rain and hail, we with some risque proceeded on thro the high waves in the river, a tempestious disagreeable day. i found indians at our camp, they brought fish to sell which were pore & not fit for use, had the meet house coverd and the meat all hung up, several men complain of haveing hurt themselves heavy loads of meat. [clark, december , ] december th tuesday rained some last night and this morning, all hands at work about the huts chinking them, the men left to bring in the elk left in the woods come with the rd they could not find, as it was that left by the party that got lost night before last the after part of the day fair & cool, fore part of the day rain hailed & blew hard, the mountain which lies s. e of this is covered with snow to day we fleece all the meat and hang it up over a small smoke the trees are hard to split for punchens to cover our houses &c. [clark, december , ] tuesday th of december some rain last night and a continuation of it this morning. all the men at work about the houses, some chinking, dobbing cutting out dores &c. &c. the men left to bring in the elk arrived and informed that they could not find the meat that the party who stayed out all night had left--the forepart of this day rained hailed and blew hard, the after part is fair and cool--a mountain which is s. ____° e. about miles distant has got snow on its top which is ruged and uneavin cause a small fire & smoke to be made under the meat which is hung up in small peaces. the trees which our men have fallen latterly split verry badly into boards. the most of our stores are wet. our leather lodge has become so rotten that the smallest thing tares it into holes and it is now scrcely sufficent to keep off the rain off a spot sufficiently large for our bead. [clark, december , ] december th wednesday rained and snowed alturnitely all the last night and the gusts of snow and hail continue untill oclock, cold and a dreadfull day wind hard and unsettled, we continue at work at our huts, the men being but thinly dressed, and no shoes causes us to doe but little--at the snow & hail seased & the after part of the day was cloudy with some rain. [clark, december , ] wednesday th december rained and snowed alternetly all the last night, and spurts of snow and hail continued untill oclock, which has chilled the air which is cool and disagreeable, the wind hard & unsettled--the men being thinly dressed and mockersons without socks is the reason that but little can be done at the houses to day--at the hail & snow seased, and rain suckceeded for the latter part of the day [lewis, december , ] fort clatsop, december th . this day one of the men shot a bird of the corvus genus, which was feeding on some fragments of meat near the camp. this bird is about the size of the kingbird or bee martin, and not unlike that bird in form. the beak is / of an inch long, wide at the base, of a convex, and cultrated figure, beset with some small black hairs near it's base. the chaps are of nearly equal lengths tho the upper exceeds the under one a little, and has a small nich in the upper chap near the extremity perceptable only by close examineation. the colour of the beak is black. the eye is large and prominent, the puple black, and iris of a dark yellowish brown. the legs and feet are black and imbricated. has four toes on each foot armed with long sharp tallons; the hinder toe is nearly as long as the middle toe in front and longer than the two remaining toes. the tale is composed of twelve fathers the longest of which are five inches, being six in number placed in the center. the remaining six are placed on either side and graduly deminish to four inches which is the shortest and outer feathers. the tail is half the length of the bird, the whole length from the extremity of the beak to the extremity of the tale being inches. the head from it's joining the nect forward as far as the eyes nearly to the base of the beak and on each side as low as the center of the eye is black. arround the base of the beak the throat jaws, neck, brest and belley are of a pale bluish white. the wings back and tale are of a bluish black with a small shade of brown. this bird is common to this piny country are also found in the rockey mountains on the waters of the columbia river or woody side of those mountains, appear to frequent the highest sumits of those mountains as far as they are covered with timber. their note is que, quit-it, que-hoo; and tah, tah, &--there is another bird of reather larger size which i saw on the woddy parts of the rockey mountains and on the waters of the missouri, this bird i could never kill tho i made several attempts, the predominate colour is a dark blue the tale is long and they are not crested; i believe them to be of the corvus genus also. their note is char, char, char-ar, char; the large blue crested corvus of the columbia river is also [lewis, december , ] discription of the blue crested corvus bird common to the woody and western side of the rockey mountains, and all the woody country from thence to the pacific ocean it's beak is black convex, cultrated, wide at its base where it is beset with hairs, and is inches from the opening of the chaps to their extremity, and from the joining of the head to the extremity of the upper chap / inches, the upper exceeds the under chap a little; the nostrils are small round unconnected and placed near the base of the beak where they lye concealed by the hairs or hairy feathers which cover the base of the upper chap. the eye reather large and full but not prominent and of a deep bluefish black, there being no difference in the colour of the puple and the iris. the crest is very full the feathers from to / inches long and occupye the whole crown of the head. the head neck, the whole of the body including the coverts of the wings, the upper disk of the tail and wings are of a fine gossey bright indigo blue colour the under disk of the tail and wings are of a dark brown nearly black. the leg and first joint of the tye are / in. long, the legs and feet are black and the front covered with scales the hinder part smothe, the toes are also imbrecated, four in number long and armed with long sharp black tallons. the upper disk of the first four or five feathers of the wing next to the boddy, are marked with small transverse stripes of black as are also the upper side of the two center feathers of the tail; the tail is five inches long & is composed of twelve feathers of equal length. the tail & / as long as the boddy. the whole length from the point of the beak to extremity of the tail foot inch; from the tip of one to the tip of the other wing foot / inches. the conta. the size & the whole contour of this bird resembles very much the blue jay or jaybird as they are called in the u states. like them also they seldom rest in one place long but are in constant motion hoping from spra to spray. what has been said is more immediately applicable to the male, the colours of the female are somewhat different in her the head crest neck half the back downwards and the converts of the wings are of a dark brown, but sometimes there is a little touch of the indigo on the short feathers on the head at the base of the upper chap. this bird feeds on flesh when they can procure it, also on bugs flies and buries. i do not know whether they distroy little birds but their tallons indicate their capacity to do so if nature, has directed it. their note is loud and frequently repeated cha'--a cha'--a' &c.--also twat twat twat, very quick [clark, december , ] december th thursday some rain with intervales of fair weather last night, the morning clear and wind from s w. i despatched sjt. pryer with men in canoes across the bay for the boads of an indian house which is abandoned, the other part of the men continue to doe a little at the huts, the after part of the day cloudy with hail & rain, sgt. pryer and party returned with canoe loads of boards, two indians came & stayed but a short time [clark, december , ] thursday th december some rain with intervales of fair weather last night, this morning clear & the wind from the s, w. we dispatched sjt. pryor with men in canoes across meriwethers bay for the boards of an old indian house which is vacant, the residue of the men at work at their huts--the after part of the day cloudy with hail and rain, serjt. pryor & party returned in the evening with a load of old boards which was found to be verry indifferent indians cam and stayed a short time to day [clark, december , ] december th friday some rain and hail last night and this morning it rained hard untill oclock, men all employd carrying punchens and covering cabins of which we had covered, & set some to dobing--the after part of the day cloudy and some showers of rain. indians came with lickorish sackacomie berries & mats to sell, for which they asked such high prices that we did not purchase any of them,--those people ask double & tribble the value of everry thing they have to sell, and never take less than the full value of any thing, they prise only blue & white heeds, files fish hooks and tobacco--tobacco and blue beeds principally [clark, december , ] friday th of december some rain and hail last night and the rained continued untill oclock a,m, men all employd in carrying punchens or boards & covering the houses, of which were covered to day, the after part of the day cloudy with several showers of rain-- indians arrive in a canoe. they brought with them mats, roots & sackacome berries to sell for which they asked such high prices that we did not purchase any of them. those people ask generally double and tribble the value of what they have to sell, and never take less than the real value of the article in such things as is calculated to do them service. such as blue & white heeds, with which they trade with the nativs above; files which they make use of to sharpen their tools, fish hooks of different sises and tobacco- tobacco and blue beeds they do prefur to every thing. [clark, december , ] december st saturday rain as usial last night and all day to day moderately. we continued at the cabins dobbing & shinking of them, fall several trees which would not split into punchins--the indians were detected in stealing a spoon & a bone, and left us, our sackey commy out send men to gather some at the ocian, saw elk sign [clark, december , ] saturday st december rained as useal all the last night, and contd. moderately all day to day without any intermition, men employd at the houses. one of the indians was detected stealing a horn spoon, and leave the camp. dispatched two men to the open lands near the ocian for sackacome, which we make use of to mix with our tobacco to smoke which has an agreeable flavour. [clark, december , ] december nd sunday rained all the last night & to day without much intermition we finish dobbig huts which is all we have covered, the punchin floor & bunks finished drewyer go out to trap--sjt. j. ordway, gibson & my servent sick several with biles on them & bruses of different kinds, much of our meat spoiled. [clark, december , ] sunday nd december rained continued all the last night and to day without much intermition, men employd doeing what they can at the houses. drewyer set out up the creek to set his traps for beaver, sergt. ordway, gibson & my servent sick, several men complain of biles and bruses of differant kinds. we discover that part of our last supply of meat is spoiling from the womph of the weather not withstanding a constant smoke kept under it day and night. [clark, december , ] december rd monday rained without intermition all last night, and this day much thunder in the morning and evening with rain and some hail to day, we are all employd about our huts have ours covered and dobed & we move into it, canoes of indians came up to day. i purchased mats verry neetly made, bags made with flags verry neetly made, those the clotsops carry ther fish in. also a panthor skin and some lickorish roots, for which i gave a worn out file, fish hooks & some pounded fish which to us was spoiled, but those people were fond of--in the evining those people left us i also gave a string of wompom to a chief, and sent a small pice of simimon to a sick indian in the town who had attached himself to me [clark, december , ] monday rd december rained without intermition all the last night and to day with thunder and hail the fore and after part of this day capt lewis and my self move into our hut to day unfinished--two canoes with indians of the clat sop nation came up to day. i purchased mats and bags all neetly made of flags and rushes, those bags are nearly square of different size's open on one side, i also purchased a panthor skin / feet long including the tail, all of which i gave small fish hooks, a small worn out file & some pounded fish which we could not use as it was so long wet that it was soft and molded, the indians of this neighbourhood prize the pound'd fish verry highly, i have not observed this method of secureing fish on any other part of the columbian waters then that about the great falls. i gave a d chief a string of wampom, and sent a little pounded fish to cus-ca-lah who was sick in the village & could not come to see us. [clark, december , ] december th tuesday- some hard rain at different times last night, and moderately this morning without intermition all hands employed in carrying punchens & finishing covering the huts, and the greater part of the men move into them a hard rain in the evening. cuscalar the young clot sop chief came with a young brother and young squar, they gave or laid before capt lewis and my self a mat and each a large parsel of roots, some time after he demanded files for his present we returned the present as we had no files to speare which displeased them a little they then offered a woman to each which we also declined axcpting which also displeased them. jo fields finish for capt lewis and my self each a wide slab hued to write on, i gave a handkerchief &c [clark, december , ] tuesday th december hard rain at different times last night and all this day without intermition. men all employd in finishing their huts and moveing into them. cuscalah the indian who had treated me so politely when i was at the clatsops village, come up in a canoe with his young brother & squars he laid before capt lewis and my self each a mat and a parcel of roots some time in the evening two files was demanded for the presents of mats and roots, as we had no files to part with, we each returned the present which we had received, which displeased cuscalah a little. he then offered a woman to each of us which we also declined axcepting of, which displeased the whole party verry much--the female part appeared to be highly disgusted at our refuseing to axcept of their favours &c. our store of meat entirely spoiled, we are obliged to make use of it as we have nothing else except a little pounded fish, the remains of what we purchased near the great falls of the columbia, and which we have ever found to be a convenient resort, and a portable method of curing fish [clark, december , ] december th christmas wednesday some rain at different times last night and showers of hail with intervales of fair starr light, this morning at day we were saluted by all our party under our winders, a shout and a song--after brackfast we divided our tobacco which amounted to carrots, one half we gave to the party who used tobacco those who did not we gave a handkerchief as a present, the day proved showery all day, the inds. left us this eveningall our party moved into their huts. we dried some of our wet goods. i rcved a present of a fleeshe hoserey vest draws & socks of capt lewis, pr. mockerson of whitehouse, a small indian basket of guterich, & doz weasels tales of the squar of shabono, & some black roots of the indians g. d. saw a snake passing across the parth our diner to day consisted of pore elk boiled, spilt fish & some roots, a bad christmass diner worm day [clark, december , ] christmas wednesday th december at day light this morning we were awoke by the discharge of the fire arm of all our party & a selute, shoute and a song which the whole party joined in under our windows, after which they retired to their rooms were chearfull all the morning--after brackfast we divided our tobacco which amounted to carrots one half of which we gave to the men of the party who used tobacco, and to those who doe not use it we make a present of a handkerchief, the indians leave us in the evening all the party snugly fixed in their huts--i recved a presnt of capt l. of a fleece hosrie shirt draws and socks-, a pr. mockersons of whitehouse a small indian basket of gutherich, two dozen white weazils tails of the indian woman, & some black root of the indians before their departure--drewyer informs me that he saw a snake pass across the parth to day. the day proved showerey wet and disagreeable. we would have spent this day the nativity of christ in feasting, had we any thing either to raise our sperits or even gratify our appetites, our diner concisted of pore elk, so much spoiled that we eate it thro mear necessity, some spoiled pounded fish and a fiew roots. [clark, december , ] december th thursday rained and blew hard last night some hard thunder, the rain continued as usial all day and wind blew hard from the s. e, joseph fields finish a table & seats for us. we dry our wet articles and have the blankets fleed, the flees are so troublesom that i have slept but little for nights past and we have regularly to kill them out of our blankets every day for several past--maney of the men have ther powder wet by the horns being repeetdly wet, hut smoke verry bad. [clark, december , ] thursday th december rained and blew with great violence s e all the last night, some hard claps of thunder, the rain as usial continued all day--we dry our wet articles before the fire, and have our blankets fleed, great numbers were caught out of the blankets, those trouble insects are so abundant that we have to have them killd. out of our blankets every day or get no sleep at night--the powder in maney of the mens horns are wet from their being so long exposed to the rain &c. [clark, december , ] december th friday . rained last night as usial and the greater part of this day, the men complete chimneys & bunks to day, in the evening a chief and men come of the clotsop nation, chief co-ma wool we sent out r. fields & collins to hunt and order drewyer, shannon & labiach to set out early to morrow to hunt,--jo fields, bratten, & gibson to make salt at point addams,- willard & wiser, to assist them in carrying the kitties &c to the ocian, and all the others to finish the pickets and gates. worm weather i saw a musquetor which i showed capt. lewis--those indians gave is, a black root they call shan-na-tah que a kind of licquerish which they rost in embers and call cul ho-mo, a black berry the size of a cherry & dried which they call shel-well,--all of which they prise highly and make use of as food to live on, for which capt lewis gave the chief a cap of sheep skin and i his son, ear bobs, piece of riben, a pice of brass, and small fishing hooks, of which they were much pleased those roots & berres, are greatfull to our stomcks as we have nothing to eate but pore elk meet, nearly spoiled; & this accident of spoiled meet, is owing to wormth & the repeeted rains, which cause the meet to tante before we can get it from the woods musquetors troublesorn [clark, december , ] friday th december rained last night as usial and the greater part of this day. in the evening co-mo wool the chief and men of the clat sop nation they presented us a root which resembles the licquirish in size and taste, which they roste like a potato which they call cul ho-mo, also a black root which is cured in a kill like the pash-a-co above; this root has a sweet taste and the natives are verry fond of it--they call this root shaw-na-tah-que. also a dried berry about the size of a chery which they call shele well all those roots those indians value highly and give them verry spearingly. in return for the above roots capt lewis gave the chief a small piece of sheap skin to ware on his head, i gave his son a par of ear bobs and a pece of ribon, and a small piece of brass for which they were much pleased. those roots and berries are timely and extreamly greatfull to our stomachs, as we have nothing to eate but spoiled elk meat, i showed capt l. musquetors to day, or an insect so much the size shape and appearance of a musquetor that we could observe no kind of differance. [clark, december , ] december th saturday rained as usial, a great part of the last night, and this morning rained and the wind blew hard from the s. e. sent out the hunters and salt makers, & employd the baleanc of the men carrying the pickets &c. &c. hunters sent out yesterday returned, haveing killed one deer near the sea cost, my boy york verry unwell from violent colds & strains carrying in meet and lifting logs on the huts to build them, this day is worm, and rained all day moderately without intermition. [clark, december , ] saturday the th december rained as usial the greater part of the last night and a continuation this morning accompanied with wind from the s east derected drewyer, shannon, labeash, reuben field, and collins to hunt; jos. fields, bratten, gibson to proceed to the ocean at some convenient place form a camp and commence makeing salt with of the largest kittles, and willard and wiser to assist them in carrying the kittles to the sea coastall the other men to be employed about putting up pickets & makeing the gates of the fort. my man y. verry unwell from a violent coald and strain by carrying meet from the woods and lifting the heavy logs on the works &c. rained all day without intermition. the weather verry worm. [clark, december , ] december th sunday rained last night as usial, this morning cloudy without rain a hard wind from the s. e. the inds. left us this morning and returned to their village, after begging for maney things which they did not secure as we could not spare them i gave the chief canio a razor, sent out men across the river to hunt, all others employd putting up pickets pete crusat sick with a violent cold my servent better--we are told by the indians that a whale has foundered on the coast to the n. w and their nations is collecting fat of him, the wind is too high for us to see it, capt lewis is been in readiness days to go and collect some of the whale oyle the wind has proved too high as yet for him to set out in safty in the evening a young chief men and womin of the war-ci-a-cum tribe came in a large canoe with wapto roots, dressed elk skins &c. to sell, the chief made me a present of about a half a bushel of those roots--we gave him a medal of a small size and a piece of red ribin to tie around the top of his hat which was made with a double cone, the diameter of the upper about inches the lower a about foot we purchased about / bushels of those roots for which we gave some few red beeds, small pices of brass wire and old check--those roots proved greatfull to us as we are now liveing on spoiled elk which is extreamly disagreeable to the smel. as well as the taste, i can plainly discover that a considerable exchange of property is continually carried on between the tribes and villages of those people they all dress litely ware nothing below the waste, a pice of fur abt. around the body, and a short robe which composes the total of their dress, except a few split hats, and heeds around ther necks wrists and anckles, and a few in their ears. they are small and not handsom generally speaking women perticularly. the chin nook womin are lude and carry on sport publickly the clotsop and others appear deffidend, and reserved the flees are so noumerous in this countrey and difficult to get cleare of that the indians have difft. houses & villages to which they remove frequently to get rid of them, and not withstanding all their precautions, they never step into our hut without leaveing sworms of those troublesom insects. indeed i scercely get to sleep half the night clear of the torments of those flees, with the precaution of haveing my blankets serched and the flees killed every day--the s of those insects we saw on the collumbia river was at the s great falls--i have the satisfaction to say that we had but little rain in the course of this day, not as much as would wet a person. but hard wind and cloudy all day. [clark, december , ] sunday th december rained all the last night a usial, this morning cloudy without rain, a hard wind from the s. e i gave the cheif a razor, and himself and party left us after begging us for maney articles none of which they recvied as we could not spare the articles they were most in want of. peter crusat sick with a violent cold, my man y. better. all hands employed about the pickets & gates of the fort. we were informed day before yesterday that a whale had foundered on the coast to the s. w. near the kil a mox n. and that the greater part of the clat sops were gorn for the oile & blubber, the wind proves too high for us to proceed by water to see this monster, capt lewis has been in readiness since we first heard of the whale to go and see it and collect some of its oil, the wind has proved too high as yet for him to proceed--this evining a young chief men and womin of the war ci a cum nation arrived, and offered for sale dressed elk skins and wap pa to, the chief made us a preasent of about / a bushel of those roots. and we purchased about / bushels of those roots for which we gave some fiew red beeds small peaces of brass wire & old check those roots proved a greatfull addition to our spoiled elk, which has become verry disagreeable both to the taste & smell we gave this chief a medal of a small size and a piece of red riben to tie around the top of his hat which was of a singular construction those people will not sell all their wap pa to to us they inform us that they are on their way to trade with the chit sops. the nations above carry on a verry considerable interchange of property with those in this neighbourhood. they pass altogether by water, they have no roads or pathes through the countrey which we have observed, except across portages from one creek to another, all go litely dressed ware nothing below the waste in the coaldest of weather, a piece of fur around their bodies and a short roabe composes the sum total of their dress, except a few hats, and heeds about their necks arms and legs small badly made and homely generally. the flees are so noumerous and hard to get rid of; that the indians have different houses which they resort to occasionally, not withstanding all their precautions they never step into our house without leaveing sworms of those tormenting insects; and they torment us in such a manner as to deprive us of half the nights sleep frequently--the first of those insects which we saw on the columbian waters was at the canoe portage at the great falls. hard winds & cloudy all day but verry little rain to day. [clark, december , ] december th monday hard wind and some rain last night, this morning fair and the sun shown for a short time indians came from the upper villages they offered us roots which we did not chuse to axcept of, as their expectations for those presents of a fiew roots is or times their real worth, those indians with those of yesterday continued all day. drewyer & party of hunters returned and informed they had killed elk, a party of men was imediately sent for the meet, they returned at dusk, with the elk, of which we had a sumptious supper of elk tongues & marrow bones which was truly gratifying. the fort was completed this evening and at sun set we let the indians know that, our custom will be to shut the gates at sun set, at which time, they must all go out of the fort those people who are verry foward and disegreeable, left the huts with reluctiance--this day proved the best we have had since at this place, only showers of rain to day, cloudy nearly all day, in the evening the wind luled and the fore part of the night fair and clear. i saw flies & different kinds of insects in motion to day snakes are yet to be seen, and snales without cover is common and large, fowls of every kind common to this quarter abound in the creek & bay near us [clark, december , ] monday th december hard wind and some rain last night. this morning the sun shown for a short time--four indians came down from the war cia cum village, they offered us roots which we did not think proper to accept of as in return they expect or times as much as the roots as we could purchase the roots for, and are never satisfied with what they receive, those indians & these that came yesterday stayed all day. drewyer returned and informed that he had killed elk at no great distance off, a party of men was imediately dispatched for the meat, and returned at dusk with the elk--we had a sumptious supper of elks tongues & marrow bones which was truly gratifying--our fortification is completed this evening-and at sun set we let the nativs know that our custom will be in future, to shut the gates at sun set at which time all indians must go out of the fort and not return into it untill next morning after sunrise at which time the gates will be opened, those of the war ci a cum nation who are very foward left the houses with reluctianc this day proved to be the fairest and best which we have had since our arrival at this place, only three showers dureing this whole day, wind the fore part of the day. [clark, december , ] december st tuesday a cloudy night & some rain, this day proved cloudy and some showers of rain to day all the indians continued at their camp near us, others canoes came one from the war-ci-a-cum village, with three indians, and the other from higher up the river of the skil-lute nation with three men and a squar; those people brought with them some wapto roots, mats made of flags, & rushes, dried fish and some fiew shene-tock-we (or black) roots & dressed elk skins, all of which they asked enormous prices for, particularly the dressed elk skins; i purchased of those people some wapto roots, two mats and a small pouch of tobacco of their own manufactory--for which i gave large fish hooks, which they were verry fond, those indians are much more reserved and better behaved to day than yesterday--the sight of our sentinal who walks on his post, has made this reform in those people who but yesterday was verry impertenant and disagreeable to all--this evening they all cleared out before the time to shut the gates, without being derected to doe so--i derected sinks to be dug and a sentinal box which was accomplished one of those indeans brought a musquet to be repared, which only wanted a screw flattened, for which he gave me a peck of wapto roots, i gave him a flint and a pice of sheep skin of which he was pleased [clark, december , ] tuesday st december last night was cloudy and some rain, this day prove cloudy and showerry all day, all the indians continue at their camp near us, two other canoes arrived, one from the war ci a cum village with indians and the other of men & a squar from higher up the river and are of the skil-lute nation, those people brought with them some wappato roots, mats made of flags and rushes dried fish, and a fiew shaw-na tah-que and dressed elk skins, all of which they asked enormous prices for, perticularly the dressed elk skins, i purchased of those people some wap pa to two mats and about pipes of their tobacco in a neet little bag made of rushes--this tobacco was much like what we had seen before with the so so ne or snake indians, for those articles i gave a large fishing hook and several other small articles, the fishinghooks they were verry fond of. those skit lutes are much better behaved than the war ci a cum indeed we found a great alteration in the conduct of them all this morning, the sight of our sentinal on his post at the gate, together with our deturmined proseedure of putting all out at sun set has made this reform in those war ci a corns who is foward impertinant an thieveish. the nativs all leave us the fort this evening before sun set without being told or desired to do so--we had sinks dug & a sentinal box made- a skit lute brought a gun which he requested me to have repared, it only wanted a screw flattened so as to catch, i put a flint into his gun & he presented me in return a peck of wappato for payment, i gave him piece of a sheap skin and a small piece of blue cloth to cover his lock for which he was much pleased and gave me in return some roots &c. i saw flies and different kinds of insects in motion to day--snakes are yet to be seen and snales without covers is common and verry large water fowls of various kinds are in great numbers in the rivers and creeks and the sides of meriwethers bay near us but excessively wild- the fore part of this night fair and clear with the party of clat sops who visited us last was a man of much lighter coloured than the nativs are generaly, he was freckled with long duskey red hair, about years of age, and must certainly be half white at least, this man appeared to understand more of the english language than the others of his party, but did not speak a word of english, he possessed all the habits of the indians [lewis, january , ] fort clatsop . january st tuesday. this morning i was awoke at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small arms, which were fired by our party in front of our quarters to usher in the new year; this was the only mark of rispect which we had it in our power to pay this celebrated day. our repast of this day tho better than that of christmass, consisted principally in the anticipation of the st day of january , when in the bosom of our friends we hope to participate in the mirth and hilarity of the day, and when with the zest given by the recollection of the present, we shall completely, both mentally and corporally, enjoy the repast which the hand of civilization has prepared for us. at present we were content with eating our boiled elk and wappetoe, and solacing our thirst with our only beverage pure water. two of our hunters who set out this morning reterned in the evening having killed two bucks elk; they presented capt. clark and myself each a marrow-bone and tonge, on which we suped. visited today by a few of the clotsops who brought some roots and burries for the purpose of trading with us. we were uneasy with rispect to two of our men, willard and wiser, who were dispatched on the th ulto. with the saltmakers, and were directed to return immediately; their not having returned induces us to believe it probable that they have missed their way.--our fourtification being now completed we issued an order for the more exact and uniform dicipline and government of the garrison. (see orderly book st january ).- [clark, january , ] january st wednesday this morning proved cloudy with moderate rain, after a pleasent worm night during which there fell but little rain--this morning at day we wer saluted from the party without, wishing us a "hapy new year" a shout and discharge of their arms--no indians to be seen this morning- they left the place of their encampment dureing the last night the work of our houses and fort being now complete, we ishued an order in which we pointed out the rules & regulations for the government of the party in respect to the indians as also for the safty and protection of our selves &c. two clotsops came with a mat and some fiew roots of cut wha mo, for which they asked a file they did not trade but continued all night sent out hunters this morning who returned, haveing killed elk about miles distant, some fiew showers of rain in the course of this day. cloudy all the day. [clark, january , ] fort clatsop wednesday the st of january this morning i was awoke at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small arms, which were fired by our party in front of our quarters to usher in the new year, this was the only mark of respect which we had it in our power to pay this selibrated day. our repast of this day tho better than that of christmas consisted principally in the anticipation of the st day of january , when in the bosom of our friends we hope to participate in the mirth and hilarity of the day, and when with the relish given by the recollection of the present, we shall completely, both mentally and corparally, the repast which the hand of civilization has produced for us. at present we were content with eating our boiled elk and wappato, and solacing our thirst with our only beverage pure water. two of our hunters who set out this morning returned in the evening haveing killed two buck elks; they presented capt. lewis and my self each a marrow bone and tongue on which we suped--we are visited to day by a fiew of the clatsops by water they brought some roots and berries for the purpose of tradeing with us. our fortification being now complete we issue an order for the more exact and uniform dicipline and government of the garrison. (see orderly book jany d ) [lewis, january , ] fort clatsop, january st the fort being now completed, the commanding officers think proper to direct that the guard shall as usual consist of one sergeant and three privates, and that the same be regularly relieved each morning at sun rise. the post of the new guard shall be in the room of the sergeants rispectivly commanding the same. the centinel shall be posted, both day and night, on the parade in front of the commanding offercers quarters; tho should he at any time think proper to remove himself to any other part of the fort, in order the better to inform himself of the desighns or approach of any party of savages, he is not only at liberty, but is hereby required to do so. it shall be the duty of the centinel also to announce the arrival of all parties of indians to the sergeant of the guard, who shall immediately report the same to the commanding officers. the commanding officers require and charge the garrison to treat the natives in a friendly manner; nor will they be permitted at any time, to abuse, assault or strike them; unless such abuse assault or stroke be first given by the natives. nevertheless it shall be right for any individual, in a peaceable manner, to refuse admittance to, or put out of his room, any native who may become troublesome to him; and should such native refuse to go when requested, or attempt to enter their rooms after being forbidden to do so; it shall be the duty of the sergeant of the guard on information of the same, to put such native out of the fort and see that he is not again admitted during that day unless specially permitted; and the sergeant of the guard may for this purpose imploy such coercive measures (not extending to the taking of life) as shall at his discretion be deemed necessary to effect the same. when any native shall be detected in theft, the sergt. of the guard shall immediately inform the commanding offercers of the same, to the end that such measures may be pursued with rispect to the culprit as they shall think most expedient. at sunset on each day, the sergt. attended by the interpreter charbono and two of his guard, will collect and put out of the fort, all indians except such as may specially be permitted to remain by the commanding offercers, nor shall they be again admitted untill the main gate be opened the ensuing morning. at sunset, or immediately after the indians have been dismissed, both gates shall be shut, and secured, and the main gate locked and continue so untill sunrise the next morning; the water-gate may be used freely by the garrison for the purpose of passing and repassing at all times, tho from sunset, untill sunrise, it shall be the duty of the centinel, to open the gate for, and shut it after all persons passing and repassing, suffering the same never to remain unfixed long than is absolutely necessary. it shall be the duty of the sergt. of the guard to keep the kee of the meat house, and to cause the guard to keep regular fires therein when the same may be necessary; and also once at least in hours to visit the canoes and see that they are safely secured; and shall further on each morning after he is relieved, make his report verbally to the commandg officers. each of the old guard will every morning after being relieved furnish two loads of wood for the commanding offercers fire. no man is to be particularly exempt from the duty of bringing meat from the woods, nor none except the cooks and interpreters from that of mounting guard. each mess being furnished with an ax, they are directed to deposit in the room of the commanding offercers all other public tools of which they are possessed; nor shall the same at any time hereafter be taken from the said deposit without the knoledge and permission of the commanding officers; and any individual so borrowing the tools are strictly required to bring the same back the moment he has ceased to use them, and no case shall they be permited to keep them out all night. any individual selling or disposing of any tool or iron or steel instrument, arms, accoutrements or ammunicion, shall be deemed guilty of a breach of this order, and shall be tryed and punished accordingly.the tools loaned to john shields are excepted from the restrictions of this order. meriwether lewis capt. st u.s. regt. wm. clark capt. &c [lewis, january , ] thursday, january nd sent out a party of men and brought in the two elk which were killed yesterday. willard and wiser have not yet returned nor have a party of hunters returned who set out on the th ulto. the indians who visited yesterday left us at p m today after having disposed of their roots and berries for a few fishinghooks and some other small articles. we are infested with swarms of flees already in our new habitations; the presumption is therefore strong that we shall not devest ourselves of this intolerably troublesome vermin during our residence here. the large, and small or whistling swan, sand hill crane, large and small gees, brown and white brant, cormorant, duckan mallard, canvisback duck, and several other species of ducks, still remain with us; tho i do not think that they are as plenty as on our first arrival in the neighbourhood. drewyer visited his traps and took an otter. the fur of both the beaver and otter in this country are extreemly good; those annamals are tolerably plenty near the sea coast, and on the small creeks and rivers as high as the grand rappids, but are by no means as much so as on the upper part of the missouri. [clark, january , ] january nd thursday . a cloudy rainey morning after a wet night. dispatched men for the two elk killed yesterday which they brought in at oclock. the day proved cloudy and wet, the indians left us at oclock p. m, drewyer visited his traps which had one otter in one of them. the flees are verry troublesom, our huts have alreadey sworms of those disagreeable insects in them, and i fear we shall not get rid of them dureing our delay at this place. [clark, january , ] thursday nd of january . sent out a party of men and brought in the two elk which was killed yesterday. willard & wiser have not yet returned nor have a party of hunters who set out on the th ulto the indians who visited us yesterday left us at p. m to day after haveing disposed of their roots and berries for a fiew fishing hooks and some other small articles. we are infestd. with sworms of flees already in our new habatations; the presumption is therefore strong that we shall not devest our selves of this intolerably troublesom vermin dureing our residence here. the large, & small or whistling swan, sand hill crane, large & small gees, brown and white brant, comorant, duckanmallard, canvis back duck, and several other species of ducks still remain with us; tho i doe not think they are as plenty as on our first arrival in the neighbourhood. drewyer visit his traps at took out an otter. the fur of both the beaver and otter as also the rackoon in this countrey are extreemly good; those animals are tolerably plenty near the sea coast, on the small creeks and rivers as high as the grand rapids. [lewis, january , ] friday january d . at a.m. we were visited by our near neighbours, chief or tia, como-wool; alias conia and six clatsops. they brought for sale some roots buries and three dogs also a small quantity of fresh blubber. this blubber they informed us they had obtained from their neighbours the callamucksz who inhabit the coast to the s. e. near whose vilage a whale had recently perished. this blubber the indians eat and esteeme it excellent food. our party from necessaty having been obliged to subsist some lenth of time on dogs have now become extreemly fond of their flesh; it is worthy of remark that while we lived principally on the flesh of this anamal we were much more healthy strong and more fleshey than we had been since we left the buffaloe country. for my own part i have become so perfectly reconciled to the dog that i think it an agreeable food and would prefer it vastly to lean venison or elk. a small crow, the blue crested corvus and the smaller corvus with a white brest, the little brown ren, a large brown sparrow, the bald eagle and the beatifull buzzard of the columbia still continue with us.--sent sergt. gass and george shannon to the saltmakers who are somewhere on the coast to the s. w. of us, to enquire after willard and wiser who have not yet returned. reubin fields collins and pots the hunters who set out on the th ulto. returned this evening after dark. they reported that they had been about miles up the river at the head of the bay just below us and had hunted the country from thence down on the east side of the river, even to a considerable distance from it and had proved unsuccessful) having killed one deer and a few fowls, barely as much as subsisted them. this reminded us of the necessity of taking time by the forelock, and keep out several parties while we have yet a little meat beforehand.i gave the chief comowooll a pare of sattin breechies with which he appeared much pleased. [clark, january , ] january rd friday the sun rose fair this morning for the first time for six weeks past, the clouds soon obscure it from our view, and a shower of rain suckceededlast night we had sharp lightening a hard thunder suckceeded with heavy showers of hail, and rain, which continud with intervales of fair moon shine dureing the night. sent out sergt. gass & men to the salt makers with a vew to know what is the cause of the delay of of our party willard & wiser who we are uneasy about, as they were to have been back days ago. [clark, january , ] friday the rd january at a. m. we were visited by our near neighbour chief (or tia) co mo wool alias conia and six clat sops. they brought for sale some roots berries and dogs also a small quantity of fresh blubber. this blubber they informed us they had obtained from their neighbours the cal la mox who inhabit the coast to the s. e near one of their villages a whale had recently perished. this blubber the indians eat and esteem it excellent food. our party from necescity have been obliged to subsist some length of time on dogs have now become extreamly fond of their flesh; it is worthey of remark that while we lived principally on the flesh of this animal we wer much more helthy strong and more fleshey then we have been sence we left the buffalow country. as for my own part i have not become reconsiled to the taste of this animal as yet. a small crow, the blue crested corvus and the smaller corvus with a white breast, the little brown ren, and a large brown sparrow, the bald eagle, and the butifull buzzard of the columbia still continue with us, send sarjt. gass and g. shannon to the salt makers who are on the sea coast to the s, w. of us, to enquire after willard & wiser who have not yet returned. r. field, potts & collins the hunters who set out on the th ulto. returned this evening after dark. they reported that they had been about miles up the river which falls into meriwethers bay to the east of us, and had hunted the country a considerable distance to east, and had proved unsucksesfull haveing killed one deer and a fiew fowls, bearly as much as subsisted them. this reminded us of the necessity of takeing time by the forelock, and keep out several parties while we have yet a little meat beforehand. capt lewis gave the cheif cania a par of sattin breechies with which he appeared much pleased. [lewis, january , ] saturday january th . comowooll and the clatsops who visited us yesterday left us in the evening. these people the chinnooks and others residing in this neighbourhood and speaking the same language have been very friendly to us; they appear to be a mild inoffensive people but will pilfer if they have an opportuny to do so where they conceive themselves not liable to detection. they are great higlers in trade and if they conceive you anxious to purchase will be a whole day bargaining for a handfull of roots; this i should have thought proceeded from their want of knowledge of the comparitive value of articles of merchandize and the fear of being cheated, did i not find that they invariably refuse the price first offered them and afterwards very frequently accept a smaller quantity of the same article; in order to satisfy myself on this subject i once offered a chinnook my watch two knives and a considerable quantity of beads for a small inferior sea otter's skin which i did not much want, he immediately conceived it of great value, and refused to barter except i would double the quantity of beads; the next day with a great deal of importunity on his part i received the skin in exchange for a few strans of the same beads he had refused the day before. i therefore believe this trait in their character proceeds from an avaricious all grasping disposition. in this rispect they differ from all indians i ever became acquainted with, for their dispositions invariably lead them to give whatever they are possessed off no matter how usefull or valuable, for a bauble which pleases their fancy, without consulting it's usefullness or value. nothing interesting occurred today, or more so, than our wappetoe being all exhausted. [clark, january , ] saturday th january comowool and the clatsops who visited us yesterday left us in the morning. those people the chinnook and others resideing in this neighbourhood and speaking the same language have been very friendly to us; they appear to be a mild inoffensive people but will pilfer if they have an oppertunity to do so when they conceive themselves not liable to detection. they are great higlers in trade and if they conceive you anxious to purchase will be a whole day bargaining for a hand full of roots; this i should have thought proceeded from their want of knowledge of the comparitive value of articles of merchindize and the fear of being cheated, did i not find that they invariably refuse the price first offered them and afterwards very frequently accept a smaller quantity of the same article; in order to satisfy myself on this point, i once offered a clatsop man my watch a knife, a dollar of the coin of u state and hand full of beeds, for a small sea otter skin, which i did not much want, he immediately conceived it of great value, and refused to sell unless i would give as maney more beads; the next day with a great deel of importunity on his part we receved the skin in exchange for a fiew strans of the same beeds he had refused the day before. i therefore beleive this treat in their charector proceeds from an avericious all grasping dis-position. in this respect they differ from all indians i ever became acquainted with, for their dispositions invariably lead them to give what ever they are possessed off no matter how usefull or valueable, for a bauble which pleases their fancy, without consulting its usefullness or value. nothing occured to day, or more so, than our wappato being all exhausted. [lewis, january , ] sunday january th . at p.m. willard and wiser returned, they had not been lost as we apprehended. they informed us that it was not untill the fifth day after leaving the fort that they could find a convenient place for making salt; that they had at length established themselves on the coast about miles s. w. from this, near the lodge of some killamuck families; that the indians were very friendly and had given them a considerable quantity of the blubber of a whale which perished on the coast some distance s. e. of them; part of this blubber they brought with them, it was white & not unlike the fat of poark, tho the texture was more spongey and somewhat coarser. i had a part of it cooked and found it very pallitable and tender, it resembled the beaver or the dog in flavour. it may appear somewhat extraordinary tho it is a fact that the flesh of the beaver and dog possess a very great affinity in point of flavour. these lads also informed us that j. fields, bratton and gibson (the salt makers) had with their assistance erected a comfortable camp killed an elk and several deer and secured a good stock of meat; they commenced the making of salt and found that they could obtain from quarts to a gallon a day; they brought with them a specemine of the salt of about a gallon, we found it excellent, fine, strong, & white; this was a great treat to myself and most of the party, having not had any since the th ultmo.; i say most of the party, for my friend capt. clark declares it to be a mear matter of indifference with him whether he uses it or not; for myself i must confess i felt a considerable inconvenience from the want of it; the want of bread i consider as trivial provided, i get fat meat, for as to the species of meat i am not very particular, the flesh of the dog the horse and the wolf, having from habit become equally formiliar with any other, and i have learned to think that if the chord be sufficiently strong, which binds the soul and boddy together, it dose not so much matter about the materials which compose it. colter also returned this evening unsuccessfull from the chase, having been absent since the st inst.--capt. clark determined this evening to set out early tomorrow with two canoes and men in quest of the whale, or at all events to purchase from the indians a parcel of the blubber, for this purpose he prepared a small assortment of merchandize to take with him. [clark, january , ] sunday th of january at p.m.willard and wiser returned, they had not been lost as we expected. they informd us that it was not untill the th day after leaveing the fort, that they could find a convenient place for makeing salt; that they had at length established themselves on the sea coast about miles s. w. from this, near the houses of some clat sop & kil a mox families; that the indians were very friendly and had given them a considerable quantity of the blubber of the whale which perished on the coast some distance s. e. of them, it was white and not unlike the fat of pork, tho the texture was more spungey and somewhat coarser. we had part of it cooked and found it very pallitable and tender, it resembles the beaver in flavour. those men also informed us that the salt makers with their assistance had erected a comfortable camp, had killed an elk and several deer and secured a good stock of meat; they commenced the makeing of salt and found that they could make from quarts to a gallon a day; they brought with them a specimen of the salt, of about a gallon, we found it excellent white & fine, but not so strong as the rock salt or that made in kentucky or the western parts of the u, states--this salt was a great treat to most of the party, haveing not had any since the th ulto. as to my self i care but little whether i have any with my meat or not; provided the meat fat, haveing from habit become entirely cearless about my diat, and i have learned to think that if the cord be sufficiently strong which binds the soul and boddy together, it does not so much matter about the materials which compose it. colter returned this evening unsecksessfull from the chase, haveing been absent since the st inst. i determine to set out early tomorrow with two canoes & men in quest of the whale, or at all events to purchase from the indians a parcel of the blubber, for this purpose i made up a small assortment of merchindize, and directed the men to hold themselves in readiness &c. [lewis, january , ] monday january th . capt clark set out after an early breakfast with the party in two canoes as had been concerted the last evening; charbono and his indian woman were also of the party; the indian woman was very impotunate to be permited to go, and was therefore indulged; she observed that she had traveled a long way with us to see the great waters, and that now that monstrous fish was also to be seen, she thought it very hard she could not be permitted to see either (she had never yet been to the ocean). the clatsops, chinnooks, killamucks &c. are very loquacious and inquisitive; they possess good memories and have repeated to us the names capasities of the vessels &c of many traders and others who have visited the mouth of this river; they are generally low in stature, proportionably small, reather lighter complected and much more illy formed than the indians of the missouri and those of our frontier; they are generally cheerfull but never gay. with us their conversation generally turns upon the subjects of trade, smoking, eating or their women; about the latter they speak without reserve in their presents, of their every part, and of the most formiliar connection. they do not hold the virtue of their women in high estimation, and will even prostitute their wives and daughters for a fishinghook or a stran of beads. in common with other savage nations they make their women perform every species of domestic drudgery. but in almost every species of this drudgery the men also participate. their women are also compelled to geather roots, and assist them in taking fish, which articles form much the greatest part of their subsistance; notwithstanding the survile manner in which they treat their women they pay much more rispect to their judgment and oppinions in many rispects than most indian nations; their women are permitted to speak freely before them, and sometimes appear to command with a tone of authority; they generally consult them in their traffic and act in conformity to their opinions. i think it may be established as a general maxim that those nations treat their old people and women with most differrence and rispect where they subsist principally on such articles that these can participate with the men in obtaining them; and that, that part of the community are treated with.least attention, when the act of procuring subsistence devolves intirely on the men in the vigor of life. it appears to me that nature has been much more deficient in her filial tie than in any other of the strong affections of the human heart, and therefore think, our old men equally with our women indebted to civilization for their ease and comfort. among the siouxs, assinniboins and others on the missouri who subsist by hunting it is a custom when a person of either sex becomes so old and infurm that they are unable to travel on foot from camp to camp as they rome in surch of subsistance, for the children or near relations of such person to leave them without compunction or remose; on those occasions they usually place within their reach a small peace of meat and a platter of water, telling the poor old superannuated wretch for his consolation, that he or she had lived long enough, that it was time they should dye and go to their relations who can afford to take care of them much better than they could. i am informed that this custom prevails even among the minetares arwerharmays and recares when attended by their old people on their hunting excurtions; but in justice to these people i must observe that it appeared to me at their vilages, that they provided tolerably well for their aged persons, and several of their feasts appear to have principally for their object a contribution for their aged and infirm persons. this day i overhalled our merchandize and dryed it by the fire, found it all damp; we have not been able to keep anything dry for many days together since we arrived in this neighbourhood, the humidity of the air has been so excessively great. our merchandize is reduced to a mear handfull, and our comfort during our return the next year much depends on it, it is therefore almost unnecessary to add that we much regret the reduced state of this fund. [clark, january , ] & all day t of january all last night rained without intermition, & the morning. i sat out with men in canoes to around thro the bay and up a creek to an old landing at which place the indians have a roade across thro shashes west i landed made the canoes fast and set out up the cree on a road passed thro stashes to a pond, then up & around th bend along a bad thick way, took an indian path which took us to a creek which runs into the sand bay at which place we found a canoe which took over men at a time crossed and on the top of a rise saw elk prosued & killed one and encamped at the forks of a creek the west eate th elk all up. a fine butifull moon shining night unto _____, swan geese, brand &c. [clark, january , ] monday th of january the last evening shabono and his indian woman was very impatient to be permitted to go with me, and was therefore indulged; she observed that she had traveled a long way with us to see the great waters, and that now that monstrous fish was also to be seen, she thought it verry hard that she could not be permitted to see either (she had never yet been to the ocian). after an early brackfast i set out with two canoes down the ne tel r into meriwether bay with a view to proced on to the clatsop town, and hire a guide to conduct me through the creeks which i had every reason to beleeve comunicated both with the bay and a small river near to which our men were making salt. soon after i arrived in the bay the wind sprung up from the n. w and blew so hard and raised the waves so high that we were obliged to put into a small creek short of the village. finding i could not proceed on to the village in safty, i deturmined to assend this creek as high as the canoes would go; which from its directions must be near the open lands in which i had been on the th ulto., and leave the canoes and proceed on by land. at the distance of about miles up this creek i observed some high open land, at which place a road set out and had every appearance of a portage, here i landed drew up the canoes and set out by land, proceeded on through deep slashes to a pond about a mile in length and yards wide, kept up this pond leaving it to the right, and passing the head to a creek which we could not cross, this creek is the one which i rafted on the th & ultimo. and at no great distance from where i crossed in cus ca lars canoe on the th ulto. to which place i expected a find a canoe, we proceeded on and found a small canoe at the place i expected, calculated to carry men, we crossed and from the top of a ridge in the prarie we saw a large gange of elk feeding about miles below on our direction. i divided the party so as to be certain of an elk, several shot were fired only one elk fell, i had this elk butchered and carried to a creak in advance at which place i intended to encamp, two other elk were badly shot, but as it was nearly dark we could not pursue them, we proceeded on to the forks of the creek which we had just crossed turning around to the s w. and meeting one of equal size from the south, the two makeing a little river yards wide which falls into the ocian near the clat sop houses which i visited on the th ulto. in the forks of this creek we found some drift pine which had been left on the shore by the tide of which we made fires. the evening a butifull clear moon shiney night, and the st fair night which we have had for months [lewis, january , ] monday january th . last evening drewyer visited his traps and caught a beaver and an otter; the beaver was large and fat we have therefore fared sumptuously today; this we consider a great prize for another reason, it being a full grown beaver was well supplyed with the materials for making bate with which to catch others. this bate when properly prepared will intice the beaver to visit it as far as he can smell it, and this i think may be safely stated at a mile, their sense of smelling being very accute. to prepare beaver bate, the castor or bark stone is taken as the base, this is gently pressed out of the bladderlike bag which contains it, into a phiol of ounces with a wide mouth; if you have them you will put from four to six stone in a phiol of that capacity, to this you will add half a nutmeg, a douzen or grains of cloves and thirty grains of cinimon finely pulverized, stir them well together and then add as much ardent sperits to the composition as will reduce it the consistency mustard prepared for the table; when thus prepared it resembles mustard precisely to all appearance. when you cannot procure a phiol a bottle made of horn or a tight earthen vessel will answer, in all cases it must be excluded from the air or it will soon loose it's virtue; it is fit for uce immediately it is prepared but becomes much stronger and better in about four or five days and will keep for months provided it be perfectly secluded from the air. when cloves are not to be had use double the quantity of allspice, and when no spice can be obtained use the bark of the root of sausafras; when sperits cannot be had use oil stone of the beaver adding mearly a sufficient quantity to moisten the other materials, or reduce it to a stif past. it appears to me that the principal uce of the spices is only to give a variety to the scent of the bark stone and if so the mace vineller and other sweetsmelling spices might be employed with equal advantage. the male beaver has six stones, two which contain a substance much like finely pulvarized bark of a pale yellow colour and not unlike tanner's ooz in smell, these are called the bark stones or castors; two others, which like the bark stone resemble small bladders, contain a pure oil of a strong rank disagreeable smell, and not unlike train oil, these are called the oil stones; and others of generation. the barkstones are about two inches in length, the others somewhat smaller all are of a long oval form; and lye in a bunch together between the skin and the root of the tail, beneath or behind the fundament with which they are closely connected and seem to communicate. the pride of the female lyes on the inner side much like those of the hog. they have no further parts of generation that i can perceive and therefore beleive that like the birds they copulate with the extremity of the gut. the female have from two to four young ones at a birth and bring fourth once a year only, which usually happens about the latter end of may and begining of june. at this stage she is said to drive the male from the lodge, who would otherwise destroy the young.--dryed our lodge and had it put away under shelter; this is the first day during which we have had no rain since we arrived at this place. nothing extraordinary happened today. [clark, january , ] jany th tuesday set out at day light, porceded up the creek about mile and crossed on a tree trunk the salt makers have fallen across, then proceeded on to the ocean / mile & proceded up miles to the mouth of colimex river about or yds wide verry rapid & cuts its banks, here we found an old village of houses, one only inhabited by one familey, i gave the man a fish hook to put the party across, on the bank found a skeet fish which had been lef by the tide proceded on miles on the bank opposit a kind of bay the river cross to the sea cost to inds indians lodges at which place i found our salt makers near the foot of a mountain which form the shore. brackfast and hirired an indian to pilot me to the ca le mix nation where the whale is for which i gave a file, we proceded on the stone under a high hill on our right bluff. soft stone sees verry high, several parts of this hill recently sliped in, about / of a mile abov the houses saw a canoe in which the dead was buried at / miles assended a steep mountain, as steep at it is possible places for feet we hauled our selves up by the assistence of the bushes if one had given way we must have fallen a great distant the steepest worst & highest mountain i ever assended i think it at least feet highr than the sea imidiately under on the riht. we met indians loaded with blubber proceded on thro an unusual bad way falling timber bendig under logs &c. and encamped on a creek which runs to my left find day and night, the timber spruc white cedar & &. [clark, january , ] tuesday th of january some frost this morning. it may appear somewhat incrediable, but so it is that the elk which was killed last evening was eaten except about pounds, which i directed to be taken along with the skin, i proceded up the south fork of the creek about miles and crossed on a pine tree which had been fallen by the saltmakers on their first going out, on this tree we crossed the deepest of the water and waded on the opposit side for yards, from thence to the ocian / of a mile through a continuation of open ridgey prarie, here the coast is sandy, we proceeded on the sandy beech nearly south for miles to the mouth of butifull river with bold and rapid current of yards wide and feet deep in the shallowest place, a short distance up this river on the n e side is the remains of an old village of clatsops. i entered a house where i found a man womn & children, they appeared retchedly pore & dirty, i hired the man to set us across the river which i call after the nation clat sop river for which i gave fishing hooks--at this place the creek over which i crossed on a tree passes within yards of the clat sop river over which the nativs have a portage which affords them an easy communication with the villages near point adams, and at the mouth of the creek, on which we lay last night. in walking on the sand after crossing the river i saw a singular species of fish which i had never before seen one of the men call this fish a skaite, it is properly a thornback. i proceeded on about miles to near the base of high mountain where i found our salt makers, and with them sergt. gass, geo. shannon was out in the woods assisting jo field and gibson to kill some meat, the salt makers had made a neet close camp, convenient to wood salt water and the fresh water of the clat sop river which at this place was within paces of the ocian they wer also situated near houses of clatsops & killamox, who they informed me had been verry kind and attentive to them. i hired a young indian to pilot me to the whale for which service i gave him a file in hand and promised several other small articles on my return, left sergt. gass and one man of my party werner to make salt & permited bratten to accompany me, we proceeded on the round slipery stones under a high hill which projected into the ocian about miles further than the direction of the coast. after walking for / miles on the stones my guide made a sudin halt, pointed to the top of the mountain and uttered the word pe shack which means bad, and made signs that we could not proceed any further on the rocks, but must pass over that mountain, i hesitated a moment & view this emence mountain the top of which was obscured in the clouds, and the assent appeard. to be almost perpindecular; as the small indian parth allong which they had brought emence loads but a fiew hours before, led up this mountain and appeared to assend in a sideling direction, i thought more than probable that the assent might be torerably easy and therefore proceeded on, i soon found that the ____ become much worst as i assended, and at one place we were obliged to support and draw our selves up by the bushes & roots for near feet, and after about hours labour and fatigue we reached the top of this high mountain, from the top of which i looked down with estonishment to behold the hight which we had assended, which appeared to be or hundred feet up a mountain which appeared to be almost perpindicular, here we met indians men and women loaded with the oil & blubber of the whale. in the face of this tremendeous precipic imediately below us, there is a strater of white earth (which my guide informed me) the neighbouring indians use to paint themselves, and which appears to me to resemble the earth of which the french porcelain is made; i am confident that this earth contains argill, but whether it also contains silex or magnesia, or either of those earths in a proper perpotion i am unable to deturmine. we left the top of the precipice and proceeded on a bad road and encamped on a small run passin g to the left. all much fatiagued [lewis, january , ] tuesday january th . our meat is begining to become scarse; sent drewyer and collins to hunt this morning. the guard duty being hard on the men who now remain in the fort i have for their relief since the departure of capt. clark made the cooks mount guard. sergt. gass and shannon have not yet returned, nor can i immajen what is the cause of their detention. in consequence of the clouds this evening i lost my p.m. observation for equal altitudes, and from the same cause have not been able to take a single observation since we have been at this place. nothing extraordinary happened today. the clatsops chinnooks and others inhabiting the coast and country in this neighbourhood, are excessively fond of smoking tobacco. in the act of smoking they appear to swallow it as they dran it from the pipe, and for many draughts together you will not perceive the smoke which they take from the pipe; in the same manner also they inhale it in their lungs untill they become surcharged with this vapour when they puff it out to a great distance through their nostils and mouth; i have no doubt the smoke of the tobacco in this manner becomes much more intoxicating and that they do possess themselves of all it's virtues in their fullest extent; they freequently give us sounding proofs of it's creating a dismorallity of order in the abdomen, nor are those light matters thought indelicate in either sex, but all take the liberty of obeying the dictates of nature without reserve. these people do not appear to know the uce of sperituous liquors, they never having once asked us for it; i presume therefore that the traders who visit them have never indulged them with the uce of it; from what ever cause this may proceede, it is a very fortunate occurrence, as well for the natives themselves, as for the quiet and safety of thos whites who visit them. [clark, january , ] jany wedned set out at day a fine morning wind hard from s. e at / miles arived at a open where i had a view of the seas coast for a long distance rocks in every direction. struck a branch and come down to the sea at which place an old village between creeks of the colemix nation which inhabits this coast, grave yard deposed of in canoes in which the bodies are laid in boxes in the canoe, paddles &c thos poople must use thos canoes in the higher seas of which then ever i saw on a cost ruding countrey crossed points rocks great distanc in the sea, hill sides sliping from emins ravins which appears to _____ proceeded on to the mouth of a creek about yards wide at which place i saw lodges of indian of the ca la mix nation, boiling whale in a trough of about gallons with hot stones, and the oyle they put into a canoe i proceded on a short distance to the whales which was nothing more than the sceleton, of feet long, we took out a few bones and returned to the cabins at the mouth of the creek, and attempted to trade with thos people who i found close and capricious, would not trade the smallest piece except they thought they got an advantage of the bargain, their disposition is averitious, & independant in trade, they offered to trade for elk of which we had not i purchased some oile and about w of blubber after rendered, finding they would not trade i deturmined to return home with what we have the houses of these people appear temporary a ridge pole on forks supported a certain number of split boards of the red cedar & pine, set on the end the gable ends of the same materials and calculated for families first, the dress and appearenc of the nativs as also the language is procisely that of the clopsots & chinnooks, those people save their oile in bladder guts &c. their food is principally fish that is thrown on the shores by the seas & left by the tide, this cost is rockey, the mountains high & rugged, they inform me that their nation lives in villages to the s e of this place at the mouths of creek in which they catch samn. in the season, i got of those people a few roots some sturgeon whale-____ &. they call a whale e cu-la a creek shu man, they have some fiew sea ortter for which they ask such prices i could not purchase any of them th party much fatigued in crossing mountain & high points steep & slipery, also stony beach slippery and tiresom the high tide obliged me to delay untill late before the tide put out, i shot a raven & a gul with my small riffle which suppised these people a little they are fond of blue & white large beed only, files & fish hooks which are large- after diner we set out crossed the creek in a small canoe the tide out and encamped on the opposit side, i was asked for ferrage and paid a pin, one hut on the side in which i camped & village a short distance above which i did not see last night, all the men came over & smoked with me, about bed time i herd a hollowing on the opposit side of the river which allarnied all the indian men about me, they run across the creek, i suspected perhaps some of my party was over after the squars, by exemening found that mcneal was not in camp, my guide who staid with me told me some body throat was cut. i emediately sent serjt pryor & men across for mcneal, they soon returned haveing met the person i was anxious to find out the cause of the allarm, mcneal said that a man envited him to go across and get some fish, locked arms of which he contd to hold he took him into a lodge and the woman gave him a small piec the man then invited him to another, the woman of the lodge puled his blanket, & sent out a squar to hollow across, to inform of something which aid. mcneal i sent over sergt. pryor to know the cause of the allarm which he was informed that a plot was laid to kill mcneal for his blanket & clothes by this indian who was from another villg at some distance, and that she had attempted to stop mcneal & findeing she could not that she then allarmed the men, several of the mans band was with me who imedeately cleared out, men came over & slept at my feet. i kept a guard & sentinel all night a fair night wind blew from s. e. during the evening i acquired all the information possiable respecting the coast to the s. e. got the name of many nations & the nos. of their houses, a map of the coast in their way. i am very pore & weak for want of sufficient food and fear much that i shall require more assistance to get back than i had to get to this place. a deturmined purcistance will as it has done carry me through [clark, january , ] wednesday th january the last night proved fair and cold wind hard from the s. e. we set out early and proceeded to the top of the mountain next to the which is much the highest part and that part faceing the sea is open, from this point i beheld the grandest and most pleasing prospects which my eyes ever surveyed, in my frount a boundless ocean; to the n. and n. e. the coast as as far as my sight could be extended, the seas rageing with emence wave and brakeing with great force from the rocks of cape disapointment as far as i could see to the n. w. the clatsops chinnooks and other villagers on each side of the columbia river and in the praries below me, the meanderings of handsom streams heading in small lakes at the foot the high country; the columbia river for a some distance up, with its bays and small rivers and on the other side i have a view of the coast for an emence distance to the s. e. by s. the nitches and points of high land which forms this corse for a long ways aded to the inoumerable rocks of emence sise out at a great distance from the shore and against which the seas brak with great force gives this coast a most romantic appearance. from this point of view my guide pointed to a village at the mouth of a small river near which place he said the whale was, he also pointed to other places where the princpal villages of the kil la mox were situated, i could plainly see the houses of of those villeges & the smoke of a rd which was two far of for me to disern with my naked eye--after taking the courses and computed the distances in my own mind, i proceeded on down a steep decent to a single house the remains of an old kil a mox town in a nitch imediately on the sea coast, at which place great no. of eregular rocks are out and the waves comes in with great force. near this old town i observed large canoes of the neetest kind on the ground some of which appeared nearly decayed others quit sound, i examoned those canoes and found they were the repository of the dead--this custom of secureing the dead differs a little from the chinnooks. the kil a mox secure the dead bodies in an oblong box of plank, which is placed in an open canoe resting on the ground, in which is put a paddle and sundery other articles the property of the disceased. the coast in the neighbourhood of this old village is slipping from the sides of the high hills, in emence masses; fifty or a hundred acres at a time give way and a great proportion of an instant precipitated into the ocean. those hills and mountains are principally composed of a yellow clay; their slipping off or spliting assunder at this time is no doubt caused by the incessant rains which has fallen within the last two months. the mountans covered with a verry heavy croth of pine & furr, also the white cedar or arbor vita and a small proportion of the black alder, this alder grows to the hight of sixty or seventy feet and from to feet in diamiter. some species of pine on the top of the point of view rise to the emmence hight of feet and from to feet in diameter, and are perfectly sound and solid. wind hard from the s. e and see looked ____ in the after part of the day breaking with great force against the scattering rocks at some distance from shore, and the ruged rockey points under which we wer obleged to pass and if we had unfortunately made one false stet we should eneviateably have fallen into the sea and dashed against the rocks in an instant, fortunately we passed over of those dismal points and arived on a butifull sand shore on which we continued for miles, crossed a creek yards near cabins, and proceeded to the place the whale had perished, found only the skelleton of this monster on the sand between of the villages of the kil a mox nation; the whale was already pillaged of every valuable part by the kil a mox inds. in the vecinity of whose village's it lay on the strand where the waves and tide had driven up & left it. this skeleton measured feet. i returned to the village of cabins on the creek which i shall call e co-la or whale creek, found the nativs busily engaged boiling the blubber, which they performed in a large squar wooden trought by means of hot stones; the oil when extracted was secured in bladders and the guts of the whale; the blubber from which the oil was only partially extracted by this process, was laid by in their cabins in large flickes for use; those flickes they usially expose to the fire on a wooden spit untill it is prutty well wormed through and then eate it either alone or with roots of the rush, shaw na tdk we or diped in the oil. the kil a mox although they possessed large quantities of this blubber and oil were so prenurious that they disposed of it with great reluctiance and in small quantities only; insomuch that my utmost exertion aided by the party with the small stock of merchindize i had taken with me were not able to precure more blubber than about wt. and a fiew gallons of oil; small as this stock is i prise it highly; and thank providence for directing the whale to us; and think him much more kind to us than he was to jonah, having sent this monster to be swallowed by us in sted of swallowing of us as jonah's did. i recrossed e co la creek and encamped on the bank at which place we observed an ebundance of fine wood the indian men followed me for the purpose of smokeing. i enquired of those people as well as i could by signs the situation, mode of liveing & strength of their nation they informed me that the bulk of their nation lived in large villages still further along the sea coast to the s, s, w. at the enterence of creek which fell into a bay, and that other houses were scattered about on the coast, bay and on a small river which fell into the bay in which they cought salmon, and from this creek (which i call kil a mox river) they crossed over to the wappato i. on the shock-ah-lil com (which is the indian name for the columbia river) and purchased wappato &c. that the nation was once verry large and that they had a great maney houses, in salmon season they cought great numbers of that fish in the small creeks, when the salmon was scerce they found sturgion and a variety of other fish thrown up by the waves and left by the tide which was verry fine, elk was plenty in the mountains, but they could not kill maney of them with their arrows. the kil d mox in their habits customs manners dress & language differ but little from the clatsops, chinnooks and others in this neighbourhood are of the same form of those of the clatsops with a dore at each end & two fire places i, e the house is double as long as wide and divided into equal parts with a post in the middle supporting the ridge pole, and in the middle of each of those divisions they make their fires, dotes small & houses sunk feet [lewis, january , ] friday january th . our men are now very much engaged in dressing elk and deer skins for mockersons and cloathing. the deer are extreemly scarce in this neighbourhood, some are to be found near the praries and open grounds along the coast. this evening we heard seven guns in quick succession after each other, they appeared to be on the creek to the south of us and several miles distant; i expect that the hunters drewyer and collins have fallen in with a gang of elk. some marrow bones and a little fresh meat would be exceptable; i have been living for two days past on poor dryed elk, or jurk as the hunters term it. the clatsops chinnooks &c. bury their dead in their canoes. for this purpose four pieces of split timber are set erect on end, and sunk a few feet in the grown, each brace having their flat sides opposite to each other and sufficiently far assunder to admit the width of the canoes in which the dead are to be deposited; through each of these perpendicular posts, at the hight of six feet a mortice is cut, through which two bars of wood are incerted; on these cross bars a small canoe is placed in which the body is laid after being carefully roled in a robe of some dressed skins; a paddle is also deposited with them; a larger canoe is now reversed, overlaying and imbracing the small one, and resting with it's gunwals on the cross bars; one or more large mats of rushes or flags are then roled around the canoes and the whole securely lashed with a long cord, usually made of the bark of the arbor vita or white cedar. on the cross bars which support the canoes is frequently hung or laid various articles of cloathing culinary eutensels &c. i cannot understand them sufficiently to make any enquiries relitive to their religeous opinions, but presume from their depositing various articles with their dead, that they believe in a state of future existence. the persons who usually visit the entrance of this river for the purpose of traffic or hunting i believe are either english or americans; the indians inform us that they speak the same language with ourselves, and give us proofs of their varacity by repeating many words of english, as musquit, powder, shot, nife, file, damned rascal, sun of a bitch &c. whether these traders are from nootka sound, from some other late establishment on this coast, or immediately from the u states or great brittain, i am at a loss to determine, nor can the indians inform us. the indians whom i have asked in what direction the traders go when they depart from hence, or arrive here, always point to the s. w. from which it is presumeable that nootka cannot be their destination; and as from indian information a majority of these traders annually visit them about the beginning of april and remain with them six or seven months, they cannot come immediately from great britain or the u states, the distance being too great for them to go and return in the ballance of the year. from this circumstance i am sometimes induced to believe that there is some other establishment on the coast of america south west of this place of which little is but yet known to the world, or it may be perhaps on some island in the pacific ocean between the continents of asia and america to the south west of us. this traffic on the part of the whites consists in vending, guns, (principally old british or american musquits) powder, balls and shot, copper and brass kettles, brass teakettles and coffee pots, blankets from two to three point, scarlet and blue cloth (coarse), plates and strips of sheet copper and brass, large brass wire, knives, beads and tobacco with fishinghooks buttons and some other small articles; also a considerable quantity of sailor's cloaths, as hats coats, trowsers and shirts. for these they receive in return from the natives, dressed and undressed elkskins, skins of the sea otter, common otter, beaver, common fox, spuck, and tiger cat; also dryed and pounded sammon in baskets, and a kind of buisquit, which the natives make of roots called by them shappelell. the natives are extravegantly fond of the most common cheap blue and white beads, of moderate size, or such that from to will weigh one penneyweight. the blue is usually pefered to the white; these beads constitute the principal circulating medium with all the indian tribes on this river; for these beads they will dispose any article they possess.--the beads are strung on strans of a fathom in length and in that manner sold by the bredth or yard.- [clark, january , ] january th thursday a fine morning wind n e set out at day lighte every man some meat of the whale and a little oile proceded on the track we came out to a house at a branch where we halted / an hour to rest this house is at at place an old village has formerly been, on the coast at the comencment ____ foot wide feet long sunk in the ground feet dotes & fire places dotes ins. high & / wide handsom steps to decend down a post in the middle coverede with boards split thin an feet wide, old grave in canoes of feet inches wide & feet long neetly made high at bow proceded on to the top of the hill passing bad points rockey &. from the point clarks point of view cape disapt. bears s. ° e passing a great point at miles one at miles rocks out to the st large point from the creek points, between the st large point and d a point of many large rocks, day clouded up, i can see a point bearing n ° east along way just in sight. from clarks view point to cape disapointment is n ° w. to point adams &the open slope point is north and a sharp point, met a party of chinnooks going to get whale blubber to eate & oile each of which they eate together, we also over took several parties of the clot sops loaded with imence laods of the blubber and oile maney of those loads i with difficuelty raised, estonishing what custom will do. at oclock we arrived at the camp of our salt makers verry much fatigued, more so than i ever was before, the indians all proceeded on, i concluded to stay all night, as the party was much fatigued, and send out men which i had left here to hunt ducks up the little river, jo. fields had killed an elk and brought in a quarter on which we dined he also had killed & brought in a deer. the indians with the oile & bluber tole me they had to purchase of the ca-le nixx and would come to the fort & sell to us in days time, this i incouraged, as i expect to purchase at the fort as cheep as at the village at which i was, day proved fine. rained the greater part of the night i went into an indian lodge they were pore durty and the house full of flees. he offered me roots which they geather on the sea cost a kind of rush, of which they offered me to eate, [clark, january , ] thursday th of january a fine morning wind from the n. e. last night about oclock while smokeing with the nativ's i was alarmed by a loud srile voice from the cabins on the opposite side, the indians all run immediately across to the village, my guide who continued with me made signs that some one's throat was cut, by enquiry i found that one man mcneal was absent, i imediately sent off sergt. n. pryor & men in quest of mcneal who they met comeing across the creak in great hast, and informed me that the people were alarmed on the opposit side at something but what he could not tell, a man had verry friendly envited him to go and eate in his lodge, that the indian had locked armes with him and went to a lodge in which a woman gave him some blubber, that the man envited him to another lodge to get something better, and the woman held him by the blanket which he had around him another ran out and hollow'd and his pretended friend disapeared--i emediately ordered every man to hold themselves in a state of rediness and sent sergt. pryor & men to know the cause of the alarm which was found to be a premeditated plan of the pretended friend of mcneal to assanate for his blanket and what fiew articles he had about him, which was found out by a chin nook woman who allarmed the men of the village who were with me in time to prevent the horred act. this man was of another band at some distance and ran off as soon as he was discovered. we have now to look back and shudder at the dreadfull road on which we have to return of miles s e of point adams & miles from fort clatsop. i had the blubber & oil divided among the party and set out about sunrise and returned by the same rout we had went out, met several parties of men & womin of the chinnook and clatsops nations, on their way to trade with the kil a mox for blubber and oil; on the steep decent of the mountain i overtook five men and six womin with emence loads of the oil and blubber of the whale, those indians had passed by some rout by which we missed them as we went out yesterday; one of the women in the act of getting down a steep part of the mountain her load by some means had sliped off her back, and she was holding the load by a strap which was fastened to the mat bag in which it was in, in one hand and holding a bush by the other, as i was in front of my party, i endeavored to relieve this woman by takeing her load untill she could get to a better place a little below, & to my estonishment found the load as much as i could lift and must exceed wt. the husband of this woman who was below soon came to her releif, those people proceeded on with us to the salt works, at which place we arrived late in the evening, found them without meat, and of the party j. field gibson & shannon out hunting. as i was excessively fatigued and my party appeared verry much so, i deturmined to stay untill the morning and rest our selves a little. the clatsops proceeded on with their lodes--the clatsops, chin nooks kil a mox &c. are verry loquacious and inquisitive; they possess good memories and have repeeted to us the names capasities of the vessels &c of maney traders and others who have visited the mouth of this river; they are generally low in statue, proportionably small, reather lighter complected and much more illy formed than the indians of the missouri and those of our fronteers; they are generally chearfull but never gay. with us their conversation generally turns upon the subject of trade, smokeing, eating or their womin; about the latter, they speak without reserve in their presence, of their every part, and of the most farmiliar connection. they do not hold the virtue of their womin in high estimation, and will even prostitute their wives and daughters for a fishing hook or a stran of beeds. in common with other savage nations they make their womin perform every species of domestic drugery; but in almost every species of this drugery the men also participate. their woman are compelled to gather roots, and assist them in takeing fish; which articles form much the greater part of their subsistance; notwithstanding the survile manner in which they treat their womin they pay much more respect to their judgement and oppinion in maney respects than most indian nations; their womin are permited to speak freely before them, and sometimes appear to command with a tone of authority; they generally consult them in their traffic and act conformably to their opinions. i think it may be established as a general maxim that those nations treat their old people and women with most defference and respect where they subsist principally on such articles that these can participate with the men in obtaining them; and that, that part of the community are treated with least attention, when the act of precureing subsistance devolves intirely on the men in the vigor of life. it appears to me that nature has been much more deficient in her filial ties than in any others of the strong effections of the humane heart, and therefore think our old men equally with our woman indebted to sivilization for their ease and comfort. i am told among the sioux's, assinniboins and others on the missouri who subsist by hunting it is a custom when a person of either sex becoms so old and infirm that they are unable to travel on foot, from camp to camp as they rove in serch of subsistance, for the children or near relations of such person to leave them without compunction or remorse; on those occasions they usially place within their reach a small piece of meat and a platter of water, telling the poor old superannuated retch for their consolation, that he or she had lived long enough, and that it was time they should die and go to their relations who can afford to take care of them, much better than they could. i am informed that the me ne tar es ar war har mays and ricares when attended by their old people on their hunting expedition prosued the same custom; but injustice to those people i must observe that it appeared to me at their villages, that they provided tolerably well for their aged persons, and several of their feasts appear to have principally for their object a contribution for their aged and infirm persons. in one of the mandan villages i saw an old man to whome i gave a knife and enquired his age, he said he had seen more than winters, and that he should soon go down the river to their old village--he requested i would give him something to prevent the pain in his back his grand son a young man rebuked the old man and said it was not worth while, that it was time for the old man to die. the old man occupied one side of the fire and was furnished with plenty of covouring and food, and every attention appeared to be paid him &c. jo. field in my absence had killed an elk and a deer, brought in the deer and half of the elk on a part of which we suped, some rain a little after dark. i visited a house near the salt boilers found it inhabited by families, they were pore dirty and their house sworming with flees.- [lewis, january , ] saturday january th . about a.m. i was visited by tia shah-har-war-cap and eleven of his nation in one large canoe; these are the cuth'-lah-mah nation who reside first above us on the south side of the columbia river; this is the first time that i have seen the chief, he was hunting when we past his vilage on our way to this place. i gave him a medal of the smallest size; he presented me with some indian tobacco and a basquit of wappetoe, in return for which i gave him some thread for making a skiming net and a small piece of tobacco. these people speak the same language with the chinnooks and catsops whom they also resemble in their dress customs manners &c. they brought some dryed salmon, wappetoe, dogs, and mats made of rushes and flags, to barter; their dogs and a part of their wappetoe they disposed off, an remained all night near the fort. this morning drewyer and collins returned having killed two elk only, and one of those had died in their view over a small lake which they had not the means of passing it being late in the evening and has of course spoiled, as it laid with the entrals in it all night; as the tide was going out we could not send for the elk today, therefore ordered a party to go for it early in the morning and george and collins to continue their hunt; meat has now become scarce with us. capt clark returned at to p.m. this evening with the majority of the party who accompanyed him; having left some men to assist the saltmakers to bring in the meat of two elk which they had killed, and sent others through by land to hunt. capt. clark found the whale on the coast about miles s. e. of point adams, and about miles from fort clatsop by the rout he took; the whale was already pillaged of every valuable part by the killamucks, in the vicinity of one of whose villages it lay on the strand where the waves and tide had driven up and left it. this skelleton measured one hundred and five feet. capt. c. found the natives busily engaged in boiling the blubber, which they performed in a large wooden trought by means of hot stones; the oil when extracted was secured in bladders and the guts of the whale; the blubber, from which the oil was only partially extracted by this process, was laid by in their lodges in large fliches for uce; this they usually expose to the fire on a wooden spit untill it is pretty well warmed through and then eat it either alone or with the roots of the rush, squawmash, fern wappetoe &c. the natives although they possessed large quantities of this blubber and oil were so penurious that they disposed of it with great reluctance and in small quantities only; insomuch that the utmost exertions of capt. c. and the whole party aided by the little stock of merchandize he had taken with him and some small articles which the men had, were not able to procure more blubber than about lb. and a few gallons of the oil; this they have brought with them, and small as the store is, we prize it highly, and thank providence for directing the whale to us, and think him much more kind to us than he was jonah, having sent this monster to be swallowed by us in stead of swallowing of us as jona's did. capt. c. found the road along the coast extreemly difficult of axcess, lying over some high rough and stoney hills, one of which he discribes as being much higher than the others, having it's base washed by the ocean over which it rares it's towering summit perpendicularly to the hight of feet; from this summit capt. c. informed me that there was a delightfull and most extensive view of the ocean, the coast and adjacent country; this mout. i have taken the liberty of naming clark's mountain and point of view; it is situated about m. s. e. of point adams and projects about / miles into the ocean; killamucks river falls in a little to the n. w. of this mountain; in the face of this tremendious precepice there is a stra of white earth (see specimen no. ____) which the neighbouring indians use to paint themselves, and which appears to me to resemble the earth of which the french porcelain is made; i am confident this earth contains argill, but wether it also contains silex or magnesia, or either of those earths in a proper proportion i am unable to determine.--shannon and gass were found with the salt makers and ordered to return mcneal was near being assassinated by a killamuck indian, but fortunately escaped in consequence of a chinnook woman giving information to capt. c., the party and indians with them before the villain had prepaired himself to execute his purposes. the party returned excessively fortiegued and tired of their jaunt. killamucks river is yards wide, rappid and feet deep in the shallowest part. the killamucks in their habits customs manners dress and language differ but little from the clatsops & chinnooks. they place their dead in canoes resting on the ground uncovered, having previously secured the dead bodies in an oblong box of plank. the coast in the neighbourhood of clarks mountain is sliping off & falling into the ocean in immence masses; fifty or a hundred acres at a time give way and a great proportion in an instant precipitated into the ocean. these hills and mountains are principally composed of a yellow clay; there sliping off or spliting assunder at this time is no doubt caused by the incessant rains which have fallen within the last two months. the country in general as about fort clatsop is covered with a very heavy growth of several species of pine & furr, also the arbor vita or white cedar and a small proportion of the black alder which last sometimes grows to the hight of sixty or seventy feet, and from two to four feet in diameter. some species of the pine rise to the immence hight of feet and are from to feet in diameter, and are perfectly sound and solid. [clark, january , ] jany friday i left sergt. gass here and set out at sun rise, crossed the little river which i waded yards wide & feet deep swift, at which place i saw several indians one of which had butifull sea orter skins on as a roabe, here the creek which i crossed at a tree and on which i camped the th inst. came within yds of the river & they inds. make a portage here, continued on a place miles crossed this creek in a small canoe. here i expected to find shannon and gibson with meet to furnish the salt makers, but did not, divided the party sent men to my right to try and kill elk, soon after met gibson & shannon with meat, they had killed elk miles to my right, i divided the meat between the party, and the load of men whome i send with gibson & shannon to help carrey the elk to the salt makers, and i my self and the party returned by the same rout we went out to the canoes rd. frasure behaved very badly, and mutonous--he also lost his large knife. i sent him back to look for his knife, with directions to return with the party of serjt gass, i proceded on, here is a portage of / of a mile from this creck to a branch which falls into the bay, we proceeded on a much bette road than we went out across a deep slash and found our canoes safe, and set out at sunset, and arived at the foart, wet and cold at oclock p.m. found a cheif & number of indians both encamped on the shore, and at the fort of the cath la-hur tribe which lives at no great distance above this back of an island close under the south side of the columbia river those people speake the same language of the clotsops dress nearly alike the men of both cut their hair in the neck. use blankets of the manifactory of the nativs near the falls of the sheep wool-fond of brass arm bands and check, they bring wap-pa-to root (which is sagittifolia or the common arrow head which is cultivated by the chinees) to sell. [clark, january , ] friday the th of january i derected serjt. gass to continue with the salt makers untill shannon return from hunting, and then himself and shannon to return to the fort, i set out at sunrise with the party waded the clat sop river which i found to be steps across and feet deep, on the opposite side a kil a mox indian came to and offered to sell some roots of which i did not want, he had a robe made of large sea otter skins which i offered to purchase, but he would not part with them, we returned by nearly the same rout which i had come out, at four miles, i met gibson & shannon each with a load of meat, they informed me that they had killed elk about miles off, i directed men to go with the hunters and help them pack the meat to the place they were makeing salt, and return to the fort with serjt. gass, the balance of the party took the load of the men, after crossing the d creek frasure informed me that he had lost his big knife, here we dined, i put frasurs load on my guide who is yet with me, and sent him back in serch of his knife with directions to join the other men who were out packing meat & return to the fort all together. i arrived at the canoes about sunset, the tides was comeing in i thought it a favourable time to go on to the fort at which place we arrived at oclock p m, found several inidians of the cath'-lah-mah nation the great chief shahhar-wah cop who reside not far above us on the south side of the columbia river, this is the first time i have seen the chief, he was hunting when we passed his village on our way to this place, we gave him a medal of the smallest size, he presented me with a basquet of wappato, in return for which i gave him a fish hook of a large size and some wire, those people speak the same language with the chinnooks and clatsops, whome they all resemble in dress, custom, manners &c. they brought some dried salmon, wappato, dogs, and mats made of rushes & flags to barter; their dogs and part of their wappato they disposed of, and remained in their camp near the fort all night. in my absence the hunters from the fort killed only two elk which is yet out in the woods. capt. lewis examined our small stock of merchendize found some of it wet and dried it by the fire. our merchindize is reduced to a mear handfull, and our comfort, dureing our return next year, much depends on it, it is therefore almost unnecessary to add that it is much reduced the nativs in this neighbourhood are excessively fond of smokeing tobacco. in the act of smokeing they appear to swallow it as they draw it from the pipe, and for maney draughts together you will not perceive the smoke they take from the pipe, in the same manner they inhale it in their longs untill they become surcharged with the vapour when they puff it out to a great distance through their norstils and mouth; i have no doubt that tobacco smoked in this manner becomes much more intoxicating, and that they do possess themselves of all its virtues to the fullest extent; they frequently give us sounding proofs of its createing a dismorallity of order in the abdomen, nor are those light matters thought indelicate in either sex, but all take the liberty of obeying the dicktates of nature without reserve. those people do not appear to know the use of speritious licquors, they never haveing once asked us for it; i prosume therefore that the traders who visit them have never indulged them with the use of it; of whatever cause this may proceed, it is a verry fortunate occurrence, as well for the nativs themselves, as for the quiet and safty of those whites who visit them. george drewyer visited this traps in my absence and caught a beaver & a otter; the beaver was large and fat, and capt. l. has feested sumptiously on it yesterday; this we consider as a great prize, it being a full grown beaver was well supplyed with the materials for makeing bate with which to catch others. this bate when properly prepared will entice the beaver to visit it as far as he can smell it, and this i think may be safely stated at / a mile, their sence of smelling being verry accute. to prepare beaver bate, the caster or bark stone is taken as the base, this is generally pressed out of the bladder like bag which contains it, into a phiol of ounces with a wide mouth; if you have them you will put from to stone in a phial of that capacity, to this you will add half a nutmeg, a dozen or grains of cloves and grains of sinimon finely pulverised, stur them well together, and then add as much ardent sperits to the composition as will reduce it to the consistancey of mustard prepared for the table, when thus prepared it resembles mustard precisely to all appearance. when you cannot precure a phial a bottle made of horn or a light earthern vessel will answer, in all cases it must be excluded from the air or it will soon lose its virtue; it is fit for use imediately it is prepared but becoms much stronger and better in or days and will keep for months provided it be purfectly secluded from the air. when cloves are not to be had use double the quantity of allspice, and when no spices can be obtained use the bark of the root of the sausafras; when sperits cannot be had use oil stone of the beaver adding mearly a sufficent quantity to moisten the other materials, or reduce it to a stiff paste. it appears to me that the principal use of the spices is only to give a variety to the scent of the bark stone and if so the mace vineller, and other sweet smelling spices might be employd with equal advantage. the male beaver has six stones, two which contanes a substance much like finely pulverised bark of a pale yellow colour and not unlike tanner's ooz in smell, these are called the bark stones or castors; two others, which like the bark stone resemble small blatters, contain a pure oil of a strong rank disagreable smell, and not unlike train oil, these are called the oil stones, and two others of generation. the bark stones are about inches in length, the others somewhat smaller, all are of a long oval form, and lye in a bunch together between the skin and the root of the tail beneath or behind the fundiment with which they are closely connected and seam to communicate, the pride of the female lye on the inner side much like those of the hog they have no further parts of generation that i can proceive, and therefore believe that like the birds they coperate with the extremity of the gut. the female have from to young ones at a birth and bring forth once a year only which usially happins about the latter end of may and beginning of june. at this stage she is said to drive the mail from the lodge, who would otherwise distroy the young [lewis, january , ] sunday january th . sent a party early this morning for the elk which was killed on the th. they returned with it in the evening; drewyer and collins also returned without having killed anything. this morning the sergt. of the guard reported the absence of our indian canoe, on enquiry we found that those who came in it last evening had been negligent in securing her and the tide in the course of the night had taken her off; we sent a party down to the bay in surch of her, they returned unsuccessfull, the party also who went up the river and creek in quest of the meat were ordered to lookout for her but were equally unsuccessfull; we ordered a party to resume their resurches for her early tomorrow; this will be a very considerable loss to us if we do not recover her; she is so light that four men can carry her on their sholders a mile or more without resting; and will carry three men and from to hundred lbs. the cuthlahmahs left us this evening on their way to the catsops, to whom they purpose bartering their wappetoe for the blubber and oil of the whale, which the latter purchased for beads &c. from the killamucks; in this manner there is a trade continually carryed on by the natives of the river each trading some article or other with their neighbours above and below them; and thus articles which are vended by the whites at the entrance of this river, find their way to the most distant nations enhabiting it's waters. [clark, january , ] saturday th of january sent a party early this morning for the elk which was killed on the th they returned with it in the evining; this morning the serjt. of the guard reported that our indian canoe had gone a drift, on enquiry we found that those who came in it last evening had been negligent in secureing her, and the tide in corse of the night had taken her off; we sent a party down to the bay in serch of her, they returned unsecksessfull, the party who went up the river and creek after meat were derected to look out for her but were equally unsecksessfull; this will be a verry considerable loss to us if we do not recover her, she is so light that men can carry her on their sholders a mile or more without resting, and will carry four men and from to hundred pounds. the cath ia mahs left us this evening on their way to the clatsops, to whome they perpose bartering their wappato for the blubber & oil of the whale, which the latter purchased for beeds &c. from the kil a mox; in this manner there is a trade continually carried on by the nativs of the river each tradeing some articles or other with their neighbours above and below them, and those articles which are vended by the whites at their enterance of this river, find their way to the most distant nations inhabiting its waters. [lewis, january , ] monday january th . the men who were sent in surch of the canoe returned without being able to find her, we therefore give her over as lost. this morning sent out drewyer and one man to hunt, they returned in the evening, drewyer having killed seven elk; i scarcely know how we should subsist were it not for the exertions of this excellet hunter. at p.m. the ballance of the party who had been left by capt. c. arrived; about the same time the two hunters also arrived who had been dispatched by capt c. for the purpose of hunting on the th inst.; they had killed nothing. we have heretofore usually divided the meat when first killed among the four messes into which we have divided our party leaving to each the care of preserving and the discretion of using it, but we find that they make such prodigal use of it when they hapen to have a tolerable stock on hand that we have determined to adapt a different system with our present stock of seven elk; this is to jerk it & issue it to them in small quantities. [clark, january , ] sunday the th january this morning sent out drewyer and one man to hunt, they returned in the evening drewyer haveing killed elk; i scercely know how we should subsist, i beleive but badly if it was not for the exertions of this excellent hunter; maney others also exert themselves, but not being accquainted with the best method of finding and killing the elk and no other wild animals is to be found in this quarter, they are unsucksessfull in their exertions. at p. m serjt. gass and the men i left to assist the salt makers in carrying in their meat arrived also the hunters which i directed to hunt in the point, they killed nothing-. we have heretofore devided the meat when first killed among the four messes, into which we have divided our party, leaveing to each the care of preserving and distribution of useing it; but we find that they make such prodigal use of it when they happen to have a tolerable stock on hand, that we are determined to adapt a different system with our present stock of seven elk; this is to jurk it and issue it to them in small quantities [lewis, january , ] tuesday january th . this morning i took all the men who could be spared from the fort and set out in quest of the flesh of the seven elk that were killed yesterday, we found it in good order being untouched by the wolves, of which indeed there are but few in this country; at p.m. we returned having gotten all the meat to the fort. this evening we exhausted the last of our candles, but fortunately had taken the precaution to bring with us moulds and wick, by means of which and some elk's tallow in our possession we do not yet consider ourselves destitute of this necessary article; the elk we have killed have a very small portion of tallow. the traders usually arrive in this quarter, as has been before observed, in the month of april, and remain untill october; when here they lay at anchor in a bay within cape disappointment on the n. side of the river; here they are visited by the natives in their canoes who run along side and barter their comodities with them, their being no houses or fortification on shore for that purpose. the nations who repare thither are fist, those of the sea coast s. e. of the entrance of the river, who reside in the order in which their names are mentioned, begining at the entrance of the river (viz) the clatsop, killamuck, ne-cost, nat-ti, nat-chies, tarl-che, e-slitch, you-cone and so-see. secondly those inhabiting the n. w. coast begining at the entrance of the river and mentioned in the same order; the chinnook and chiltch the latter very numerous; and thirdly the cath-lah-mah, and skil-lutes, the latter numerous and inhabiting the river from a few miles above the marshey islands, where the cuth-lahmahs cease, to the grand rappids. these last may be esteemed the principal carryers or intermediate traders betwen the whites and the indians of the sea coast, and the e-ne-shurs, the e-chee-lutes, and the chil-luckkit-te quaws, who inhabit the river above, to the grand falls inclusive, and who prepare most of the pounded fish which is brought to market. the bay in which this trade is carryed on is spacious and commodious, and perfectly secure from all except the s. and s. e. winds, these however are the most prevalent and strong winds in the winter season. fresh water and wood are very convenient and excellent timber for refiting and reparing vessels. [clark, january , ] monday th january capt. lewis took all the men which could be speared from the fort and set out in quest of the flesh of the seven elk which were killed yesterday they found the meat all secure untouched by the wolves, of which indeed there are but fiew in this countrey; at p.m. the party returned with the d and last load of meat to the fort. this evening we finished all last of our candles, we brought with us, but fortunately had taken the precaution to bring with us moulds and wick, by means of which and some elk tallow in our possession we do not think our selves distitute of this necessary article, the elk which have been killed have a verry small portion of tallow. the traders usially arrive in this quarter, in the month of april, and remain until october; when here they lay at anchor in a bay within cape disapointment on the n. side of the river; here they are visited by the nativs in their canoes who run along side and barter their comodities with them, their being no houses or fortification on shore for that purpose. the nations who repare thither ar first those of the sea coast s. e & n w of the enterance of the river, who reside in the order in which their names are mentioned to the s e. the clat sops, kil-a-mox, and those to the n w. the chin nooks, and chiltch; and secondly the cath-lah-mah, war-ki-a-cum, and skil-lutes, the latter noumerous and inhabiting those last may be considered or intermedeate traders between the whites and nations on the sea coast, and the e-ne-churs, the e-chee-lutes, and the chil-luck-kitte-quaws, who inhabit the river up to the great falls inclusive, and who prepare most of the pounded fish which is brought to market. the bay in which the trade is carried on is spacious and commodious, and perfectly secure from all except the s. & s e winds and those blow but seldom the most prevalent & strong winds are from the s w & n w in the winter season. fish water and wood are very convenient and excellent timber for refitting and repareing vessels.-. [lewis, january , ] wednesday january th . this morning the sergt. of the guard reported the absence of one of the large perogues, it had broken the chord by which it was attatched and the tide had taken it off; we sent a party immediately in surch of her, they returned in about hours having fortunately found her. we now directed three of the perogues to be drawn up out of reach of the tide and the fourth to be mored in the small branch just above the landing and confined with a strong rope of elk-skin. had we lost this perogue also we should have been obliged to make three small ones, which with the few tools we have now left would be a serious undertaking. a fatiegue of men employed in jerking the elk beaf. from the best estimate we were enabled to make as we dscended the columbia we conceived that the natives inhabiting that noble stream, for some miles above the great falls to the grand rappids inclusive annually prepare about , lbs. of pounded sammon for market. but whether this fish is an article of commerce with the whites or is exclusively sold to and consumed by the natives of the sea coast, we are at a loss to determine. the first of those positions i am disposed to credit most, but, still i must confess that i cannot imagine what the white merchant's object can be in purchasing this fish, or where they dispose of it. and on the other hand the indians in this neighbourhood as well as the skillutes have an abundance of dryed sammon which they take in the creeks and inlets, and i have never seen any of this pounded fish in their lodges, which i pesume would have been the case if they purchased this pounded fish for their own consumption. the indians who prepared this dryed and pounded fish, informed us that it was to trade with the whites, and shewed us many articles of european manufacture which they obtained for it. it is true they obtain those articles principally for their fish but they trade with the skillutes for them and not immediately with the whites; the intermediate merchants and carryers, the skillutes, may possibly consume a part of this fish themselves and dispose of the ballance of it the natives of the sea coast, and from them obtain such articles as they again trade with the whites. [clark, january , ] tuesday th january this morning the serjt. of the guard reported the absence of one of our canoes it had broken the cord by which it was attached and the tide had taken her off; we sent a party imediately in serch of her, they returned in about hours haveing fortunately found her. we now derect that of the canoes be drawed up out of reach of the tide and the th to be tied with a long strong cord of elk skins, ready for use. had we lost this large canoe we should have been obliged to make other small ones, which with the fiew tools we have now left would be a serious undertakeing. a fatiege of six men employd in jurking the elk beef. from the best estermate we were enabled to make as we decended the columbia we conceived that the nativs inhabiting that noble stream (from the enterance of lewis's river to the neighbourhood of the falls the nativs consume all the fish they catch either for food or fuel) from tow ar ne hi ooks river or a fiew mils above the great falls to the grand rapids inclusive anually prepare about , lbs of pounded fish (chiefly salmon) for market, but whether this fish is an article of commerce with their neighbours or is exclusively sold to, and consumed by the nativs of the sea coast, we are at a loss to determine the latter of those positions i am dispose to credit most, as i cannot imagine what the white merchents objet could be in purchaseing fish, or where they could dispose of it. on the other hand the indians in this neighbourhood as well as the skillutes and those above have an abundance of dryed salmon which they take in the creeks and inlets. they are excessively fond of the pounded fish haveing frequently asked us for some of it-. the indians who prepared this pounded fish made signs that they traded it with people below them for beeds and trinkets &c and showed us maney articles of european manufacture which they obtained for it; the skillutes and indians about the great rapids are the intermediate merchants and carryers, and no doubt consume a part of this fish themselves and dispose of the ballance of it to the nativs of the sea coast, and from this obtain such articles as they again trade with the whites. the persons who usially visit the enterence of this river for the purpose of traffic or hunting, i believe is either english or americans; the indians inform us that they speak the same language with our selves, and gave us proofs of their varacity by repeating maney words of english, sun of a pitch &c. whether those traders are from nootka sound, from some other late establishment on this coast, or imediately from the u states or great brittain, i am at a loss to determine, nor can the indians inform us. the indians whome i have asked in what direction the traders go when they depart from hence, allways point to the s. w. from which it is prosumeable that nootka cannot be their distination, and from indian information a majority of those traders annually visit them about the beginning of april and remain some time and either remain or revisit them in the fall of which i cannot properly understand, from this circumstance they cannot come directly from the u states or great brittain, the distance being to great for them to go and return in the ballance of a year. i am sometimes induced to believe that there is some other establishment on the coast of america south of this place of which little is but yet known to the world, or it may be perhaps on some island in the pacific ocian between the continant of america & asia to the s. w. of us. this traffic on the part of the whites consist in vending, guns, principally old british or american musquets, powder, balls and shote, brass tea kettles, blankets from two to three points, scarlet and blue cloth (coarse), plates and strips of sheet copper and brass, large brass wire knives beeds &tobacco with fishing hooks, buttons and some other small articles; also a considerable quantity of salors clothes, as hats, coats, trouses and shirts. for those they receive in return from the nativs dressed and undressed elk skins, skins of the sea otter, common otter, beaver, common fox, speck, and tiger cat, also some salmon dried or pounded and a kind of buisket, which the nativs make of roots called by them shappelell. the nativs are extravigantly fond of the most common cheap blue and white beeds, of moderate size, or such that from to will way one pennyweight, the blue is usially prefured to the white; those beeds constitute the principal circulating medium with all the indian tribes on this river; for those beeds they will dispose of any article they possess-. the beeds are strung on straps of a fathom in length & in that manner sold by the breth or yard-. [lewis, january , ] thursday january th . had a large coat completed out of the skins of the tiger cat and those also of a small animal about the size of a squirrel not known to me; these skins i procured from the indians who had previously dressed them and formed them into robes; it took seven of these robes to complete the coat. we had determined to send out two hunting parties today but it rained so incessantly that we posponed it. no occurrence worthy of relation took place today. the implyments used by the chinnooks clatsops cuthlahmahs &c in hunting are the gun the bow & arrow, deadfalls, pitts, snares, and spears or gigs; their guns are usually of an inferior quality being oald refuse american & brittish musquits which have been repared for this trade. there are some very good peices among them, but they are invariably in bad order; they apear not to have been long enouh accustomed to fire arms to understand the management of them. they have no rifles. their guns and amunition they reserve for the elk, deer and bear, of the two last however there are but few in their neighbourhood. they keep their powder in small japaned tin flasks which they obtain with their amunition from the traders; when they happen to have no ball or shot, they substitute gravel or peices of potmettal, and are insensible of the damage done thereby to their guns. the bow and arrow is the most common instrument among them, every man being furnished with them whether he has a gun or not; this instrument is imployed indiscriminately in hunting every species of anamal on which they subsist. their bows are extreamly neat and very elastic, they are about two and a half feet in length, and two inches in width in the center, thence tapering graduly to the extremities where they are half an inch wide they are very flat and thin, formed of the heart of the arbor vita or white cedar, the back of the bow being thickly covered with sinews of the elk laid on with a gleue which they make from the sturgeon; the string is made of sinues of the elk also. the arrow is formed of two parts usually tho sometime entire; those formed of two parts are unequally divided that part on which the feathers are placed occupyes four fifths of it's length and is formed of light white pine reather larger than a swan's quill, in the lower extremity of this is a circular mortice secured by sinues roled arround it; this mortice receives the one end of the nd part which is of a smaller size than the first and about five inches long, in the end of this the barb is fixed and confined with sinue, this barb is either stone, iron or copper, if metal in this form forming at it's point a greater angle than those of any other indians i have observed. the shorter part of the arrow is of hearder wood as are also the whole of the arrow when it is of one piece only. as these people live in a country abounding in ponds lakes &c and frequently hunt in their canoes and shoot at fowl and other anamals where the arrow missing its object would be lost in the water they are constructed in the manner just discribed in order to make them float should they fall in the water, and consequently can again he recovered by the hunter; the quiver is usually the skin of a young bear or that of a wolf invariably open at the side in stead of the end as the quivers of other indians generally are; this construction appears to answer better for the canoe than if they were open at the end only. maney of the elk we have killed since we have been here, have been wounded with these arrows, the short piece with the barb remaining in the animal and grown up in the flesh.--the deadfalls and snares are employed in taking the wolf the raccoon and fox of which there are a few only. the spear or gig is used to take the sea otter, the common otter, spuck, and beaver. their gig consists of two points or barbs and are the same in their construction as those discribed before as being common among the indians on the upper part of this river. their pits are employed in taking the elk, and of course are large and deep, some of them a cube of or feet. these are usually placed by the side of a large fallen tree which as well as the pit lye across the toads frequented by the elk. these pitts are disguised with the slender boughs of trees and moss; the unwary elk in passing the tree precipitates himself into the pitt which is sufficiently deep to prevent his escape, and is thus taken. [clark, january , ] friday th of january capt. lewis had a large coat finished made of the skins of the tiger cat, and those of the small animal about the size of small cat not known to me; those skins were precured from the indians who had previously dressed them and formed them into robes; it took seven of those robes to complete the coat. no occurrence worthey of remark took place. rained hard all day. the imployments used by the chinnooks clatsops, cath lah mahs kil a mox &c. in hunting are the gun the bow & arrow, dead falls, pitts, snares, and spears or gigs; their guns are usially of an inferior quallity being old refuse american or brittish muskets which have been repared for this trade there are some verry good pieces among them, but they are invariably in bad order they appear not to be long enough acquainted with fire arms to understand the management of them. they have no rifles. their guns and amunition they reserve for the elk, deer, and bear, of the two last however there are but fiew in their neighbourhoods. they keep their powder in small japaned tin flasks which they obtain with their amunition from the traders; when they happen to have no ball or shot they substitute gravel and are insenceable of the dammage done thereby to their guns. the bow and arrow is the most common instrement among them, every man being furnished with them whether he has a gun or not, this instrement is imployed indiscreminately in hunting every species of animal on which they subsist, their bows are extreemly meet neat and very elastic, they are about two feet six inches long and two inches wide in the center, thence tapering gradually to the extremities, where they ar / of an inch wide, they are very flat and thin, formed of the heart of the arbor vita or white cedar, the back of the bow being thickly covered with sinues of the elk laid on with a gleue which they make from the sturgeon; the string is made of the sinues of the elk also, the arrow is formed of two parts usually tho sometimes entire; those formed of parts are uneaquilly devided, the part on which the feathers are placed occupie / of it's length and is formed of light white pine rather larger than a swans quill, in the lower extremity of this is a circular mortice secured by sinues raped around it; this mortice recives the one end of the d part which is of smaller size than the first and about five inches long, in the end of this the barb is fixed and confined with sinues, the berb is either iron copper or stone--in this form forming at its point a greater angle than those of any other indians i have observed. the shorter part of the arrow is of harder wood, as are also the whole of the arrow where it is of one piece only. as these people live in a countrey abounding in ponds lakes &c. and frequently hunt in their canoes and shoot at fowls and other animals where the arrow missing its object would be lost in the water they are constructed in the manner just discribed in order to make them flote should they fall in the water, and consequently can again be recovered by the hunter; the quiver is useally the skin of a young bear or that of a wolf invariably open at the side in sted of the end, as the quiver of other indians generally are, this construction appears to answer better for the canoe, than if they were open at the end only. maney of the elk which our hunters have killd. sence we have been here have been wounded with those arrows, the short piece with the barbe remaining in the animal and grown up in the flesh.--the deadfalls & snares are employd in takeing the wolf, the racoon and fox of which there are a fiew. the spear or gig is used to take the sea otter, spuck, & beaver. the gig consists of two points or birbs and are the same in their construction as those which are common among the indians on the upper part of this river and before discribed. their pitts are employed in takeing the elk, and of course are large and deep, some of them a cube of or feet, those ar commonly placed by the side of a large fallen tree which as well as the pitt lie across the roads frequented by the elk, these pitts are disguised with the slender bows of trees & moss; the unwarry elk in passing the tree precipates himself into the pitt which is sufficiently deep to prevent his escape.- [lewis, january , ] friday january th . this evening we finished curing the meat. no occurrence worthy of relation took place today. we have plenty of elk beef for the present and a little salt, our houses dry and comfortable, and having made up our minds to remain until the st of april, every one appears content with his situation and his fare. it is true that we could even travel now on our return as far as the timbered country reaches, or to the falls of the river; but further it would be madness for us to attempt to proceede untill april, as the indians inform us that the snows lye knee deep in the plains of columbia during the winter, and in these plains we could scarcely get as much fuel of any kind as would cook our provision as we descended the river; and even were we happyly over these plains and again in the woody country at the foot of the rocky mountains we could not possibly pass that immence barrier of mountains on which the snows ly in winter to the debth in many places of feet; in short the indians inform us that they are impracticable untill about the st of june, at which time even there is an abundance of snow but a scanty subsistence may be obtained for the horses.--we should not therefore forward ourselves on our homeward journey by reaching the rocky mountains early than the st of june, which we can easily effect by seting out from hence on the st of april. the clatsops chinnooks &c. in fishing employ the common streight net, the scooping or diping net with a long handle, the gig, and the hook and line. the common net is of different lengths and debths usually employed in taking the sammon, carr and trout in the inlets among the marshey grounds and the mouths of deep creeks. the skiming or scooping net to take small fish in the spring and summer season; the gig and hook are employed indiscriminately at all seasons in taking such fish as they can procure by their means. their nets and fishing lines are made of the silk-grass or white cedar bark; and their hooks are generally of european manufactary, tho before the whites visited them they made hooks of bone and other substances formed in the following manner a c, and c. b. are two small pieces of bone about the size of a strong twine, these are flattened and leveled off of their extremities near c. where they are firmly attatched together with sinues and covered with rosin. c a. is reduced to a sharp point at a where it is also bent in a little; c b. is attatched to the line, for about half it's length at the upper extremity b. the whole forming two sides of an accute angled triangle. [clark, january , ] saturday th january this evening we finished cureing the meat. no occurrence worthey of relation took place to day. we have a plenty of elk beef for the present and a little salt, our houses dry and comfortable, haveing made up our minds to stay untill the st of april every one appears contented with his situation, and his fair. it is true we could travel even now on our return as far as the timbered country reaches, or to the falls of the river, but further it would be madness for us to attempt to proceed untill april, as the indians inform us that the snows lyes knee deep in the columbian plains dureing the winter, and in those planes we could not git as much wood as would cook our provisions untill the drift wood comes down in the spring and lodges on the shore &c. and even were we happily over those plains and in the woodey countrey at the foot of the rockey mountains, we could not possibly pass that emence bearier of mountains on which the snow lyes in winter to the debth in maney placs of feet; in short the indians tell us they impassable untill about the s of june, at which time even then is an abundance of snow but a scanty subsistance may be had for the horses--we should not foward our homeward journey any by reaching the rocky mountains earlier than the st of june which we can effect by setting out from hence by the st of april the clatsops, chinnooks &c. in fishing employ the common streight net, the scooping or dipping net with a long handle, the gig, and the hook and line. the common nets are of different lengths and debths usually employd in takeing the salmon, carr and trout in the inlets among the marshey grounds and the mouths of deep creeks,--the skiming or scooping nets to take smaller fish in the spring and summer season; the gig and hook are employed indiscreminately at all seasons in takeing such fish as they can precure by these means. their nets and fishing lines are made of the silk grass or white cedar bark; and their hooks are generally of european manufactory, tho before the whites visited them they made their hooks of bone and other substances formed in the following manner a c and b c are two small pieces of bone about the size of a strong twine, these are flattened & beaveled off to their extremites at c, where they are firmley attached together and covered with rozin c a is reduced to a sharp point at a where it is also bent in a little; c b is attached to the line, at the upper extremity b. the whole forming two sides of an accute angled triangle. the line has a loop at d which it is anexed to a longer line and taken off at pleasure. those hooks are yet common among the nativs on the upper parts of the columbia river for to catch fish in deep places. [lewis, january , ] saturday january th this morning we were visited by comowool and of the clatsops our nearest neighbours, who left us again in the evening. they brought with them some roots and buries for sale, of which however they disposed of but very few as they asked for them such prices as our stock in trade would not license us in giving. the chief comowool gave us some roots and buries for which we gave him in return a mockerson awl and some thread; the latter he wished for the purpose of making a skiming net. one of the party was dressed in three very eligant sea otter skins which we much wanted; for these we offered him many articles but he would not dispose of them for any other consideration but blue beads, of these we had only six fathoms left, which being less than his price for each skin he would not exchange nor would a knife or an equivalent in beads of any other colour answer his purposes, these coarse blue beads are their favorite merchandiz, and are called by them tia commashuck or chiefs beads. the best wampum is not so much esteemed by them as the most inferior beads. sent coalter out to hunt this morning, he shortly after returned with a deer, venison is a rarity with us we have had none for some weeks. drewyer also set out on a hunting excertion and took one man with him. he intends both to hunt the elk and trap the beaver. the culinary articles of the indians in our neighbourhood consist of wooden bowls or throughs, baskets, wooden spoons and woden scures or spits. their wooden bowls and troughs are of different forms and sizes, and most generally dug out of a solid piece; they are ither round or simi globular, in the form of a canoe, cubic, and cubic at top terminating in a globe at bottom; these are extreemly well executed and many of them neatly carved the larger vessels with hand-holes to them; in these vessels they boil their fish or flesh by means of hot stones which they immerce in the water with the article to be boiled. they also render the oil of fish or other anamals in the same manner. their baskets are formed of cedar bark and beargrass so closely interwoven with the fingers that they are watertight without the aid of gum or rosin; some of these are highly ornamented with strans of beargrass which they dye of several colours and interweave in a great variety of figures; this serves them the double perpose of holding their water or wearing on their heads; and are of different capacites from that of the smallest cup to five or six gallons; they are generally of a conic form or reather the segment of a cone of which the smaller end forms the base or bottom of the basket. these they make very expediciously and dispose off for a mear trifle. it is for the construction of these baskets that the beargrass becomes an article of traffic among the natives this grass grows only on their high mountains near the snowey region; the blade is about / of an inch wide and feet long smoth pliant and strong; the young blades which are white from not being exposed to the sun or air, are those most commonly employed, particularly in their neatest work. their spoons are not remarkable nor abundant, they are generally large and the bole brawd. their meat is roasted with a sharp scure, one end of which is incerted in the meat with the other is set erect in the ground. the spit for roasting fish has it's upper extremity split, and between it's limbs the center of the fish is inscerted with it's head downwards and the tale and extremities of the scure secured with a string, the sides of the fish, which was in the first instance split on the back, are expanded by means of small splinters of wood which extend crosswise the fish. a small mat of rushes or flags is the usual plate or dish on which their fish, flesh, roots or burries are served. they make a number of bags and baskets not watertight of cedar bark, silk-grass, rushes, flags and common coarse sedge. in these they secure their dryed fish, rooots, buries, &c. [clark, january , ] sunday th january this morning we were visited by comowool and of the clatsops our nearest neighbours, who left us again in the evening. they brought with them some roots and beries for sale, of which however they disposed of very fiew as they asked for them such prices as our stock in trade would not licence us in giveing. the chief comowool gave us some roots and berries, for which we gave him in return a mockerson awl and some thread; the latter he wished for the purpose of makeing a skiming net. one of the party was dressed in three verry elegant sea otter skins which we much wanted; for these we offered him maney articles but he would not dispose of them for aney other consideration but blue beeds, of those we had only six fathoms left, which being less than his price for each skin he would not exchange nor would a knife or any other equivolent in beeds of aney other colour answer his purpose; these coarse blue beeds are their favourite merchandize and are called by them tia com ma shuck or chief beeds, the best wampom is not as much esteemed by them as the most indifferent beeds. sent colter out to hunt he shortly after returned with a deer, venison is a rarity with us we have had none for some weeks. drewyer set out on a hunting expedition one man went with him. he intends to hunt the elk and trap the beaver. the culianary articles of the indians in our neighbourhood consists of wooden bowls or troughs, baskets, shell and wooden spoons and wooden scures or spits, their wooden bowles and troughs are of different forms and sizes, and most generally dug out of solid piecies; they are either round, square or in the form of a canoe; those are extreemly well executed and maney of them neetly covered, the larger vessels with handholes to them; in these vessels they boil their fish or flesh by means of hot stones which they immerce in the water with the articles to be boiled. they also render the oil of the fish, or other animals in the same manner. their baskets are formed of cedar bark and bargrass so closely interwoven withe hands or fingers that they are watertight without the aid of gum or rozin; some of those are highly ornimented with the straps of bargrass which they dye of several colours and interweave in a great variety of figures; this serves a double purpose of holding the water or wareing on their heads; and are of different capacities, from that of a smallest cup to five or six gallons, they are generally of a conic form or reather the segment of a cone of which the smaller end forms the base or bottom of the basket. these they make verry expediciously and dispose of for a mear trifle. it is for the construction of those baskets that bargrass becoms an article of traffic among the nativs of the columbia. this grass grows only on their mountains near the snowey region; the blade is about / of an inch wide and feet long smothe plient & strong; the young blades which are white from not being exposed to the sun or air, are those which are most commonly employ'd, particularly in their neatest work. their wooden spoons are not remarkable nor abundant, they are large & the bowls broad. their meat is roasted with a sharp scure, one end of which is incerted in the meat while the other is set erect in the ground. the spit for roasting fish has its upper extremity split, and between its limbs the center of the fish is incerted with its head downwards, and the tale and the extremities of the scure secured with a string, the side of the fish, which was in the first instance split in the back, are expanded by means of small splinters of wood which extend crosswise the fish. a small mat of rushes or flags is the usual plate, or dish on which their fish, flesh, roots & berries are served. they make a number of bags and baskets not water tight of cedar bark silk grass, rushes, flags, and common gorse sedge-. in those they secure their dried fish, roots berries &.- [lewis, january , ] sunday january th . two of the clatsops who were here yesterday returned today for a dog they had left; they remained with us a few hours and departed. no further occurrence worthy of relation took place. the men are still much engaged in dressing skins in order to cloath themselves and prepare for our homeward journey. the clatsops chinnooks &c construct their houses of timber altogether. they are from to feet wide and from to feet in length, and acommodate one or more families sometimes three or four families reside in the same room. thes houses are also divided by a partition of boards, but this happens only in the largest houses as the rooms are always large compared with the number of inhabitants. these houses are constructed in the following manner; two or more posts of split timber agreeably to the number of divisions or partitions are furst provided, these are sunk in the ground at one end and rise perpendicularly to the hight of or feet, the tops of them are hollowed in such manner as to receive the ends of a round beam of timber which reaches from one to the other, most commonly the whole length of the building, and forming the upper part of the roof; two other sets of posts and poles are now placed at proper distances on either side of the first, formed in a similar manner and parrallel to it; these last rise to the intended hight of the eves, which is usually about feet. smaller sticks of timber are now provided and are placed by pares in the form of rafters, resting on, and reaching from the lower to the upper horizontal beam, to both of which they are attatched at either end with the cedar bark; two or three ranges of small poles are now placed horizontally on these rafters on each side of the roof and are secured likewise with strings of the cedar bark. the ends sides and partitions are then formed with one range of wide boards of abut two inches thick, which are sunk in the ground a small distance at their lower ends and stand erect with their upper ends taping on the outside of the eve poles and end rafters to which they are secured by an outer pole lying parallel with the eve poles and rafters being secured to them by chords of cedar bark which pass through wholes made in the boards at certain distances for that purpose; the rough roof is then covered with a double range of thin boards, and an aperture of by feet left in the center of the roof to permit the smoke to pass. these houses are sometimes sunk to the debth of or feet in which cace the eve of the house comes nearly to the surface of the earth. in the center of each room a space of six by eight feet square is sunk about twelve inches lower than the floor having it's sides secured with four sticks of squar timber, in this space they make their fire, their fuel being generally pine bark. mats are spread arround the fire on all sides, on these they set in the day and frequently sleep at night. on the inner side of the hose on two sides and sometimes on three, there is a range of upright peices about feet removed from the wall; these are also sunk in the ground at their lower ends, and secured at top to the rafters, from these other peices ar extended horizontally to the wall and are secured in the usual method by bark to the upright peices which support the eve poles. on these short horizontal pieces of which there are sometimes two ranges one above the other, boards are laid, which either form ther beads, or shelves on which to put their goods and chattles of almost every discription. their uncured fish is hung on sticks in the smoke of their fires as is also the flesh of the elk when they happen to be fortunate enough to procure it which is but seldom. [clark, january , ] monday th january two of the clatsops that were here yesterday returned to day for a dog they had left; they remained with us a fiew hours and departed. no further accounts worthey of relation took place. the men are much engaged dressing skins in order to cloath themselves and prepare for the homeward journey. the clatsops chinnooks &c. construct their houses of timber altogether. they are from to feet wide, and from to feet in length, and accomodate one or more families sometimes three or four families reside in the same room. this house is also devided by petitions of boards, but this happens only in the largest houses, as the rooms are always large compared with the number of inhabitents. those houses are constructed in the following manner; two or more posts of split timber agreeably to the number of devisions or partitions are first provided, these are sunk in the ground at one end and raised pirpindicular to the hight of or feet, the top of them are hollowed so as to recive the end of a round beem of timber which reaches from one to the other or the entire length of the house; and forming the ridge pole; two other sets of posts and poles are then placed at proper distancies on either side of the first, formed in a similar manner and parrelal to it; those last rise to the intended hight of the eves, which is usially about feet,--smaller sticks of timber is then previded and are placed by pears in the form of rafters, resting on, and reaching from the lower to the upper horizontial beam, to both of which they are atached at either end with the cedar bark; two or ranges of small poles are then placed horizontially on these rafters on each side of the roof & are secured likewise with cedar bark. the ends, sides, and partitions are then formed, with one range of wide boards of about inches thick, which are sunk in the ground a small distance at their lower ends & stands erect with their upper ends lapping on the out side of the eve poles and end rafters to which they are secured by a outer pole lyeing parrelal with the eve pole and rafters being secured to them by cords of cedar bark which pass through wholes made in the bods at certain distances for that purpose; the rough roof is then covered with a double range of thin boards, and an aperture of by feet left in the center of the roof to admit the smoke to pass. these houses are commonly sunk to the debth of or feet in which case the eve of the house comes nearly to the surface of the earth. in the center of each room a space of from by feet is sunk about inches lower than the hoar haveing its sides secured by four thick boards or squar pieces of timber, in this space they make their fire, their fuel being generally dry pine split small which they perform with a peice of an elks horn sharpened at one end drove into the wood with a stone. mats are spred around the fire on all sides, on these they sit in the day and frequently sleep at night. on the inner side of the house on two sides and sometimes on three, there is a range of upright pieces about feet removed from the wall; these are also sunk in the ground at their lower end, and secured at top to the rafters, from those, other pieces are extended horozontially to the wall and are secured in the usial manner with bark to the upright pieces which support the eve pole. on these short horizontial peics of which there are sometimes two ranges one above the other, boards are laid, which either form their beads, or shelves on which to put their goods and chattles, of almost every discription. their uncured fish is hung on sticks in the smoke of their fires as is also the flesh of the elk when they happen to be fortunate enough to precure it which is but seldom [lewis, january , ] monday january th . this morning sent out two parties of hunters, consisting of collins and willard whom we sent down the bay towards point adams, and labuish and shannon whom we sent up fort river; the fist by land and the latter by water. we were visited today by two clatsop men and a woman who brought for sale some sea otter skins of which we purchased one, giving in exchange the remainder of our blue beads consisting of fathoms and about the same quantity of small white beads and a knife. we also purchased a small quantity of train oil for a pair of brass armbands and a hat for some fishinghooks. these hats are of their own manufactory and are composed of cedar bark and bear grass interwoven with the fingers and ornimented with various colours and figures, they are nearly waterproof, light, and i am convinced are much more durable than either chip or straw. these hats form a small article of traffic with the clatsops and chinnooks who dispose of them to the whites. the form of the hat is that which was in vogue in the ued states and great britain in the years & with a high crown reather larger at the top than where it joins the brim; the brim narrow or about or / inches. several families of these people usually reside together in the same room; they appear to be the father & mother and their sons with their son's wives and children; their provision seems to be in common and the greatest harmoney appears to exist among them. the old man is not always rispected as the head of the family, that duty most commonly devolves on one of the young men. they have seldom more than one wife, yet the plurality of wives is not denyed them by their customs. these families when ascociated form nations or bands of nations each acknoledging the authority of it's own chieftain who dose not appear to be heriditary, nor his power to extend further than a mear repremand for any improper act of an individual; the creation of a chief depends upon the upright deportment of the individual & his ability and disposition to render service to the community; and his authority or the deference paid him is in exact equilibrio with the popularity or voluntary esteem he has acquired among the individuals of his band or nation. their laws like those of all uncivilized indians consist of a set of customs which have grown out of their local situations. not being able to speak their language we have not been able to inform ourselves of the existence of any peculiar customs among them. [clark, january , ] tuesday th of january this morning sent out two parties of hunters, one party towards point adams and the other party up ne tel river by water. we were visited to day by two clatsop men and a woman who brought for sale some sea otter skins of which we purchased one gave in exchange the remainder of our blue heeds consisting of fathoms, and the same quantity of small white beids and a knife. we also purchased a small quantity of train oil for a par of brass arm bands, and a hat for som fishinghooks. these hats are of their own manufactory and are composed of cedar bark and bear grass interwoven with the fingers and ornimented with various colours and figures, they are nearly water proof, light, and i am convinced are much more dureable than either chip or straw,--these hats form a article of traffic with clatsops an chinnooks who dispose of them to the whites, the form of the hats is that which was in voge in the u states and great britain in & with a high crown rather larger at the top than where it joins the brim, the brim narrow about or / inches. several families of those people usially reside together in the same room; they appear to be the father mother with their sons and their sons wives and children; their provisions appears to be in common and the greatest harmoney appears to exist among them. the old man is not always respected as the head of the family that duty generally devolves on one of the young men. they have sildom more than� one wife, yet plurality of wives are not denyed them by their customs. those families when associated form bands of nations each acknowledgeing the authority of its own chieftains, who does not appear to be herititary, or has power to extend further than a mear repremand for any improper deportment of the indevidual; the creation of a chief depends upon the upright conduct of the individual his abiltity and disposition to render service to the comunity, and his authority and the defference paid him is in extent equilibrio with the popolarity or volintary esteem he has acquired among the individuals of his band, or nation. their laws like all uncivilized indians consist of a set of customs which has grown out of their local situations. not being able to speak their language we have not been able to inform ourselves of the existance of any peculiar customs among them. [lewis, january , ] tuesday january th . visited this morning by three clatsops who remained with us all day; the object of their visit is mearly to smoke the pipe. on the morning of the eighteenth we issued lbs. of jirked elk pr. man, this evening the sergt. repoted that it was all exhausted; the six lbs. have therefore lasted two days and a half only. at this rate our seven elk will last us only days longer, yet no one seems much concerned about the state of the stores; so much for habit. we have latterly so frequently had our stock of provisions reduced to a minimum and sometimes taken a small touch of fasting that three days full allowance excites no concern. in those cases our skill as hunters afford us some consolation, for if there is any game of any discription in our neighbourhood we can track it up and kill it. most of the party have become very expert with the rifle. the indians who visited us today understood us sufficiently to inform us that the whites did not barter for the pounded fish; that it was purchased and consumed by the clatsops, chinnooks, cathlahmah's and skillutes. the native roots which furnish a considerable proportion of the subsistence of the indians in our neighbourhood are those of a species of thistle, fern and rush; the liquorice, and a small celindric root the top of which i have not yet seen, this last resembles the sweet pittatoe very much in it's flavor and consistency. [clark, january , ] wednesday th january visited this morning by three clapsots who remained with us all day; the object of their visit is mearly to smoke the pipe. on the morning of the inst. we issued wt. of jurked meat pr. man, this evening the serjt. reports that is all exhosted; the w. have therefore lasted days and a half only. at this rate our seven elk will only last us days longer, yet no one appears much concerned about the state of the stores; so much for habet. we have latterly so frequently had our stock of provisions reduced to a minimum and sometimes taken a small tuck of fasting that days full allowance exites no concern. in those cases our skill as hunters affords us some consolation, for if there is any game of any discription in our neighbourhood we can track it up and kill it. most of the party have become very expert with the rifle. the indians who visit us to day understood us sufficiently to inform us that the white who visit them did not barter for the pounded fish; that it was purchased and consumed by the clatsops, chin nooks, cath lah mahs and skil lutes, and kil a moxs. the native roots which furnish a considerable proportion of the subsistance of the indians in our neighbourhoodd are those of a species of thistle, fern, and rush; the licquorice, and a small celindric root the top of which i have not yet seen, this last resembles the sweet potato verry much in its flavour and consistency. [lewis, january , ] wednesday january st . two of the hunters shannon & labuish returned having killed three elk. ordered a party to go in quest of the meat early tomorrow morning and the hunters to return and continue the chase. the indians left us about o'clk. the root of the thistle, called by the natives shan-ne-tahque is a perpendicular fusiform and possesses from two to four radicles; is from to inces in length and about the size a mans thumb; the rhind somewhat rough and of a brown colour; the consistence when first taken from the earth is white and nearly as crisp as a carrot; when prepared for uce by the same process before discribed of the white bulb or pashshequo quawmash, it becomes black, and is more shugary than any fuit or root that i have met with in uce among the natives; the sweet is precisely that of the sugar in flavor; this root is sometimes eaten also when first taken from the ground without any preperation; but in this way is vastly in-ferior. it delights most in a deep rich dry lome which has a good mixture of sand. the stem of this plant is simple ascending celindric and hisped. the root leaves yet possess their virdure and are about half grown of a plale green. the cauline leaf as well as the stem of the last season are now dead, but in rispect to it's form &c. it is simple, crenate, & oblong, reather more obtuse at it's apex than at the base or insertion; it's margin armed with prickles while it's disks are hairy, it's insertion decurrent and position declining. the flower is also dry and mutilad. the pericarp seems much like that of the common thistle. it rises to the hight of from to feet.- [clark, january , ] thursday st of january two of the hunters shannon & labieche returned haveing killed three elk, ordered a party to go in quest of the meat early tomorrow morning and the hunters to return and continue the chase-. the indians left us about oclock. the root of the thistle called by the nativs chan-ne-tak-que is pirpendicular and possesses from two to radicles; is from to inches in length and is commonly about the size of a mans thum the rhine somewhat rough and of a brown colour; the consistence when first taken from the earth is white and nearly as crisp as a carrot, when prepared for use by the same process before discribed of the white bulb or gash she quo, qua-mosh, it becomes black and is more sugary than any root i have met with among the nativs; the sweet is prosisely that of the sugar in flavor, this root is sometimes eaten when first taken from the ground without any preperation, in this way it is well tasted but soon weathers and becoms hard and insipped. it delights most in a deep rich moist lome which has a good mixture of sand--the stems of this plant is simple ascending celindric and hisped. the root leaves, posses their virdue and are about half grown of a deep green. the cauline leaf as well as the stem of the last season are now dead, but in respect to it's form &c. it is simple crenated and oblong, rather more obtuce at it's apex than the base or insertion, it's margin armed with prickles while it's disks are hairy, its insertion decurrent and position declineing. the flower is also dry and mutilated the pericarp seems much like that of the common thistle it rises to the hight of from to feet. [lewis, january , ] thursday january nd . the party sent for the meat this morning returned with it in the evening; it was in very inferior order, in short the animals were poor. reubin fields also remained with the other hunters shannon & labuish our late supply of salt is out. we have not yet heared a sentence from the other two parties of hunter's who are below us towards point adams and the praries. there are three species of fern in this neighbourhood the root one of which the natves eat; this grows very abundant in the open uplands and praries where the latter are not sandy and consist of deep loose rich black lome. the root is horizontal sometimes a little deverging or obliquely descending, frequently dividing itself as it procedes into two equal branches and shooting up a number of stems; it lies about inces beneath the surface of the earth. the root is celindric, with few or no radicles and from the size of a goose quill to that of a man's finger; the center of the root is divided into two equal parts by a strong flat & white ligament like a piece of thin tape on either side of this there is a white substance which when the root is roasted in the embers is much like wheat dough and not very unlike it in flavour, though it has also a pungency which becomes more visible after you have chewed it some little time; this pungency was disagreeable to me, but the natives eat it very voraciously and i have no doubt but it is a very nutricious food. the bark of the root is black, somewhat rough, thin and brittle, it easily seperates in flakes from the part which is eaten as dose also the internal liggament. this root perennil. in rich lands this plant rises to the hight of from to five feet. the stem is smooth celindric, slightly groved on one side erect about half it's hight on the first branches thence reclining backwards from the grooved side; it puts forth it's branches which are in reallyty long footstalks by pares from one side only and near the edges of the groove, these larger footstalks are also grooved cilindric and gradually tapering towards the extremity, puting forth alternate footstalks on either side of the grove near it's edge; these lesser footstalks the same in form as the first put forth from forty to fifty alternate pinate leaves which are sessile, horizontal, multipartite for half their length from the point of insertion and terminating in a long shaped apex, and are also revolute with the upper disk smoth and the lower slightly cottanny. these alternate leaves after proceeding half the length of the footstalk cease to be partite and assume the tongue like form altogether. this plant produces no flower or fruit whatever, is of a fine green colour in summer and a beautiful) plant. the top is annual and is of course dead at present.- [clark, january , ] friday nd january the party sent for the meat this morning returned with it in the evening; it was in verry inferior order, in short the animals were pore. rieuben field shannon and labiech remained in the woods to hunt. our late supply of salt is out. we have not heard a word of the other hunters who are below us towards point adams and the praries. some rain this day at intervales there are three species of fern in this neighbourhood the root one of which the nativs eate; that of which the nativs eate produce no flowers whatever or fruit of a fine green colour and the top is annual, and in course dead at present. i observe no difference between the licorice of this countrey and that common to maney parts of the united states where it is sometimes cultivated in our gardins-. this plant delights in a deep lose sandy soil; here it grows verry abundant and large; the nativs roste it in the embers and pound it slightly with a small stick in order to make it seperate more readily from the strong liggaments which forms the center of the root; this they discard and chew and swallow the ballance of the root; this last is filled with a number of thin membrencies like network, too tough to be masticated and which i find it necessary also to discard. this root when roasted possesses an agreeable flavour not unlike the sweet potato. the root of the thistle (described yesterday) after undergoing the process of sweting or bakeing in a kiln is sometimes eaten with the train oil also, at other times pounded fine and mixed with cold water, untill reduced to the consistancy of gruel; in this way i think it verry agreeable. but the most valuable of all their roots is foreign to this neighbourhood i mean the wappetoe. the wappetoe, or bulb of the sagitifolia or common arrow head, which grows in great abundance in the marshey grounds of that butifull and fertile vally on the columbia commenceing just above the quick sand river and extending downwards for about miles. this bulb forms a principal article of trafic between the inhabitents of the vally and those of their neighbourhood or sea coast. [lewis, january , ] friday january rd . this morning dispatched howard and warner to the camp of the saltmakes for a supply of salt. the men of the garison are still busily employed in dressing elk's skins for cloathing, they find great difficulty for the want of branes; we have not soap to supply the deficiency, nor can we procure ashes to make the lye; none of the pines which we use for fuel affords any ashes; extrawdinary as it may seem, the greene wood is consoomed without leaving the residium of a particle of ashes. the root of the rush used by the natives is a sollid bulb about one inch in length and usually as thick as a man's thumb, of an ovate form depressed on two or more sides, covered with a thin smothe black rind. the pulp is white brittle and easily masticated either raw or roasted the latter is the way in which it is most usually prepared for uce. this root is reather insipid in point of flavour, it grows in greatest abundance along the sea coast in the sandy grounds and is most used by the killamucks and those inhabiting the coast. each root sends up one stock only which is annual, the root being perenniel. the bulb is attatched to the bottom of the caulis or stem by a firm small and strong radicle of about one inch long; this radicle is mearly the prolongation of the caulis and decends perpendicilarly; a little above the junction of this radicle with the caulis, the latter is surrounded in a whorl with a set of small radicles from to inches long which are obliquely descending. the caulis is celindric erect hollow and jointed, and is about the size or reather larger than the largest quill. it rises to the hight of or feet, not branching nor dose it either bear flower or seed that i can discover tho i am far from denying that it dose so sometimes, but i have not been able to discover it. the stem is rough like the sand rush and is much like it when green or in it's succulent state. at each joint it puts out from twenty to thirty long lineal stellate or radiate & horizontal leaves which surround the stem. above each joint about half an inch the stem is sheathed like the sand rush. [clark, january , ] saturday rd of january this morning dispatched howard & werner to the camp of the salt makers for a supply of salt. the men of the garrison are still busily employed in dressing elk skins for cloathing, they fine great dificuelty for the want of branes; we have not soap to supply the deficiency, nor can we precure ashes to make the lye; none of the pine which we use for fuel afford any ashes; extrawdinary as it may seem, the green wood is cosumed without leaveing the risideum of a particle of ashes.- the root of the rush used by the nativs is a solid bulb about one inch in length and usially as thick as a mans thumb, of an ovel form depressed on two or more sides, covered with a thin black rine. the pulp is white brittle and easily masticated either raw or rosted, the latter is the way it is most commonly prepared for use. this root is reather insippid in point of flavour, it grows in the greatest abundance along the sea coast in the wet sandy grounds and is most used by the kil a mox and those inhabiting the sea coast. each root sends up its stalk which is annual, the root being perennial. the bulb is atached to the bottom of the stem by a firm small and strong radicle which is mearly the prolongation of the stem which is hollow and jointed and is rather larger than the largest quill. it rises to the hight of or feet, not branching no does it either bear flower or seed that i could discover tho i am far from denying that it does so sometimes, and perhaps every year, but i have not been able to discover it, the stem is rough like the sand rush, and it's much like it when green, at each joint it puts out from to radiate & horizontal leaves which surrounds the stem. above each joint about half an inch the stem is shethed like the sand rush. the instruments used by the nativs in digging their roots is a strong stick of three feet and a half long sharpened at the lower end and its upper inserted into a part of an elks or buck's horn which serves as a handle; standing transvirsely in the stick--or it is in this form as thus a is the lower part which is a little hooked b is the upper part or handle of horn. [lewis, january , ] saturday january th . drewyer and baptiest la paage returned this morning in a large canoe with comowooll and six clatsops. they brought two deer and the flesh of three elk & one elk's skin, having given the flesh of one other elk which they killed and three elk's skins to the indians as the price of their assistance in transporting the ballance of the meat to the fort; these elk and deer were killed near point adams and the indians carryed them on their backs about six miles, before the waves were sufficiently low to permit their being taken on board their canoes. the indians remained with us all day. the indians witnissed drewyer's shooting some of those elk, which has given them a very exalted opinion of us as marksmen and the superior excellence of our rifles compared with their guns; this may probably be of service to us, as it will deter them from any acts of hostility if they have ever meditated any such. my air-gun also astonishes them very much, they cannot comprehend it's shooting so often and without powder; and think that it is great medicine which comprehends every thing that is to them incomprehensible. i observe no difference between the liquorice of this country and that common to many parts of the united states where it is also sometimes cultivated in our gardens. this plant delights in a deep loose sandy soil; here it grows very abundant and large; the natives roast it in the embers and pound it slightly with a small stick in order to make it seperate more readily from the strong liggament which forms the center of the root; this the natives discard and chew and swallow the ballance of the root; this last is filled with a number of thin membrenacious lamela like net work, too tough to be masticated and which i find it necessary also to discard. this root when roasted possesses an agreeable flavour not unlike the sweet pittaitoe. beside the small celindric root mentioned on the th inst., they have also another about the same form size and appearance which they use much with the train oil, this root is usually boiled; to me it possesses a disagreeable bitterness. the top of this plant i have never yet seen. the root of the thistle after undergoing the prossess of sweating or baking in a kiln is sometimes eaten with the train oil also, and at other times pounded fine and mixed with could water untill reduced to the consistency of sagamity or indian mush; in this way i think it very agreeable. but the most valuable of all their roots is foreign to this neighbourhood i mean the wappetoe, or the bulb of the sagitifolia or common arrow head, which grows in great abundance in the marshey grounds of that beatifull and firtile valley on the columbia commencing just above the entrance of quicksand river, and extending downwards for about miles. this bulb forms a principal article of traffic between the inhabitants of the valley and those of this neighbourhood or sea coast. the instrument used by the natives in diging their roots is a strong stick of / feet long sharpened at the lower end and it's upper inscerted into a part of an elks or buck's horn which serves as a handle, standing transversely with the stick or it is in this form a the lower point, b the upper part or handle. [clark, january , ] sunday th of january drewyer and bapteist lapage returned this morning in a large canoe with commowol and six clatsops. they brought two deer and three elk and one elk skin, haveing given the flesh of one other elk they killed and three elk skins to the indians as the price of their assistance in transporting the ballance of the meat to the fort; these deer and elk were killed near pt. adams and those indians carried them on their backs near miles, before the waves were sufficiently low to permit their being taken on board their canoes. the indians remain'd with us all day. the clapsots witnessed drewyers shooting some of those elk, which has given them a very exolted opinion of us as marksmen and the superior excellency of our rifles compared with their guns; this may probably be of service to us, as it will deter them from any acts of hostility if they have ever meditated any such. our air gun also astonishes them very much, they cannot comprehend its shooting so often and without powder, and think that it is great medison which comprehends every thing that is to them incomprehensible. the nativs of this neighbourhood ware no further covering than a light roabe, their feet legs & every other part exposed to the frost snow & ice &c. [lewis, january , ] sunday january th . commowooll and the clatsops departed early this morning. at meridian colter returned and repoted that his comrade hunter willard had continued his hunt from point adams towards the salt makers; and that they had killed only those two deer which the indians brought yesterday. in the evening collins one of the saltmakers returned and reported that they had mad about one bushel of salt & that himself and two others had hunted from the salt camp for five days without killing any thing and they had been obliged to subsist on some whale which they procured from the natives. the native fruits and buries in uce among the indians of this neighbourhood are a deep purple burry about the size of a small cherry called by them shal-lun, a small pale red bury called sol'-me; the vineing or low crambury, a light brown bury reather larger and much the shape of the black haw; and a scarlet bury about the size of a small cherry the plant called by the canadin engages of the n. w. sac a commis produces this bury; this plant is so called from the circumstance of the clerks of those trading companies carrying the leaves of this plant in a small bag for the purpose of smokeing of which they are excessively fond. the indians call this bury ____ i have lately learned that the natives whome i have heretofore named as distinct nations, living on the sea coast s. e. of the killamucks, are only bands of that numerous nation, which continues to extend itself much further on that coast than i have enumerated them, but of the particular appellations of those distant bands i have not yet been enabled to inform myself; their language also is somewhat different from the clatsops chinnooks and cathlahmahs; but i have not yet obtaind a vocabulary which i shall do the first oportunity which offers. [clark, january , ] monday th of january commowol and the clatsops departed early this morning. colter returned and reported that his comrade hunter willard had continued his hunt from point adams towards the saltmakers; and that they had killed only those two deer which the indians brought yesterday; in the evening collins one of the saltmakers returned and reported that they had made about one bushel of salt and that himself and two others had hunted from the salt camp for five days without killing any thing and they had been obliged to subsist on some whale which they purchased from the nativs-. the native fruits and berries in use among the indians of this neighbourhood are a deep purple about the size of a small cherry called by them shal lun, a small pale red berry called sol me; the vineing or low brown berry, a light brown berry rather larger and much the shape of a black haw; and a scarlet berry about the size of a small chirry the plant called by the canadian engages of the n. w. sac a commis produces this berry; this plant is so called from the circumstances of the clerks of these tradeing companies carrying the leaves of this plant in a small bag for the purpose of smokeing of which they are excessively fond the indians call this berry ____ [lewis, january , ] monday january th . werner and howard who were sent for salt on the rd have not yet returned, we are apprehensive that they have missed their way; neither of them are very good woodsmen, and this thick heavy timbered pine country added to the constant cloudy weather makes it difficult for even a good woodsman to steer for any considerable distance the course he wishes. we ordered collins to return early in the morning and rejoin the salt makers, and gave him some small articles of merchandize to purchase provisions from the indians, in the event of their still being unfortunate in the chase. the shallun or deep purple berry is in form much like the huckkleberry and terminates bluntly with a kind of cap or cover at the end like that fruit; they are attatched seperately to the sides of the boughs of the shrub by a very short stem hanging underneath the same and are frequently placed very near each other on the same bough; it is a full bearer. the berry is easily geathered as it seperates from the bough readily, while the leaf is strongly affixed. the shrub which produces this fruit rises to the hight of or feet sometimes grows on the high lands but moste generally in the swampy or marshey grounds; it is an evergreen. the stem or trunk is from three to inches in circumference irregularly and much branched, seldom more than one steem proceding from the same root, tho they are frequently associated very thickly. the bark is somewhat rough and of a redish brown colour. the wood is very firm and hard. the leaves are alternate declining and attatched by a short fotstalk to the two horizontal sides of the boughs; the form is a long oval, reather more accute towards its apex than at the point of insertion; it's margin slightly serrate, it's sides colapsing or partially foalding upwards or channelled; it is also thick firm smothe and glossey, the upper surface of a fine deep green, while the under disk is of a pale or whiteish green. this shrub retains it's virdure very perfectly during the winter and is a beautifull shrub.--the natives either eat these berrys when ripe immediately from the bushes or dryed in the sun or by means of their sweating kilns; very frequently they pound them and bake then in large loaves of or fifteen pounds; this bread keeps very well during one season and retains the moist jeucies of the fruit much better than by any other method of preservation. this bread is broken and stired in could water until it be sufficiently thick and then eaten; in this way the natives most generally use it. [clark, january , ] tuesday th of january we order collins to return early in the morning and join the salt makers, and gave him some small articles of merchendize to purchase some provisions from the indians in the event of their still being unfortunate in the chase. the or deep purple berry is in form much like the huckleberry and termonate bluntly with a kind of cap or cover at the end like that fruit; they are attached seperately to the sides of the boughes of the shrub by a very short stem ganging under neath the same, and are frequently placed verry near each other on the same bough it is a full bearer; the berry is easily gathered as it seperates from the bough, readily, while the leaf is strongly affixed. the shrub which produces this fruit rises to the hight of or feet sometimes grows on high lands but most frequently in swampy or marshey grounds; it is an ever green. the stem or trunk is from to inches in circumferance irrigularly and much branched, seldom more than one stem proceeding from the same root, tho they are frequently associated very thickly. the bark is somewhat rough and of a redish brown colour. the wood is very firm and hard. the leaves are alternate declining and attachd by a short fotstalk to the two horozontal sides of the bough's; the form is a long oval, reather more accute towards its apex that at the point of insertion; it's sides partially folding upwards; or channeled, it is also thick smothe and glossy, the upper surfice of a fine deep green, while the under disk is of a pale or whiteish green. this shrub retains its verdure verry perfectly dureing the winter and is a butifull shrub-. the nativs either eate those berries ripe imediately from the bushes, or dried in the sun or by means of the swetting kiln; verry frequently they pound them and bake them in large loaves or pounds weight; this bread keeps verry well dureing one season and retains the moist jouicies of the frute much better than any other method of preperation. the bread is broken and stured in coald water untill it be sufficiently thick and then eaten, in this way the nativ's most generally use it-.-. [lewis, january , ] tuesday january th . this morning collins set out for the salt works. in the evening shannon returned and reported that himself and party had killed ten elk. he left labuche and r. fields with the elk. two of those elk he informed us were at the distance of nine miles from this place near the top of a mountain, that the rout by which they mus be brought was at least four miles by land through a country almost inaccessible from the fallen timber, brush and sink-holes, which were now disgused by the snow; we therefore concluded to relinquish those two elk for the present, and ordered every man who could be speared from the fort to go early in the morning in surch of the other eight. goodrich has recovered from the louis veneri which he contracted from an amorous contact with a chinnook damsel. i cured him as i did gibson last winter by the uce of murcury. i cannot learn that the indians have any simples which are sovereign specifics in the cure of this disease; and indeed i doubt very much wheter any of them have any means of effecting a perfect cure. when once this disorder is contracted by them it continues with them during life; but always ends in decipitude, death, or premature old age; tho from the uce of certain simples together with their diet, they support this disorder with but little inconvenience for many years, and even enjoy a tolerable share of health; particularly so among the chippeways who i believe to be better skilled in the uce of those simples than any nation of savages in north america. the chippeways use a decoction of the root of the lobelia, and that of a species of sumac common to the atlantic states and to this country near and on the western side of the rocky mountains. this is the smallest species of the sumac, readily distinguished by it's winged rib, or common footstalk, which supports it's oppositely pinnate leaves. these decoctions are drank freely and without limitation. the same decoctions are used in cases of the gonnaerea and are effecatious and sovereign. notwithstanding that this disorder dose exist among the indians on the columbia yet it is witnessed in but few individuals, at least the males who are always sufficiently exposed to the observations or inspection of the phisician. in my whole rout down this river i did not see more than two or three with the gonnaerea and about double that number with the pox. the beary which the natives call solme is the production of a plant about the size and much the shape of that common to the atlantic states which produces the berry commonly called solloman's seal berry. this berry also is attatched to the top of the stem in the same manner; and is of a globelar form, consisting of a thin soft pellecle which encloses a soft pulp inveloping from three to four seeds, white, firm, smothe, and in the form of a third or quarter of a globe, and large in proportion to the fruit or about the size of the seed of the common small grape. this berry when grown and unripe is not speckled as that of the solomon's seal berry is; this last has only one globular smoth white firm seed in each berry.the solme grows in the woodlands among the moss and is an annual plant to all appearance. [clark, january , ] wednesday th january this morning collins set out to the saltmakers shannon returned and reported that himself and party had killed elk. he lef labiech & r field with the elk, two of those elk he informed us was at the distance of miles from this place near the top of a mountain, that the rout by which they must be brought was at least miles by land thro a countrey almost inexcessable, from the fallen timber brush, and sink holes, which were now disguised by the snow; we therefore concluded to relinquish those two elks for the present, and ordered every man that could be speared from the fort to go early in the morning in serch of the other eight, which is at no great distance from the netul river, on which we are. goudrich has recoverd from the louis veneri which he contracted from a amorous contact with a chinnook damsel. he was cured as gibson was with murcury by ____ i cannot lern that the indians have any simples sovereign specifics in the cure of this disease; indeed i doubt verry much whether any of them have any means of effecting a perfect cure. when once this disorder is contracted by them it continues with them dureing life; but always ends in decepitude, death; or premature old age; tho from the use of certain simples together with their diet, they support this disorder with but little inconveniance for maney years, and even enjoy a tolerable share of health; particularly so among the chippeways who i beleive to be better skilled in the use of those simples than any nation of indians in north america. the chippaways use a decoction of the root of the labelia, and that of a species of sumac common to the atlantic states and to this countrey near and on the western side of the rocky mountains. this is the smallest specis of sumake, readily distinguished by it's winged rib, or common footstalk, which supports it's oppositly pinnate leaves. these decoctions are drank freely and without limatation. the same decoctions are used also in cases of the gonnarea and are effecatious and sovereign. notwithstanding that this disorder does exist among the indians on the columbia yet it is witnessed in but fiew individuals high up the river, or at least the males who are always sufficiently exposed to the observation or inspection of the phisician. in my whole rout down this river i did not see more than two or three with gonnarea and about double that number with the pox. the berry which the nativs call sol me is the production of a plant about the size and much the shape of that common to the atlantic states which produces the berry commonly called sollomons seal berry this berry is also attached to the top of the stem in the same manner; and is of a globular form consisting of a thin soft pellicle rine which encloses a soft pellicle pulp inveloping from to seed, white firm, smothe, and in the form of a third or a quarter of a globe, and large in perportion to the fruit, or about the size of the seed of the common small grape. the berry when grown and unripe is not specked as the solomon's seal berry is; this last haveing only one globaler smothe, ferm, white seed in each berry-. the sol me grows in the wood lands amonge the moss and on the high ridges. and is an annual plant to all appearance [lewis, january , ] wednesday january th . drewyer and baptiest la page set out this morning on a hunting excurtion. about noon howard and werner returned with a supply of salt; the badness of the weather and the difficulty of the road had caused their delay. they inform us that the salt makers are still much straitened for provision, having killed two deer only in the last six days; and that there are no elk in their neighbourhood. the party that were sent this morning up netul river for the elk returned in the even ing with three of them only; the elk had been killed just before the snow fell which had covered them and so altered the apparent face of the country that the hunters could not find the elk which they had killed. the river on which fort clatsop stands we now call ne-tul, this being the name by which the clatsops call it. the cranbury of this neighbourhood is precisely the same common to the u states, and is the production of marshey or boggy grounds. the light brown berry, is the fruit of a tree about the size shape and appearance in every rispect with that in the u. states called the wild crab apple; the leaf is also precisely the same as is also the bark in texture and colour. the berrys grow in clumps at the end of the small branches; each berry supported by a seperate stem, and as many as from to or in a clump. the berry is ovate with one of it's extremities attatched to the peduncle, where it is in a small degre concave like the insertion of the stem of the crab apple. i know not whether this fruit can properly be denominated a berry, it is a pulpy pericarp, the outer coat of which is in a thin smoth, tho firm tough pillecle; the pericarp containing a membranous capsule with from three to four cells, each containing a seperate single seed in form and colour like that of the wild crab. the wood of this tree is excessively hard when seasoned. the natives make great uce of it to form their wedges with which they split their boards of pine for the purpose of building houses. these wedges they also employ in spliting their fire-wood and in hollowing out their canoes. i have seen the natives drive the wedges of this wood into solid dry pine which it cleft without fracturing or injuring the wedg in the smallest degree. we have also found this wood usefull to us for ax handles as well as glutts or wedges. the native also have wedges made of the beams of the elk's horns which appear to answer extremely well. this fruit is exceedingly assid, and resembles the flavor of the wild crab. [clark, january , ] thursday th january drewyer and baptiest lapage set out this morning on a hunting excurtion. about noon howard & werner returned with a supply of salt; the badness of the weather and the dificuelty of the road had detained them. they informed us that the salt makers are still much stratened for provisions haveing killed two deer only in the last six days; and that there are no elk in their neighbourhood. the party that was sent up the netul river for the elk returned this evening with three of them only; the elk had been killed just before the snow fell which had covered them and so altered the apparant face of the countrey that the hunters could not find them. the river on which fort clat sop stands we now call netul, this being the name by which the clatsops call it. the cranberry of this neighbourhood is precisely the same common to the united states, and is the production of boggy or mashey grounds.-. the light-brown berry, is the fruit of a tree, about the size shape and appearance in every respect with that in the united states called the wild crab apple; the leaf is also presisely the same as is also the bark in textue and colour. the berry grows in clumps at the ends of the smaller branches; each berry supported by a stem, and as maney as from to or in a clump. the berry is oval with one of its extremitis attatched to the peduncle, where it is in a small degree concave like the insersion of the stem of the crab apple. i know not whether this fruit can properly be denomonated a berry, it is a pulpy pericarp, the outer coat of which is a thin smothe, capsule with from three to four cells, each containing a seperate single seed in form and colour like that of the wild crab apple the wood of this tree is excessively hard when seasoned. the nativs make great use of it to form their wedges of which they split their boards of pine for the purpose of building houses. those wedges they employ in common with those formed of the elks horn, in splitting their fire wood and in hollowing out their canoes. i have seen the nativs drive the wedges of this wood into a solid dry pine which it cleft without fractureing injuring the wedge in the smallest degree. we have also found this wood useful) to us for ax handles, as well as glutt or wedges. the bark of this tree is chewed by our party in place of tobacco. the fruit is exceedingly ascid and resembles the flavor of the wild crab. [lewis, january , ] thursday january th . nothing worthy of notice occurred today. our fare is the flesh of lean elk boiled with pure water, and a little salt. the whale blubber which we have used very sparingly is now exhausted. on this food i do not feel strong, but enjoy the most perfect health;--a keen appetite supplys in a great degree the want of more luxurious sauses or dishes, and still render my ordinary meals not uninteresting to me, for i find myself sometimes enquiring of the cook whether dinner or breakfast is ready.- the sac a commis is the growth of high dry situations, and invariably in a piney country or on it's borders. it is generally found in the open piney woodland as on the western side of the rocky mountain but in this neighbourhood we find it only in the praries or on their borders in the more open wood lands; a very rich soil is not absolutely necessary, as a meager one frequently produces it abundantly. the natives on this side of the rockey mountains who can procure this berry invariably use it; to me it is a very tasteless and insippid fruit. this shrub is an evergreen, the leaves retain their virdure most perfectly through the winter even in the most rigid climate as on lake winnipic. the root of this shrub puts forth a great number of stems which seperate near the surface of the ground; each stem from the size of a small quill to that of a man's finger; these are much branched the branches forming an accute angle with the stem, and all more poperly pocumbent than creeping, for altho it sometimes puts forth radicles from the stem and branches which strike obliquely into the ground, these radicles are by no means general, equable in their distances from each other nor do they appear to be calculated to furnish nutriment to the plant but reather to hold the stem or branch in it's place. the bark is formed of several thin layers of a smoth thin brittle substance of a dark or redish brown colour easily seperated from the woody stem in flakes. the leaves with rispect to their position are scatered yet closely arranged near the extremities of the twigs particularly. the leaf is about / of an inch in length and about half that in width, is oval but obtusely pointed, absolutely entire, thick, smoth, firm, a deep green and slightly grooved. the leaf is supported by a small footstalk of proportionable length. the berry is attatched in an irregular and scattered manner to the small boughs among the leaves, tho frequently closely arranged, but always supported by seperate short and small peduncles, the insertion of which poduces a slight concavity in the bury while it's opposite side is slightly convex; the form of the berry is a spheroid; the shorter diameter being in a line with the peduncle.--this berry is a pericarp the outer coat of which is a thin firm tough pellicle, the inner part consists of a dry mealy powder of a yellowish white colour invelloping from four to six proportionably large hard light brown seeds each in the form of a section of a spheroid which figure they form when united, and are destitute of any membranous covering.--the colour of this fruit is a fine scarlet. the natives usually eat them without any preperation. the fruit ripens in september and remains on the bushes all winter. the frost appears to take no effect on it. these berries are sometimes geathered and hung in their lodges in bags where they dry without further trouble, for in their most succulent state they appear to be almost as dry as flour. [clark, january , ] friday th january nothing worthey of notice occured to day. our fare is the flesh of lean elk boiled with pure water and a little salt. the whale blubber which we have used very spearingly is now exhosted. on this food i do not feel strong, but enjoy tolerable health-. a keen appetite supplies in a great degree the want of more luxurious sauses or dishes, and still renders my ordanary meals not uninteresting to me, for i find myself sometimes enquireing of the cook whether dinner supper or brackfast is readyindeed my appetite is but seldom gratified, not even after i have eaten what i conceve a sufficency.- maney of the nativs of the columbia were hats & most commonly of a conic figure without a brim confined on the head by means of a string which passes under the chin and is attached to the two opposit sides of a secondary rim within the hat--the hat at top termonates in a pointed knob of a conic form, or in this shape. these hats are made of the bark of cedar and beargrass wrought with the fingers so closely that it casts the rain most effectually in the shape which they give them for their own use or that just discribed, on these hats they work various figures of different colours, but most commonly only black and white are employed. these figures are faint representations of the whales, the canoes, and the harpooners strikeing them. sometimes square dimonds triangle &c. the form of a knife which seems to be prefured by those people is a double edged and double pointed dagger the handle being near the middle, the blades of uneaquel length, the longest from to incs. and the shorter one from to inches. those knives they carry with them habitually and most usially in the hand, sometimes exposed, when in company with strangers under their robes with this knife they cut & clense their fish make their arrows &c. this is the form of the knife a is a small loop of a strong twine throng through which they sometimes they incert the thumb in order to prevent it being wrested from their hand.-. [lewis, january , ] friday january th . nothing transpired today worthy of notice. we are agreeably disappointed in our fuel which is altogether green pine. we had supposed that it burn but illy, but we have found that by spliting it that it burns very well. the dress of the clatsops and others in this neighbourhood differs but little from that discribed of the skillutes; they never wear leggins or mockersons which the mildness of this climate i presume has rendered in a great measure unnecessary; and their being obliged to be frequently in the water also renders those articles of dress inconvenient. they wear a hat of a conic figure without a brim confined on the head by means of a string which passes under the chin and is attatched to the two opsite sides of a secondary rim within the hat. the hat at top terminates in a pointed knob of a connic form also, or in this shape. these hats are made of the bark of cedar and beargrass wrought with the fingers so closely that it casts the rain most effectually in the shape which they give them for their own uce or that just discribed. on these hats they work various figures of different colours, but most commonly only black and white are employed. these figures are faint representations of whales the canoes and the harpoonneers striking them. sometimes squares dimonds triangles &c. the form of knife which seems to be prefered by these people is a double edged and double pointed daggar; the handle being in the middle, and the blades of unequal lengths, the longest usually from to ten inches and the shorter one from four to five. these knives they carry with them habitually and most usually in the hand, sometimes exposed but most usually particularly when in company with strangers, under their robes with this knife they cut and clense their fish make their arrows &c. this is somewhat the form of the knife--a is a small loop of a strong twine through which they sometimes insert the thumb in order to prevent it's being wrested from their hand. [clark, january , ] fort clatsop on the pacific ocian on the south side of the columbia river thursday th january nothing transpired to day worthey of notice. we are agreeably disapointed in our fuel which is altogether green pine. we had supposed that it burned badly, but we have found by spliting it burns very well. the dress of the clatsops and others of the nativs in the neighbourhood differ but little from that described of the skilutes and wau ki a cums; they never ware ligins or mockersons which the mildness of the climate i presume has rendered in a great measure unnecessary; and their being obliged to be frequently in the water also renders those articles of dress inconveniant. the sac-a commis is the groth of high dry situations, and invariably in a piney country, or on its borders; it is generally found in the open piney woodlands as on the western side of the rocky mountains but in this neighbourhood we find it in the praries or on the borders in the more open woodland's; a very rich soil is not absolutely necessary, as a meager one frequently produces it abundantly. the nativs on the west side of the rocky mountains who can precure this berry invariably use it; to me it is a very tasteless and insipid frute. this shrub is an evergreen, the leaves retain their virdue most perfectly throughout the winter even in the most rigid climate as on lake winnipic. the root of this shrub puts foth a great number of stems, which seperate near the surface of the ground; each stem from the size of a small quill, to that of a mans finger. these are much branched forming an accute angle with the stem, and all more properly procumbent than crossing, for altho it sometimes puts foth radicles from the stems and branches which strike obliquely into the ground, those radicles are by no means general, equable in their distances from each other nor do they appear to be calculated to furnish nutriment to the plant but rather to hold the stem or branch in its place. the bark is formed of several thin layers of a smothe thin brittle substance of a redish brown colour easily seperated from the woody stem in flakes. the leaves with respect to their possition are scatter'd yet closely arranged near the extremities of the twigs particularly. the leaves are about / of an inch in length and about half that in width, is oval but obtusely pointed, absolutely entire, thick, smoth, firm, a deep green and slightly grooved. the leaf is supported by a small footstalk of preportionable length. the berry is attached in an irregular and scattered manner to the small boughs among the leaves, tho frequently closely arranged, but always supported by a seperate short and small peduncles, the incersion of which produces a small concavity in the berry while its opposit side is slightly convex; the form of the berry is a spheroid, the shorter diameter being in a line with the peduncle or stem-. this berry is a pericarp the outer coat of which is a thin firm tough pellicle, the inner part consists of dry mealy powder of a yellowish white colour invelloping from four to six propotionably large hard light brown seeds each in the form of section of a spheroid which figure they form when united, and are distitute of any membranous covering.--the colour of this fruit is a fine scarlet. the nativs usually eat them without any preparation. the fruit ripens in september and remains on the bushes all winter. the frost appears to take no effects on it. these berries are sometimes gathered and hung in their houses in bags where they dry without further trouble, for in their succulent state they appear to be almost as dry as flour. [lewis, january , ] saturday january st . sent a party of eight men up the river this morning to renew their surch for the elk and also to hunt; they proceded but a few miles before they found the river so obstructed with ice that they were obliged to return. joseph fields arrived this evening, informed us that he had been hunting in company with gibson and willard for the last five days in order to obtain some meat for himself and the other salt makers, and that he had been unsuccessfull untill yesday evening when he had fortunately killed two elk, about six miles distant from this place and about from the salt works; he left gibson and willard to dry the meat of these elk and had come for the assistance of some men to carry the meat to the salt camp; for this purpose we ordered four men to accompany him early in the morning. discovered that mcneal had the pox, gave him medecine. charbono found a bird dead lying near the fort this morning and brought it to me i immediately recognized it to be of the same kind of that which i had seen in the rocky mountains on the morning of the th of september last. this bird is about the size as near as may be of the robbin. it's contour also is precisely the same with that bird. it measures one foot / inches from tip to tip of the wings when extended. / inches from the extremity of the beak to that of the tail. the tail is / inches in length, and composed of eleven feathers of the same length. the beak is smoth, black, convex and cultrated; one and / inches from the point to the opening of the chaps and / only uncovered with feathers; the upper chap exceeds the other a little in length. a few small black hairs garnish the sides of the base of the upper chap. the eye is of a uniform deep sea green or black, moderately large. it's legs feet and tallons are white; the legs are an inch and a / in length and smoth; four toes on each foot, of which that in front is the same length with the leg including the length of the tallon, which is lines; the three remaining toes are / of an inch, each armed with proportionably long tallons. the toes are slightly imbricated. the tallons are curved and sharply pointed. the crown of the head from the beak back to the neck, the back of the neck imbracing reather more than half the circumpherence of the neck, the back and tale, are of bluish dark brown; the two outer feathers of the tale have a little dash of white near their tips not percemtible when the tail is foalded. a fine black forms the ground of the wings; two stripes of the same colour pass on either side of the head from the base of the beak along the side of the head to it's junction with the neck, and imbraces the eye to it's upper edge; a third stripe of the same colour / of an inch in width passes from the sides of the neck just above the butts of the wings across the croop in the form of a gorget. the throat or under part of the neck brest and belly is of a fine yellowish brick red. a narrow stripe of this colour also commences just above the center of each eye, and extends backwards to the neck as far as the black stripe reaches before discribed, to which, it appears to answer as a border. the feathers which form the st and second ranges of the coverts of the two joints of the wing next the body, are beautifully tiped with this brick red; as is also each large feather of the wing on the short side of it's plumage for / an inch in length commening at the extremity of the feathers which form the first or main covert of the wing. this is a beatifull little bird. i have never heard it's note it appears to be silent. it feeds on berries, and i beleive is a rare bird even in this country, or at least this is the second time only that i have seen it.--between the legs of this bird the feathers are white, and those which form the tuft underneath the tail are a mixture of white and a brick red. [clark, january , ] friday january st sent a party of eight men with the hunters to renew their serch for the elk, and also to hunt; they proceeded but a fiew miles before they found the river so obstructed with ice that they were obliged to return. jo. field arrives this evening, informs us that he had been hunting in company with gibson and willard for the last four days in order to obtain some meat for himself and the other salt-makers, and that he had been unsucksessfull untill yesterday evening when he had fortunately killed two elk, about six miles distant from this place and about from the salt works; he left gibson and willard to dry the meat of those elk, and had come for assistance to carry the meat to the salt camp; for this purpose we ordered four men to accompany him early in the morning. discovered that mcneal had the pox, gave him medicine. chabono found a bird dead lying near the fort this morning and brought it in, i reconized it to be the same kind of that which i had seen in the rocky mountains at severl different times. this berd is about the size as near as may be of the robin. it's contour is also presisely the same with that bird. it measured one foot / inches from tip to tip of the wings when extended. / inches from the extremity of the beak to that of the tail. the tail is / inches in length, and composed of feathers of the same length. the beak is smoth, black, convex and cultrated; / inchs from the point to the opening of the chaps and / only uncovered with feathers, the upper chap exceeds the other a little in length. a fiew small black hairs garnish the side of the upper chap. the eye is of a uniform deep sea green or black, moderately large. it's legs feet and tallants are white; the legs are of / in length and smoth; four toes on each foot, of which that in front is the same length of the leg including the tallants, which is lines; the remaining toes are / of an inch, each armed with proportianably large tallons. the toes are slightly imbricated. the tallons are curved and sharply pointed. the crown of the head from the beak back to the neck imbracing rather more than half the circumphrence of the neck, the back and tail is of a bluish dark brown; the two outer feathers of the tail have a little dash of white near the tips, not proceivable when the tail is foalded. a fine black forms the ground of the wings; two stripes of the same colour passes on either side of the head from the base of the back along the side of the head to it's junction with the neck, and embraces the eye to its upper edge; a third stripe of the same colour / of an inch in width passes from the side of the neck just above the buts of the wings across the troop in the form of a gorget. the throat or under part of the neck brest and belly is of a fine yellowish brick red. a narrow stripe of this colour also commences just above the center of each eye, and extends backwards to the neck as far as the black spots reaches before discribed, to which it appears to answer as a border. the feathers which form the st and second range of the coverts of the two joints of the wings next the body are butifully aped with this brick red; as is also each large feather of the wing on the short side of its plumage for / an inch in length comencing at the extremity of the feather which form the first or main covert of the wing. this is a butifull little bird. i have never herd its notes it appears to be silent. it feeds on berries, and i believe is a rare bird even in this country-. between the legs of this bird the feathers are white, and those which form the tuft underneath the tail are a mixture of white and brick red. [lewis, february , ] saturday february st . this morning a party of four men set out with joseph fields; sergt. gass with a party of five men again set out up the netul river in surch of the elk which had been killed some days since, and which could not be found in consequence of the snow. the canoes of the natives inhabiting the lower portion of the columbia river make their canoes remarkably neat light and well addapted for riding high waves. i have seen the natives near the coast riding waves in these canoes with safety and apparently without concern where i should have thought it impossible for any vessel of the same size to lived a minute. they are built of whitecedar or arborvita generally, but sometimes of the firr. they are cut out of a solid stick of timber, the gunwals at the upper edge foald over outwards and are about / of an inch thick and or five broad, and stand horrizontally forming a kind of rim to the canoe to prevent the water beating into it. they are all furnished with more or less crossbars in proportion to the size of the canoe. these bars are round sticks about half the size of a man's arm, which are incerted through holes (just) made in either side of the canoe just below the rim of the gunwall and are further secured with strings of waytape; these crossbars serve to lift and manage the canoe on land. when the natives land they invariably take their canoes on shore, unless they are heavily laden, and then even, if they remain all night, they discharge their loads and take the canoes on shore. some of the large canoes are upwards of feet long and will carry from to thousand lbs. or from to thirty persons and some of them particularly on the sea coast are waxed painted and ornimented with curious images at bough and stern; those images sometimes rise to the hight of five feet; the pedestals on which these immages are fixed are sometimes cut out of the solid stick with the canoe, and the imagary is formed of seperate small peices of timber firmly united with tenants and motices without the assistance of a single spike of any kind. when the natives are engaged in navigating their canoes one sets in the stern and steers with a paddle the others set by pears and paddle over the gunwall next them, they all kneel in the bottom of the canoe and set on their feet. their paddles are of a uniform shape of which this is an imitation these paddles are made very thin and the middle of the blade is thick and hollowed out siddonly and made thin at the sides while the center forms a kind of rib. the blade occupys about one third of the length of the paddle which is usually from / to feet. i have observed four forms of canoe only in uce among the nations below the grand chatarac of this river they are as follow. this is the smallest size about feet long and calculated for one or two persons, and are most common among the cathlahmahs and wack ki a cums among the marshey islands. a the bow; b, the stern; these are from twenty to thirty five feet and from two / to feet in the beam and about feet in the hole; this canoe is common to all the nations below the grand rappids. it is here made deeper and shorter in proportion than they really are.--the bowsprit from c, to d is brought to a sharp edge tapering gradually from the sides. this is the most common forms of the canoe in uce among the indians from; the chil-luck-kit-te-quaw inclusive to the ocean and is usually about or feet long, and will carry from ten to twelve persons. men are competent to carry them a considerable distance say a mile without resting. a is the end which they use as the bow, but which on first sight i took to be the stern c. d. is a comb cut of the sollid stick with the canoe and projects from the center of the end of the canoe being about inch thirck it's sides parallel and edge at c d. sharp. it is from to inches in length and extends from the underpart of the bowsprit at a to the bottom of the canoe at d.--the stern b. is mearly rounding and graduly ascending. represents the rim of the gunwalls about inches wide, reather ascending as they recede from the canoe. are the round holes through which the cross bars are inserted. this form of canoe we did not meet with untill we reached tidewater or below the grand rappids. from thence down it is common to all the nations but more particularly the killamucks and others of the coast. these are the largest canoes. b. is the bow and comb. c. the stern and comb. their immages are representations of a great variety of grotesque figures, any of which might be safely worshiped without committing a breach of the commandments. they have but few axes among them, and the only too usually imployed in felling the trees or forming the canoe, carving &c is a chissel formed of an old file about an inch or an inch and a half broad. this chissel has sometimes a large block of wood for a handle; they grasp the chissel just below the block with the right hand holding the edge down while with the left they take hold of the top of the block and strike backhanded against the wood with the edge of the chissel. a person would suppose that the forming of a large canoe with an instrument like this was the work of several years; but these people make them in a few weeks. they prize their canoes very highly; we have been anxious to obtain some of them, for our journey up the river but have not been able to obtain one as yet from the natives in this neighbourhood.- today we opened and examined all our ammunition, which had been secured in leaden canesters. we found twenty seven of the best rifle powder, of common rifle, three of glaized and one of the musqut powder in good order, perfectly as dry as when first put in the canesters, altho the whole of it from various accedents has been for hours under the water. these cannesters contain four lbs. of powder each and of lead. had it not have been for that happy expedient which i devised of securing the powder by means of the lead, we should not have had a single charge of powder at this time. three of the canesters which had been accedentally bruized and cracked, one which was carelessly stoped, and a fifth that had been penetrated with a nail, were a little dammaged; these we gave to the men to make dry; however exclusive of those five we have an abundant stock to last us back; and we always take care to put a proportion of it in each canoe, to the end that should one canoe or more be lost we should still not be entirely bereft of ammunition, which is now our only hope for subsistence and defence in a rout of miles through a country exclusively inhabited by savages. [clark, february , ] saturday february st this morning a party of four men set out with jo. field; and sergt. gass with a party of five men again set out up the netul river in serch of the elk which had been killed some days since, and which could not be found in consequence of the snow. the canoes of the nativs inhabitting the lower part of the columbia river from the long narrows down make their canoes remarkably neat light and well addapted for rideing high waves. i have seen the nativs near the coast rideing waves in these canoes in safty and appearantly without concern when i should it impossible for any vessel of the same size to have lived or kept above water a minute. they are built of arborvitia or white cedar generally, but sometimes of fir. they are cut out of a solid stick of timber, the gunnals at the upper edge fold over outwards and are about / of an inch thick and or broad, and stand out nearly horizontially forming a kind of rim to the canoe to prevent the water beating into it. they are all furnished with more or less cross bars agreeably to thier sizes of the canoe, those bars are round sticks about inch and / diameter which are atached to the iner side of the canoes a little below the rim on either side with throngs of cedar bark which is incerted through holes and made fast to the ends of the stick, which is made smaller than the other part of the stick to prevent the cord slipping off these cross bears serve to strengthen the canoe, and by which they lift and manage her on land. when the nativs land they invariably take their canoes on shore unless they are heavily ladined, and then even, if they remain all night, they discharge their loads and take the canoe on shore. some of the large canoes are upwards of feet long and will carry from to thousand lbs. or from to persons, and some of them particularly on the sea coast are waxed painted and ornimented with curious images on bow and stern; those images sometimes rise to the hight of five feet; the pedestile on which these images are fixed, are sometimes cut out of the solid stick with the canoe, and the image is formed of seperate pieces of timber firmly united with tenants and mortices without the appearance of a single spike or nail of any kind. when the nativs are engaged in navigateing their canoes, one sets in the stern and stears with a paddle the others set by pars and paddle over their gunnals next them, they all kneel in the bottom of the canoe and set on their feet. their paddles are of an uniform shape which this is an imitation those paddles are made verry thin and the middle of the blade is thick and hollowed out suddenly, and made thin on the sides, the center forming a kind of ridge. the handle occupies about / of the length of the paddle which is usually to / feet in length. i have observed five forms of canoes only in use among the nativs below the grand cataract of this river. they areas follows. this is the smallest size about feet long, and calculated for one two men mearly to cross creeks, take over short portages to navagate the ponds and still water, and is mostly in use amongst the clatsops and chinnooks. this is the next smallest and from to feet long and calculated for two or persons and are most common among the wau-ki-a-cums and cath-lah-mahs among the marshey islands, near their villages. a the bow; b the stern; those are from to feet in length and from / to / feet in the beam and about feet deep; this canoe is common to all the nations below the grand rapids it here made deeper and shorter in pertotion than the canoe realy is, the bow sprit from c. to d. is brought to a sharp edge tapering gradually from the sides. this is the most common form of the canoes in use among the indians from the chil-luck-kit-te quaw inclusive to the ocian and is commonly from about to feet long, and will carry from to persons. men are competent to carry them a considerable distance say a mile without resting. a is the end the nativs use as the bow, but which on first sight i took to be the stern c. d. is a comb cut of the solid wood with the canoe, and projects from the center of the end of the canoe being about inch thick, it's sides parallel and edge at c, d, sharp it is from to inches in debth and extends from the under part of the bow sprit at a to the bottom at, d,. the stern b is nearly rounding and gradually assending. , , , represents the rim of the gunnals about inches wide, reather ascending as they recede from the canoe. , , , , , are the holes through which the string pass to fasten the round pieces which pass crosswise the canoe to strengthen & lift her. this form of a canoe we did not meet with untill we reached tide water or below the great rapids. from thence down it is common to all the nations but more particularly the kil a mox and others of the coast. these are the largest canoes, i measured one at the kilamox villag s s w of us which was ____ feet long ____ feet wide and ____ feet deep, and they are most commonly about that size. b is the how, and comb. c, the stern and comb. their images are representations of a great variety of grotesque figures, any of which might be safely worshiped without commiting a breach of the commandments. they have but fiew axes among them, and the only tool usially employd in forming the canoe, carveing &c is a chissel formed of an old file about an inch or / inchs broad, this chissel has sometimes a large block of wood for a handle; they grasp the chissel just below the block with the right hand holding the top of the block, and strikes backwards against the wood with the edge of the chissel. a person would suppose that forming a large canoe with an enstriment like this was the work of several years; but those people make them in a fiew weeks. they prize their canoes very highly; we have been anxious to obtain some of them, for our journy up the river but have not been able to obtain one as yet from the nativs in this neighbourhood. to day we opened and examined all our ammunition, which has been secured in leaden canistirs. we found twenty sevin of the best rifle powder, of common rifle, of glaize and one of musquet powder in good order, perfectly as dry as when first put in the canisters, altho the whole of it from various accidince have been for hours under the water. these cannisters contain pounds of powder each and of lead. had it not been for that happy expedient which capt lewis devised of securing the powder by means of the lead, we should have found great dificuelty in keeping dry powder untill this time-; those cannisters which had been accidently brused and cracked, one which was carelessly stoped, and a fifth which had been penetrated with a nail; were wet and damaged; those we gave to the men to dry; however exclusive of those we have an abundant stock to last us back; and we always take care to put a purpotion of it in each canoe, to the end that should one canoe or more be lost we should still not be entirely bereft of ammunition, which is now our only hope for subsistance and defences in the rout of , miles through a country exclusively inhabited by indians-many bands of which are savage in every sense of the word-. [lewis, february , ] sunday february cd . not any occurrence today worthy of notice; but all are pleased, that one month of the time which binds us to fort clatsop and which seperates us from our friends has now elapsed. one of the games of amusement and wrisk of the indians of this neighbourhood like that of the sosones consists in hiding in the hand some small article about the size of a bean; this they throw from one hand to the other with great dexterity accompanying their opperations with a particular song which seems to have been addapted to the game; when the individul who holds the peice has amused himself sufficiently by exchanging it from one hand to the other, he hold out his hands for his compettitors to guess which hand contains the peice; if they hit on the hand which contains the peice they win the wager otherwise loose. the individual who holds the peice is a kind of banker and plays for the time being against all the others in the room; when he has lost all the property which he has to venture, or thinks proper at any time, he transfers the peice to some other who then also becoms banker. the sosone and minnetares &c have a game of a singular kind but those divide themselves in two parties and play for a common wager to which each individual contributes to form the stock of his party. one of them holdes the peice and some one of the opposite party gesses which hand contains if he hits on the hand which contains it the peice is transferred to the opposite party and the victor counts one, if he misses the party still retain the peice and score one but the individual tranfers the peice to some other of his own party; the game is set to any number they think proper, and like the natives of this quarter they always accompany their opperations with a particular song. the natives here have also another game which consists in bowling some small round peices about the size of bacgammon men, between two small upright sticks placed a few inches asunder, but the principals of the game i have not learn not understanding their language sufficiently to obtain an explanation. their boys amuse themselves with their bows and arrows as those do of every indian nation with which i am acquainted. these people are excessively fond of their games of risk and bet freely every species of property of which they are possessed. they have a smal dog which they make usefull only in hunting the elk. [clark, february , ] sunday february nd not any accurrence to day worthy of notice; but all are pleased, that one month of the time which binds us to fort clatsop, and which seperates us from our friends, has now alapsed. the games of amusements of the natives of this neighbourhood are several, one of which is verry similar to one which the sosone's & minatare's are verry fond of and frequently play. they devide themselves into two parties and play for a common wager to which each individual contributes to form the stock of his party, one of them holdes the piece which is usually about the size of a bean, and some one of the oposit party gesses which hand contains, if he hits on the hand which contains it, the piece is transfired to the opposit party and the victor counts one, if he misses the party still retains the piece and scores one, but the individual transfirs the piece to some one of his own party; the game is set to any number they think proper. they always accompany their opperations with a particular song. the amusements of the boys of all nations which i am acquainted with are generally the bows and arrows. all nations of indians with which i am acquainted are excessive fond of their games of risk, and bet away species of property of which they are possessed. the nativs of this neighbourhood have a small dog which they make usefull only in hunting the elk. [lewis, february , ] monday february rd . about three o'clock drewyer and la page, returned; drewyer had killed seven elk in the point below us, several miles distant but can be approached with in / of a mile with canoes by means of a small creek which discharges itself into the bay on this side of the clatsop village direct sergt. pryor to go in quest of the meat, the wind was so high that they were unable to set out untill a little before sunset, when they departed; at p.m. they return excessively could and informed us that they could not make land on this side of the bay nor get into the creek in consequence of the tide being out and much lower than usual. we are apprehensive that the clatsops who know where the meat is will rob us of a part if not the whole of it. at half after p.m. sergt gass returned with his party, they brought with them the flesh of four other elk which the hunters had found, being a part of the ten which were killed up the netul river the other day. he left r. fields, shannon and labuish to continue the hunt and made an appointment to return to them on friday. late in the evening the four men who had been sent to assist the saltmakers in transporting meat which they had killed to their camp, also returned, and brought with them all the salt which had been made, consisting of about one busshel only. with the means we have of boiling the salt water we find it a very tedious opperation, that of making salt, notwithstanding we keep the kettles boiling day and night. we calculate on three bushels lasting us from hence to our deposits of that article on the missouri. [clark, february , ] monday february rd about oclock drewyer & lapage returned, drewyer had killed seven elk in the point below us, several miles distant, but can be approached within / of a mile with canoes by means of a small creak which discharges itself into the bay, on this sid of the clatsop village. directed serjt. pryor to go in quest of the meat, the winds was so high that they were unable to set out until) a little before sunset, when they departed; at p.m. they returned excessively cold and informed us that they could not make land on this side of the bay or get into the creek in consequence of the tides being out and much lower than usial. we are apprehensive that the clatsops knowing where the meat is, will rob us of a part if not the whole of it. at half after p. m sergt. gass returned with his party they brought with them the flesh of other elk which the hunters had found, being part of the which were killed up the netul river the other day. he left ro. field, shannon & labiesh to continue the hunt, and made an appointment to return to them on friday. late in the evening the four men who had been sent to assist the saltmakers in transporting meat which they had killed to their camp also returned, and brought with them all the salt which had been made, consisting of about one sushel only. with the means we have of boiling the salt water we find it a very tegious opperation that of makeing salt, notwithstanding the kitties are kept boiling day and night. we calculate on three bushels lasting us from hiere to our deposit of that article on the missouri. [lewis, february , ] tuesday february th . sergt. pryor with a party of five men set out again in quest of the elk which drewyer had killed. drewyer and la page also returned to continue the chase in the same quarter. the elk are in much better order in the point near the praries than they are in the woody country arround us or up the netul. in the praries they feed on grass and rushes, considerable quantities of which are yet green and succulet. in the woody country their food is huckle berry bushes, fern, and an evergreen shrub which resembles the lore) in some measure; the last constitutes the greater part of their food and grows abundantly through all the timbered country, particularly the hillsides and more broken parts of it. there are sveral species of fir in this neighbourhood which i shall discribe as well as my slender botanicall skit will enable me and for the convenience of comparison with each other shal number them. (no .) a species which grows to immence size; very commonly feet in the girth six feet above the surface of the earth, and in several instances we have found them as much as feet in the girth or feet diameter perfectly solid and entire. they frequently rise to the hight of feet, and one hundred and twenty or of that hight without a limb. this timber is white and soft throughout and rives better than any other species which we have tryed. the bark skales off in irregula rounded flakes and is of a redish brown colour particularly of the younger growth. the stem of this tree is simple branching, ascending, not very defuse, and proliferous. the leaf of this tree is acerose, / th of an inch in width, and / of an inch in length; is firm, stif and accuminate; they are triangular, a little declining, thickly scattered on all sides of the bough, but rispect the three uppersides only and are also sessile growing from little triangular pedestals of soft spungy elastic bark. at the junction of the boughs, the bud-scales continue to incircle their rispective twigs for several yeas; at least three years is common and i have counted as many as the growth of four years beyond these scales. this tree affords but little rosin. it's cone i have not yet had an opportunity to discover altho i have sought it frequently; the trees of this kind which we have felled have had no cones on them. [clark, february , ] tuesday february th serjt. pryor with a party of men set out again in quest of the elk which drewyer had killed. drewyer also returned to continue the chase in the same quarter. the elk are in much better order in the point near the praries than they are in the woodey country around us or up the netul. in the praries they feed on grass and rushes, which are yet green. in the woddey countrey their food is huckleberry bushes, fern, and the shal-lon an evergreen shrub, which resembles the lorel in some measure; the last constitutes the greater part of their food and grows abundant through all the timbered country, particularly the hill sides and more broken parts of it. there are several species of fir in this neighbourhood which i shall discribe as well as my botanicale skill will enable me, and for the convenience of comparrison with each other shall number them. (no. i,) a species which grows to an emence size; verry commonly feet in surcumferonce at feet above the surface of the earth, and in several instances we have found them as much as feet in the girth, or feet diameter perfectly solid & entire. they frequently rise to the hight of feet, and or of that hight without a limb. this timber is white and soft throughout and rives better than any other species we have tried the bark shales off in arregular rounded flakes and is of a redish brown colour, particularly of the younger growth, the stem of this tree is simple branching, assending, not very defuse, and proliferous, the leaf of this tree is accerose / a line in width, and / of an inch in length; is firm stiff and accuminate; they are triangular, little declineing, thickly scattered on all sides of the bough, but respect the three upper sides only growing from little triangular pedistals of soft spungy elastic bark. at the junction of these bough's, the bud-scales continue to incircle the respective twigs for several years; at least years is common and i have counted as maney as the groth of years beyond these scales. this tree affords but little rozin. it's cone i have not yet had an oppertunity to discover altho i have sought it frequently; the trees of this kind which we have fell'd have had no cones on them. [lewis, february , ] wednesday february th . late this evening one of the hunters fired his gun over the swamp of the netul opposite to the fort and hooped. i sent sergt. gass and a party of men over; the tide being in, they took advantage of a little creek which makes up in that direction nearly to the highlands, and in their way fortunately recovered our indian canoe, so long lost and much lamented. the hunter proved to be reubin fields, who reported that he had killed six elk on the east side of the netul a little above us; and that yesterday he had heard shannon and labuishe fire six or seven shots after he had seperated from them and supposed that they had also killed several other elk. filds brought with him a phesant which differed but little from those common to the atlantic states; it's brown is reather brighter and more of a redish tint. it has eighteen feathers in the tale of about six inches in length. this bird is also booted as low as the toes. the two tufts of long black feathers on each side of the neck most conspicuous in the male of those of the atlantic states is also observable in every particular with this.--fir no. is next in dignity in point of size. it is much the most common species, it may be sad to constitute at least one half of the timber in this neighbourhood. it appears to be of the spruse kind. it rises to the hight of to feet very commonly and is from to feet in diameter, very streight round and regularly tapering. the bark is thin of a dark colour, and much divided with small longitudinal intersticies; that of the boughs and young trees is somewhat smoth but not so much so as the balsom fir nor that of the white pine of our country. the wood is white throughout and reather soft but very tough, and difficult to rive. the trunk of this tree is a simple branching diffused stem and not proliferous as the pines & firs usially are but like most other trees it puts forth buds from the sides of the small boughs as well as their extremities. the stem usually terminates in a very slender pointed top like the cedar. the leaves are petiolate, the footstalk small short and oppressed; acerose reather more than half a line in width and very unequal in length, the greatest length being little more than half an inch, while others intermixed on every part of the bough are not more than a / in length. flat with a small longitudinal channel in the upper disk which is of a deep green and glossey, while the uder disk is of a whiteish green only; two ranked, obtusely pointed, soft and flexable. this tree affords but little rosin. the cone is remarkably small not larger than the end of a man's thumb soft, flexable and of an ovate form, produced at the ends of the small twigs. [clark, february , ] wednesday february th late this evening one of the hunters fired off his gun over the marsh of the netul opposit to the fort & hhoped. we sent sergt. gass and a party of men over; the tide being in they took advantage of a little creek which makes up in that direction nearly to the high lands, and in their way fortunately recovered our indian canoe so long lost and much lamented. the hunter provd. to be reubin field, who reported that he had killed six elk on the east side of the netul a little above us; and that he had parted with shannon and labiesh yesterday after he had herd them fire six or seven shot after he had seperated from them, and supposed that they had also killed several other elk. fields brought with him a pheasant which differs but little from those common to the united states--fur no. is next in dignity in point of size. it is much the most common species, it may be said to constitute one half of the timber of this neigh-bourhood. it appears to be of the spruce kind. it rises to the higth of or feet very commonly and is from to feet in diameter, very streight round and regularly tapering. the bark is thin of a dark colour, and much divided with small longitudinal interstices; that of the boughs and young trees are somewhat smoth but not so much so as the balsom fir, nor that of the white pine of our countrey. the wood is white throughout and rather soft but rather tough and dificuelt to rive. the trunk of this tree is simple branching, deffused stem and not proliferous as the pine and fir usially are, but like most other trees it puts foth buds from the sides of the small boughes as well as from their extremities. the stem usially termonate in a very slender pointed top like the cedar. the leaves are petiolate, the footstalk small short and oppressed; acerose reather more than / a line in wedth and very uneaqual in length, the greatest length being a little more than half an inch, while others intermixed on every part of the bough are not more than a / of an inch in length. flat with a small longitudinal channel in the upper disk which is of a deep green and glossy, while the under disk is of a whitish green only; two ranked, obtusely pointed, soft and flexable. this tree affords but little rosin. the cone is remarkably small, not larger than the end of a mans thumb soft, flexable and of an oval form, produced at the end of a small twig. [lewis, february , ] thursday february th . sent sergts. gass and ordway this morning with r. fields and a party of men to bring in the elk which field had killed. late in the evening sergt. pryor returned with the flesh of about elk and skins the indians having purloined the ballance of seven elk which drewyer killed the other day. i find that there are vilages of indians living on the n. side of the columbia near the marshy islands who call themselves wackki-a-cum. these i have hertofore considered as cath-lah-mahs. they speak the same language and are the same in every other rispect. no. a species of fir which one of my men informs me is precisely the same with that called the balsam fir of canada. it grows here to considerable size, being from / to feet in diameter and rises to the hight of eighty or an hundred feet. it's stem is simple branching, ascending and proliferous. it's leaves are sessile, acerose, one / of an inch in / th of an inch in width, thickly scattered on all sides of the twigs as far as the growth of four preceeding years and rispect the three undersides only the uper side being neglected and the under side but thinly furnished; gibbous, a little declining, obtusely pointed, soft flexible, and the upper disk longitudinally marked with a slight channel; this disk is of a glossy deep green, the under one green tho paler and not glossy. this tree affords considerable quantities of a fine clear arromatic balsam in appearance and taste like the canadian balsam. smal pustules filled with this balsam rise with a blister like appearance on the body of the tree and it's branches; the bark which covers these pustules is soft thin smoth and easily punctured. the bark of the tree generally is thin of a dark brown colour and reather smooth tho not as much so as the white pine of our county. the wood is white and soft.--(no. ) is a species of fir which in point of size is much that of no. . the stem simple branching ascending and proliferous; the bark of a redish dark brown and thicker than that of no. . it is divided with small longitudinal interstices, but these are not so much ramifyed as in species no. . the leaves with rispect to their position in regard to each other is the same with the balsam fir, as is the leaf in every other rispect except that it not more than / ds the width and little more than half the length of the other, nor is it's upper disk of so deep a green nor so glossey. it affords no balsam and but little rosin. the wood also white soft and reather porus tho tough.--no . is a species of fir which arrives to the size of nos. and , the stem simple branching, diffuse and proliferous. the bark thin, dark brown, much divided with small longitudinal interstices and sometimes scaleing off in thin rolling flakes. it affords but little rosin and the wood is redish white / ds of the diameter in the center, the ballance white, somewhat porus and tough. the twigs are much longer and more slender than in either of the other species. the leaves are acerose, / th of an inch in width, and an inch in length, sessile, inserted on all sides of the bough, streight, their extremities pointing obliquely toward the extremities of the bough and more thickly placed than in either of the other species; gibbous and flexeable but more stif than any except no. and more blontly pointed than either of the other species; the upper disk has a small longitudinal channel and is of a deep green tho not so glossy as the balsam fir, the under disk is of a pale green.--no. the white pine; or what is usually so called in virginia. i see no difference between this and that of the mountains in virginia; unless it be the uncommon length of cone of this found here, which are sometimes or inches in length and about inches in circumpherence. i do not recollect those of virginia perfectly but it strikes me that they are not so long. this species is not common i have only seen it but in one instance since i have been in this neighbourhood which was on the border of haley's bay on the n. side of the columbia near the ocean. [clark, february , ] thursday february th sent serjt. gass and party this morning with ru field to bring in the elk which field had killed. late in the evening serjt. pryor returned with the fish of about elk and four skins the indians haveing taken the ballance of seven elk which drewyer killed the other day. i find that those people will all steal. no. a species of fir, which one of my men inform me is presisely the same with that called the balsam fir of canada. it grows here to considerable size, being from / to feet in diameeter and rises to the hight of or feet. it's stem is simple branching assending and proliferous-. it's leaves are cessile, acerose, / of an inch in length and / of an inch in width, thickly scattered on all sides of the twigs as far as the groth of four proceeding years, and respects the three undersides only, the upper side being neglected and the under side but thinly furnished; gibbous a little declineing, obtusely pointed, soft flexable, and the upper disk longitudinally marked with a slight channel; this disk is of a glossy deep green, the under one green tho paler and not glossy. this tree affords a considerable quantity of a fine clear arromatic balsom in appearance and taste like the canadian balsom. small pustuls filled with the balsom rise with a blister like appearance on the body of the tree and it's branches; the bark which covers these pustules is soft thin smothe and easily punctured. the bark of the tree is generally thin of a dark brown colour and reather smooth tho not as much so as the white pine of the u. states the wood is white and soft. no. a species of fir which in point of size is much that of no ,-. the stem simple branching assending and proliferous; the bark of a redish dark brown and thicker than that of no. . it is devided with small longitudinal interstices, but these are not so much ramefied as in the specis no. . the leaves with respect to their possition in reguard to each other is the same with the balsam fir, as is the leaf in every other respect than that, it is not more than / ds the width and little more than half the length of the other, nor is it's upper disk of so deep a green nor glossy. it affords no balsam, and but little rosin. the wood also white soft and reather porus tho tough-.- no. is a species of fir which arives to the size of no. , and no. . the stem simple branching, diffuse and proliferous. the bark thin dark brown, much divided with small longitudinal interstices scaleing off in thin rolling flakes. it affords but little rosin and the wood is redish white / ds of the diamieter in the center the ballance white somewhat porus and tough. the twigs are much longer and more slender than in either of the other speceies. the leaves are acerose / of an inch in width, and an inch in length, sessile, inserted on all sides of the bough, streight, their extremities pointing obliquely towards the extremities of the bough and more thickly placed than in either of the other species; gibbous and flexable but more stiff than any except no. and more blontly pointed than either of the other species; the upper disk has a small longitudinal channel and is of a deep green tho not so glossy as the balsam fir, the under disk is of a pail green. no. the white pine; or what is usially so called in virginia. i see no difference between this and that of the mountains in virginia; unless it be the uncommon length of the cone of this found here, which are sometimes or inches in length and about inches in surcumfrance. i do not recollect those of virginia, but it strikes me that they are not so long. this species is not common i have seen it only in three instances since i have been in this neighbourhood, i saw a few on haleys bay on the north side of the columbia river, a fiew scattering on the sea coast to the north on one of which i engraved my name-and some on the s s e side of e co la creek near the kil a mox nation, at which place i saw the white & red cedar [lewis, february , ] friday february th . this evening sergt. ordway and wiser returned with a part of the meat which r. fields had killed; the ballance of the party with sergt. gass remained in order to bring the ballance of the meat to the river at a point agreed on where the canoe is to meet them again tomorrow morning. this evening we had what i call an excellent supper it consisted of a marrowbone a piece and a brisket of boiled elk that had the appearance of a little fat on it. this for fort clatsop is living in high stile. in this neighbourhood i observe the honeysuckle common in our country i first met with it on the waters of the kooskooske near the chopunnish nation, and again below the grand rappids in the columbian valley on tidewater. the elder also common to our country grows in great abundance in the rich woodlands on this side of the rocky mountains; tho it differs here in the colour of it's berry, this being of a pale sky blue while that of the u states is a deep perple. the seven bark or nine-bark as it is called in the u states is also common in this quarter. there is a species of huckleberry common to the piny lands from the commencement of the columbian valley to the seacoast; it rises to the hight of or feet. is a simple branching some what defuse stem; the main body or trunk is cilindric and of a dark brown, while the colateral branches are green smooth, squar, and put forth a number of alternate branches of the same colour and form from the two horizontal sides only. the fruit is a small deep perple berry which the natives inform us is very good. the leaf is thin of a pale green and small being / of an inch in length and / in width; oval terminateing more accutely at the apex than near the insertion of the footstalk which is at the base; veined, nearly entire, serrate but so slightly so that it is scarcely perceptible; footstalk short and there position with rispect to each other is alternate and two ranked, proceeding from the horizontal sides of the bough only. the small pox has distroyed a great number of the natives in this quarter. it prevailed about years since among the clatsops and distroy several hundred of them, four of their chiefs fell victyms to it's ravages. those clatsops are deposited in their canoes on the bay a few miles below us. i think the late ravages of the small pox may well account for the number of remains of vilages which we find deserted on the river and sea coast in this quarter. [clark, february , ] friday february th this evening serjt ordway and wiser returned with a part of the meat which r. field had killed; the balance of the party with serjt. gass remained in order to bring the ballance of the meat to the river at a point agreeed on, where the canoe is to meet them again tomorrow morning. this evening we had what i call an excellent supper it consisted of a marrowbone, a piece of brisket of boiled elk that had the appearance of a little fat on it. this for fort clatsop is liveing in high stile, and in fact fiesting-. in this neighbourhood i observe the honeysuckle common in the u states, i first met with it on the waters of the kooskooske near the chopunnish nation, and again below the grand rapids in the columbian vally on tide water. the elder also common to our countrey grows in great abundance in the rich wood land on this side of the rocky mountains, tho it differs here in the colour of its berry, this being of a pale sky blue while that of the u, states is a deep purple. the seven or nine bark as it is called in the u, states is also common in this quarter. there is a species of huckkleberry common to the piney lands from the commencement of the columbian vally to the sea coast; it rises to the hight of or feet, is a simple branching, somewhat defused stem; the main body or trunk is cilindric branches are green smothe squar, and put foth a number of alternet branches of the same colour and form from the two horizontal sides only. the frute is a small deep purple berry which the nativs inform us is very good, the leaf is thin of a pale green and small being / of an inch in length and / in width; oval terminateing more accoutely at the apax, than near the insersion of the footstalk which is at the base vened nearly entire; footstalks short and their position in respect to each other is alternate and too ranked, proceeding from the horizontal side of the bough only. the small pox had distroyed a great number of the nativs in this quarter. it provailed about or yrs sinc among the clatsops, and distroy'd several hundreds of them, four of their chiefs fell a victym to it's ravages. these clatsops are deposited in their canoes on the bay a fiew miles below us. i think the late ravages of the small pox, may well account for the number of remains of villages which i saw on my rout to the kil a mox in several places-. [lewis, february , ] saturday february th . sent sergt. ordway and two men this morning to join the party with sergt. gass and bring the ballance of r. fields's elk. in the evening they returned with the balance of the flesh of five elk, that of one of them having become tainted and unfit for uce. late in the evening sergt. pryor returned with shannon labuish and his party down the netul. they brought with them the flesh of elk which those two hunters had killed. we have both dined and suped on elk's tongues and marrow bones. i have discovered that the shrub and fruit discribed on the th of january is not that which the indians call the shal-lon, but that is such as is there discribed, and the berry is estemed and used by the natives as there mentioned except that it is not like the shallon, baked in large loaves, but is simply dryed in the sun for winter uce, when they either eat them in thir dryed state or boil them in water. the shallon is the production of a shrub which i have heretofore taken to be a speceis of loral and mentioned as abounding in this neighbourhood and that the elk fed much on it's leaves. it generally rises to the hight of feet but not unusually attains to that of feet. it grows very thick and is from the size of a goos quill to that of a man's thumb, celindric, the bark of the older or larger part of the stock is of a redish brown colour while that of the younger branches and succulent shoots are red where most exposed to the sun and green elsewhere. the stem is simple branching reclining, and partially fluxouse, or at least the smaler stocks or such parts of them and the boughs as produce the leaves, take a different direction at the insertion of every petiole. the leaf is oval four & / inches in length and / in width. petiolate, the petiole short only / th of an inch in length, celindric with a slight channel on it's upper side where it is generally red; undivided or entire, slightly serrate, the apex termineating in an accute point; the upper disk of a glossey deep green, the under disk of a pale green; veined. the leaves are also alternate and two ranked. the root is horizontal puting forth perpendicular radicles. this shrub is an evergreen. the fruit is a deep perple berry about the size of a buck short or common black cherry, of an ovate form tho reather more bluntly pointed, than at the insertion of the peduncle; at the extremity, the thin coloured membranous pellicle, which forms the surface of the pericarp, is divided into five accute angular points, which meet in the center, and contains a soft pulp of the same colour invelloping a great number of small brown kidney formed seeds. each berry is supported by a seperate celindric peduncle of half an inch in length; these to the number of ten or twelve issue from a common peduncle or footstalk which is fuxouse and forms the termination of the twig of the present years growth; each peduncle supporting a berry is furnished with one oblong bracte placed at it's insertion on the common footstalk which when the fruit is ripe withers with the peduncle. [clark, february , ] saturday february th sent serjt. ordway and two men this morning to joint the party with serjt. gass, and bring the ballance of r. field's elk. in the evening they returned with the ballance of the flesh of five elk, that of one of them having become tainted and unfit for use. late in the evening serjt. pryor returned with shannon labieshe and his party down the netul. they brought with them the flesh of elk which those two hunters had killed. we have both dined and suped on elks tongues and marrowbones. a great luxury for fort clatsop. the shat lon is a production of shrub which i have taken heretofore to be a species of loral and mentioned as abounding in this neighbourhood, and that the elk feed much on its leaves. it generally rises to the hight of feet, and not unusially attain to that of feet. it grows very thick and is from the size of that of a goose quil to that of a mans thumb, celendric. the bark of the older or larger part of the stalk is of a redish brown colour, whilst that of the younger branches & succulent shoots are red where most exposed to the sun and green elsewhere. the stem is simple branching, reclineing and partially fuxouse, or at least the smaller stalks or such parts of them and their boughs which produce the leaves, take a different direction at the insertion of every petiole. a, a, the leaves as they grow from the stalk b. b. b the stalk between each leaf. the leaf is oval and / inches in length, and and a half in width. petiolate, the potiale short only / of an inch in length cilindric with a slight channel on its upper side where it is generally red; undevided, or entire, slightly serrate, the apex termonateing in an accute point; the upper disk of a glossy deep green, the under disk of a pail green, veined. the leaves are also alternate and two ranked. the root is horozontal, putting foth pirpendicular radicles. this shrub is an evergreen. the frute is a deep purple berry about the size of a buck shot or common black cherry, of an ovale form, tho reather more bluntly pointed than at the insertion of the peduncle, at the extremity, the thin coloured membranus pellicle, which forms the surfice of the paricarp, is divided into anguar points, which meet at the center, and contains a soft pulp of the same colour invelloping a great number of small brown kidney formed seedeach berry is supported by a seperate celindric peduncle of half an inch in length, these to the number of or issue from a common peduncle of footstalk which forms the termination of the twig of the present years groth; each peduncle supporting a berry is furnished with one oblong bracte placed at it's insertion on the common footstalk, which when the frute is ripe withers with the peduncle-. [lewis, february , ] sunday february th this morning collins and wiser set out on a hunting excurtion; they took our indian canoe and passed the netul a little above us. in the evening drewyer returned; had killed nothing but one beaver. he saw one black bear, which is the only one which has been seen in this neighbourhood since our arrival; the indians inform us that they are abundant but are now in their holes. in the marshy ground frequently overflown by the tides there grows a species of fir which i take to be the same of no. which it resembles in every particular except that it is more defusely branched and not so large, being seldom more than feet high and inches or feet in diameter; it's being more defusely branched may proceed from it's open situation seldom growing very close. the cone is / inches in length and / in it's greatest circumpherence, which is near it's base, and from which it tapers regularly to a point. it is formed of imbricated scales of a bluntly rounded form, thin not very firm and smoth. a thin leaf is inserted into the pith of the cone, which overlays the center of and extends / an inch beyond the point of each scale. the form of this leaf is somewhat thus overlaying one of the imbricated scales. the stem of the black alder of this country before mentioned as arriving to great size, is simply branching and defuse. the bark is smooth of a light colour with white coloured spreading spots or blotches, resembling much that of the beech; the leaf fructification &c is precisely that of the common alder of our country. these trees grow seperately from different roots and not in clusters or clumps as those of the atlantic states. fearing that our meat would spoil we set six men to jurking it. [clark, february , ] sunday february th this morning collins & wiser set out on a hunting excurtion; in the evening drewyer returned; had killed nothing but one beaver. he saw one black bear, which is the only one which has been seen in the neighbourhood since our arrival. the indians inform us that they are abundant but are now in their holes. in the marshey grounds frequently overflown by the tides there grows a species of fir which i took to be the same of no. . from examonation i find it a distinct species of fir. it is more perfusely branched. this tree seldom rises to a greater hight than or feet and is from to feet in diamieter; the bark the same with that of no. . only reather more rugid. the leaf is acerose, / of an inch in width and / in length, they are firm stiff and somewhat accuminated, ending in a short pointed hard tendril, gibbous thickly scattered on all sides of the bough as respects the upper sides only; those which have their insertion on the underside incline side--wise with their points upwards giveing the leaf the shape of a sythe. the others are perpindicular or pointing upwards, growing as in no. from small triangular pedestals of a soft spungy elastic bark. the under disk of these leaves or that which grows nearest to the base of the bough is of a dark glossy green, while the upper or opposit side is of a whiteish pale green; in this respect differing from almost all leaves. the boughs retain their leaves as far back as almost to the sixth year's groth. the peculiarity of the budscales observed in no. is obsd. in this species. the cone is / inches in length, and in circumfranse, of an ovale figure being thickest in the middle and tapering and terminateing in two obtuce points. it composes several flexable, thin, obtusely jointed smoth and redish brown imbricated scales. each scale covering two small winged seed and being itself covered in the center by a small thin inferior scale accutely pointed. the cone is some what of this figure. they proceed from the sides as well as the extremities of the bough, but in the former case allways at or near the commencement of some one years groth which in some instances are as far back as the third year the stem of the black alder of this countrey before mentioned as ariveing at great size, is simple branching and defuse. the bark is smoth of a light colour with white coloured spredding spots or blotches, resembling much that of beech. the leaf is procisely that of the common alder of the united states or virginia. those trees grow seperately from different roots and not in clusters or clumps, as those of the atlantic states, casts its folage about the st of december. fearing that our meat would spoil we set six men to jurking it to day, which they are obliged to perform in a house under shelter from the repeated rains. [lewis, february , ] monday february th . drewyer visited his traps today but caught no beaver. collins and wiser returned had killed no elk. willard arrived late in the evening from the saltworks, had cut his knee very badly with his tommahawk. he had killed four elk not far from the salt works the day before yesterday, which he had butched and took a part of the meat to camp, but having cut his knee was unable to be longer ucefull at the works and had returned. he informed us that bratton was very unwell, and that gibson was so sick that he could not set up or walk alone and had desired him to ask us to have him brought to the fort. coalter also returned this evening. continue the operation of drying our meat. there is a tree common to the columbia river below the entrance of cataract river which in it's appearance when divested of it's foliage, much resembles the white ash; the appearance of the wood and bark is also that of the ash. it's stem is simple branching and diffuse. the leaf is petiolate, plane, scattered, palmate lobate, divided by four deep sinuses; the lobes are repand, or terminate in from to accute angular points, while their margins are indented with irregular and somewhat circular incissures. the petiole is celendric smooth and inches long. the leaf inches in length and in bredth. this tree is frequently feet in diameter and rises to or feet high. the fruit is a winged seed somewhate like the maple. in the same part of the country there is also another growth which resembles the white maple in it's appearance, only that it is by no means so large; seldom being more than from to inches in diamater, and from to feet high; they frequently grow in clusters as if from the same bed of roots spreading and leaning outwards. the twigs are long and slender. the stems simple branching. the bark smooth and in colour resembling that of the white maple. the leaf is petiolate, plane, scattered nearly circular, with it's margin cut with accute angular incissures of an inch in length and from six to in number the accute angular points formed by which incissures are crenate, or cut with small accute angular incissures. or in this form. it is inches in length, and in width. the petiole celindric smooth and one and a / inches long. the fruit or flower not known. [clark, february , ] monday february th collins and wiser returned without killing any elk. willard arrived late this evening from the salt camp, he had cut his knee very badly with his tomahawk. he had killed four elk not far from the salt camp, the day before yesterday, which he had butchered and took a part of the meat to the camp, but haveing cut his knee was unable to be longer servisable at the works & had returned. he informed us that bratten was very unwell, and that gibson was so sick that he could not set up or walk alone, and had desired him to ask us to have him brought to the fort. colter also returnd. this evening. continue the opperation of dryin our meat. there is a tree common to the columbia river below the enterance of cataract river which in its appearance when divested of its folage, much resembles the white ash; the appearance of the wood and bark is also that of the ash. it's stem is simple branching and diffuse. the lief is petiolate, plane, scattered palmate lobate, divided by four deep sinusus; the lobes are repand or terminate in from to accute angular points, while their margins are indented with irregular and somewhat circular incissures. the peteole is celindric smoth and inches long. the leaf inches in length and in bredth. this tree is frequently & feet in diamieter, and rises to or feet high-the froot is a winged seed somewhat like the maple. in the same part of the countrey there is also another groth, which resembles the white maple in its appearance, only that it is by no means so large, seldom being more than from to inches in diamieter, and from to feet high; they frequently grow in clusters as if from the same bed or root, spreading and leaning outwards. the twigs are long and slender. the stems simple branching. the bark smoth and in colour resembles that of the white maple. the leaf is patiolate, plain, scattered nearly circular, with it's margin cut with accute anglar incissures of an inch in length and from to in number, the accute angular points formed, by which incissures, are crenate, or cut with small angular incissures. or in this form. it is inches in length, and in width. the petiole is cilendric smoth and / inches long. the froot or flour i have not as yet found out &c. [lewis, february , ] tuesday february th . this morning sergt. gass reubin fields and thompson passed the netul opposite to us on a hunting expedition. sent sergt pryor with a party of four men to bring gibson to the fort. also sent colter and wiser to the salt works to carry on the business with joseph fields; as bratton had been sick we desired him to return to the fort also if he thought proper; however in the event of his not coming wiser was directed to return. there is a shrub which grows commonly in this neighbourhood which is precisely the same with that in virginia some times called the quillwood. also another which grows near the water in somewhat moist grounds & rises to the hight of or feet with a large, peteolate spreading plane, crenate and somewhat woolly leaf like the rose raspberry. it is much branched the bark of a redish brown colour and is covered with a number of short hooked thorns which renders it extreemly disagreeable to pass among; it dose not cast it's foliage untill about the st of december. this is also the case with the black alder. there is also found in this neighbourhood an evergreen shrub which i take to be another variety of the shallun and that discribed under that name in mistake on the th of january. this shrub rises to the hight of from four to five feet, the stem simple branching, defuse and much branched. the bark is of a redish dark brown, that of the mane stein is somewhat rough while that of the boughs is smooth. the leaves are petiolate the petiole / of an inch long; oblong, obtuse at the apex and accute angular at the insertion of the petiole; / of an inch in length and ysths in width; convex, somewhat revolute, serrate, smoth and of a paler green than the evergreens usually are; they are also opposite and ascending. the fruit is a small deep perple berry like the common huckleberry of a pleasent flavor. they are seperately scattered & attatched to the small boughs by short peduncles.-. the natives eat this berry when ripe but seldom collect it in such quantities as to dry it for winter uce. [clark, february , ] tuesday february th . this morning serjt. gass r. field and j. thompson passed the netul opposit to us on a hunting expedition. sent serjeant natl. pryor with men in a canoe to bring gibson to the fort. also sent colter & p. weser to the salt works to carry on the business with jos. field; as bratten is also sick we derected that he should return to the fort if he continued unwell; there is shrub which grows commonly in this neighbourhood which grows on the steep sides of the hills and also in low moist grounds, and rise to the hight of or feet with a large peteolate, spreading plain crenate and somewhat woolly leaf like the rose raspberry. it is much branched the bark of a redish brown colour and is covered with a number of short hooked thorns which renders it extreamly disagreeable to pass among, it does not cast its foliage untill about the st of december. there is a species of bryor which is common in this neighbourhood of a green colour which grows most abundant in the rich dry lands near the water courses, but is also found in small quantities in the piney lands at a distance from the water courses in the former situations the stem is frequently the size of a mans finger and rise perpendicularly to the hight of or feet when it decends in an arch and becoms procumbent or rests on some neighbouring plant or srubs; it is simple unbranched and celindric; in the latter situation it is much smaller, and usially procumbent. the stem is armed with sharp and hooked bryors. the leaf is peteolate, ternate and resembles in shape and appearance that of the purple raspberry common to the atlantic states. the frute is a berry resembling the blackberry in every respect and is eaten when ripe and much esteemed by the nativs but is not dryed for winters consumption. in the countrey about the enterance of the quick sand rivers i first discovered this bryor, it grows so abundantly in the furtile vally of columbia and on the islands in that part of the river, that the countrey near the river is almost impenitrable in maney places. this green bryor retains its leaf or foliage and virdue untill late in december. the briory bush with a wide leaf is also one of its ascociates. [lewis, february , ] wednesday february th . this morning we were visited by a clatsop man who brought with him three dogs as a remuneration for the elk which him self and nation had stolen from us some little time since, how ever the dogs took the alarm and ran off; we suffered him to remain in the fort all night. there are two species of ever green shrubs which i first met with at the grand rappids of the columbia and which i have since found in this neighbourhood also; they grow in rich dry ground not far usually from some watercourse. the roots of both species are creeping and celindric. the stem of the st is from a foot to inches high and as large as a goosqull; it is simple unbranced and erect. it's leaves are cauline, compound and spreading. the leafets are jointed and oppositely pinnate, pare & terminating in one, sessile, widest at the base and tapering to an accuminated point, an inch and a quarter the greatest width, and inches & a / in length. each point of their crenate margins armed with a subulate thorn or spine and are from to in number. they are also veined, glossy, carinated and wrinkled; their points obliquely pointing towards the extremity of the common footstalk.--the stem of the nd is procumbent abot the size of the former, jointed and unbranched. it's leaves are cauline, compound and oppositely pinnate; the rib from to inches long celindric and smooth. the leafets / inches long and inch wide. greatest width / inch from their base, to which they are regularly rounded, and from the same point tapering to an accute apex, wich is mostly, but not invariably tirminated with a small subulate thorn. they are jointed and oppositely pinnate, consisting of pare and terminating in one, sessile serrate, or like the teeth of a whipsaw, each point terminating in a small subulate spine, being from to in number; veined, smooth, plane and of a deep green, their points tending obliquely towards the extremity of the rib or common footstalk. i do not know the fruit or flower of either. the st resembles the plant common to many parts of the u states called the mountain holley. [clark, february , ] wednesday february th . this morning we were visited by a clatsop man who brought with him three dogs as a remuneration for the elk which himself and nation had stolen from us some little time sence, however the dogs took the alarm and ran off; we suffered him to remain in the fort all night. there are two species of evergreen shrubs. this is the leaf of one which i first met with at the grand rapids of the columbia river, and which i have sence found in this neighbourhood also; they usially grow in rich dry ground not far from some water course. the roots of both species are creeping and celindric. the stem of the first (as above) is from a foot to inches high and as large as a goose quil; it is simple and erect. its leaves are cauline, and spredding. the leafits are jointed & oppositly poinnate par and termonateing in one, cessile widest at the base and tapering to an accuminated point, an inch and / the greatest width; & / inches in length. each point of their crenate margins armed with a thorn or spine, and are from to in number. they are also veined, glossy, corinated and wrinkled; their points obliquely pointing towards the extremity of the common footstalk. the stem of the nd is procumbent about the size of the former, jointed and umbracated. it's leaves are cauline, compound and oppositly pointed; the rib from to inches long celendric and smooth the leafits / inches long and inch wide. the greatest width / inch from their base which they are regularly rounded, and from the same point tapering to an accute apex, which is mostly but not entirely termonated with a small subulate thorn. they are jointed & oppositly pointed consisting of par and termonateing in one (in this form) sessile, serrate, or like the teeth of a whipsaw, each point terminateing in a small subulate spine, being from to in numbr; veined, smoth, plane and of a deep green, their points tending obliquely towards the extremity of the rib or common footstalk. i do not know the fruit or flower of either. the st resembles a plant common to maney parts of the united states called the mountain holly [lewis, february , ] thursday february th . the clatsop left us this morning at a.m. not any thing transpired during the day worthy of notice. yesterday we completed the operation of drying the meat, and think we have a sufficient stock to last us this month. the indians inform us that we shall have great abundance of a small fish in march which from their discription must be the herring. these people have also informed us that one more who sometimes touches at this place and trades with the natives of this coast, had on board of his vessel three cows, and that when he left them he continued his course along the n. w. coast. i think this strong circumstancial proof that there is a stettlement of white persons at nootka sound or some point to the n. w. of us on the coast. there is a species of bryer which is common in this neighbourhood of a green colour which grows most abundant in the rich dry lands near the watercourses, but is also found in small quantities in the piny lands at a distance from the watercourses in the former situation the stem is frequently the size of a man's finger and rises perpendicularly to the hight of or feet when it decends in an arch and becomes procumbent or rests on some neighbouring plants or shrubs; it is simple unbranched and celindric; in the latter situation it is much smaller and usually procumbent. the stem is armed with sharp and hooked bryers. the leaf is peteolate ternate and resembles in shape and appearance that of the perple raspberry common to the atlantic states. the fruit is a berry resembling the black berry in every rispect and is eaten when ripe and much esteemed by the natives but is not dryed for winter consumption. in the country about the entrance of the quicksand river i first discovered this bryer. it groows so abundantly in the fertile valley of columbia and the islands in that part of the river that the country near the river is almost impenitrable in many places. the briary bush with a wide leaf is also one of it's ascociates. the green bryer retains it's foliage and verdure untill late in december.--there are also two species of firn which are common to this country beside that formerly discribed of which the natives eat the roots. these from their disparity in point of size i shall designate the large and small firn. both species continue green all winter.--the large farn, rises to the height of or four feet the stem is a common footstalk or rib which proceedes immediately from the radix wich is somewhat flat on two sides about the size of a man's arm and covered with innumerable black coarce capillary radicles which issue from every pat of it's surface; one of those roots or a collected bed of them will send fourth from twenty to forty of those common footstalks all of which decline or bend outwards from the common center. these ribs are cylindric and marked longitudinally their whole length with a groove or channel on their upper side. on either side of this grove a little below it's edge, the leafets are inserted, being shortly petiolate for about / ds of the length of the middle rib commencing at the bottom and from thence to the extremity sessile. the rib is terminated by a single undivided lanceolate gagged leafet. the leafets are lanceolate, from to inches in length gagged and have a small accute angular projection on the upper edge near the base where it is spuar on the side which has the projection and obliquely cut at the base on the other side of the rib of the leafet. or which will give a better idea in this form. the upper surface is smooth and of a deep green the under disk of a pale green and covered with a brown bubersence of a woolly appearance particularly near the cental fiber or rib. these leafets are alternately pinnate. they are in number from to ; shortest at the two extremities of the common footstalk and longest in the center, graduly lengthening and deminishing as they succeed each other.- the small firn also rises with a common footstalk from the radix and are from four to eight in number. about inches long; the central rib marked with a slight longitudinal groove throughout it's whole length. the leafets are oppositely pinnate about / rd of the length of the common footstalk from the bottom and thence alternately pinnate; the footstalk terminating in a simple undivided nearly entire lanceolate leafet. the leafets are oblong, obtuse, convex absolutely entire, marked on the upper disk with a slight longitudinal groove in place of the central rib, smooth and of a deep green. near the upper extremity these leafets are decursively pinnate as are also those of the large f rn. the grasses of this neighbourhood are generally coase harsh and sedge-like, and grow in large tufts. there is none except in the open grounds. near the coast on the tops of some of the untimbered hills there is a finer and softer species which resembles much the green swoard. the salt marshes also produce a coarse grass, bull rushes and the cattail flagg. the two last the natives make great use in preparing their mats bags &c. [clark, february , ] tuesday february th . the clatsop left us this morning at a.m. not anything transpired dureing the day worthy of notice. yesterday we completed the opperation of drying the meat, and think we have a sufficient stock to last us this month. the indians inform us that we shall have great abundance of small fish in march. which from the discription must be the herring. those people have also informed us that one moore who sometimes touches at this place and traded with the nativs of this coast, had on board his ship cows, and that when he left them he continued his course along the n w. coast. i think this (if those cows were not coats) strong circumstantial proof that their is a settlement of white persons at nootka sound or some place to the n w. of us on the coast. there are also two species of firn which are common to this countrey besides that before mentioned of which the nativs eate the roots. these two from their disparity in point of size i shall distinguish the large and small firn. both species continue green all winter the large fern, rise to the hight of or feet, the stem is a common footstalk or rib which proceeds imediately from the radix which is somewhat flat on two sides about the size of a man's arm and covered with innumerable black coarse capillary radicles which issue from every part of its surface; one of those roots or a collected bead of them will send forth from to of those common footstalks all of which decline or bend outwards from the common center. those ribs are cylindric and marked longitudinally their whole length with a groove or channel on their upper side. on either side of this groove a little below it's edge, the leafets are inserted, being partly petiolate for about / ds of the length of the middle rib, commenceing at the bottom and from thence to the extremity sessile. the rib is termonated by a single undevided lanceolate gagged leafet. the leafets are lanceolate, from to inches in length gagged and have a small accute angular projection and obliquely cut at the base on either side of the rib of the leafet. upper surface is smooth and of a deep green, the under disk of a pale green and covered with a brown substance of a woolly appearance particalarly near the center fiber or rib these leafets are alternately pointed they are in number from to ; shortest at the two extremities of the common footstalk and longest in the center, gradually lengthing and diminishing as they suckceed each other the small firn also rises with a common footstalk from the radix and are from to in number, about inches long; the central rib marked with a slight longitudinal groove through out it's whole length. the leafets are oppositly pinnate about a of the length of the common footstalk from the bottom and thence alternately pinnate; the footstalk termonating in a simple undevided nearly entire lanceolate leafet. the leafets are oblong, obtuse, convex absolutely entire, marked on the upper disk with a slight longitudinal grove in place of the central rib, smooth and of a deep green; near the upper extremity those lefets are decurscivily pinnate as are also those of the larg firn. the grass's of this neighbourhood are generally coarse harsh and sedge like, and grow in large tufts. there is none except in the open grounds. near the coast on the top of some of the untimbered hills there is a finer and softer species which resembles much the greensword. the salt marshes also produce a corse grass, bullrushes and the cattail flaggs. of the two last the nativs make great use in prepareing their mats bags &c. in those bags they carry their fish berries roots &c. [lewis, february , ] friday february th . we are very uneasy with rispect to our sick men at the salt works. sergt. pryor and party have not yet returned nor can we conceive what causes their delay. drewyer visited his traps today and caught a very fine fat beaver on which we feasted this evening. on the th inst. capt clark completed a map of the country through which we have been passing from fort mandan to this place. in this map the missouri jefferson's river the s. e. branch of the columbia, kooskooske and columbia from the entrance of the s. e. fork to the pacific ocean as well as a part of flathead river and our tract across the rocky mountains are laid down by celestial observation and survey. the rivers are also connected at their sources with other rivers agreeably to the information of the natives and the most probable conjecture arrising from their capacities and the relative positions of their rispective entrances which last have with but few exceptions been established by celestial observation. we now discover that we have found the most practicable and navigable passage across the continent of north america; it is that which we traveled with the exception of that part of our rout from the neighbourhood of the entrance of dearborn's river untill we arrived on clarks river at the entrance of traveler's rest creek; the distance between those two points would be traveled more advantageously by land as the navigation of the missouri above the river dearborn is laborious and miles distant by which no advantage is gained as the rout which we are compelled to travel by land from the source of jefferson's river to the entrance of travelers rest creek is miles being further by miles than that from the entrance of dearborn's river to the last mentioned point and a much worse rout if indian information is to be relyed on; from the same information the flathead river like that of the s. e. fork of the columbia which heads with jefferson's and maddison's rivers can not be navigated through the rocky mountains in consequence of falls & rappids and as a confermation of this fact, we discovered that there were no salmon in the flathead river, which is the case in the s. e. branch of the columbia although it is not navigable. added to this, the indians further inform us, that the flathead river runs in the direction of the rocky mountains for a great distance to the north before it discharges itself into the columbia river, which last from the same information from the entrance of the s. e. fork to that of flathead river is obstructed with a great number of difficult and dangerous rappids. considering therefore the danger and difficulties attending the navigation of the columbia in this part, as well as the circuitous and distant rout formed by itself and the flathead river we conceive that even admitting the flathead river contrary to information to be as navigable as the columbia river below it's entrance, that the tract by land over the rocky mountains usually traveled by the natives from the entrance of traveller's-rest creek to the forks of the kooskooske is preferable; the same being a distance of miles. the inferrence therefore deduced from those premices are that the best and most practicable rout across the continent is by way of the missouri to the entrance of dearborn's river or near that place; from thence to flathead river at the entrance of traveller's rest creek, from thence up traveller's rest creek to the forks, from whence you pursue a range of mounttains which divides the waters of the two forks of this creek, and which still continuing it's west wardly course divides the waters of the two forks of the kooskooske river to their junction; from thence to decend this river by water to the s. e. branch of the columbia, thence down that river to the columbia and with the latter to the pacific ocean. ============ [clark, february , ] friday february th we are very uneasy with respect to our sick men at the salt works. serjt. pryor and party haveing not yet returneded, nor can we conceive what can be the cause of their delay. drewyer visited his traps & to day and cought a fine fat beaver on which we feasted this evening and thought it a great delecessey.-. i compleated a map of the countrey through which we have been passing from the mississippi at the mouth of missouri to this place. in the map the missouri jefferson's river the s. e. branch of the columbia or lewis's river, koos-koos-ke and columbia from the enterance of the s. e fork to the pacific ocian, as well as a part of clark's river and our track across the rocky mountains are laid down by celestial observations and survey. the rivers are also conected at their sources with other rivers agreeably to the information of the nativs and the most probable conjecture arrising from their capacities and the relative positions of their respective enterances which last have with but fiew exceptions been established by celestial observations. we now discover that we have found the most practicable and navigable passage across the continent of north america; it is that which we have traveled with the exception of that part of our rout from the foot of the falls of the missouri, or in neighbourhood of the enterance of the rocky mountains untill we arive on clarks river at the enterence of travelers-rest creek; the distance between those two points would be traveled more advantagiously by land as the navigation of the missouri above the falls is crooked laborious and miles distant by which no advantage is gained as the rout which we are compelled to travel by land from the source of jeffersons river to the enterance of travellers rest creek is miles being further by at. miles than that from the falls of the missourie to the last mentioned point (travellers rest creek) and a much worse rout if indian information is to be relied on which is from the so so nee or snake indians, and the flatheads of the columbia west of the rocky mountains. from the same information clarks river like that of the s. e. branch of the columbia which heads with jefferson's and maddisons river's can not be navagated thro the rocky mountains in consequence of falls and rapids, and as a confirmation of the fact we discovered that there were no salmon in clark's river, which is not the case in the s. e. branch of the columbia altho it is not navagable. added to this, the indians of different quartes further inform us, that clark's river runs in the direction of the rocky mountains for a great distance to the north before it discharges itself into the columbia river---from the same information the columbia from the enterance of the s. e. branch to the enterance of clark's river is obstructed with a great number of dificuelt and dangerous rapids (and the place clark's river comes out of the rocky mountains is a tremendious falls &c which there is no possibillity of passing the mountains either by land or water.) considering therefore the dangers and deficuelties attending the navigation of the columbia in this part, as well as the circuitous and distant rout formed by itself and that of clark's river we conceive that even admitting that clarks river contrary to information to be as navagable as the columbia below it's enterance, that the tract by land over the rocky mountains usially traveled by the nativs from the enterance of travellers rest creek to the forks of the kooskooske is preferable; the same being a distance of miles. the inferrence therefore deduced from these premises are, that the best and most practicable rout across the continent is by way of the missouri to the great falls; thence to clarks river at the enterance of travellers rest creek, from thence up travillers rest creek to the forks, from whence you prosue a range of mountains which divides the waters of the two forks of this creek, and which still continues it's westwardly course on the mountains which divides the waters of the two forks of the kooskooske river to their junction; from thence to decend this river to the s. e. branch of the columbia, thence down that river to the columbia, and down the latter to the pacific ocian-. there is a large river which falls into the columbia on its south side at what point we could not lern; which passes thro those extencive columbian plains from the south east, and as the indians inform us head in the mountains south of the head of jeffersons river and at no great distance from the spanish settlements, and that that fork which heads with the river rajhone and waters of the missouri passes through those extensive plains in which there is no wood, and the river crowded with rapids & falls many of which are impassable. the other or westerly fork passes near a range of mountains and is the fork which great numbers of indian bands of the so sone or snake indians, this fork most probably heads with north river or the waters of callifornia. this river may afford a practicable land communication with new mexico by means of its western fork. this river cannot be navagable as an unpracticable rapid is within one mile of its enterance into the columbia, and we are fully purswaded that a rout by this river if practicable at all, would lengthen the distance greatly and incounter the same dificuelties in passing the rocky mountains with the rout by way of travellers rest creek & clarks river. [lewis, february , ] saturday february th . drewyer and whitehouse set out this morning on a hunting excurtion towards the praries of point adams. we have heard our hunters over the netul fire several shot today, but have had no account from them as yet. about p.m. bratton arrived from the salt works and informed us that sergt. pryor and party were on their way with gibson who is so much reduced that he cannot stand alone and that they are obliged to carry him in a litter. bratton himself appears much reduced with his late indisposition but is now recovering fast. bratton informed that the cause of sergt. pryor's delay was attributeable to the winds which had been so violent for several days as to render it impossible to get a canoe up the creek to the point where it was necessary to pass with gibson. the s. w. winds are frequently very violent on the coast when we are but little sensible of them at fort clatsop. in consequence of the lofty and thickly timbered fir country which surrounds us on that quarter from the south to the north east. after dark sergt. pryor arrived with gibson. we are much pleased in finding him by no means as ill as we had expected. we do no conceive him in danger by any means, tho he has yet a fever and is much reduced. we beleive his disorder to have orriginated in a violent cold which he contracted in hunting and pursuing elk and other game through the swams and marshes about the salt works. he is nearly free from pain tho a gooddeel reduced and very languid. we gave him broken dozes of diluted nitre and made him drink plentifully of sage tea, had his feet bathed in warm water and at p.m. gave him drops of laudanum. the quadrupeds of this country from the rocky mountains to the pacific ocean are st the domestic animals, consisting of the horse and the dog only; cdly the native wild animals, consisting of the brown white or grizly bear, (which i beleive to be the same family with a mearly accedental difference in point of colour) the black bear, the common red deer, the black tailed fallow deer, the mule deer, elk, the large brown wolf, the small woolf of the plains, the large wolf of the plains, the tiger cat, the common red fox, black fox or fisher, silver fox, large red fox of the plains, small fox of the plains or kit fox, antelope, sheep, beaver, common otter, sea otter, mink, spuck, seal, racoon, large grey squirrel, small brown squirrel, small grey squirrel, ground squirrel, sewelel, braro, rat, mouse, mole, panther, hare, rabbit, and polecat or skunk. all of which shall be severally noticed in the order in which they occur as well as shuch others as i learn do exist and which not been here recapitulated. the horse is confined principally to the nations inhabiting the great plains of columbia extending from latitude ° to ° n. and occuping the tract of country lying between the rocky mountains and a range of mountains which pass the columbia river about the great falls or from longitude to west. in this extesive tract of principally untimbered country so far as we have leant the following nations reside (viz) the sosone or snake indians, the chopunnish, sokulks, cutssahnims, chymnapums, ehelutes, eneshuh & chilluckkittequaws. all of whom enjoy the bennefit of that docile, generous and valuable anamal the horse, and all of them except the three last have immence numbers of them. their horses appear to be of an excellent race; they are lofty eligantly formed active and durable; in short many of them look like the fine english coarsers and would make a figure in any country. some of those horses are pided with large spots of white irregularly scattered and intermixed with the black brown bey or some other dark colour, but much the larger portion are of an uniform colour with stars snips and white feet, or in this rispect marked much like our best blooded horses in virginia, which they resemble as well in fleetness and bottom as in form and colours. the natives suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which furnishes them with their only subsistence their masters taking no trouble to lay in a winters store for them, but they even keep fat if not much used on the dry grass of the plains during the winter. no rain scarcely ever falls in these plains and the grass is short and but thin. the natives appear to take no pains in scelecting their male horses from which they breed, in short those of that discription which i have noticed appeared much the most indifferent. whether the horse was orrigeonally a native of this country or not it is out of my power to determine as we can not understand the language of the natives sufficiently to ask the question. at all events the country and climate appears well adapted to this anamal. horses are said to be found wild in many parts of this extensive plain country. the several tribes of sosones who reside towards mexico on the waters of clark's river or particularly one of them called sh&-bo-bo-ah have also a great number of mules, which among the indians i find are much more highly prized than horses. an eligant horse may be purchased of the natives in this country for a lew peads or other paltry trinkets which in the u states would not cost more than one or two dollars. this abundance and cheapness of horses will be extremely advantageous to those who may hereafter attemt the fir trade to the east indies by way of the columbia river and the pacific ocean.--the mules in the possession of the indians are principally stolen from the spaniards of mexeco; they appear to be large and fine such as we have seen. among the sosones of the upper part of the s. e. fork of the columbia we saw several horses with spanish brands on them which we supposed had been stolen from the inhabitants of mexeco. [clark, february , ] saturday february th drewyer and whitehouse set out on a hunting excurtion towards the mountains southwest of us. we have heard our hunters over the netul fire several shot today, but have had no account of them as yet. p.m. bratten arived from the saltworks, and informed us that serjt. pryor and party were on their way with gibson in a litter. he is verry bad and much reduced with his present indisposition. wm. bratten appears much reduced, and is yet verry unwell. he informs that the cause of sergt. pryor's delay was attributiable to the winds which had been so violent for several days as to render it impossible to get a canoe up the creek to the point where it was necessary to pass with gibson. the s. w. winds are frequently very violent on the coast when we are but little sensible of them at fort clatsop. in consequence of the lofty and thickly timbered fir country which surrounds us from that quarter, from the south to the n. east.-. after dark sergt. pryor arrived with gibson. we are much pleased in findeing him by no means as ill as we had expected. we do not conceive him in danger by any means, tho he has yet a fever and is much reduced. we believe his disorder to have originated in a violent cold which he contracted in hunting and prosueing elk and other game through the swamps and marshes about the salt works. he is nearly free from pain tho a good deel reduced and very languid. we gave him double doses of diluted niter and made him drink plentifully of sage tea, had his feat bathed in worm water and at p.m. gave him drops of laudanum. the quadrupeds of this countrey from the rocky mountains to the pacific ocian are first the domestic animals, consisting of the horses and dogs only; ndly the native wild animals, consisting of the white, brown, or grizly bear (which i believe to be the same family with a mearly accidentail difference in point of colour) the black bear, the elk, the common red deer, the mule deer, the black tailed fallow deer, the large brown wolf, the small wolf of the plains, the large wolf of the plains, panther, the tiger cat, the common red fox, the black fox or fisher, the silver fox, large red fox of the plains, small fox of the plains or kit fox, antelope, sheep, beaver, common otter, sea otter, minks, seals racoons, large grey squerrel, small brown squirrel, small grey squirrel, ground squirrel, sewelel, braro, rat, mouse, mole, hare, rabbet, and pole cat or skunk. all of which shall be severally noticed in the order in which they occur as well as such others as i learn do exist, and which not been here recapitulated. the horse is principally confined to the nations inhabiting the great plains of columbia extending from latitude ° to ° n. and occupying the tract of countrey lying between the rocky mountains and a rang of mountains which pass the columbia river about the great falls or from longitude ° to ° west in this extensive tract of principally untimbered countrey so far as we have lernt the following nations reside (viz) the sosone, or snake indians inhabiting the south fork or ____ river, the chopunnish, sokulk's, cutssahnims, chym na pum, ehelutes, eneshuh & chilluckkittequaws. all of whome enjoy the benifit of that docile generous and valueable animal the horse, and all of them except the three last have emence numbers of them. their horses appear to be of an excellent race; they are lofty eligantly formed active and durable; in short maney of them look like the fine english coursers and would make a figure in any country. some of those horses in pided with large spots of white irrigularly scattered and intermixed with black, brown, bey or some other dark colour, but much the larger portion are of a uniform colour with stars, snips, and white feet, or in this respect marked much like our best blooded horses in the u, states, which they resemble as well in fleetness and bottom as in form and colour. the nativs suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which furnish them with their only subsistance, their owners takeing no trouble to lay in a winters store for them, but they keep fat if not much used on the dry grass of the plains dureing the winter. rain scercely ever falls in those plains and the grass is short and but thin. the nativs appear to take no pains in selecting their male horses from which they bread, in short those of that discription which i have noticed appear much the most indifferent. whether the horses was originally a native of this country or not, it is out of my power to determine as we cannot understand the language of the nativs sufficiently to ask the question. at all events the country and climate appears well adapted to this animal. horses are said to be found wild in maney parts of this extensive plain country-. the several tribes of sosones who reside near mexico on the waters of clark's river, or particularly one of them called shd-bo-bo-ah have also a great number of mules, which among the inds. i find are much more highly prized than horses. an eligant horse may be purchased of the nativs in this country for a fiew beeds or other paltry trinkits which in the united states would not cost more than one or two dollars. this abundance and cheepness of horses will be extremely advantagious to those who may hereafter attempt the fir trade to the east indies by way of the columbia and the pacific ocian.-. the mules in the possession of the inds. are principally stolen from the spaniards of new mexico; such as we have seen appear to be large with spanish brands. among the sosones of the upper part of lewis's river we saw several horses with spanish brands on them which the nativs informed us came from the south most probably from the settlement in new mexico, on the heads of the north river or waters of the bay of california. [lewis, february , ] sunday february th . by several trials made today in order to adjust my octant and ascertain her error in the direct observation, i found that it was ° ' " + or additive beyond the fracture; this error was ascertained by a comparison with my sextant the error of which had been previously ascertained. the error of octant in the direct observation on the broken limb next to or below ° inclusive is ° additive only.--sent shannon labuish and frazier this morning on a hunting excurtion up the kil-haw'-a-nak-kle river which discharges itself into the head of the bay. no tidings yet of sergt. gass and party. bratton is still very weak and complains of a pain in the lower part of the back when he moves which i suppose procedes from dability. i gave him barks. gibson's fever still continues obstenate tho not very high; i gave him a doze of dr. rush's which in many instances i have found extreemly efficatious in fevers which are in any measure caused by the presence of boil. the nitre has produced a profuse perspiration this evening and the pills operated late at night his fever after which abated almost entirely and he had a good night's rest. the indian dog is usually small or much more so than the common cur. they are party coloured; black white brown and brindle are the most usual colours. the head is long and nose pointed eyes small, ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf, hair short and smooth except on the tail where it is as long as that of the curdog and streight. the natives do not eat them nor appear to make any other use of them but in hunting the elk as has been before observed.--the brown white or grizly bear are found in the rocky mountains in the timbered parts of it or westerly side but rarely; they are more common below the rocky mountain on the borders of the plains where there are copses of brush and underwood near the watercouses. they are by no means as plenty on this side of the rocky mountains as on the other, nor do i beleive that they are found atall in the woody country, which borders this coast as far in the interior as the range of mountains which, pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids of that river. the black bear differs not any from those common to the united states and are found under the rocky mountains in the woody country on the borders of the great plains of columbia and also in this tract of woody country which lie between these plains and the pacific ocean. their oconimy and habits are also the same with those of the united states. [clark, february , ] sunday february th sent shannon labiesh and frazier on a hunting excurtion up the kilhaw-a-nak-kle river which discharges itself into the head of meriwethers bay. no word yet of sergt. gass and party. bratten is verry weak and complains of a pain in the lower part of the back when he moves which i suppose proceeds from debility. i gave him barks and salt peter. gibsons fever still continues obstinate tho not verry high; we gave him a dose of dr. rushes pills which in maney instancis i have found extreamly efficasious in fevers which are in any measure caused by the presence of boil. the niter has produced a perfuse perspiration this evening and the pils opperated late at night his feaver after which abated almost intirely and he had a good nights rest. the indian dogs are usually small or much more so than the common cur. they are party coloured; black white brown and brindle are the more usual colours. the head is long and nose pointed eyes small, ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf, hair short and smooth except on the tail where it is as long as that of the cur dog and streight. the nativs do not eate them, or make any further use of them than in hunting the elk as has been before observed. shannon an labiesh brought in to us to day a buzzard or vulture of the columbia which they had wounded and taken alive. i believe this to be the largest bird of north america. it was not in good order and yet it wayed lbs had it have been so it might very well have weighed lbs. more or lbs. between the extremities of the wings it measured feet inches; from the extremity of the beak to that of the toe feet inches and a half. from hip to toe feet, girth of the head inches / . girth of the neck / inches; girth of the body exclusive of the wings feet inches; girth of the leg inches. the diameter of the eye / ths of an inch, the iris of a pale scarlet red, the puple of a deep sea green or black and occupies about one third of the diameter of the eye the head and part of the neck as low as the figures is uncovered with feathers except that portion of it represented by dots foward and under the eye. (see likeness on the other side of this leaf) the tail is composed of twelve feathers of equal length, each inches. the legs are / inches in length and of a whitefish colour uncovered with feathers, they are not entirely smooth but not imbricated; the toes are four in number three of which are foward and that in the center much the longest; the fourth is short and is inserted near the inner of the three other toes and reather projecting foward. the thye is covered with feathers as low as the knee. the top or upper part of the toes are imbricated with broad scales lying transversly; the nails are black and in proportion to the size of the bird comparitively with those of the hawk or eagle, short and bluntly pointed---the under side of the wing is covered with white down and feathers. a white stripe of about inches in width, also marks the outer part of the wing, imbraceing the lower points of the feathers, which cover the joints of the wing through their whole length or width of that part of the wing. all the other feathers of whatever part are of a glossy shineing black except the down, which is not glossy, but equally black. the skin of the beak and head to the joining of the neck is of a pale orrange yellow, the other part uncovered with feathers is of a light flesh colour. the skin is thin and wrinkled except on the beak where it is smooth. this bird fly's very clumsily. nor do i know whether it ever seizes it's prey alive, but am induced to believe it does not. we have seen it feeding on the remains of the whale and other fish which have been thrown up by the waves on the sea coast. these i believe constitute their principal food, but i have no doubt but that they also feed on flesh. we did not meet with this bird untille we had decended the columbia below the great falls; and have found them more abundant below tide water than above. this is the same species of bird which r. field killed on the th of novr. last and which is noticed on that day tho not fully discribed then i thought this of the buzzard specis. i now believe that this bird is reather of the vulture genus than any other, tho it wants some of their characteristics particularly the hair on the neck, and the feathers on the legs. this is a handsom bird at a little distance. it's neck is proportionably longer than those of the hawks or eagle. shannon also brought a grey eagle which appeared to be of the same kind common to the u, states. it weighed pds. and measured feet inches between the extremities of the wings shannon and labiesh informed us that when he approached this vulture after wounding it, that it made a loud noise very much like the barking of a dog. the tongue is long firm and broad, filling the under chap and partakeing of its transvirs curvature, or its sides forming a longitudinal groove; obtuse at the point, the margin armed with firm cartelagenous prickkles pointed and bending inwards. [lewis, february , ] monday february th . collins and windsor were permited to hunt today towards the praries in point adams with a view to obtain some fresh meat for the sick. a little before noon shannon labuishe & frazier returned with the flesh and hide of an elk which had been wouded by sergt. gass's party and took the water where they pursued it and caught it. they did not see sergt. gass or any of his party nor learn what further success they had had. continue the barks with bratton, and commenced them with gibson his fever being sufficiently low this morning to permit the uce of them. i think therefore that there is no further danger of his recovery.--at p.m. joseph fields arrived from the salt works and informed us that they had about kegs of salt on hand which with what we have at this place we suppose will be sufficient to last us to our deposits of that article on the missouri. we there directed a party of six men to go with fields in the morning in order to bring the salt and kettles to the fort. shannon brought me one of the large carrion crow or buzzads of the columbia which they had wounded and taken alive. i bleive this to be the largest bird of north america. it was not in good order and yet it weighed lbs. had it have been so it might very well have weighed lbs mor or lbs. between the extremities of the wings it measured feet inches; from the extremity of the beak to that of the toe f. / in. from hip to toe feet, girth of head / in. girth of the neck / inches; do. of body exclusive of the wings feet inches; do of leg inches. diameter of the eye / /toths of an inch. the iris of a pale scarlet red, the puple of deep sea green or black and occupyed about one third of the diameter of the eye. the head and a part of the neck as low as the figures is uncovered with feathers except that portion of it represented by dots (see likeness). the tail is composed of feathers of equal length, each inches. the legs are / inches in length and of a white colour un covered with feathers, they are not entirely smooth but not imbricated; the toes are four in number three of which are forward and that in the center much the longes; the fourth is short and is inserted near the inner of the three other toes and reather projecting forward. the thye is covered with feathers as low as the knee. the top or upper part of the toes are imbricated with broad scales lying transversly; the nails are blak and in proportion to the size of the bird comparitively with those of the halk or eagle, short and bluntly pointed. the under side of the wing is covered with white down and feathers. a white stripe of about two inches in width, also marks the outer part of the wing, imbracing the lower points of the feathers, which cover the joints of the wing through their whole length or width of that part of the wing. all the other feathers of whatever part are glossey shining black except the down which is not glossey but equally black. the skin of the beak and head to the joining of the neck is of a pale orrange yellow the other part uncovered with feathers is of a light flesh colour. the skin is thin and wrinkled except on the beak where it is smooth. this bird flys very clumsily nor do i know whether it ever seizes it's prey alive, but am induced to beleive that it dose not. we have seen it feeding on the remains of the whale & other fish which have been thrown up by the waves on the sea coast. these i beleive constitute their prinsipal food, but i have no doubt but they also feed on flesh; we did not met with this bird untill we had decended the columbia below the great falls, and have found them more abundant below tide-water than above. i beleive that this bird is reather of the vulture genus than any other, tho it wants some of their charactaristics particularly the hair on the neck and feathers on the legs.--this is a handsome bird at a little distance. it's neck is proportionably longer than those of the hawks or eagle. shannon also brought me a grey eagle which appeared to be of the same kind common to the u states; it weighed lb. and measured feet inches between the extremities of the wings.--at p.m. sergt. gass and party arrived; they had killed eight elk. drewyer and whitehouse also returned late in the evening, had killed one elk.- labuishe informed me that when he approached this vulture, after wounding it, that it made a loud noise very much like the barking of a dog & the tongue is large firm and broad, filling the under chap and partaking of it's transverse curvature, or it's sides colapsing upwards forming a longitudinal groove; obtuse at the point, the margin armed with firm cartelaginous prickkles pointed and bending inwards. [clark, february , ] monday february th collins and windser were permited to hunt to day towards the praries in point adams with a view to obtain some fresh meat for the sick. a little before noon shannon and labiesh & frazier came with the flesh and hide of an elk which had been wounded by serjt. gasses party and took the water where they pursued it and cought it. they did not see sergt. gass or any of his party or learn what further sucksess they have had. continu the barks with bratten, and commenced them with gibson his feaver being sufficiently low this morning to permit the use of them. i think therefore that there is no further danger of his recovery.---at p.m. joseph field arrived from the salt works and informd us that they had about kegs of salt on hand (say bushels) which with what we have at this place we suppose will be sufficient to last us to our deposit of that article on the missouri. we directed a party of six men to go in the morning in order to bring the salt and kittles to the fort. at p.m. serjt. gass and party arrive; they had killed elk. drewyer and whitehouse also return late in the evening, they had killed one elk, part of the meat of which they brought in with them. the brown, white, or grizly bear are found in the rocky mountains in the timbered part of it or westerly side but rarely; they are more common below or on the east side of the rocky mountains on the borders of the plains where there are copses of bushes and underwood near the water cources. they are by no means as plenty on this side of the rocky mountains as on the other, nor do i believe they are found at all in the woody country which borders this coast as far in the interior as the range of mountains which pass the columbia between the enterance of clarks and the quick sand rivers or below the great falls of columbia. the black bear differs not any from those common to the u. states, and are found under the rocky mountains in the woody country on the borders of the great plain's of columbia and also in this tract of woody country which lie between these plains and the pacific ocian. their econimy and habits are also the same with those of the united states.-. [lewis, february , ] tuesday february th . this morning we dispatched a party to the saltworks with sergt. ordway and a second with sergt. gass after the elk killed over the netul. in the evening sergt. ordway returned and reported that the waves ran so high in the bay that he could not pass to the entrance of the creek which we had directed him to assend with the canoe. collins and winsor returned this evening with one deer which they had killed. the deer are poor and their flesh by no means as good as that of the elk which is also poor but appears to be geting better than some weeks past.--in the forenoon we were visited by eight clasops and chinnooks from whom we purchased a sea otter's skin and two hats made of waytape and white ceder bark. they remained untill late in the evening and departed for their village. these people are not readily obstructed by waves in their canoes.--sergt. ordway brought me a specemine of a species of pine peculiar to the swamps and marshes frequently overflown by the tide as this is a distinct species i shall call it no. . this tree seldom rises to a greater hight than feet and is from / to feet in diameter; the stem is simple branching diffuse and proliferous. the bark the same with that of no. only reather more rugged. the leaf is acerose, / ths of an inch in width and / in length. they are firm stif and somewhat accuminated, ending in a short pointed hard tendril, gibbous, thickly scattered on all sides of the bough but rispect the three upper sides only. those which have there insersion on the underside incline sidewise with their points upwards giving the leaf the figure of a sythe. the others are perpendicular or pointing upwards. is sessile growing as in no. from small triangular pedestals of a soft spungy elastic bark. the under disk of these leaves or that which grows nearest towards the base of the bough is a deep glossey green while the upper or opposite side is of a mealy whiteish pale green; in this rispect differing from almost all leaves. the boughs retain their leaves as far back as to the sixth years growth. the peculiarity of the bud scales observed in no is observed in this species. the cone is / inches in length and in circumpherence, of an ovate figure being thickest in the middle and tapering and terminating in two obtuse points. it is composes of small, flexible, thin, obtusely pointed smooth and redish brown imbricated scales. each scale covering two small winged seeds and being itself covered in the center by a small thin inferior scale accutely pointed. the cone is somewhat of this figure. they proceede from the side as well as the extremities of the bough but in the former case always at or near the commencement of some one years growth which is some instances are as far back as the third year. [clark, february , ] tuesday february th this morning we dispatched a party to the salt works with sergt. ordway. and a second party with sergt. gass after the eight elk killed over the netul. in the evening sergt. ordway returned and reported that the waves ran so high in the bay that he could not pass to the enterance of a creek which we had directed him to assend with the canoe. collins & windsir returned this evening with one deer which they had killed. the deer are pore and their flesh by no means as good as that of the elk which is also poore but appears to be getting better than some weeks past. in the forenoon we were visited by a clatsop & seven chinnooks from whome i purchased a sea otter's skin and two hats made of way tape and silk grass and white cedar bark. they remained untill late in the evening and departed for their village. those people are not readily obstructed by waves in their canoes. since their departure we have discovered that they have stole an ax.--whitehouse brought me a roab which he purchased of the indians formed of three skins of the tiger cat, this cat differs from any which i have ever seen. it is found on the borders of the plains and the woody country lying along the pacific ocian. this animale is about the size or reather larger than the wild cat of our countrey and is much the same in form, agility and ferosity. the colour of the back, neck and sides, is a redish brown irrigular varigated with small spots of dark brown the tail is about two inches long nearly white except the extremity which is black; it termonates abruptly as if it had been cut off. the belly is white with small black spots. butifully varigated. the legs are of the same colour with the sides and back marked with transvers stripes of black the ears are black on the outer side covered with fine black hair, short except at the upper point which is furnished with a pencil of verry fine streight black hair, / of an inch in length, the fur of this animale is long and fine. much more so than the wild cat of the u states but less so than the louserva of the n west. the nativs of this country make great use of the skins of this cat, to form the robes which they wear; three whole skins is the complement usually employed, and sometimes four in each roab. those cats are not marked alike maney of them have but fiew spots of a darker colour, particularly on the back. [lewis, february , ] wednesday february th . sergt. ordway set out again this morning with a party for the salt works by land. in the evening sergt. gass returned with the flesh of eight elk, and seven skins; having left one skin with shannon and labuishe who remained over the netul to continue the chase. we had the elk skins divided among the messes in order that they might be prepared for covering our baggage when we set out in the spring. our sick are recovering but they appear to strengthen but slowly. the common red deer we found under the rocky mts. in the neighbourhood of the chopunnish, and about the great falls of the columbia river and as low down the same as the commencement of tide water. these do not appear to differ essentially from those of our country being about the same size shape and appearance in every rispect except their great length of tail which is more than half as long again as our deer i measured one of them which was inches long. the black tailed fallow deer are peculiar to this coast and are a distinct species of deer partaking equally of peculiarities of the mule deer and the common deer. their ears are reather larger and their winter coat darker than the common deer; the recepticle of the eye or drane is mor conspicuous; their legs shorter and body thicker and larger than the common deer; their tail is about the length of our deer or from to inches the hair on the underside of which is white, and that of it's sides and top quite black the horns resemble in form and colour those of the mule deer which it also resembles in it's gate; that is bounding with all four feet off the ground at the same time when runing at full speed and not loping as the common deer or antelope do. they are sometimes found in the woodlands but most frequently in the praries and open grounds. they may be said generally to be a size larger than the common deer and that less than the mule deer. they are very seldom found in good order, or fat, even in the season which the common deer are so, and their flesh is inferior to any species of deer which i have ever seen.- [clark, february , ] wednesday february th . sergt. ordway set out again with a party to the salt works by land. in the evening sergt. gass returned with the flesh of eight elk, and seven skins haveing left one skin with shannon and labiche who remained over the netul to continue the chase. we devided the skins between the messes in order that they might be prepared for covering the baggage when we set out in the spring. our sick appear to strengthen but slowly i gave bratten of scotts pills which did not work him. he is very weak and complains of his back. the black fox or as they are more frequently called by the n west trader fisher is found in the woody country on this coast. how this animal obtained the name of fisher i know not, but certain it is, that the name is not appropriate, as it does not prey on or seek it as a prey-. they are extreeinly active strong and made for climbing which they do with great agility, and bound from tree to tree in pursute of the squirel or rackoon, their natural and most usual food. their colour is a jut black except a small spot of white on the breast. the body is long, legs short and formed something like the turnspit dog, with a remarkable long tail. it does not differ here from those of the united states. the silver fox this animale is very rare even in the countrey where it exists, i have never seen more than the skins of this animal and those were in the possession of the nativs of the woody country below the great falls of the columbia, from which i think it is most probably they are the inhabitants of the woody country exclusively. from the skins, it appeard to be about the size of the large red fox of the plains and much of its form with a large tail. the legs i think somewhat longer it has a fine long deep fur poil. the poil is of a dark lead colour and the long hairs intermixed with it, are either white or black at the lower part, and white at top, the whole mixture forming a butifull silver grey. i think this the handsomest of all the fox species, except a species of which i saw one running, and capt lewis had a good view of another of the same species on the missouri near the natural walls. the large red fox of the plains, and the kit fox are the same which we met with on the missouri and are the inhabitants almost exclusively of the open plains, or of the copse of bushes within the plain country. the common red or grey fox of the united states is also found in the woody country on this coast, nor does it appear to be altered in respect to it's fur colour or any other particular. we have seen none of the large red fox. [lewis, february , ] thursday february th . permited collins to hunt this morning he returned in the evening unsuccessfull as to the chase but brought with him some cranberries for the sick. gibson is on the recovery fast; bratton has an obstenate cough and pain in his back and still appears to be geting weaker. mcneal from his inattention to his disorder has become worse. this forenoon we were visited by tdh-cum a principal chief of the chinnooks and men of his nation. we had never seen this cheif before he is a good looking man of about years of age reather larger in statue than most of his nation; as he came on a friendly visit we gave himself and party some thing to eat and plyed them plentifully with smoke. we gave this cheif a small medal with which he seemed much grati-fyed. in the evening at sunset we desired them to depart as is our custom and closed our gates. we never suffer parties of such number to remain within the fort all night; for notwithstanding their apparent friendly disposition, their great averice and hope of plunder might induce them to be treacherous. at all events we determined allways to be on our guard as much as the nature of our situation will permit us, and never place our selves at the mercy of any savages. we well know, that the treachery of the aborigenes of america and the too great confidence of our countrymen in their sincerity and friendship, has caused the distruction of many hundreds of us. so long have our men been accustomed to a friendly intercourse with the natives, that we find it difficult to impress on their minds the necessity of always being on their guard with rispect to them. this confidence on our part, we know to be the effect of a series of uninterupted friendly intercouse, but the well known treachery of the natives by no means entitle them to such confidence, and we must check it's growth in our own minds, as well as those of our men, by recollecting ourselves, and repeating to our men, that our preservation depends on never loosing sight of this trait in their character, and being always prepared to meet it in whatever shape it may present itself.- the mule deer are the same with those of the plains of the missouri so frequently mentioned. we met with them under the rocky mountains in the neighbourhood of the chopunnish nation on the kooskooske river, but have not seen them since nor do we know whether they exist in the interior of the great plains of columbia or on their lower border near the mountains which pass the river about the great falls. the elk is the same with that found in much the greatest portion of north america, they are common to every part of this country, as well the timbered lands as the plains, but are much more abundant in the former than the latter the large brown woolf is like that of the atlantic states and are found only in the woody country on the pacific ocean imbracing the mountains which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids of the same. the large and small woolves of the plains are the inhabitants principally of the open country and the woodlands on their borders and resemble in their habits and appearance those of the plains of the missouri precisely. they are not abundant in the plains of columbia because there is but little game on which for them to subsist. [clark, february , ] thursday february th . permited collins to hunt this morning he returned in the evening unsucksessfull as to the chase, but brought with him some cramberries for the sick. gibson is on the recovery fast; bratten has an obstinate cough and pain in his back and still appears to be getting weaker. h. mcneal from his inattention to his disorder has become worse. willard has a high fever and complains of the pain in his head and want of appetite. the forenoon we were visited by tfih-cum a principal chief of the chinnooks and men of his nation. we had never seen this chief before he is a good looking man of about years of age reather larger in statue than most of his nation; as he came on a friendly visit we gave himself and party something to eate and plyed them plenty fully with smoke. we gave this chief a small medal with which he seamed much pleased. in the evening at sunset we desired them to depart as is our custom and close our gates. we never suffer parties of such numbers to remain within the fort all night; for not withstanding their apparent friendly disposition, their great averis and hope of plunder might induce them to be treacherous. at all events we are determined always to be on our guard, as much as the nature of our situation will permit us, and never place our selves at the mercy of any savages. we well know, that the treachery of the aborigenes of america and the too great confidence of our country men in their friendship and fadility has caused the distruction of maney hundreds of us. so long has our men been accustomed to a friendly intercourse with the nativs, that we find it dificult to impress on their minds the necessity of always being on their guard with respect to them. this confidence on our part we know to be the effect of a serious of a friendly and unintorupted intercourse. but the well known treachery of the natives by no means entitle them to such confidence, and we must check it's groth in our own minds as well as those of our men, by recollecting our selves, and repeating to our men, that our preservation depends on our never loseing sight of this trate in their character, and being always prepared to meet it in whatever shape it may present itself the mule deer are the same with those of the plains of the missouri so frequently mentioned. we met with them under the rocky mountains in the neighbourhood of the chopunnish nation on the koskooske river, but have not seen them since nor do we know whether they exist in the interiors of the great plains of columbia, or on the lower border near the mountains which pass the river about the great falls. the elk is the same with that found in much the greater portion of north america, they are common to every part of this country, as well the timbered lands as the plains. but are much more abundant in the former than the latter [lewis, february , ] friday february st . visited this morning by clatsop who remained with us all day; they are great begers; i gave one of them a few nedles with which he appeared much gratifyed. in the evening late they departed. drewyer and collins went in pursuit of some elk, the tracks of which collins had discovered yesterday; but it rained so hard that they could not pursue them by their tracks and returned unsuccessfull. drewyer saw a fisher black fox but it escaped from him among the fallen timber. sergt. ordway returned with the party from the salt camp which we have now evacuated. they brought with them the salt and eutensils. our stock of salt is now about gallons; gallons of which we secured in small iron bound kegs and laid by for our voyage. gave willard and bratton each a doze of scotts pills; on the former they operated and on the latter they (lid not. gibson still continues the barks three times a day and is on the recovery fast.- the tyger cat is found on the borders of the plains and in the woody country lying along the pacific ocean. this animal is about the size or reather larger than the wild cat of our country and is much the same in form, agility and ferosity. the colour of the back neck and sides is a redish brown irregularly variegated with small spots of dark brown the tail is about two inches long nearly white except the extremity which is black; it terminates abruptly as if it had been cut off. the belly is white with small black spots, beautifully variagated. the legs are of the same colour with the sides and back marked with transverse stripes of black the ears are black on the outer side covered with fine short hair except at the upper point which furnished with a pensil of fine, streight, black hair, = / of an inch in length. the fur of this anamal is long and fine, much more so than the wild cat of the united states but less so than that of louservea of the n. west. the natives in this quarter make great use of the skins of this cat to form the robes which they wear; four skins is the compliment usuly employed in each robe. the black fox, or as they most frequently called in the neighbourhood of detroit, fisher is found in the woody country on this coast. how this animal obtained the name of fisher i know not, but certain it is, that the name is not appropriate, as it dose not prey on fish or seek it as a prey. they are extreemly active strong and prepared for climbing, which they do with great agility, and bound from tree to tree in pursuit of the squirrel or rackoon their natural and most usual food. their colour is a jut black except a small spot of white on the breast. the body is long, legs short and formed something like the ternspit dog with a remarkable long tail. it dose not differ here from those of the united states. the silver fox this animal is very rare even in the country where it exists; i have never seen more than the skins of this anamal and those were in the possession of the natives of the woody country below the great falls of the columbia from which i think that it is most probably the inhabtant of the woody country exclusively. from the skin it appeared to be about the size of the large red fox of the plains and much of it's form with a large tail. the legs i think somewhat longer. it has a fine long deep fur poll. the poil is of a dark lead colour and the long hairs intermixed with it are either white or black at the lower part and white at the top, the whole mixture forming a beatifull silver grey. i think this the most beautifull of all the foxes except species of which i saw one only on the missouri near the natural walls. the large red fox of the plains and the kit fox are the same which we met with on the missouri and are the inhabitants almost exclusively of the open plains, or of the cops of brush within the pain country. the common red fox of the united states is also found in the woody country on this coast nor dose it appear to be altered in rispect to it's fur colour or any other particular [clark, february , ] friday february st visited this morning by three clatsops, who remained with us all day; they are great begers; capt lewis gave one of them a fiew nedles with which he appeared much gratified, in the evening late they departed. drewyer and collins went in pursute of some elk the tracks of which collins had discovered yesterday; but it rained so hard they could not pursue them by the tracks, and returned unsucksessfull. drewyer saw a fisher but it escaped from him among the fallen timber. sergt. ordway returned with the party from the salt camp which we have now avacuated. they brought with them the salt and utensels. our stock of salt is now about gallons; gallons we had secured in small iron bound kegs and laid by for our voyage. gave willard a dose of scots pills; they opperated very well. gibson still continus the bark times a day and is on the recovery fast. the large brown wolf is like that of the atlantic states, and are found only in the woody country on the pacific ocean embraceing the mountains which pass the columbia between the great falls an rapids of the same. the large and small wolves of the inhabitents principally of the open country and the wood land on their borders, and resemble in their habits those of the plains of missouri presisely they are not abundant in the plains of columbia because there is but little game on which for them to subsist- [lewis, february , ] saturday february cd . we were visited today by two clatsop women and two boys who brought a parsel of excellent hats made of cedar bark and ornamented with beargrass. two of these hats had been made by measures which capt clark and myself had given one of the women some time since with a request to make each of us a hat; they fit us very well, and are in the form we desired them. we purchased all their hats and distributed them among the party. the woodwork and sculpture of these people as well as these hats and their waterproof baskets evince an ingenuity by no means common among the aborigenes of america. in the evening they returned to their village and drewyer accompanied them in their canoe in order to get the dogs which the clatsops have agreed to give us in payment for the elk they stole from us some weeks since. these women informed us that the small fish began to run which we suppose to be herring from their discription. they also informed us that their chief, coma or comowooll, had gone up the columbia to the valley in order to purchase wappetoe, a part of which he in tended trading with us on his return. one of our canoes brake the cord by which it was attatched and was going off with the tide this evening; we sent sergt. pryor and a party after her who recovered and brought her back. our sick consisting of gibson, bratton, sergt. ordway, willard and mcneal are all on the recovery. we have not had as may sick at any one time since we left wood river. the general complaint seams to be bad colds and fevers, something i beleive of the influenza. the antelope is found in the great plains of columbia and are the same of those on the missouri found in every part of that untimbered country. they are by no means as plenty on this side of the rocky mountains as on the other. the natives here make robes of their skins dressed with the hair on them. when the salmon begin to decline in the latter end of the sunme and autumn the natves leave the river, at least a majority and remove to the plains at some distance for the purpose of hunting the antelope. they pursue them on horse back and shoot them with their arrows. the sheep is found in various parts of the rocky mountains, but most commonly in those parts which are timbered and steep. they are also found in greater abundance on the chain of mountains with form the commencement of the woody country on this coast and which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids we have never met with this anamal ourselves but have seen many of their skins in possession of the natives dressed with the wooll on them and aso seen the blankets which they manufacture of the wooll of this sheep. from the skin the animal appears to be about the size of the common sheep; of a white colour. the wooll is fine on most parts of the body but not so long as that of our domestic sheep. the wooll is also curled and thick. on the back and more particularly on the top of the neck the wooll is intermixed with a considerable proportion of long streight hairs. there is no wooll on a small part of the body behind the sholders on each side of the brisquit which is covered with a short fine hairs as in the domestic sheep. form the signs which the indians make in discribing this animal they have herect pointed horns, tho one of our engages la page, assures us that he saw them in the black hills where the little missouri passes them, and that they were in every rispect like the domestic sheep, and like them the males had lunated horns bent backwards and twisted. i should be much pleased at meeting with this animal, but have had too many proofs to admit a doubt of it's existing and in considerable numbers in the mountains near this coast. the beaver and common otter have before been mentioned in treating of the occupations of the natives in hunting fishing &c. these do not differ from those of other parts of the continent. [clark, february , ] saturday february nd we were visited to day by two clatsops women and two boys who brought a parcel of excellent hats made of cedar bark, and ornemented with bear grass. two of those hats had been made by measure which capt lewis and my self had given a woman some time since, with a request to make each of us a hat; they fit us very well, and are in the form we desired them. we purchased the hats and distribeted them among the party. the woodwork and sculpture of these people as well as those hats and the water proof baskits evince an ingenuity by no means common among the aborigenes of america. in the evining they returned to their village and drewyer accompanied them in order to get some dogs &c. these women informed us that the small fish began to run which we suppose to be herring from their discription. they also informed us that their chief conia comawool, had gorn up the columbia to the vally in order to purchase wappatoe, a part of which he entended tradeing with us on his return. our sick consisting of gibson, bratten, willard mcneal and baptiest lapage is something better serjt. ordway is complaining of a coald & head ake. we have not had as many sick at one time since we left the settlements of the illinois. the general complaint appears to be bad colds and fevers, with a violent pain in the head, and back, something i believe of the influenza. the antelope is found in the great plains of columbia and are the same with those of the missouri found in every part of that untimbered country. they are by no means as plenty on this side of the rocky mountains as on the other. the nativs here make robes of their skins dressed withe the hair on them. when the salmon begin to decline in the latter end of summer and autumn, the nativs leave the river, at least a majority and move out into the plains at some distance for the purpose of hunting the antelope. they pursue them on hors back and shute them with their arrows. the sheep is found in various parts of the rocky mountains, but most commonly on those parts which are timbered and steep. they are also found in greater abundance on the chain of mountains which forms the commencement of the woody country on this coast and which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids. we have never met with this animal ourselves but have seen maney of their skins in the possession of the nativs dressed with the wool on them and also seen and have the blankets which they manufacture of the wool of this sheep. from the skin the animal appears to be about the size of the common sheep; of a white colour. the wool is fine on most parts of the body, but not so long as that of the domestic sheep; the wool is also curled and thick. on the back and more particularly on the top of the neck the wool is intermixed with a considerable proportion of long streight hair. there is no wool on a small part of the body behind the sholders on each side of the brisquit which is covered with a short fine hairs as in the domestic sheep. from the signs which the indians make in discribing this animale they have herect pointed horns, tho one of our engages lapage, assures us that he saw them in the black hills where the little missouri river passes them, and that they were in every respect like our domestic sheep, and like them the mail had lunated horns bent backwards and twisted. i should be much pleased at meeting with this animal. but have had too maney proofs to admit a doubt of it's existing and in considerable numbers in the mountains on this coast. the beaver and common otter have before been mentioned in treating of the occupation of the nativs in hunting, fishing, &c. these do not differ from those of other parts of the continent-.-. [lewis, february , ] sunday february rd . not anything transpired during this day worthy of particular notice. our sick are all on the recovery, except sergt. ordway who is but little wose and not very ill tho more so than any of the others. the men have provided themselves very amply with mockersons and leather cloathing, much more so indeed than they ever have since they have been on this voige. the sea otter is found on the sea coast and in the salt water. this anamal when fully grown is as large as a common mastive dog. the ears and eyes are remarkaby small, particularly the former which is not an inch in length thick fleshey and pointed covered with short hair. the tail is about inches in length thick where it joins the body and tapering to a very sharp point; in common with the body it is covered with a deep fir particularly on the upper side, on the under part the fur is not so long. the legs are remarkably short and the feet, which have five toes each are broad large and webbed. the legs are covered with fur and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long and nearly of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to that of the nose they will measure feet or upwards. the colour is a uniform dark brown and when in good order and season perfectly black and glossey. it is the riches and i think the most delicious fur in the world at least i cannot form an idea of any more so. it is deep thick silkey in the extreem and strong. the inner part of the fur when opened is lighter than the surface in it's natural position. there are some fine black and shining hairs intermixed with the fur which are reather longer and add much to it's beauty. the nose, about the eyes ears and forehead in some of these otter is of a lighter colour, sometimes a light brown. those parts in the young sucking otter of this species is sometimes of a cream coloured white, but always much lighter than the other parts. the fur of the infant otter is much inferior in point of colour and texture to that of the full grown otter, or even after it has been weaned. there is so great a difference that i have for some time supposed it a different animal; the indians called the infant otter spuck, and the full grow or such as had obtained a coat of good fur, e-luck'-ke. this still further confirmed the opinion of their being distinct species; but i have since learned that the spuck is the young otter. the colour of the neck, body, legs and tail is a dark lead brown. the mink is found in the woody country on this coast, and dose not differ in any particu from those of the atlantic coast. the seal are found here in great numbers, and as far up the columbia river as the great falls above which there are none. i have reason to beleive from the information of the men that there are several species of the seal on this coast and in the river but what the difference is i am unable to state not having seen them myself sufficiently near for minute inspection nor obtained the different kinds to make a comparison. the skins of such as i have seen are covered with a short coarse stiff and glossey hair of a redish hey brown colour. tho the anamal while in the water or as we saw them frequently in the river appear to be black and spoted with white sometimes. when we first saw those animals at the great falls and untill our arrival at this place we conseived they were the sea otter. but the indians here have undeceived us.--i am not much acquainted with the seal but suppose that they are the same common also to the atlantic ocean in the same parallel of latitude. the skins i have seen are precisely such as our trunks are frequently covered with. [clark, february , ] sunday february rd . not any thing transpired desering particular notice. our sick are all on the recovery. the men have provided themselves verry amply with mockersons & leather clothing, much more so indeed than they have ever been since they have been on the voyage. the sea otter is found only on the sea coast and in the salt water. those animals which i took to be the sea otter from the great falls of the columbia to the mouth, proves to be the phosia or seal which at a little distance has every appearance of the sea otters. the sea otter when fully grown is as large as the common mastif dog, the eail and eyes are remarkably small, particularly the former which is not an inch in length thick fleshey and pointed, covered with short hair. the tail is about inches in length thick where it joins the body and tapering to a very sharp point; in common with the body it is covered with a deep fur particularly on the upper side, on the under part the fur is not so long. the legs are remarkably short and the feat which have five toes each are broad large and webbed. the legs are covered with fur and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long and nearly of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to that of the nose they will measure feet or upwards. the colour is of a uniform dark brown, and when in good order and season perfectly black and glossey. it is the richest and i think the most delightfull fur in the world at least i cannot form an idea of any more so. it is deep thick silky in the extream and strong. the inner part of the fur when open is lighter than the surface in its natural position. there are some fine black shineing hairs intermixed with the fur which are reather longer and add much to its beauty. the nose, about the eyes, ears and forehead in some of those otter is of a light colour, sometimes a light brown. those parts in the young suckling otters of this species is sometimes of a creem colour'd white, but always much lighter than the other parts. the fur of the infant otter is much inferior in point of colour, and texture, to that of the full grown otter, or even after it has been weened-. there is so great a difference that i have for some time supposed it a different animal; the indians call the infant otter spuck, and the full grown or such as had obtained a coat of good fur, e luck'ko. this still further confirmed the opinion of their being distinct species; but i have since lerned that the spuck is the young otter. the colour of the neck, body, legs and tail is a dark lead brown. the mink is found in the woody country on this coast and does not differ in any particular from those of the atlantic coasts. the seal or phoca are found here in great numbers, and as far up the columbia as the great falls, above which there are none. i have reasons to believe from the information of the men that there are several species of the phoca on this coast and in the river, but what the difference is i am unable to state not haveing seen them myself sufficiently near for manute inspection nor obtain the different kinds to make a comparison. the skins of such as i have seen are covered with a short thick coarse glossy hair of a redish bey brown colour. tho the animal while in the water, or as we saw them frequently in the river appear to be black and spoted with white sometimes. i am not much acquainted with the seal, but suppose that they are the same common also to the atlantic ocian in the same parrelal of latitude. the skins, or those which i have seen are presisely such as trunks are frequently covered with. the flesh of this animal is highly prised by the nativs who swinge the hair off and then roste the flesh on sticks before the fire. [lewis, february , ] monday february th . our sick are still on the recovery. shannon & labuishe returned in the forenoon; they had killed no elk and reported that they beleived the elk have retired from their former haunts and gone further back in the country to a considerable distance from this place. this is very unwelcome information for poor and inferior as the flesh of this animal is it is our principal dependance for subsistence. this evening we were visited by comowooll the clatsop chief and men women & children of his nation. drewyer came a passenger in their canoe, and brought with him two dogs. the chief and his party had brought for sail a sea otter skin some hats, stergeon and a species of small fish which now begin to run, and are taken in great quantities in the columbia r. about miles above us by means of skiming or scooping nets. on this page i have drawn the likeness of them as large as life; it as perfect as i can make it with my pen and will serve to give a general idea of the fish. the rays of the fins are boney but not sharp tho somewhat pointed. the small fin on the back next to the tail has no rays of bone being a thin membranous pellicle. the fins next to the gills have eleven rays each. those of the abdomen have eight each, those of the pinna-ani are and half formed in front. that of the back has eleven rays. all the fins are of a white colour. the back is of a bluish duskey colour and that of the lower part of the sides and belley is of a silvery white. no spots on any part. the first bone of the gills next behid the eye is of a bluis cast, and the second of a light goald colour nearly white. the puple of the eye is black and the iris of a silver white. the underjaw exceeds the uper; and the mouth opens to great extent, folding like that of the herring. it has no teeth. the abdomen is obtuse and smooth; in this differing from the herring, shad anchovey &c of the malacopterygious order & class clupea, to which however i think it more nearly allyed than to any other altho it has not their accute and serrate abdomen and the under jaw exceeding the upper. the scales of this little fish are so small and thin that without minute inspection you would suppose they had none. they are filled with roes of a pure white colour and have scarcely any perceptable alimentary duct. i find them best when cooked in indian stile, which is by roasting a number of them together on a wooden spit without any previous preperation whatever. they are so fat they require no additional sauce, and i think them superior to any fish i ever tasted, even more delicate and lussious than the white fish of the lakes which have heretofore formed my standart of excellence among the fishes. i have heard the fresh anchovey much extolled but i hope i shall be pardoned for beleiving this quite as good. the bones are so soft and fine that they form no obstruction in eating this fish. we purchased all the articles which these people brought us; we suffered these people to remain all night as it rained, the wind blew most violently and they had their women and children with them; the latter being a sure pledge of their pacific dispositions. the sturgeon which they brought us was also good of it's kind. we determine to send a party up the river to procure some of those fish, and another in some direction to hunt elk as soon as the weather will permit. [clark, february , ] monday february th our sick are still on the recovery. shannon and labiche returned in the forenoon, they had killed no elk, and reported that they believe the elk have returned from their former haunts and gorn further back in the mountains to a considerable distance from this place. this is very unwelcom information, for poore and inferior as the flesh of this animale is, it is our principal dependance for subsistance. the rackoon is found in the woody country on the coast in considerable quantities. the nativs take a fiew of them in snars, and deadfalls; tho appear not to value their skins much, and but seldom prepare them for robes. the large grey squirel appear to be a native of a narrow tract of country on the upper side of the mountains below the great falls of columbia which is pritty well covered in maney parts with a species of white oak. this animal is much larger than the gray squirel of our country, it resembles it much in form and colour. it is as large as the fox squirel of the south atlantic states. the tail is reather larger than the whole of the body and head, the hair of which is long and tho inserted on all sides reispect the horozontal one. the eyes are black, whiskers black and long. the back, sides, head, tale and outer parts of the legs are of a blue lead colour grey. the breast, belly, and inner parts of the legs are of a pure white. the hair is short as that of the fox squirel but is much finer and intermixed with a propotion of fur. the nativs make great use of those skins in forming their robes. this squirel subsists principally on the acorn and filburts, which last also grow abundantly in the oak country-. the small brown squirel is a butifull little animal about the size of the red squirel of the e. states or something larger than the ground squirel of the u states. the tail is as long as the body and neck formed somewhat hat. the eyes black, whiskers long and black but not abundant. the back, sides, head, neck and outer parts of the legs are of a redish dark brown. the throat, breast, belly and inner parts of the legs are of a pale brick red. the tail is a mixture of black and fox coloured red in which the black prodomonates in the middle, and the other on the edges and extremity. the hair of the body is about / inch long and so fine and soft that it has the appearance of fur. the hair of the tail is coarser and double as long. this animal subsists principally on the seeds of various species of pine and are always found in the piney country. they are common to the tract of woody country on this coast. they lodge in clefts of rocks, holes in the ground, old stumps of trees and the hollow trunks of falling timber; in this respect resemble the rat always haveing their habitation in or near the earth. the small grey squirel common to every part of the rocky mountains which is timbered, differ from the dark brown squirel just discribed only in its colour. it's back, neck, sides, head, tail and outer sides of the legs are of brown lead coloured grey; the tail has a slight touch of the fox colour near the extremity of some of the hairs. the throat, belly, breast, and inner part of the legs are of the colour of tanners ooze and have a narrow stripe of black commencing behing each sholder and extending longitudinally for about inches between the colours of the side & belly. their habits are also the same with the dark brown squirel of this neighbourhood, and like them are extreamly nimble and active. the ground squirel is found in various parts of the countrey as well the praries as wood lands, and is one of the fiew animals which we have seen in every part of our voy-age. it differs not at all from those of the u, states. the barking squirel and handsom ground squirel of the plains on the east side of the rocky mountains are not found in the plains of the columbia. this evening we were visited by comowooll the clatsop chief and men women and children of his nation. drewyer came a pasinger in their canoe, and brought with him two dogs. the chief and his party had brought for sale a sea otter skin, some hats, sturgeon and a species of fish which now begins to run and are taken in great quantities in the columbia river about miles above us by means of skiming or scooping nets. see likeness on the other side of this leaf or page. capt lewis gave an old coat and vest for a sea otter skin, we purchased several hads of the indian manufactry and distributed them among the party. we also purchased a fiew of the small fish which we found deliciously fine. [lewis, february , ] tuesday february th . it continued to rain and blow so violently that there was no movement of the party today. the indians left us in the morning on their return to their village. willard somewhat worse the other invalledes on the ricovery. i am mortifyed at not having it in my power to make more celestial observations since we have been at fort clatsop, but such has been the state of the weather that i have found it utterly impracticable.- the rackoon is found in the woody country on this coast in considerable quantities. the natives take a few of them in snars and deadfalls; tho appear not to vallue their skins much, and but seldom prepare them for robes. the large grey squirrel appears to be a native of a narrow tract of country on the upper side of the mountains just below the grand falls of columbia which is pretty well covered in many parts with a species of white oak. in short i beleive this squirrel to be coextensive with timber only, as we have not seen them in any part of the country where pine forms the majority of the timber, or in which the oak dose not appear. this animal is much larger than the grey squirrel of our country it resembles it much in form and colours. it is as large as the fox squirrel of the southern atlantic states. the tail is reather longer than the whole length of the body and head. the hair of which is long and tho inserted on all sides reispect the horizontal ones only. the eyes are black. whiskers black and long. the back, sides, head, tail and outer part of the legs are of a blue lead coloured grey. the breast belley and inner part of the legs are of a pure white. the hair is short as that of the fox-squirrel but is much finer and intermixed with a proportion of fur. the natives make great use of these skins in forming their robes. this squirrel subsists principally on the acorn and filbird which last also grows abundantly in the oak country.--the small brown squirrel is a beautifull little animal about the size and form of the red squirrel of the eastern atlantic states and western lakes. the tail is as long as the body and neck, formed like that of the red squirrel or somewhat flat. the eyes black. whiskers long and black but not abundant. the back, sides, head, neck and outer part of the legs are of a redish dark brown. the throat, breast, belley and inner part of the legs are of a pale brick red. the tail is a mixture of black and fox coloured red in which the black predominates in the midle and the other on the edges and extremity. the hair of the body is about / an inch long and so fine and soft that it has the appearance of fur. the hair of the tail is coarser and doubly as long. this animal subsists principally on the seeds of various species of pine, and are always found in the piny country they are common to the tract of wooddy country on this coast. they lodge in clifts of rocks, holes in the ground old stumps of trees and the hollow trunks of fallen timber; in this rispect resembling the rat, always having their habitatin in or near the earth. the small grey squirrel common to every part of the rocky mountain which is timbered, difirs from the dark brown squirrel just discribed only in it's colour. it's back, sides, neck, head tail and outer side of the legs are of a brown lead coloured grey; the tail has a slight touch of the fox colour near the extremity of some of the hairs. the throat, breast, belley, and inner parts of the legs are of the colour of tanner's ooze and have a narrow stripe of black, commencing just behide each sholder and extending longitudinaly for about inches betwen the colours of the sides and belley. their habids are also the same of the dark brown squirrel of this neighbourhood and like them are extreemly nimble and active. the ground squirrel is found in every part of the country, as well the praries as woodlands, and is one of the few animals which we have seen in every part of our voyage. it differs not at all from those of the u states. the barking squirrel and handsome ground squirrel of the plains on the east side of the rocky mountains are not found in the plains of columbia. [clark, february , ] tuesday february th it continued to rain and blow so violently that there was no movement of the party to day. the indians left us in the morning on their return to their village. willard somewhat worse the others are on the recovery. we are mortified at not haveing it in our power to make more celestial observations since we have been at fort clatsop, but such has been the state of the weather that we have found it utterly impractiable-. i purchased of the clatsops this morning about half a bushel of small fish which they had cought about miles up the columbia in their scooping nets. as this is an uncommon fish to me and one which no one of the party has ever seen. on the next page i have drawn the likeness of them as large as life; it's as perfect as i can make it with my pen and will serve to give a general idea of the fish. the rays of the fins are boney but not sharp tho somewhat pointed. the small fin on the back next to the tail has no rays of bone being a thin membranous pellicle. the fins next to the gills have eleven rays each. those of the abdomen have eight each, those of the pinna ani are and half formed in front. that of the back has eleven rays. all the fins are of a white colour. the back is of a blueish duskey colour and that of the lower part of the sides and belly is of a silvery white. no spots on any part. the first of the gills next behind the eye is of a blueish cast, and the second of a light gold colour nearly white. the puple of the eye is black and the iris of a silver white. the under jaw exceeds the upper; and the mouth opens to great extent, folding like that of the herring. it has no teeth. the abdomen is obtuse and smooth; in this differing from the herring, shad, anchovey &c. of the malacapterygious order and class clupea, to which however i think it more nearly allyed than to any other altho it has not their accute and serrate abdomen and the under jaw exceeding the upper. the scales of this little fish are so small and thin that without manute inspection you would suppose they had none. they are filled with roes of a pure white colour and have scercely any perceptable alimentary duct. i found them best when cooked in indian stile, which is by rosting a number of them together on a wooden spit without any previous preperation whatever. they are so fat that they require no aditional sauce, and i think them superior to any fish i ever tasted, even more dilicate and lussious than the white fish of the lakes which have heretofore formed my standard of excellence among the fishes. i have herd the fresh anchovey much extoll'd but i hope i shall be pardened for believeing this quit as good. the bones are so soft and fine that they form no obstruction in eating this fish. [lewis, february , ] wednesday february th . this morning we dispatched drewyer and two men in our indian canoe up the columbia river to take sturgeon and anchovey. or if they were unsuccessfull in fishing we directed them to purchase fish from the natives for which purpose we had furnished them with a few articles such as the natives are pleased with. we also sent shields, joseph fields and shannon up the netul to hunt elk. and directed reubin fields and some others to hunt in the point towards the praries of point adams. thus we hope shortly to replenish our stock of provision which is now reduced to a mere minnamum. we have three days provision only in store and that of the most inferior dryed elk a little tainted. a comfortable prospect for good living. sewelel is the chinnook and clatsop name for a small animal found in the timbered country on this coast. it is more abundant in the neighbourhood of the great falls and rapids of the columbia than immediately on the coast. the natives make great use of the skins of this animal in forming their robes, which they dress with the fur on them and attatch together with sinews of the elk or deer. i have never seen the animal and can therefore discribe it only from the skin and a slight view which some of our hunters have obtained of the living animal. the skin when dressed is from to inches in length and from to in width; the tail is always severed from the skin in forming their robes i cannot therefore say what form or length it is. one of the men informed me that he thought it reather short and flat. that he saw one of them run up a tree like a squirrel and that it returned and ran into a hole in the ground. the ears are short thin pointed and covered with short fine hair. they are of a uniform colour, a redish brown; tho the base of the long hairs, which exceed the fur but little in length, as well as the fur itself is of a dark colour for at least two thirds of it's length next to the skin. the fur and hair are very fine, short, thickly set and silky. the ends of the fur and tips of the hair being of the redish brown that colour predominates in the ordinary appearance of the animal. i take this animal to be about the size of the barking squirrel of the missouri. and beleive most probably that it is of the mustela genus, or perhaps the brown mungo itself. i have indeavoured in many instances to make the indians sensible how anxious i was to obtain one of these animals entire, without being skined, and offered them considerable rewards to furnish me with one, but have not been able to make them comprehend me. i have purchased several of the robes made of these skins to line a coat which i have had made of the skins of the tiger cat. they make a very pleasant light lining. the braro so called by the french engages is an animal of the civit genus and much resembles the common badger. this is an inhabitant of the open plains of the columbia as they are of those of the missouri but are sometimes also found in the woody country. they burrow in the hard grounds of the plains with surprising ease and dexterity an will cover themselves in the ground in a very few minutes. they have five long fixed nails on each foot; those of the forefeet are much the longest; and one of those on each hind foot is double like those of the beaver. they weigh from to lbs. the body is reather long in proportion to it's thickness. the forelegs remarkably large and muscular and are formed like the ternspit dog. they are short as are also the hind legs. they are broad across the sholders and brest. the neck short. the head is formed much like the common fist dog only that the skull is more convex. the mouth is wide and furnished with sharp streight teeth both above and below, with four sharp streight pointed tusks, two in the upper and two in the lower jaw. the eyes are black and small. whiskers are plased in four points on each side near the nose and on the jaws near the opening of the mouth. the ears are very short wide and appressed as if they had ben cut off. the apperture through them to the head is remarkably small. the tail is about inches long; the hair longest on it at it's junction with the body and becoming shorter towards it's extremity where it ends in an accute point. the hairs of the body are much longer on the side and rump than any other part, which gives the body and apparent flatness, particularly when the animal rests on it's belley. this hair is upwards of inches in length particularly on the rump where it extends so far towards the point of the tail that it almost conceals the shape of that part and gives to the whole of the hinder part of the body the figure of an accute angled triangle of which the point of the tail forms the accute angle. the small quantity of coarse fur which is intermixed with the hair is of a redish pale yellow. the hair of the back, sides, upper part of the neck and tail, are of a redish light or pale yellow for about / rds of their length from the skin, next black, and then tiped with white; forming a curious mixture of grey and fox coloured red with a yellowish hue. the belley flanks and breast are of the foxcoloured redish yellow. the legs black. the nails white the head on which the hair is short, is varia gated with black and white. a narrow strip of white commences on the top of the nose about / an inch from it's extremity and extends back along the center of the forehead and neck nearly to the sholders--two stripes of black succeed the white on either side imbracing the sides of the nose, the eyes, and extends back as far as the ears. two other spots of black of a ramboidal figure are placed on the side of the head near the ears and between them and the opening of the mouth. two black spots also immediately behind the ears. the other parts of the head white. this animal feeds on flesh, roots, bugs, and wild fruits.--it is very clumsy and runs very slow. i have in two instances out run this animal and caught it. in this rispect they are not much more fleet than the porcupine. [clark, february , ] wednesday february th this morning we dispatched drewyer and two men in our indian canoe up the columbia river to take sturgion and anchovey. or if they were unsucksessfull in fishing we directed them to purchase fish from the nativs, for which purpose we had furnished them with a fiew articles such as the nativs are pleased with. we also sent shields jo. field and shannon up the netul to hunt elk. and directed reubin field and some other man to hunt in the point towards the praries & point adams. thus we hope shortly to replenish our stock of provisions which is now reduced to a mear minnamum. we have three days provisions only in store and that of the most inferior dried elk a little tainted. what a prospect for good liveing at fort clatsop at present. se we lel is the clatsop and chinnook name for a small animal found in the timbered country on this coast. it is more abundant in the neighbourhood of the great falls and rapids of the columbia than imediately on the coast. the nativs make great use of the skins of this animal in forming their robes, which they dress with the fur on them and attached together with the sinears of the elk or deer. i have never seen the ammale and can therefore only discribe it from the skin and a slight view which some of our party have obtained of the liveing animal. the skin when dressed is from to inches in length, and from to in width; the tail is always severed from the body in forming their robes, i cannot therefore say in what form or length it is. one of the men informed me that he thought it reather short and flat. that he saw one of them run up a tree like a squirel, and that it returned and ran into a hole in the ground. the ears are short, thin, pointed and covered with short fine hair. they are of uniform colour, a redish brown; tho the base of the long hairs, exceed the fur but little in length, as well as the fur itself is of a dark colour for at least / ds of it's length next to the skin. the fur and hair are very fine, short, thickly set, and silky. the ends of the fur and tips of the hair is of a redish brown, that colour prodominates in the ordinary appearance of the animate. i took this animal to be about the size of the barking squirel of the missouri. and believe most probably that it is of the mustela genus, or perhaps the brown mungo itself i have in maney instances endeavured to make the nativs sensiable how anxious i was to obtain one of those animals entire, without being skined, and offered them rewards to furnish me with one, but have not been able to make them comprehend me. we have purchased several of the roabs made of those skins to loin a westcoat of the sea otter, which i have made and capt lewis a tiger cat skin coat loined with them also, they make a very pleasant light lighting. the rat in the rocky mountains on its west side are like those on the upper part of the missouri in and near those mountains and have the distingushing trait of possessing a tail covered with hair like other parts of the body; one of these we caught at the white bear islands in the beginning of july last and then partially discribed. there is rats in this neighbourhood but i have not seen them it is most probable that they are like those of the atlantic states, or at least the native rat of our country which have no hair on their tail. this specis we found on the missouri as far up it as the woody country extended. it is as large as the common european house rat or reather larger is of a lighter colour bordering more on the lead or drab colour, the hair longer; and the female has only four tits which are placed far back near the hinder legs. this rat i have seen in the southern parts of the state of kentucky & west of the miami. the mouse and mole of this neighbourhood are the same as those native animals with us. the panther is found indifferently either in the great plains of columbia the western side of the rocky mountains or on this coast in the timbered country. it is precisily the same animal common to the atlantic states, and most commonly met with on our frontiers or unsettled parts of the country. this animal is scerce in the country where they exist and are so remarkable shye and watchfull that it is extreamly dificuelt to kill them. the polecat is found in every part of the country. they are very abundant on some parts of the columbia, particularly in the neighbourhood of the great falls & narrows of that river, where they live in the clifts along the river & feed on the offal of the indian fishing shores. they are the same as those of other parts of north america. [lewis, february , ] thursday february th . reubin fields returned this evening and had not killed anything. he reports that there are no elk towards point adams. collins who had hunted up the netul on this side returned in the evening having killed a buck elk. willard still continues very unwell the other sick men have nearly recovered. gutridge and mcneal who have the pox are recovering fast, the former nearly well. the rat in the rocky mountain on it's west side are like those on the upper part of the missouri in and near those mountains and have the distinguishing trait of possessing a tail covered with hair like other parts of the body; one of those we caught at the white bear islands in the beginning of july last and was then discribed. i have seen the nests of those in this neighbourhood but not the animal. i think it most probable that they are like those of the atlantic states or at least the native rat of our country which have no hair on the tail. this species we found on the missouri as far up it as the woody country extended. it is as large as the common european house rat or reather larger, is of a lighter colour bordering more on the lead or drab colour, the hair longer; and the female has only four tits which are placed far back near the hinder legs. this rat i have observed in the western parts of the state of georgia and also in madison's cave in the state of virginia the mouse and mole of this neighbourhood are the same as those native animals with us. the panther is found indifferently either in the great plains of columbia, the western side of the rocky mountains or on this coast in the timbered country. it is precisely the same animal common to the atlantic coast, and most commonly met with on our frontiers or unsettled parts of the country. this animal is scarce in the country where they exist and are so remarkable shye and watchfull that it is extreemly difficult to kill them. [clark, february , ] thursday february th reubin field returned this evening and had not killed anything, he reported that there were no elk towards point adams. collins who had hunted up the netul on this side returned in the evening haveing killed a buck elk. willard still continue very unwell the other sick men have nearly recovered. goodrich & mcneal who have the pox are recovering fast, the former nearly well. la page complaining. the braro so called by the french engages is an animal of the civit genus and much resembles the common badger. this is an enhabitent of the open plains of the columbia as they are of those of the missouri, but are sometimes also found in the woody country. they burrow in the hard grounds in the plains with surprising ease and dexterity and will cover themselves in the ground in a very fiew minits. they have five long fixed nails on each foot; those of the fore feet are much the longest; and one of those on each hind foot is double like those of the beaver. they weigh from to lbs. the body is reather long in perportion to its thickness. the fore legs remarkably large and muscular and are formed like the turnspit dog. they are short as also the hind legs. they are broad across the sholders and breast. the neck short, the head is formed much like the common fist dog only that the skull is more convex, the mouth is wide and furnishid with long sharp teeth, both above and below, and with four sharp streight pointed tushes, two in the upper and two in the lower jaw. the eyes are black and small. whiskers are placed in four points on each side near the nose and on the jaws near the opening of the mouth. the ears are very short wide and appressed as if they had been cut off. the appertue through them to the head is remarkably small; the tail is about inches long; the hair longest on it at it's junction, with the body and becomeing shorter towards it's extremity where it ends in an accute point. the hairs of the body are much longer on the sides and rump than any other part, which givs the body an appearent flatness, particularly when the animal rests on it's belly. this hair is upwards of inches in length, particularly on the rump where it extends so far towards the point of the tail, that it almost conceals the shape of that part and givs to all the hinder part of the body an accute angled triangle, of which the point of the tail forms the accute angle. the small quantity of fur which is intermixed with the hair is of a redish pale yellow. the hair of the back, sides upper part of the neck and tail, are of redish light or pale yellow fox about two thirds of their length from the skin, next black, and then tiped with white; forming a curious mixture of grey and fox colourd. red with a yellowish hue. the belly flanks and breast are of the fox coloured redish yellow. the legs black, the nails white. the head on which the hair is short is varigated with black and white. a narrow strip of white commences on the top of the nose about half an inch from its extremity and extends back along the center of the forehead and neck nearly to the sholders- two stripes of black suckceed the white on either side, imbraceing the side of the nose, the eyes, and extends back as far as the ears. two other spots of black of a romboidal figure are placed on the side of the head near the ears and between them and the opening of the mouth. two black spots also imediately behind the ears. the other part of the head white. this animal feeds on flesh, roots, bugs and wild fruits.- it is very clumsy and runs very slow, depending more on burring to secure it self than running. i have in several instances out run and caught this animal. in this respect they are not much more fleet than the porcupine. [lewis, february , ] friday february th . reubin fields and collins set out this morning early on a hunting excurtion. kuskelar a clatsop man and his wife visited us today. they brought some anchovies, sturgeon, a beaver robe, and some roots for sail tho they asked so high a price for every article that we purchased nothing but a part of a sturgeon for which we gave a few fishing hooks. we suffered them to remain all night. shields jos. fields and shannon returned late this evening having killed five elk tho two of them ar on a mountain at a considerable distance. we ordered these hunters to return early in the morning and continue their hunt, and sergt. gass to take a party and go in quest of the elk which they had killed. the hunters inform us that the elk are tolerable plenty near the mountains about or ten miles distant. kuskelar brought a dog which cruzatte had purchased. the hare on this side of the rocky mountains is exclusively the inhabitant of the great plains of columbia, as they are of those of the missouri east of these mountains. they weigh from to eleven pounds. the measure of one which weighed ten lbs. was as follows. from the extremity of the hinder, to that of the fore feet when extended f. length from nose to the extremity of the tail f. i. hight when standing erect f. i. girth of the body f. i. length of tail / i. length of ear / i. width of do / i. from the hip to the extremity of toe of the hind foot f. / i.--the eye is large and prominent. the pupil is circular, of a deep sea green and occupys one third of the diameter of the eye, the iris is of a bright yellowish silver colour. the ears are placed far back on the head and very near each other, they are flexable and the animal moves them with great ease and quickness, and can dilate and throw them forward, or contract and fold them on his back at pleasure. the fold of the front of the ear is of a redish brown colour, the inner folds or those which lie together when the ears are thrown back, and which occupy / ds of the width of the ears are of a pure white except the tips of the ears for about an inch. the hinder folds or those which lie on the back are of a light grey. the head neck, back, sholders, sides, & outer part of the legs and thyes are of a lead coloured grey; the sides as they approach the belley become gradually more white. the belley, brest, and inner part of the legs and thyes are white, with a slight shade of the lead colour. the tail is round and blontly pointed, covered with fine soft white fur not quite as long as on the other parts of the body. the body is covered with a deep fine soft close fur. the colours here discribed are those which the animal assumes from the middle of april to the middle of november, the ballance of the year they are of a pure white, except the black and redish brown of the ears which never changes. a few redish brown spots are sometimes seen intermixed with the white, at this season, on their heads and upper part of the neck and sholders. the body of this animal is smaller and longer in proportion to it's hight than the rabbit. when it runs it carrys it's tail streight behind in the direction of it's body. they appear to run with more ease and bound with greater agility than any animal i ever saw. they are extreemly fleet and never burrow or take sheter in the ground when pursued. it's teeth are like those of the rabbit as is also it's upper lip which is divided as high as the nose. it's food is grass, herbs, and in winter feeds much on the bark of several aromatic shrubs which grow in the plains and the young willow along the rivers and other wartercourses.--i have measured the leaps of this animal and find them commonly from to feet. they are generally found seperate, and never seen to asscociate in any number or more than two or three.--the rabbit are the same of our country and are found indifferently either in the praries or woodlands. they are not very abundant in this country. the pole-cat is also found in every part of the country. they are very abundant on some parts of the columbia, particularly in the neighbourhood of the great falls and narrows of that river, where they live in the clifts along the river and feed on the offal of the indian fishing shores. these are the same as those of other parts of north america. [clark, february , ] friday february th reuben field and collins set out this morning early on a hunting excurtion up the netul. kus ke-lar a clatsop man, his wife and a small boy (a slave, who he informed me was his cook, and offerd to sell him to me for beeds & a gun) visited us to day they brought some anchovies, sturgeon, a beaver robe, and some roots for sale tho they asked such high prices for every article that we purchased nothing but a part of a sturgeon for which we gave a fiew fishing hooks. we suffered them to stay all night. shields jos. field and shannon returned late this evening haveing killed five elk tho two of them are of a mountain at a considerable distance. we ordered these hunters to return early in the morning and continue the hunt, and sergt. gass to take a party and go in quest of the elk which they had killed. the hunters informed us that the elk is tolerable plenty near the mountains about nine or ten miles distant. kuskalaw brought a dog which peter crusat had purchased with his capo which this fellow had on. the hare on this side of the rocky mountains is exclusively the inhabitents of the great plains of columbia, as they are of those of the missouri east of the mountains. they weigh from to pounds. the measure of one which weighed pounds, was as follows. from the extremity of the hinder, to that of the fore feet when extended feet. length from nose to the extremity of the tail feet, inches. hight when standing erect foot, inches-. girth of the body foot, inches-. length of tail / inches-. length of ear / inches-. width of ear inches and / -. from the hip to the extremity of toe of the hind foot foot / inches-. the eye is large and prominent. the pupil is circular, of a deep sea green and occupies one third of the diamiter of the eye, the iris is of a bright yellowish silver colour. the ears are placed far back on the head and very near each other, they are flexable and the animal moves them with great ease and quickness and can dilate and throw them foward, or contract and fold them on his back at pleasure. the fold of the front of the ear is of a redish brown colour, the inner folds are those which lie together when the ears are thrown back, and which occupies / ds of the width of the ears of a pure white except the tips of the ears for about an inch. the hinder folds or those which lie on the back are of a light grey; the sides as they approach the belly become gradually more white, the belly brest, and inner part of the legs and thyes are white, with a slight shade of a lead colour. the head, neck, back sholders, sides, outer part of the legs and thyes are of a lead coloured grey. the tail is bluntly pointed and round, covered with fine soft white fur not quite as long as on the other parts of the body. the body is covered with a deep fine soft close fur. the colours here discribed are those which the animale assumes from the middle of april to the middle of november, the ballance of the year they are of a pure white, except the black and redish brown of the ears which never changes. a fiew redish brown spots are sometimes seen intermixed with the white, at this season on the heads and upper parts of the neck an sholders. the body of this animal is smaller and longer in purpotion to it's hight than the rabbit. when it runs it carrys its tail streight behind in the direction of it's body. they appear to run with more ease and bound with greater agility than any animal i ever saw. they are extreemly fleet and never burrow or take shelter in the grounds when pursued. it's teeth are like those of the rabit, as is also its upper lip which is divided as high as the nose. it's food is grass, herbs, and in winter feeds much on the bark of several arematic shrubs which grow in the plains and the young willows along the rivers and other water courses.--i have measured the leaps of this animal and find them commonly from to feet. they are generally found seperate, and never seen to associate in any number or more than two or three. [lewis, march , ] saturday march st . this morning sergt. gass and a party set out in quest of the elk which had been killed by the hunters the day before yesterday. they returned with the flesh of three of them late in the evening. thompson was left with the hunters in order to jurk and take care of the flesh of the remaining two. kuskelar and wife left us about noon. he had a good looking boy of about years of age with him who he informed us was his slave. this boy had been taken prisoner by the killamucks from some nation on the coast to the s. east of them at a great distance. like other indian nations they adopt their slaves in their families and treat them very much as their own children. reubin fields and collins who have been absent since yesterday morning returned without having killed any game. the birds of the western side of the rocky mountain to the pacific ocean, for convenience i shall divide into two classes, which i shal designate from the habits of the birds, terrestrial and aquatic. the grouse or prarie hen is peculiarly the inhabitant of the grait plains of columbia they do not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri, the tail of which is pointed or the feathers in it's center much longer than those on the sides. this species differs essentially in the construction of this part of their plumage from those of the illinois which have their tails composed of fathers of equal length. in the winter season this bird is booted even to the first joint of it's toes. the toes are also curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow hard scales which are placed very close to each other and extend horizontally about / of an inch on each side of the toes thus adding to the width of the tread which nature seems bountifully to have furnished them at this season for passing over the snow with more ease. in the summer season those scales fall off. they have four toes on each foot. their colour is a mixture of dark brown redish and yellowish brown and white confusedly mixed in which the redish brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body wings and tail and the white underneath the belley and lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn & winter and are frequently found in flocks of from five to six even in summer. they feed on grass, insects, the leaves of various shrubs in the plains and on the seeds of several species of spelts and wild rye which grow in the richer parts of the plains. in winter their food is the buds of the willow & cottonwood also the most of the native berries furnish them with food.the indians of this neighbourhood eat the root of the cattail or cooper's flag. it is pleasantly taisted and appears to be very nutricious. the inner part of the root which is eaten without any previous preperation is composed of a number of capillary white flexable strong fibers among which is a mealy or starch like substance which readily desolves in the mouth and separate from the fibers which are then rejected. it appears to me that this substance would make excellent starch; nothing can be of a purer white than it is.- [clark, march , ] saturday march the st this morning we despatched sergt. gass with men in two canoes in quest of the elk which had been killed by the hunters the day before yesterday. they returned with the flesh of three of them late in the evening. thompson was left with the hunters in order to jurk and take care of the flesh of the remaining two. kuskalar &c. left us about noon. the boy which this indian offered to sell to me is about years of age. this boy had been taken prisoner by the kit a mox from some nation on the coast to the s. east of them at a great distance. like other indian nations they adopt their slaves in their famelies and treat them very much like their own children. reuben field and collins who had been absent since yesterday morning returned without killing any thing. the birds on the western side of the rocky mountain's to the pacific ocian for convenience i shall devide into from the habit of the birds, terrestrial and aquatic. i e fowls of the air, and fowls of the water. the prarie hen sometimes called the grouse is peculiarly the inhabitent of the great plains of columbia. they do not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri, the tails of which is pointed or the feathers in its center much longer than those on the sides. this species differ assentially in the construction of this part of their plumage from those of the illinois which have their tail composed of feathers of equal length. in the winter season this berd is booted even to the first joint of it's toes. the toes are also curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow hard scales which are placed very close to each other and extend horizontally about / of an inch on each side of the toe, thus adding to the width of the tread which nature seams bountifully to have furnished them with at this season for passing over the snow with more ease. in the summer season those scales fall off. they have four toes on each foot. their colour is a mixture of dark brown redish and yellowish brown and white confusedly mixed in which the redish brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body wings and tail. and the white underneath the belley and lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn & winter and are frequently found in flocks of from five to six even in summer. they feed on grass, insects, the leaves of various shrubs in the praries, and on the seeds of several species of spelts and wild rye which grow in the richer parts of the plains. in the winter their food is the buds of the willow and cottonwood also the most of the native berries furnish them with food. they cohabit in flock & the cocks fight verry much at those seasons. [lewis, march , ] sunday march cd the diet of the sick is so inferior that they recover their strength but slowly. none of them are now sick but all in a state of convalessence with keen appetites and nothing to eat except lean elk meat. late this evening drewyer arrived with a most acceptable supply of fat sturgeon, fresh anchovies and a bag containing about a bushel of wappetoe. we feasted on anchovies and wappetoe. the cock of the plains is found in the plains of columbia and are in great abundance from the entrance of the s. e. fork of the columbia to that of clark's river. this bird is about / rds the size of a turkey. the beak is large short curved and convex. the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large and the beak black. the colour is an uniform mixture of dark brown reather bordeing on a dove colour, redish and yellowish brown with some small black specks. in this mixture the dark brown prevails and has a slight cast of the dove colour at a little distance. the wider side of the large feathers of the wings are of a dark brown only. the tail is composed of feathers of which that in the center is the longest, and the remaining on each side deminish by pairs as they receede from the center; that is any one feather is equal in length to one equa distant from the center of the tail on the oposite side. the tail when foalded comes to a very sharp point and appears long in proportion to the body. in the act of flying the tail resembles that of a wild pigeon. tho the motion of the wings is much that of the pheasant and grouse. they have four toes on each foot of which the hinder one is short. the leg is covered with feathers about half the distance between the knee and foot. when the wing is expanded there are wide opening between it's feathers the plumeage being so narrow that it dose not extend from one quill to the other. the wings are also proportionably short, reather more so than those of the pheasant or grouse. the habits of this bird are much the same as those of the grouse. only that the food of this fowl is almost entirely that of the leaf and buds of the pulpy leafed thorn; nor do i ever recollect seeing this bird but in the neighbourhood of that shrub. they sometimes feed on the prickley pear. the gizzard of it is large and much less compressed and muscular than in most fowls; in short it resembles a maw quite as much as a gizzard. when they fly they make a cackling noise something like the dunghill fowl. the following is a likeness of the head and beak. the flesh of the cock of the plains is dark, and only tolerable in point of flavor. i do not think it as good as either the pheasant or grouse.--it is invariably found in the plains.the feathers about it's head are pointed and stif some hairs about the base of the beak. feathers short fine and stif about the ears. [clark, march , ] sunday march nd the diet of the sick is so inferior that they recover their strength but slowly. none of them are now sick but all in a state of covelessence with keen appetites and nothing to eate except lean elk meat. the nativs of this neighbourhood eate the root of the cattail or cooper's flag. it is pleasantly tasted and appears to be very nutrecious. the inner part of the root which is eaten without any previous preperation is composed of a number of capellary white flexable strong fibers among which is a mealy or starch like substance which readily disolves in the mouth and seperates from the fibers which are then rejected. it appears to me that this substance would make excellent starch; nothing can be of a pureer white than it is this evening late drewyer, crusat & wiser returned with a most acceptable supply of fat sturgen, fresh anchoves and a bag containing about a bushel of wappato. we feasted on the anchovies and wappatoe.-. the heath cock or cock of the plains is found in the plains of columbia and are in great abundance from the enterance of lewis's river to the mountains which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids of that river. this fowl is about / ths the size of a turkey. the beak is large short curved and convex. the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large and the back black. the colour is a uniform mixture of dark brown reather bordering on a dove colour, redish and yellowish brown with some small black specks. in this mixture the dark brown provails and has a slight cast of the dove colour at a little distance. the wider side of the larger feathers of the wings are of a dark brown only. the tail is composed of feathers of which that in the center is the longest, and the remaining on each side deminish by pairs as they receede from the center; that is any one feather is equal in length to one of an equal distance from the center of the tail on the opposit side. the tail when folded comes to a very sharp point and appears long in perpotion to the body in the act of flying the tail resembles that of a wild pigeon. tho the motion of the wings is much that of the pheasant and grouse. they have four toes on each foot of which the hinder one is short. the leg is covered with feathers about half the distance between the knee and foot. when the wings is expanded there are wide opening between it's feathers, the plumage being so narrow that it does not extend from one quill to another. the wings are also propotionably short, reather more so than those of the pheasant or grouse. the habits of this bird is much the same as those of the prarie hen or grouse. only that the food of this fowl is almost entirely that of the leaf and buds of the pulpy leafed thorn, nor do i ever recollect seeing this bird but in the neighbourhood of that shrub. the gizzard of it is large and much less compressed and muscular than in most fowls, in short it resembles a maw quite as much as a gizzard. when they fly they make a cackling noise something like the dunghill fowl. the flesh of this fowl is dark and only tolerable in point of flavour. i do not think it as good as wth the pheasant or prarie hen, or grouse. the feathers above it's head are pointed and stiff some hairs about the base of the beak. feathers short fine and stiff about the ears, and eye. this is a faint likeness of the cock of the plains or heath cock the first of those fowls which we met with was on the missouri below and in the neighbourhood of the rocky mountains and from to the mountain which passes the columbia between the great falls and rapids they go in large gangues or singularly and hide remarkably close when pursued, make short flights, &c. the large black & white pheasant is peculiar to that portion of the rocky mountains watered by the columbia river. at least we did not see them untill we reached the waters of that river, nor since we have left those mountains. they are about the size of a well grown hen. the contour of the bird is much that of the redish brown pheasant common to our country. the tail is proportionably as long and is composed of feathers of equal length, of a uniform dark brown tiped with black. the feathers of the body are of a dark brown black and white. the black is that which most prodomonates, and white feathers are irregularly intermixed with those of the black and dark brown on every part but in greater perpotion about the neck breast and belly. this mixture gives it very much the appearance of that kind of dunghill fowl, which the henwives of our countrey call dommanicker. in the brest of some of those birds the white prodominates most. they are not furnished with tufts of long feathers on the neck as other pheasants are, but have a space on each side of the neck about / inches long and one inch in width on which no feathers grow, tho it is consealed by the feathers which are inserted on the hinder and front part of the neck, this space seams to serve them to dilate or contract the feathers of the neck with more ease. the eye is dark, the beak black, uncovered somewhat pointed and the upper exceeds the under chap. they have a narrow strip of vermillion colour above each eye which consists of a fleshey substance not protuberant but uneaven, with a number of minute rounded dots. it has four toes on each foot of which three are in front, it is booted to the toes. it feeds on wild fruits, particularly the berry of the sac-a-com-mis, and much also on the seed of the pine & fir. this fowl is usially found in small numbers two and three & together on the ground. when supprised flies up & lights on a tree and is easily shot their flesh is superior to most of the pheasant species which we have met with. they have a gizzard as other pheasants &c. feed also on the buds of the small huckleberry bushes [lewis, march , ] monday march rd . two of our perogues have been lately injured very much in consequence of the tide leaving them partially on shore. they split by this means with their own weight. we had them drawn out on shore. our convalessents are slowly on the recovery. lapage is taken sick, gave him a doze of scots pills which did not operate. no movement of the party today worthy of notice. every thing moves on in the old way and we are counting the days which seperate us from the st of april and which bind us to fort clatsop.--the large black and white pheasant is peculiar to that portion of the rocky mountain watered by the columbia river. at least we did not see them in these mountains until i we reached the waters of that river nor since we have left those mountains. they are about the size of a well grown hen. the contour of the bird is much that of the redish brown pheasant common to our country. the tail is proportionably as long and is composed of eighteen feathers of equal length, of an uniform dark brown tiped with black. the feathers of the body are of a dark brown black and white. the black is that which most predominates, and white feathers are irregularly intermixed with those of the black and dark brown on every part, but in greater proportion about the neck breast and belley. this mixture gives it very much the appearance of that kind of dunghill fowl which the hen-wives of our country call dom-manicker. in the brest of some of these birds the white predominates most. they are not furnished with tufts of long feathers on the neck as our pheasants are, but have a space on each side of the neck about / inches long and in. in width on which no feathers grow, tho tis concealed by the feathers which are inserted on the hinder and front part of the neck; this space seems to surve them to dilate or contract the feathers of the neck with more ease. the eye is dark, the beak black, curved somewhat pointed and the upper exceeds the under chap. they have a narrow stripe of vermillion colour above each eye which consists of a fleshey substance not protuberant but uneven with a number of minute rounded dots. it has four toes on each foot of which three are in front. it is booted to the toes. it feeds on wild fruits, particularly the berry of the sac-a-commis, and much also on the seed of the pine and fir. the small speckled pheasant found in the same country with that above discribed, differs from it only in point of size and somewhat in colour. it is scarcely half the size of the other; ascociates in much larger flocks and is very gentle. the black is more predominant and the dark bron feathers less frequent in this than the larger species. the mixture of white is also more general on every part of this bird. it is considerably smaller than our pheasant and the body reather more round. in other particulars they differ not at all from the large black and white pheasant. this by way of distinction i have called the speckled pheasant. the flesh of both these species of party coloured phesants is of a dark colour and with the means we had of cooking them not very well flavored. the small brown pheasant is an inhabitant of the same country and is of the size and shape of the specled pheasant which it also resembles in it's economy and habits. the stripe above the eye in this species is scarcely perceptable, and is when closely examined of a yellow or orrange colour instead of the vermillion of the outhers. it's colour is an uniform mixture of dark and yellowish brown with a slight mixture of brownish white on the breast belley and the feathers underneath the tail. the whol compound is not unlike that of the common quail only darker. this is also booted to the toes. the flesh of this is preferable to either of the others and that of the breast is as white as the pheasant of the atlantic coast.the redish brown pheasant has been previously discribed.--the crow raven and large blackbird are the same as those of our country only that the crow is here much smaller yet it's note is the same. i observe no difference either between the hawks of this coast and those of the atlantic. i have observed the large brown hawk, the small or sparrow hawk, and the hawk of an intermediate size with a long tail and blewish coloured wings remarkably swift in flight and very firce. sometimes called in the u states the hen hawk. these birds seem to be common to every part of this country, and the hawks crows & ravens build their nests in great numbers along the high and inaccessable clifts of the columbia river and it's s. e. branch where we passed along them.--we also met with the large hooting owl under the rocky mountain on the kooskoskee river. it did not appear to differ materially from those of our country. i think it's colours reather deeper and brighter than with us, particularly the redish brown. it is the same size and form. [clark, march , ] monday march rd two of our canoes have been lately injured very much in consequence of the tide leaveing them partially on shore. they split by this means with their own weight. we had them drawn out on shore. our convalessents are slowly on the recovery. la page is taken sick. gave him some of scotts pills which did not opperate. no movement of the party to day worthey of notice. every thing moves on in the old way and we are counting the days which seperate us from the st of april, & which bind us to fort clatsop.-.-. the small speckled pheasant found in the rocky mountains, and differ from the large black and white pheasant only in point of size, and somewhat in colour. it is scercely half the size of the other; assosiates in much larger flocks and is also very gentle. the black is more predominate and the dark brown feathers less frequent in this than the larger species. the mixture of white is also more general on every part of this bird. it is considerably smaller than our pheasant and the body reather more round. in other particulars they differ not at all, from the large black and white pheasant. this by way of distinction i have called the speckled pheasant. the flesh of both these species of party coloured pheasant is of a dark colour, and with the means we had of cooking them were only tolerably flavoured tho these birds would be fine well cooked. the small brown pheasant is an inhabitant of the same country and is of the size and shape of the speckled pheasant, which it also resembles in it's economy and habits, the stripe above the eye in this species is scercely preceptable and is when closely examined of a yellow or orrange colour in sted of the vermillion of the others. it's colour is of a uniform mixture of dark and yellowish brown with a slight mixture of brownish white on the breast belley and the feathers under the tail. the whole compound is not unlike that of the common quaile only darker. this is also booted to the toes. the flesh is tolerable and that of the breast is as white as the pheasant of the atlantic coast. the redish brown pheasant has been previously discribed.-. the crow ravin and large blackbird are the same as those of our country, only that the crow here is much smaller, yet its note is the same. i observe no difference between the hawk of this coast and those of the atlantic. i have observed the large brown hawk, the small or sparrow hawk, and a hawk of an intermediate size with a long tail and blewish coloured wings, remarkably swift in flight and very ferce. sometimes called in the un. states the hen hawk. those birds seam to be common to every part of this country in greater or smaller numbers, and the hawks, crows, and ravins build their nests in great numbers along the high & inaxcessable clifts of the columbia, and lewis's rivers when we passd along them. we also met with the large hooting owl under the rocky mountains on the kooskooske r. it's colour reather deeper than with us, but differ in no other respect from those of the u states. [lewis, march , ] tuesday march th . not any occurrence today worthy of notice. we live sumptuously on our wappetoe and sturgeon. the anchovey is so delicate that they soon become tainted unless pickled or smoked. the natives run a small stick through their gills and hang them in the smoke of their lodges, or kindle a small fire under them for the purpose of drying them. they need no previous preperation of guting &c and will cure in hours. the natives do not appear to be very scrupelous about eating them when a little feated.--the fresh sturgeon they keep for many days by immersing it in water. they coock their sturgeon by means of vapor or steam. the process is as follows. a brisk fire is kindled on which a parcel of stones are lad. when the fire birns down and the stones are sufficiently heated, the stones are so arranged as to form a tolerable level surface, the sturgeon which had been previously cut into large fletches is now laid on the hot stones; a parsel of small boughs of bushes is next laid on and a second course of the sturgeon thus repating alternate layers of sturgeon and boughs untill the whole is put on which they design to cook. it is next covered closely with matts and water is poared in such manner as to run in among the hot stones and the vapor arrising being confined by the mats, cooks the fish. the whole process is performed in an hour, and the sturgeon thus cooked is much better than either boiled or roasted. the turtle dove and robbin are the same of our country and are found as well in the plain as open country. the columbian robbin heretofore discribed seems to be the inhabitant of the woody country exclusively. the magpy is most commonly found in the open country and are the same with those formerly discribed on the missouri. the large woodpecker or log cock, the lark woodpeckers and the small white woodpecker with a read head are the same with those of the atlantic states and are found exclusively in the timbered country. the blue crested corvus and the small white breasted do have been previously discribed and are the natives of a piney country invariably, being found as well on the rocky mountains as on this coast.--the lark is found in the plains only and are the same with those before mentioned on the missouri, and not very unlike what is called in virginia the old field lark.--the large bluefish brown or sandhill crain are found in the valley of the rocky mountains in summer and autumn where they raise their young, and in the winter and begining of spring on this river below tidewater and on this coast. they are the same as those common to the southern and western states where they are most generally known by the name of the sandhill crain. the vulture has also been discribed. there are two species of the flycatch, a small redish brown species with a short tail, round body, short neck and short pointed beak. they have some fine black specks intermixed with the uniform redish brown. this the same with that which remains all winter in virginia where it is sometimes called the wren. the second species has lately returned and dose not remain here all winter. it's colours are a yellowish brown on the back head neck wings and tail the breast and belley of a yellowish white; the tail is in proportion as the wren but it is a size smaller than that bird. it's beak is streight pointed convex reather lage at the base and the chaps of equal length. the first species is the smallest, in short it is the smalest bird that i have ever seen in america except the humming bird. both these species are found in the woody country only or at least i have never seen them elsewhere. [clark, march , ] tuesday march th not any accurrance to day worthy of notice. we live sumptiously on our wappatoe and sturgeon. the anchovey is so delicate that they soon become tainted unless pickled or smoked. the nativs run a small stick through their gills and hang them in the smoke of their lodges, or kindle small fires under them for the purpose of drying them. they need no previous preperation of gutting &c. and will cure in hours. the nativs do not appear to be very scrupilous about eating them a little feated. the fresh sturgeon they keep maney days by immersing it in water. they cook their sturgeon by means of vapor or steam. the process is as follows. a brisk fire is kindled on which a parcel of stones are sufficiently heated, the stones are so arranged as to form a tolerable leavel surface, the sturgeon which had been previously cut into large flaetches is now laid on the hot stones; a parcel of small boughs of bushes is next laid on, and a second course of the sturgeon thus repeating alternate layers of sturgeon & boughs untill the whole is put on which they design to cook. it is next covered closely with mats and water is poared in such manner as to run in among the hot stones, and the vapor arriseing being confind by the mats, cooks the fish. the whole process is performd in an hour and the sturgeon thus cooked is much better than either boiled or roasted. in their usial way of bolting of other fish in baskets with hot stones is not so good. the turtle doves and robin are the same of those of our countrey and are found as well as the plains as open countrey. the columbia robin heretofore discribed seams to be the inhabitent of the woody country exclusively. the magpye is most commonly found in the open country and are the same with those formerly discribed on the missouri. the large wood pecker or log cock the lark woodpecker and the common wood pecker with a red head are the same with those of the atlantic states, and are found exclusively in the timbered country. the blue crested corvus and the small white brested corvus are the nativs of a piney country invariably, being found as well on the rocky mountains as on this coast-. the lark is found in the plains only and are the same with those on the missouri and the illinois and not unlike what is called in virginia the old field lark. the large bluish brown or sandhill crain are found in the vally's of the rocky mountain in summer and autumn when they raise their young and in the winter and beginning of spring on this river below tide water and on this coast. they are the same as those common to the southern and western states where they are most generally known by the name of the sand hill crain. the vulture has already been discribed. there are two species of fly catch, a small redish brown with a short tail, round body, short neck, and short pointed beak, and the same as that with us sometimes called the wren. the d species does not remain all winter they have just returned and are of a yellowish brown colour. [lewis, march , ] wednesday march th . this morning we were visited by two parties of clatsops. they brought some fish a hat and some skins for sale most of which we purchased. they returned to their village in the evening. late in the evening the hunters returned from the kil-haw-a-nack-kle river which discharges itself into the head of the bay. they had neither killed nor seen any elk. they informed us that the elk had all gone off to the mountains a considerable distance from us. this is unwelcome information and reather allarming we have only days provision on hand, and that nearly spoiled. we made up a small assortment of articles to trade with the indians and directed sergt. pryor to set out early in the morning in a canoe with men, to ascend the columbia to the resort of the indian fishermen and purchase some fish; we also directed two parties of hunters to renew the chase tomorrow early. the one up the netul and the other towards point adams. if we find that the elk have left us, we have determined to ascend the river slowly and indeavour to procure subsistence on the way, consuming the month of march in the woody country. earlyer than april we conceive it a folly to attempt the open plains where we know there is no fuel except a few small dry shrubs. we shall not leave our quarters at fort clatsop untill the first of april, as we intended unless the want of subsistence compels us to that measure. the common snipe of the marshes and the small sand snipe are the same of those common to the atlantic coast tho the former are by no means as abundant here. the prarrow of the woody country is also similar to ours but not abundant. those of the plains of columbia are the same with those of the missouri, tho they are by no means so abundant. i have not seen the little singing lark or the large brown curloo so common to the plains of the missouri, but i beleive that the latter is an inhabitant of this country during summer from indian information. i have no doubt but what many species of birds found here in autumn and summer had departed before our arrival. [clark, march , ] wednesday march th . this morning we were visited by two parties of clatsops they brought some fish, a hat and some skins for sale most of which we purchased, they returned to their village in the evening with the returning tide. late in the evening the hunters returned from the kil-haw-d nack-kle river which discharges itself into the head of the bay. they had neither killed nor seen any elk. they informed us that the elk had all gorn off to the mountains a considerable distance from us. this is unwelcom information and reather alarming. we have only two days provisions on hand and that nearly spoiled. we made up a small assortment of articles to trade with the indians, and directed sergt natl. pryor to set out early in the morning in a canoe with two men, to assend the columbia to the resort of the indians fishermen and purchase some fish; we also derected two parties of hunters to renew the chase tomorrow early. the one up the netul, and the other towards point adams. if we find that the elk have left us, we have determined to assend the river slowly and endeaver to precure subsistance on the way, consumeing the month of march in the woody country, earlyer than april we conceive it a folly to attempt the open plains where we know there is no fuel except a fiew small dry shrubs. we shall not leave our quarters at fort clatsop untill the st of april as we intended, unless the want of subsistance compels us to that measure. the common snipe of the marshes and the small sand snipe are the same of those common to the atlantic coast tho the former are by no means as abundant here. the sparrow of the woody country is also similar to ours but not abundant. those of the plains of columbia are the same with those of the missouri. tho they are by no means so abundant. i have not seen the little singing lark or the large brown curloe so common to the plains of the missouri. but believe the curloe is an inhabitent of this countrey dureing summer from indian information and their attemps to mimick the notes of this fowl. i have no doubt but what maney species of birds found here in autumn and summer had departed before our arrival. the aquatic birds of this country or such as obtain their subsistence from the water, are the large blue and brown heron, fishing hawk, blue crested fisher, gulls of several species of the coast, the large grey gull of the columbia, comorant, loons of two species, white and the brown brant, small and large geese, small and large swans, the duckinmallard, canvis back duck, red headed fishing duck, black and white duck, little brown duck, black duck, two species of divers, blue winged teal, and some other species of ducks, two species of plevers. the hunters who were out last informed me that they discovered a very considerable fall in the kit-haw-a-nack-kle river on its main western fork at which place it falls abt. feet from the side of a mountain s. e. about miles from fort clatsop and nearly from its enterance into the bay by the meanderings of this river a high mountain is situated s ° w. about miles from fort clatsop on which there has been snow since nov. [lewis, march , ] thursday march th . this morning the fishing and hunting parties set out agreeably to their instructions given them last evening. at a.m. we were visited by comowoll and two of his children. he presented us with some anchovies which had been well cured in their manner. we foud them excellent. they were very acceptable particularly at this moment. we gave the old man some small articles in return. this we have found much the most friendly and decent savage that we have met with in this neighbourhood. hall had his foot and ankle much injured yesterday by the fall of a large stick of timber; the bones were fortunately not broken and i expect he will be able to walk again shortly. bratton is now weaker than any of the convalessants, all of whom recover slowly in consequence of the want of proper diet, which we have it not in our power to procure.- the aquatic birds of this country, or such as obtain their subsistence from the water, are the large blue and brown heron, fishing hawk, blue crested fisher, gulls of several species of the coast, the large grey gull of the columbia, cormorant, loons of two species, white, and the brown brant, small and large geese, small and large swan, the duckinmallard, canvis back duck, red headed fishing duck, black and white duck, little brown duck, black duck, two speceis of divers, blue winged teal, and some other speceis of ducks. [clark, march , ] thursday march th this morning, the fishing and hunting party's set out agreeably to their instructions given them last evening. at a.m. we were visited by commowoll and two boys sons of his. he presented us with some anchovies which had been well cured in their manner, we found them excellent. they were very acceptable perticularly at this moment. we gave the old mans sones a twisted wire to ware about his neck, and i gave him a par of old glovs which he was much pleased with. this we have found much the most friendly and decent indian that we have met with in this neighbourhood. hall had his foot and ankle much injured yesterday by the fall of a log which he had on his sholder; the bones are fortunately not broken, i expect he will be able to walk again shortly. bratten is now weaker than any of the convalessants, and complains verry much of his back, all of them recovering slowly in consequence of the want of proper diet, which we have it not in our power to precure. the large blue and brown herons or crains as they are usialy called in the u states are found below tide water. they are the same of those of the u, states. the fishing hawk with the crown of the head white, and back of a milkey white, and the blue crested or king fisher are found on every part of the columbia and its water along which we passed and are the same with those of the u, states. the fishing hawk is not abundant, particularly in the mountains. there are species of the larus or gull on this coast and river. st a small species the size of a pegion; white except some black spots about the head and the little bone on the but of the wing. d a species somewhat larger of a light brown colour, with a mealy coloured back. rd the large grey gull, or white larus with a greyish brown back, and light grey belly and breast, about the size of a well grown pullet, the wings are remarkably long in perpotion to the size of the body and it's under chap towards the extremity is gibbous and protuberant than in either of the other species. a white gull about the size of the second with a remarkable beak; adjoining the head and on the base of the upper chap there is an elivated orning of the same substance with the beak which forms the nostriels at a; it is somewhat in this form. the feet are webed and the legs and feet of a yellow colour. the form of the wings body &c are much that of the d species this bird was seen on haleys bay. the large grey gull is found on the columbian waters as high as the enterence of the koos koos ke and in common with the other species on the coast; the others appear confined to the tidewater, and the th species not so common as either of the others. the comorant is a large black duck which feeds on fish; i proceive no difference between it & these found in the rivers of the atlantic coasts. we met with as high up the river as the enterance of the chopunnish into the kooskooske river. they increased in numbers as we decended, and formed much the greatest portion of waterfowls which we saw on the columbia untill we reached tidewater, where they also abound but do not bear a similar proportion to the fowls found in this quarter. we found this bird fat and tolerably flavoured as we decended the columbia. [lewis, march , ] friday march th . the wind was so high that comowol did not leave us untill late this evening. labuish and drewyer returned at sunset having killed one elk only. they report that there are some scattering male elk in the neighbourhood of the place they killed this one or about miles up the netul on this side.--bratton is much wose today, he complains of a violent pain in the small of his back and is unable in consequence to set up. we gave him one of our flanel shirts, applyed a bandage of flannel to the part and bathed and rubed it well with some vollatile linniment which i prepared with sperits of wine, camphor, castile soap and a little laudinum. he felt himself better in the evening.--the large blue and brown herons, or crams as they are usually called in the u states are found on this river below tidewater. they are the same with those of the u states. the fishing hawk with the crown of the head white and back of a mealy white, and the blue crested or king fisher are found on every part of the columbia and it's waters and are the same with those of the u states. the fishing hawk is not abundant particularly in the mountains. there are four speceis of larus or gull on this coast and river, st a small speceis about the size of a pigeon; white except some black spots about the head and a little brown on the but of the wings, nd a speceis somewhat larger of a light brown colour with a whitish or mealy coloured back. rd the large grey gull, or white larus with a greyish brown back and a light grey belley and breast, about the size of a well grown pullet or reather larger. the wings are remarkably long in proportion to the size of the body and it's under chap towards the extremity is more gibbous and protuberant than in either of the other speceis. th a white gull about the size of the second with a remarkable beak; adjoining the head and at the base of the uper chap there is an elivated orning of the same substance with the beak which forms the nostrils; it is some what in this forma the feet are webbed and the legs and feet of a yellow colour. the form of the wings body &c are much that of the second species. the large grey gull is found on the river as high as the entrance of the kooskooske and in common with the other speceis on the coast; the others appear to be confined to tidewater; and the fourth speceis not so common as either of the others. the cormorant is a large black duck which feeds on fish; i perceive no difference between it and those found in the potomac and other rivers on the atlantic coast. tho i do not recollect seeing those on the atlantic so high up the rivers as those are found here. we first met with them on the kooskooske at the entrance of chopunnish river. they increased in quantity as we decended, and formed much the greatest portion of the waterfowl which we saw on the columbia untill we reached tidewater where they also abound but do not bear a similar proportion to the other fowls found in this quarter. there are two speceis of loons. st the speckled loon found on every part of the rivers of this country. they are the same size colours and form with those of the atlantic coast. the second speceis we first met with at the great falls of the columbia and from thence down. this bird is not more than half the size of the speckled loon, it's neck is long, slender and white in front. the colour of the body and back of the neck and head are of a dun or ash colour, the breast and belley are white. the beak is like that of the speckled loon and like them it cannot fly but flutters along on the top of the warter or dives for security when pursued. [clark, march , ] friday march th the wind was so high that comowol did not leave us untill late this evening. drewyer & labiesh returned at sunset haveing killed one elk only. they report that there are some scattering mail elk in the neighbourhood of the place they killed this one or about miles up the netul river on the west side-. bratten is much worst to day he complains of a violent pain in the small of his back, and is unable in consequence of it to set up. we gave him one of our flanel shirts. i applied a bandage of flanel to the part and rubed it well with some volatile linniment which was prepared with sperits of wine, camphire, sastile soap, and a little laudinum. he felt himself better in the evening at which time i repeated the linnement and bathed his feet to restore circulation which he complaind of in that part. there are two species of loons. st the speckled loon found on every part of the rivers of this quarter, they are the same size colour and form with those of the ohio, and atlantic coasts. the d species we first met with at the great falls of the columbia and from thence down. this bird is not more than half the size of the speckled loon, it's neck is long, slender and white in front. the colour of the body and back of the neck and head are of a dun or ash colour, the breast and belly are white. the back is like that of the speckled loon, and like them it cannot fly, but flutters along on the top of the water or dives for security when pursued. john shields reubin fields & robert frasure measured trees of the fur kind one feet around, appears sound, has but fiew limbs for feet it is east of the netul abt feet high. [lewis, march , ] saturday march th . bratton is much better today, his back gives him but little pain. collins returned early in the morning and informed us that he had killed three elk about five miles distant on the edge of the prarie in point adams. one of them fell in a deep pond of water and could not get it, the other two he butcherd and secured. he saw two large herds of elk in that quarter. we sent drewyer and joseph fields to hunt those elk. a party were also sent with labuish for the flesh of the elk which drewyer and himself had killed up the netul, they returned with it in the evening. shields, r. fields and frazier returned this evening from the kilhawanackkle unsuccessfull having seen no elk. mcneal and goodrich having recovered from the louis veneri i directed them to desist from the uce of mercury. the white brant is very common in this country particularly below tidewater where they remain in vast quantities during the winter. they feed like the swan gees &c on the grass roots and seeds which they find in the marshes. this bird is about the size of the brown brant or a third less than the common canadian or wild goose. the head is proportionably with the goose reather large; the beak also thicker shorter and of much the same form, being of a yellowish white colour except the edges of the chaps, which are frequently of a dark brown. the legs and feet are of the same form of the goose and are of a redish white or pale flesh colour. the tail is composed of sixteen feathers of equal length as those of the geese and brown brant are and bears about the same proportion in point of length. the eye is of a dark colour and nothing remarkable as to size. the wings are rether longer compared with those of the goose but not as much so as in the brown or pided brant. the colour of the plumage of this bird is unifomly a pure white except the large feathers of the extremities of the wings which are black. the large feathers of the st joint of the wing next to the body are white. the note of this bird differs essentially from that of the goose; it more resembles that of the brown brant but is somewhat different. it is like the note of young domestic goose which has not perfectly attained it's full note. the flesh of this bird is exceedingly fine, preferable to either the goose or pided brant.--the brown or pided brant are much the same size and form of the white only that their wings are considerably longer and more pointed. the plumage of the upper part of the body neck head and tail is much the colour of the canadian goose but reather darker in consequence of som dark brown feathers which are distributed and irregularly scattered throughout. they have not the white on the neck and sides of the head as the goose has nor is the neck darker than the body. like the goose there are some white feathers on the rump at the joining of the tail. the beak is dark and the legs and feet also dark with a greenish cast; the breast and belley are of a lighter colour than the back and is also irregularly intermixed with dark brown and black feathers which give it a pided appearance. the flesh of this bird is dark and in my estimation reather better than that of the goose. the habits of this bird are the same nearly with the goose and white brant with this difference that they do not remain in this climate in such numbers during the winter as the others, and that it sets out earlier in the fall season on it's return to the south and arrives later in the spring than the goose. i see no difference between this bird and that called simply the brant, common to the lakes the ohio and mississippi &c. the small goose of this country is reather less than the brant; it's head and neck like the brant are reather larger than that of the goose in proportion; their beak is also thicker and shorter. their notes are more like those of our tame gees; in all other rispects they are the same with the large goose with which, they so frequently ascociate that it was some time after i first observed this goose before i could determine whether it was a distinct speceis or not. i have now no hesitation in declaring them a distinct speceis. the large goose is the same of that common on the atlantic coast, and known by the appellation of the wild, or canadian goose. [clark, march , ] saturday march th bratten is much better this morning, his back givs him but little pain. collins returned early in the morning, and informed us that he had killed three elk about five miles distance on the edge of the prarie in point adams. one of them fell in a deep pond of water and he could not git to it. the other two he butchered and saved. he saw two large herds of elk in that quarter. we sent drewyer & jos. field to hunt these elk, a party was also sent with labiesh for the flesh of the elk which drewyer and himself had killd up the netul, they returned with it in the evening. shields, r. field and frasure returned this evening from the kilhawanackkle unsuccessfull haveing seen no elk. mcneal and goodrich haveing recovered from the louis veneri i detected them to desist from takeing the murcury or useing in future. willard is yet complaining and is low spirited. the white brant is very common in this country particularly below tide water where they remain in vast quantities dureing the winter. they feed like the swan goose &c. on the grass and roots & seeds which they find in the marshes this bird is a little larger than the brown brant and a fourth less than the common wild or canadian goose. the head is proportionably with the goose reather large; the beak thicker shorter and of the same form, being of a yellowish white colour except the edges of the chaps, which are frequently of a dark brown. the legs and feet are of the same form of the goose and are of a redish white or pail flesh colour. the tail is composed of sixteen feathers of equal length as those of the geese and brown brant are, and bears about the same perpotion in point of length. the eye is of a dark colour and nothing remarkable as to size. the wings are reather longer compared with those of the goose, but not as much so as is the brown or pieded brant. the colour of the plumage of this bird is uniformly a pure white except the large feathers of the extremities of the wings which are black. the large feathers of the st joint of the wing next to the body are white. the note of this bird differs essentially from that of the goose; it more resembles that of the brown brant but is somewhat different. it is like the note of a young domestic goose which has not perfectly attained its full note. the flesh of this bird is exceedingly fine, prefferable to either the goose or pieded brant. the neck is shorter in prpotion than that of the goose. the brown or pieded brant are nearly the size and much the same form of the white brante only that their wings are considerably longer and more pointed. the plumage of the upper part of the body, neck, head and tail is much the colour of the common or canadian goose but rather darker in consequence of some dark brown feathers which are distributed and irregularly scattered throughout. they have not the white on the neck and sides of the head as the goose has nor is the neck darker than the body. like the goose there are some white feathers on the rump at the junction of the tail. the beak, legs and feet are dark, with a greenish cast; the breast and belly are of a lighter colour than the back and is also intermixed, irregularly, with dark brown and black feathers which gives it a pieded appearance. the flesh of this bird is dark, and in my estimation reather better than that of the goose. the habits of this bird is nearly the same with the goose and white brant, with this difference that they do not remain in this climate in such numbers dureing the winter as the others. i see no difference between this bird and that called simpilly the brant common to the lakes and frequently seen on the ohio and mississippi in large flocks &c. the small goose of this country is reather less than the brant; it's head and neck like the brant are reather larger than that of the goose in purpotion; their beak is also thicker and shorter. their notes are more like those of our taim geese, in all other respect they are the same with the large goose with which, they so frequently ascoiete, that it was some time after i first observed this goose before i could whether it was a distinct speces or not. i have no hesitation now in declareing them a distinct species. the large goose is the same as that common to the ohio, and atlantic coast, and known by the appellation of the wild, or canadian goose. [lewis, march , ] sunday march th . this morning the men set out at daylight to go in gust of the elk which collins had killed, they returned with it at eleven a.m. bratton complains of his back being very painfull to him today; i conceive this pain to be something of the rheumatism. we still apply the linniment and flannel; in the evening he was much better. drewyer and joseph fields returned not having found any elk. sergt. pryor and the fishing party not yet arrived, suppose they are detained by the winds. visited by clatsop men who brought a dog some fish and a sea otter skin for sale. we suffered them to remain all night. we set shields at work to make some sacks of elk skin to contain various articles. the large swan is precisely the same common to the atlantic states. the small swan differs only from the larger one in size and it's note. it is about one fourth less and it's note entirely different. the latter cannot be justly immetated by the sound of letters nor do i know any sounds with which a comparison would be pertinent. it begins with a kind of whistleing sound and terminates in a round full note which is reather louder than the whistleing, or former part; this note is as loud as that of the large swan. from the peculiar whistleing of the note of this bird i have called it the whistleing swan it's habits colour and contour appear to be precisely those of the large swan. we first saw them below the great narrows of the columbia near the chilluckkittequaw nation. they are very abundant in this neighbourhood and have remained with us all winter. in number they are fully five for one of the large speceis. the duckinmallard or common large duck wich resembles the domestic duck are the same here with those of the u sts. they are abundant and are found on every part of the river below the mountains. they remain here all winter but i beleive they do not continue during winter far above tidewater. a beautifull duck and one of the most delicious in the world is found in considerable quantities in this neighbourhood during the autumn and winter. this is the same with that known in the delliware, susquehannah, and potomac by the name of the canvisback and in james river by that of shell-drake; in the latter river; however i am informed that they have latterly almost entirely disappeared. to the epicure of those parts of the union where this duck abounds nothing need be added in praise of the exqusite flavor of this duck. i have frequently eaten of them in several parts of the union and i think those of the columbia equally as delicious. this duck is never found above tide-water; we did not meet with them untill after we reached the marshey islands; and i beleive that they have already left this neighbourhood, but whether they have gone northwardly or southwardly i am unable to determin; nor do i know in what part of the continent they raise their young.--the read headed fishing duck is common to every part of the river and are found as well in the rocky mountains as elsewhere; in short this was the only duck we saw on the waters of the columbia within the mountains. they feed principally on crawfish and are the same in every rispect as those on the rivers in the mountains of the atlantic ocean. [clark, march , ] sunday mach th this morning the men set out at day light to go in quest of the elk which collins had killed, they returned at a.m. bratten complains of his backs being very painfull to him to day. we still apply the linnement & flannel; in the evening he was much better. jos. field & drewyer returned not haveing found any elk. sergt. pryor and the fishing party not yet returned, suppose they are detained by the winds. we are visited by clatsop men who brought a dog, some fish and a sea otter skin for sale. we suffered them to remain all night. we set shields at work to make some sacks of elk skin to contain my papers, and various articles which we wish kept dry. the large swan is precisely the same common to the missouri, mississippi and the atlantic states &c. the small swan differ only from the large one in size and it's note. it is about / th less, and its notes entirely different. the latter cannot be justly immetated by the sound of letters nor do i know any sound with which a comparison would be perti-nent. it begins with a kind of whistling sound and terminates in a round full note which is reather louder than the whistling, or former part; this note is as loud as that of the large swan. from the peculiar whistling of the note of this bird i have called it the whistleing swan. it's habits colour and contour appear to be precisely those of the large swan. we first saw them below the great narrows of the columbia near the chilluckkittequaw nation. they are very abundant in this neighbourhood and have remained with us all winter. in number they are fully five for one of the large species of the swan's. the duckinmallard are the same here with those of the u, states. they are abundant and are found on every part of the river below the mountains. they remain here all winter, but i believe they do not remain all winter above tide water.--a butifull duck and one of the most delicious in the world is found in considerable quantities in this neighbourhood dureing the autumn and winter. this is the same as that known in the dilliwar, susquehannah and potomac by the name of the canvisback and james river by that of shell-drake; in the latter river i am informed that they have latterly almost entirely disapeared. the epicures of those parts of the union where those ducks abound nothing need be added in prais of the exquisit flavor of this duck. i have eaten of them in several parts of the union and i think those of the columbia equally as delicious. this duck is never found above tide water; we did not meat with them untill after we reached the marshey islands; and i believe that they have already left this neighbourhood; but whether they are gorn northerly or southerly, i am unable to deturmine; nor do i know in what part of the country they rais their young the red headed fishing duck is common to every part of the river and are found as well in the rocky mountains as elsewhere; in short this was the only duck we saw within the mountain on the columbian waters. they feed principally on crawfish; and are the same in every respects as those on the ohio and rivers in the mountains of the atlantic ocian. the black and white duck are small about the size of the blue-winged teal, or reather larger. the mail is butifully varigated with black and white. the white occupies the side of the head, breast and back. black the tail, large feathers of the wing, two tufts of feathers which cover the upper part of the wings when folded, the neck and head. the female is darker or has much less white about her. i take this to be the same species of duck common to the ohio, as also the atlantic coast, and sometimes called the butter box. the back is wide and short, and as well as the legs of a dark colour. the flesh of this duck is verry well flavored i think superior to the duckinmallard. [lewis, march , ] monday march th . about p.m. it became fair and we sent out two parties of hunters on this side of the netul the one below and the other above. we also directed a party to set out early in the morning and pass the bay and hunt beyond the kilhowanackkle. from the last we have considerable hope as we have as yet hunted but little in that quarter. it blew hard all day. in the evening the indians departed. the hunters who were over the netull the other day informed us that they measured a pine tree, (or fir no ) which at the hight of a man's breast was feet in the girth about three feet higher, or as high as a tall man could reach, it was feet in the girth which was about the circumpherence for at least feet without a limb, and that it was very lofty above the commencement of the limbs. from the appearance of other trees of this speceis of fir and their account of this tree, i think it may be safely estimated at feet. it had every appearance of being perfectly sound. the black and white duck are small abut the size of the blue-winged teal, or reather larger. the male is beautifully variagated with black and white. the white occupys the sides of the head, breast and back, black, the tail feathers of the wings two tufts of feathers which cover the upper part of the wings when foalded, the neck and head. the female is darker or has much less white about her. i take this to be the same speceis of duck common to the atlantic coast, and frequently called the butterbox. the beak is wide and short, and as well as the legs, of a dark colour. the flesh of this duck is very well flavored. the brown duck is much in form like the duckinmallard, tho not much more than half it's size. the colour is an uniform mixture of yellowish and dark brown. there is nothing remarkable in the appearance of this duck it generally resorts the same kind of grassey marshes with the duckinmallard and feeds in a similar manner, on grass seed, and roots. both these ducks are common to the river for some distance above tide water as well as below. the black duck is about the size of the bluewinged teal. their colour is a duskey black the breast and belley somewhat lighter than the other parts, or a dark brown. the legs stand longitudinally with the body, and the bird when on shore stands of cours very erect. the legs and feet are of a dark brown, the toes are four on each foot, a short one at the heel and three long toes in front, which are unconnected with a web. the webs are attatched to each sides of the several joints of the toe, and divided by deep sinuses at each joint. the web assuming in the intermediate part an eliptical figure. the beak is about two inches long, streight, flated on the sides, and tapering to a sharp point. the upper chap somewhat longest, and bears on it's base at the joining of the head, a little conic protuberance of a cartelagenous substace, being redish brown at the point. the beak is of an ivory white colour. the eye dark. these ducks usually associate in large flocks, and are very noisey; their note being a sharp shrill whistle. they are usually fat and agreeably flavored; and feed principally on moss, and other vegitable productions of the water. we did not meet with them untill we reached tide-water, but i beleive them not exclusively confined to that district at all seasons, as i have noticed the same duck on many parts of the rivers ohio and mississippi. the gizzard and liver are also remarkably large in this fowl. the divers are the same with those of the atlantic states. the smaller species has some white feathers about the rump with no perceptable tail and is very active and cluck in it's motion; the body is of a redish brown. the beak sharp and somewhat curved like that of the pheasant. the toes are not connected but webed like those discribed of the black duck. the larger speceis are about the size of the teal and can flye a short distance which the small one scarcely ever attapts. they have a short tail. their colour is also an uniform brickredish brown, the beak is streight and pointed. the feet are of the same form of the other speceis and the legs are remarkably thin and flat one edge being in front. the food of both speceis is fish, and the flesh unfit for uce. the bluewinged teal are a very excellent duck, and are the same with those of the atlantic coast.--there are some other speceis of ducks which shall be hereafter discribed as i may hereafter have an opportunity to examine them. [clark, march , ] monday march th about p.m. it became fair and we sent out two parties of hunters on this side of the netul, one above and the other below, we also derected a party to set out early in the morning and pass meriwethers bay and hunt beyond the kilhow anak kle. from the last we have considerable hope, as we have as yet hunted but little in that quarter. it blew hard all day, in the evening the indians departed. the hunters, s. r. f. & f. who were over the netul the other day informed us that they measured a d tree of the fir speces (no. i) as high as a man could reach, was feet in the girth; it tapered but very little for about feet without any considerable limbs, and that it was a very lofty above the commmencement of the limbs. from the appearance of other species of fir, and their account of this tree, i think it might safely estimated at feet. it had every appearance of being perfectly sound in every part the brown duck is much in form like the duckinmallard, tho not much more than half it's size. the colour is one uniform mixture of yellowish and dark brown. there is nothing remarkable in the colour of this duck; it resorts the same kind of grassy marshes with the duckinmallard, and feeds in a similar manner, on grass, seeds & roots. both these ducks are common to the river for some distance above tide water as well as below. the black duck is about the size of the bluewinged teel. their colour is a duskey black the breast and belly somewhat lighter than the other parts, or a dark brown. the legs stand longitudianally with the body, and the bird when on shore stands very erect. the legs and feet are of a dark brown, the toes are four on each foot, a short one on the heel and three long toes in front which are unconnected with a web. the web is atached to each side of the several joints of the toes, and devided by deep sinuses at each joint. the web assumeing in the intermediate part an elipticle figure. the beak is about two inches long, streight, flated on the sides, and tapering to a sharp point. the upper chap somewhat longest and bears on its base at the joining of the head, a little conic protuberance of a cartelagenous substance, being redish brown. the beak is of a ivery white colour. the eye dark. these ducks usially associate in large flocks, and are very noisey; their note being a sharp shrill whistle. they are usially fat and tolerably flavoured; and feed on moss and other vegitable productions of the water. we did not meet with them untill we reached tide water, i have noticed the same duck on maney parts of the ohio an mississippi. the gizzard and liver are also remarkably large in this fowl-. the divers are the same with those of the atlantic states. the smaller species has some white feathers about the rump and no perceptable tail and is very active and quick in its motion; the body is of a redish brown. the beak sharp and somewhat curved like that of the pheasant the toes are not connected but webd. like those discribed of the black duck. the large species are about the size of the teal &c. the food of both those species is fish. and their flesh is unfit for use. the bluewinged teal are a very excellent duck, and are the same with those of the atlantic coast.--there are some other species of ducks which shall be hereafter discribd. as i may hereafter have an oppertunity of exameneing them. [lewis, march , ] tuesday march th . early this morning sergt. pryor arrived with a small canoe loaded with fish which he had obtained from the cathlahmah's for a very small part of the articles he had taken with him. the wind had prevented his going to the fisery on the opposite side of the river above the wackiacums, and also as we had suspected, prevented his return as early as he would otherwise have been back.--the dogs at the cathlahmahs had bitten the trong assunder which confined his canoe and she had gone a drift. he borrowed a canoe from the indians in which he has returned. he found his canoe on the way and secured her, untill we return the indians their canoe, when she can be brought back. sent sergt. gass and a party in surch of a canoe which was reported to have been sunk in a small creek on the opposite side of the netul a few miles below us, where she had been left by shields r. fields and frazier when they were lately sent out to hunt over the netul. they returned and reported that they could not find the canoe she had broken the cord by which she was attatched, and had been carried off by the tide. drewyer joseph fields and frazier set out by light this morning to pass the bay in order to hunt as they had been directed the last evening. we once more live in clover; anchovies fresh sturgeon and wappetoe. the latter sergt. pryor had also procured and brought with him. the reptiles of this country are the rattlesnake garter snake and the common brown lizzard. the season was so far advanced when we arrived on this side of the rocky mountains that but few rattlesnakes were seen i did not remark one particularly myself, nor do i know whether they are of either of the four speceis found in the different parts of the united states, or of that species before mentioned peculiar to the upper parts of the missouri and it's branches. the garter snake so called in the united states is very common in this country; they are found in great numbers on the open and sometimes marshey grounds in this neighbourhood. they differ not at all from those of the u states. the black or dark brown lizzard we saw at the rock fort camp at the commencement of the woody country below the great narrows and falls of the columbia; they are also the same with those of the united states. the snail is numerous in the woody country on this coast; they are in shape like those of the united states, but are at least five times their bulk. there is a speceis of water lizzard of which i saw one only just above the grand rapids of the columbia. it is about inches long the body is reather flat and about the size of a mans finger covered with a soft skin of a dark brown colour with an uneven surface covered with little pimples the neck and head are short, the latter terminating in an accute angular point and flat. the fore feet each four toes, the hinder ones five unconnected with a web and destitute of tallons. it's tail was reather longer than the body and in form like that of the musk-rat, first rising in an arch higher than the back and decending lower than the body at the extremity, and flated perpendicularly. the belley and under part of the neck and head were of a brick red every other part of the colour of the upper part of the body a dark brown. the mouth was smooth, without teeth. [clark, march , ] tuesday march th early this morning sergt. pryor arrived with a small canoe loaded with fish which he had obtained from the cath-lah-mah's for a very small part of the articles he had taken with him. the wind had prevented his going to the fishery on the opposit side of the river above the waukiecum's, and also as we had suspected, prevented his return as early as he otherwise would have been back. the dogs of the cathlahmah's had bitten the throng assunder which confined his canoe and she had gorn adrift. he borrowed a canoe from the indians in which he has returned. he found his canoe on the way and secured her, untill we return the indians their canoe--sent sergt. gass and a party in serch of one of our canoes which was reported to have been lost from a hunting party of shields r. field & frazier when they were last out on the opposit side of the netul. they returned and reported that they could not find the canoe which had broken the cord with which it was attached, and was caried off by the tide. drewyer jo. field & frazier set out by light this morning to pass the bay in order to hunt as they had been directed last evening. we once more live in clover; anchovies fresh sturgeon and wappatoe. the latter sergt. pryor had also procured a fiew and brought with him. the deer of this coust differ from the common deer, fallow deer or mule deer as has beformentiond. the mule deer we have never found except in rough country; they prefer the open grounds and are seldom found in the wood lands near the river; when they are met with in the wood lands or river bottoms and pursued, they imediately run to the hills or open country as the elk do, the contrary happens with the common deer. there are several differences between the mule and common deer as well as in form as in habits. they are fully a third larger in general, and the male is particularly large; think there is somewhat greater disparity of size between the male and the female of this species than there is between the male and female fallow deer; i am convinced i have seen a buck of this species twice the volume a buck of the common deer. the ears are peculiarly large, i measured those of a large buck which i found to be eleven inches long and / in width at the widest part; they are not so delicately formed, their hair in winter is thicker longer and of a much darker grey, in summer the hair is still coarser longer and of a paler red, more like that of the elk; in winter they also have a considerable quantity of very fine wool intermixed with the hair and lying next to the skin as the antelope has. the long hair which grows on the outer side of the first joint of the hind legs, and which in the common deer do not usially occupy more than inches in them occupy from to ; their horns also differ, those in the common deer consist of two main beams gradually deminishing as the points proceed from it, with the mule deer the horns consist of two beams which at the distance of or inches from the head divide themselves into two equal branches which again either divide into two other equal branches or terminate in a smaller, and two equal ones; haveing either , or points on a beam; the horn is not so rough about the base as the common deer, and are invariably of a much darker colour. the most strikeing difference of all, is the white rump and tail. from the root of the tail as a center there is a circular spot perfectly white of about / inches radius, which occupy a part of the rump and the extremities of buttocks and joins the white of the belley underneath; the tail which is usially from to inches long for the first or inches from its upper extremity is covered with short white hairs, much shorter indeed than those hairs of the body; from hence for about one inch further, the hair is still white but gradually becoms longer; the tail then termonates in a tissue of black hair of about inches long. from this black hair of the tail they have obtained among the french engages the appelation of the black tailed deer, but this i conceive by no means characteristic of the animal as much the larger portion of the tail is white. the ears and the tail of this animale when compared with those of the common deer, so well comported with those of the mule when compared with the horse, that we have by way of distinction adapted the appellation of the mule deer which i think much more appropriate. on the inner corner of each eye there is a drane (like the elk) or large recepticle which seams to answer as a drane to the eye which givs it the appearance of weeping, this in the common deer of the atlantic states is scercely proceptable but becoms more conspicious in the fallow deer, and still more so in the elk; this recepticle in the elk is larger than any of the pecora order with which i am acquainted. i have some reasons to believe that the calumet eagle is sometimes found on this side of the rocky mountains from the information of the indians in whose possession i have seen their plumage. those are the same with those of the missouri, and are the most butifull of all the family of the eagle of america it's colours are black and white with which it is butifully varigated. the feathers of the tail which is so highly prized by the indians is composed of twelve broad feathers of equal length those are white except about two inches at the extremity which is of a jut black. their wings have each a large circular white spot in the middle when extended. the body is variously marked with white and black. the form is much that of the common bald eagle, but they are reather smaller and much more fleet. this eagle is feared by all carnivarous birds, and on his approach all leave the carcase instantly on which they were feeding. it breads in the inaccessable parts of the mountains where it spends the summer, and decends to the plains and low country in the fall and winter when it is usially sought and taken by the nativs. two tails of this bird is esteemed by mandans, minnetares, ricaras, &c. as the full value of a good horse, or gun and accoutrements. with the osage & kanzas and those nations enhabiting countrys where this bird is more rare, the price is even double of that mentioned. with these feathers the nativs deckerate the stems of their sacred pipes or calumets; whence the name of calumet eagle, which has generally obtained among the engages. the ricaras have domesticated this bird in many instances for the purpose of obtaining its plumage. the nativs in every part of the continent who can precure those feathers attach them to their own hair and the mains and tail of their favorite horses by way of orniment. they also deckerate their own caps or bonnets with those feathers. the leather winged bat is found &c. [lewis, march , ] wednesday march th we sent a party again in surch of the perogue but they returned unsuccessful) as yesterday. sent one hunter out on this side of the netul, he did not return this evening. i beleive the callamet eagle is sometimes found on this side of the rocky mountains from the information of the indians in whose possession i have seen their plumage. these are the same with those of the missouri, and are the most beautiful) of all the family of the eagles of america. it's colours are black and white with which it is beautifully variagated. the feathers of the tail which are so highly prized by the indians is composed of twelve broad feathers of equal length. these are white except about inches at the extremity which is of a jut black. there wings have each a large circular white spot in the middle when extended. the body is variously marked with white and black. the form is much that of the common bald eagle, but they are reather smaller and much more fleet. this eagle is feared by all carnivorous birds, and on his approach all leave the carcase instantly on which they were feeding. it breads in the inaccessable parts of the mountains where it spends the summer, and decends to the plains and low country in the fall and winter when it is usually sought and taken by the natives. two tails of this bird is esteemed by the mandans minetares ricares, &c as the full value of a good horse, or gun and accoutrements. with the great and little osages and those nations inhabiting countries where this bird is more rare the price is even double of that mentioned. with these feathers the natives decorate the stems of their sacred pipes or callamets; whence the name, of callamet eagle, which has generally obtained among the engages. the ricares have domesticated this bird in many instancies for the purpose of obtaining it's plumage. the natives in every part of the con tinent who can procure these feathers attatch them to their own hair and the mains and tails of their favorite horses by way of ornament. they also decorate their war caps or bonnets with those feathers.--the leather winged batt common to the united states is also found on this side of the rocky mountains.--beside the fish of this coast and river already mentioned we have met with the following speceis viz. the whale, porpus, skaite, flounder, salmon, red charr, two speceis of salmon trout, mountain or speckled trout, and a speceis similar to one of those noticed on the missouri within the mountains, called in the eastern states, bottle-nose. i have no doubt but there are many other speceis of fish, which also exist in this quarter at different seasons of the year, which we have not had an oportunity of seeing. the shell fish are the clam, perrewinkle, common mussle, cockle, and a speceis with a circular flat shell. the whale is sometimes pursued harpooned and taken by the indians of this coast; tho i beleive it is much more frequently killed by runing fowl on the rocks of the coast in violent storms and thrown on shore by the wind and tide. in either case the indians preseve and eat the blubber and oil as has been before mentioned. the whalebone they also carefully preserve for sale.--our party are now furnished with pair of mockersons exclusive of a good portion of dressed leather.- [clark, march , ] wednesday march th we sent a party again in serch of the canoe but they returned unsucksessfull as yesterday sent one hunter out on this side of the netul he did not return this evening. our party are now furnished with par of mockersons exclusive of a good portion of dressed leather, they are also previded with shirts overalls capoes of dressed elk skins for the homeward journey. besides the fish of this coast and river already mentioned we have met with the following species. viz. the whale, porpus, skaite, flounder, salmon, red-carr, two specis of salmon trout, mountain or speckled trout, and a speceis similar to one of those noticed on the missouri within the mountains, called in the eastern states, bottle nose. i have no doubt but there are many other species of fish which also exist in this quarter at different seasons of the year, which we have not had an oppertunity of seeing. the shell fish are the clam, perriwinkle, common muscle, cockle, and a species with a circular flat shell. the whale is sometimes pursued harpooned and taken by the indians of this coast; tho i believe it is much more frequently killed by running on the rocks of the coast to s. s. w. in violent storms, and thrown on different parts of the coast by the winds and tide-. in either case the indians preserve and eat the blubber and oil as has been before mentioned. the whale bone they also carefully preserve for sale. the reptiles of this country are the rattle snake, garter snake a common brown lizzard. the season was so far advanced on this side of the rocky mountains that but fiew rattle snakes were seen, i did not remark one particularly my self, nor do i know if they are of either of the four species found in different parts of the united states, or of that species before observed only on the upper parts of the missouri & its branches. the garter snake so called in the u states is very common in this country, they are found in great numbers on the open and sometimes marshy grounds in this neighbourhood. they differ not at all from those of the united states. the black or dark brown lizzard we saw at the long narrows or commencement of the woody country on the columbia; they are also the same with those of the u, states. the snail is noumerous in the woodey country on this coast, they are in shape like those of the u, states, but are at least five times their bulk. there is a specis of water lizzard of which i only saw one just above the grand rapid of the columbia. it is about inches long the body is reather flat and about the size of a mans finger, covered with a soft skin of dark brown colour with an uneaven sufice covered with little pimples, the neck and head are short, the latter termonateing in an accute angular point and flat. the fore feet each have four toes, the hinder ones five unconnected with a web and destitute of tallons. it's tail was reather longer than the body, and in form like that of the muskrat, first riseing in an arch higher than the back, and decending lower than the body at the extremety, and flated perpindicularly. the belly and under part of the neck and head were of a brick red every other part of the colour of the upper part of the body are dark brown. the mouth was smooth without teeth. the horns of some of the elk have not yet fallen off and those of others have grown to the length of six inches. the latter are in the best order, from which it would seem that the pore elk retain their horns longer. [lewis, march , ] thursday march th . this morning drewyer jos feilds and frazier returned; they had killed two elk and two deer. visited by two cathlahmahs who left us in the evening. we sent drewyer down to the clatsop village to purchase a couple of their canoes if possible. sergt. pryor and a party made another surch for the lost peroge but was unsuccessfull; while engaged in surching for the perogue collins one of his party killed two elk near the netul below us. we sent sergt. ordway and a party for the flesh of one of the elk beyond the bay with which they returned in the evening. the other elk and two deer were at some distance. r. fields and thompson who set out yesterday morning on a hunting excurtion towards point adams have not yet returned. the horns of some of the elk have not yet fallen off, and those of others have shotten out to the length of six inches. the latter are in the best order, from which it would seem that the poor elk retain their horns longest. the porpus is common on this coast and as far up the river as the water is brackish. the indians sometimes gig them and always eat the flesh of this fish when they can procure it; to me the flavor is disagreeable. the skaite is also common to the salt water, we have seen several of them that had perished and were thrown out on the beach by the tide. the flounder is also an inhabitant of the salt water, we have seen them also on the beach where they had been left by the tide. the indians eat the latter and esteem it very fine. these several speceis are the same with those of the atlantic coast. the common salmon and red charr are the inhabitants of both the sea and rivers. the former is usually largest and weighs from to lbs. it is this speceis that extends itself into all the rivers and little creeks on this side of the continent, and to which the natives are so much indebted for their subsistence. the body of this fish is from / to feet long and proportionably broad. it is covered with imbricated scales of a moderate size and is variegated with irregular black spots on it's sides and gills. the eye is large and the iris of a silvery colour the pupil black. the rostrum or nose extends beyond the under jaw, and both the upper and lower jaws are armed with a single series of long teeth which are subulate and infleted near the extremities of the jaws where they are also more closely arranged. they have some sharp teeth of smaller size and same shape placed on the tongue which is thick and fleshey. the fins of the back are two; the first is plaised nearer the head than the ventral fins and has ____ rays, the second is placed far back near the tail is small and has no rays. the flesh of this fish is when in order of a deep flesh coloured red and every shade from that to an orrange yellow, and when very meager almost white. the roes of this fish are much esteemed by the natives who dry them in the sun and preserve them for a great length of time. they are about the size of a small pea nearly transparent and of a redish yellow colour. they resemble very much at a little distance the common currants of our gardens but are more yellow. this fish is sometimes red along the sides and belley near the gills particularly the male. the red charr are reather broader in proportion to their length than the common salmon, the skales are also imbricated but reather large. the nostrum exceeds the lower jaw more and the teeth are neither as large nor so numerous as those of the salmon. some of them are almost entirely red on the belley and sides; others are much more white than the salmon and none of them are variagated with the dark spots which make the body of the other. their flesh roes and every other particular with rispect to their form is that of the salmon. this fish we did not see untill we decended below the grat falls of the columbia; but whether they are exclusively confined to this portion of the river or not at all seasons, i am unable to determine. [clark, march , ] thursday march th . this morning drewyer jos. fields and frazer returned; they had killed two elk and two deer. visited by two cath-lah-mars who left us in the evening. we sent drewyer down to the clatsop village to purchase a couple of their canoes if possible. sergt. pryor and a party made another serch for the lost canoe but was unsucksessfull; while engaged in serching for the canoe, collins one of his party killed two elk near the netul below us. we sent sergt. ordway and a party for the flesh of one of the elk beyond the bay with which they returned in the evening; the other elk and deer were at some distance--r. field and thompson who set out on a hunting excursion yesterday morning towards point adams have not yet returned. took equal altitudes to day this being the only fair day for sometime past. the porpus is common on this coast and as far up the river as the water is brackish. the indians sometimes gig them and always eat the flesh of this fish when they can precure it; to me the flavour is disagreeable. the skaite is also common to the salt water, i have seen several of them that had perished and were thrown out on the beach by the tide. the flounder is also an enhabitent of the salt water. we have seen them also on the beach where they had been left by the tide. the nativs eate the latter and esteem it very fine. these several species are the same of those of the atlantic coasts. the common salmon and red charr are the inhabitents of both the sea and river. the former is usially largest and weighs from to lbs. it is this species that extends itself into all the rivers and little creek on this side of the continent, and to which the nativs are so much indebted for their subsistence. the body of this fish is from / to feet long and perpotionably broad. it is covered with imbricated scales of a moderate size and is varigated with errigular black spots on its side and gills. the eye is large and the iris of a silvery colour the pupil black. the rostrum or nose extend beyond the under jaws, and both the upper and the lower jaw are armed with a single series of long teeth which are subulate and infleted near the extremities of the jaws where they are more closely arranged. they have some sharp teeth of smaller size and same shape on the tongue which is thick and fleshey. the fins of the back are two; the first is placed nearer the head than the venteral fins and has ____ rays, the second is placed far back near the tail is small and has no rays. the flesh of this fish when in order of a deep flesh coloured red and every shade from that to an orrange yellow, and when very meager almost white. the roe of this fish are much esteemed by the nativs, who dry them in the sun and preserve them for a great length of time. they are about the size of a small pea nearly transparrent and of a redish yellow colour. they resemble very much at a little distance the common current of our gardens but are more yellow. this fish is sometimes red along the sides and belly near the gills; particularly the male of this species. the red charr are reather broader in proportion to their length than the common salmon, the skales are also embricated but reather large. the nostrum exceeds the lower jaw more and the teeth are neither so noumerous or large as those of the salmon. some of them are almost entirely red on the belly and sides; others are much more white than the salmon, and none of them are varigated with the dark spots which mark the body of the other. their flesh roe and every other particular with respect to their is that of the salmon. this fish we did not see untill we had decended below the great falls of the columbia; but whether they are exclusively confined to this portion of the river or not at all seasons, i am unable to determine. the salmon trout are seldom more than two feet in length, they are narrow in purportion to their length, at least much more so than the salmon & red charr. their jaws are nearly of the same length, and are furnished with a single series of subulate streight teeth, not so long or so large as those of the salmon, the mouth is wide, and the tongue is also furnished with some teeth. the fins are placed much like those of the salmon. at the great falls are met with this fish of a silvery white colour on the belly and sides, and a blueish light brown on the back and head. in this neighbourhood we have met with another species which does not differ from the other in any particular except in point of colour. this last is of a dark colour on the back, and its sides and belley are yellow with transverse stripes of dark brown. sometimes a little red is intermixed with these colours on the belly and sides towards the head. the flesh & roe is like those described of the salmon. the white species which we found below the falls were in excellent order when the salmon were entirely out of season and not fit for use. the species which we found here early in november on our arival in this quarter had declined considerably, reather more so than the red charr with which we found them asociated in the little riverlets and creeks. i think it may be safely asserted that the red charr and both species of the salmon trout remain in season longer in the fall of the year than the common salmon; but i have my doubt whether of the species of the salmon trout ever pass the great falls of the columbia. the indians tell us that the salmon begin to run early in the next month; it will be unfortunate for us if they do not, for they must form our principal dependance for food in assending the columbia above the falls and it's s. e. branch lewis's river to the mountains. the speckled or mountain trout are found in the waters of the columbia within the rocky mountains. they are the same of those found in the upper part of the missouri, but are not so abundent in the columbian waters as in that river. the bottle nose is also found on the waters of the columbia within the mountains. [lewis, march , ] friday march th . this morning we sent a party after the two elk which collins killed last evening, they returned with them about noon. collins, jos. fends and shannon went in quest of the flock of elk of which collins had killed those two. this evening we heared upwards of twenty shot, and expect that they have fallen in with and killed a number of them. reubin fields and thompson returned this evening unsuccessfull having killed one brant only. late in the evening drewyer arrived with a party of the clatsops who brought an indifferent canoe some hats and roots for sale. the hats and roots we purchased, but could not obtain the canoe without giving more than our stock of merchandize would lisence us. i offered him my laced uniform coat but he would not exchange. the salmon trout are seldom more than two feet in length they are narrow in proportion to their length, at least much more so than the salmon or red charr. the jaws are nearly of the same length, and are furnished with a single series of small subulate streight teeth, not so long or as large as those of the salmon. the mouth is wide, and the tongue is also furnished with some teeth. the fins are placed much like those of the salmon. at the great falls we met with this fish of a silvery white colour on the belley and sides, and a bluish light brown on the back and head. in this neighbourhood we have met with another speceis which dose not differ from the other in any particular except in point of colour. this last is of a dark colour on the back, and it's sides and belley are yellow with transverse stripes of dark brown. sometimes a little red is intermixed with these colours on the belley and sides towards the head. the eye, flesh, and roes are like those discribed of the salmon. the white speceis which we found below the falls was in excellent order when the salmon were entirely out of season and not fit for uce. the speceis which we found here on our arrival early in november had declined considerably, reather more so inded than the red charr with which we found them ascociated in the little rivulets and creeks. i think it may be safely asserted that the red charr and both speceis of the salmon trout remain in season longer in the fall of the year than the common salmon; but i have my doubts whether either of them ever pass the great falls of the columbia. the indians tell us that the salmon begin to run early in the next month; it will be unfortunate for us if they do not, for they must form our principal dependence for food in ascending the columbia, above the falls and it's s. e. branch to the mountains. the mountain or speckled trout are found in the waters of the columbia within the mountains. they are the same of those found in the upper part of the missouri, but are not so abundant in the columbia as on that river. we never saw this fish below the mountains but from the transparency and coldness of the kooskooske i should not doubt it's existing in that stream as low as it's junction with the s e. branch of the columbia.--the bottle nose is the same with that before mentioned on the missouri and is found exclusively within the mountains. [clark, march , ] friday march th this morning we dispatched a party after two elk which collins killed last evening, they returned with them about noon. jos. field, collins, go. shannon & labiesh went in quest of the gang of elk out of which collins had killed the yesterday. this evening we herd upwards of twenty shot and expect they have fallen in with and killed several of them. reuben field and thompson returned this evening unsuksessfull haveing killed only one brant. late in the evening geo. drewyer arrived with a party of the clatsops who brought an indifferent canoe, three hats and some roots for sale we could not purchase the canoe without giveing more than our stock of merchandize would lisence us. capt lewis offered his laced uniform coat for a verry indiferent canoe, agreeable to their usial way of tradeing his price was double. we are informed by the clatsops that they have latterly seen an indian from the quin-na-chart nation who reside six days march to the n. w and that four vessles were there and the owners mr. haley, moore, callamon & swipeton were tradeing with that noumerous nation, whale bone oile and skins of various discription. [lewis, march , ] saturday march th . this morning at ock. the hunters arrived, having killed four elk only. labuish it seems was the only hunter who fell in with the elk and having by some accedent lost the fore sight of his gun shot a great number of times but killed only the number mentioned. as the elk were scattered we sent two parties for them, they returned in the evening with four skins and the flesh of three elk, that of one of them having become putrid from the liver and pluck having been carelessly left in the animal all night. we were visited this afternoon by delashshelwilt a chinnook chief his wife and six women of his nation which the old baud his wife had brought for market. this was the same party that had communicated the venerial to so many of our party in november last, and of which they have finally recovered. i therefore gave the men a particular charge with rispect to them which they promised me to observe. late this evening we were also visited by catel a clatsop man and his family. he brought a canoe and a sea otter skin for sale neither of which we purchased this evening. the clatsops who had brought a canoe for sale last evening left us early this morning.- bratton still sick. there is a third speceis of brant in the neighbourhood of this place which is about the size and much the form of the pided brant. they weigh about / lbs. the wings are not as long nor so pointed as those of the common pided brant. the following is a likeness of it's head and beak. a little distance around the base of the beak is white and is suddonly succeeded by a narrow line of dark brown. the ballance of the neck, head, back, wings, and tail all except the tips of the feathers are of the bluish brown of the common wild goose. the breast and belly are white with an irregular mixture of black feathers which give that part a pided appearance. from the legs back underneath the tail, and arond the junction of the same with the body above, the feathers are white. the tail is composed of feathers; the longest of which are in the center and measure inches with the barrel of the quill; those sides of the tail are something shorter and bend with their extremeties inwards towards the center of the tail. the extremities of these feathers are white. the beak is of a light flesh colour. the legs and feet which do not differ in structure from those of the goose or brant of the other speceis, are of an orrange yellow colour. the eye is small; the iris is a dark yellowish brown, and pupil black. the note of this brant is much that of the common pided brant from which in fact they are not to be distinguished at a distance, but they certainly are a distinct speis of brant. the flesh of this fowl is as good as that of the common pided brant. they not remain here during the winter in such numbers as the white brant do, tho they have now returned in considerable quantities. first saw them below tide-water. [clark, march , ] saturday march th this morning at oclock the hunters arived, haveing killed four elk only. labiesh it seams was the only hunter who fell in with the elk and haveing by some accident lost the foresight of his gun shot a great number of times and only killed four. as the elk were scattered we sent two parties for them, they return in the evening with four skins, and the flesh of three elk, that of one of them haveing become putred from the liver and pluck haveing been carelessly left in the animal all night. we were visited this afternoon in a canoe feet i. wide by de-lash-hel-wilt a chinnook chief his wife and six women of his nation, which the old boud his wife had brought for market. this was the same party which had communicated the venereal to several of our party in november last, and of which.they have finally recovered. i therefore gave the men a particular charge with respect to them which they promised me to observe. late this evening we were also visited by ca-tel a clatsop man and his family. he brought a canoe and a sea otter skin for sale neither of which we could purchase of him. the clatsops which had brought a canoe for sale last evening left us this morning. bratten is still very weak and unwell. there is a third species of brant in the neighbourhood of this place which is about the size and much the form of the bided brant. they weigh about / lbs. the wings are not as long nor so pointed as the common pided brant. the following is a likeness of its head and beak. a little distance arround the base of the beak is white and is suddenly succeeded by a narrow line of dark brown. the ballance of the neck, head, back, wings and tail all except the tips of the feathers are of the blueish brown of the common wild goose, the breast and belly are white with an irregular mixture of black feathers which give that part a pided appearance. from the legs back underneath the tail, and around the junction of the same with the body above, the feathers are white. the tail is composed of feathers; the longest of which are in the center and measure inches with the barrel of the quill; those on the side of the tail are something shorter and bend with their extremities inwards towards the center of the tail. the extremities of these feathers are white. the beak is of a light flesh colour. the legs and feet which do not differ in structure from those of the goose or brant of the other species, are of an orrange yellow colour. the eye is small; the iris is of a dark yellowish brown, and puple black. the note of this brant is much that of the common pided brant from which in fact they are not to be distinguished at a distance, but they certainly are a distinct species of brant. the flesh of this fowl is as good as that of the common pided brant. they do not remain here dureing the winter in such numbers as the white brant do, tho they have now returned in considerable quantities. we first met with this brant on tide water. the clams of this coast are very small. the shells consist of two valves which open with a hinge, the shell is smooth thin and of an oval form or like that of the common muscle and of a skye blue colour; it is of every size under a inch & / in length, and hangs in clusters to the moss of the rocks, the nativs sometimes eate them.--the periwinkle both of the river and ocian are similar to those found in the same situation on the atlantic.--there is also an animal which inhabits a shell perfectly circular about inches in diameetor, thin and entire on the marjin, convex and smooth on the upper side, plain on the under part and covered with a number of minute capillary fibers by means of which it attaches itself to the sides of the rocks. the shell is thin and consists of one valve. a small circular opperture is formed in the center of the under shell the animal is soft and boneless &c.-. [lewis, march , ] sunday march th . not any occurrence worthy of relation took place today. drewyer and party did not return from the cathlahmahs this evening as we expected. we suppose he was detained by the hard winds of today. the indians remained with us all day, but would not dispose of their canoes at a price which it was in our power to give consistently with the state of our stock of merchandize. two handkercheifs would now contain all the small articles of merchandize which we possess; the ballance of the stock consists of blue robes one scarlet do. one uniform artillerist's coat and hat, five robes made of our large flag, and a few old cloaths trimed with ribbon. on this stock we have wholy to depend for the purchase of horses and such portion of our subsistence from the indians as it will be in our powers to obtain. a scant dependence indeed, for a tour of the distance of that before us. the clam of this coast are very small. the shell consists of two valves which open with a hinge. the shell is smooth thin of an oval form or like that of the common mussle, and sky blue colour. it is about / inches in length, and hangs in clusters to the moss of the rocks. the natives sometimes eat them. the perewinkle both of the river and ocean are similar to those found in the same situations on the atlantic coast. the common mussle of the river are also the same with those in the rivers of the atlantic coast. the cockle is small and also much the same of the atlantic. there is also an animal which inhabits a shell perfectly circular about inches in diameter, thin and entire on the margin, convex and smooth on the upper side, plain on the under part and covered with a number minute capillary fibers by means of which it attatches itself to the sides of the rocks. the shell is thin and consists of one valve. a small circular apperture is formed in the center of the under shell. the animal is soft & boneless. the white salmon trout which we had previously seen only at the great falls of the columbia has now made it's appearance in the creeks near this place. one of them was brought us today by an indian who had just taken it with his gig. this is a likness of it; it was feet inches long, and weighed lbs. the eye is moderately large, the puple black and iris of a silvery white with a small addmixture of yellow, and is a little terbid near it's border with a yellowish brown. the position of the fins may be seen from the drawing, they are small in proportion to the fish. the fins are boney but not pointed except the tail and back fins which are a little so, the prime back fin and ventral ones, contain each ten rays; those of the gills thirteen, that of the tail twelve, and the small fin placed near the tail above has no bony rays, but is a tough flexable substance covered with smooth skin. it is thicker in proportion to it's width than the salmon. the tongu is thick and firm beset on each border with small subulate teeth in a single series. the teeth of the mouth are as before discribed. neither this fish nor the salmon are caught with the hook, nor do i know on what they feed. [clark, march , ] sunday march th not any occurrence worthy of relation took place today. drewyer and party did not return from the cath lah mah's this evening as we expected. we suppose he was detained by the hard winds today. the indians remain with us all day, but would not dispose of their canoe at a price which it was in our power to give consistently with the state of our stock of merchandize. one handkerchief would contain all the small articles of merchandize which we possess, the ballance of the stock consists of small blue robes or blankets one of scarlet. one uniform artillerist's coat and hat, robes made of our larg flag, and a fiew our old clothes trimed with ribon. on this stock we have wholy to depend for the purchase of horses and such portion of our subsistence from the indians as it will be in our power to obtain. a scant dependence indeed for the tour of the distance of that before us. the pellucid jelly like substance, called the sea nettle i found in great abundance along the strand where it has been thrown up by the waves and tide, and adheres to the sand. there are two species of the fuci, or (seawead) seawreck which we also found thrown up by the waves. the st specie at one extremity consists of a large sesicle or hollow vessale which would contain from one to gallons, of a conic form, the base of which forms the extreem end and is convex and globelar bearing on its center some short broad and irregular fibers. the substance is about the consistancy of the rind of a citron mellon and / of an inch thick, yellow celindrick, and regularly tapering the tube extends to or feet and is then termonated with a number of branches which are flat / inch in width, rough particularly on the edges, where they are furnished with a number of little oval vesicles or bags of the size of a pigions egg. this plant seams to be calculated to float at each extremity, while the little end of the tube from whence the branches proceed, lies deepest in the water. the white salmon trout which we had previously seen only at the great falls of the columbia, or a little below the great falls, has now made its appearance in the creeks near this place. one of them was brought us to day by an indian who had just taken it with his gig. this is a likeness of it; it was feet inches long, and weighed ten pounds. the eye is moderately large, the puple black with a small admixture of yellow and the iris of a silvery white with a small admixture of yellow and a little tirbed near its border with a yellowish brown. the position of the fins may be seen from the drawing, they are small in perpotion to the fish. the fins are honey but not pointed except the tail and back fins which are a little so, the prime back fin and venteral ones, contain each ten rays; those of the gills twelve, and the small finn placed near the tail above has no long rays, but is a tough flexable substance covered with smooth skin. it is thicker in perpotion to it's width than the salmons. the tongue is thick and firm beset on each border with small subulate teeth in a single series. the teeth of the mouth are as before discribed. neither this fish nor the salmon are cought with the hook, nor do i know on what they feed.-now begin to run &c. &c. [lewis, march , ] monday march th . catel and his family left us this morning. old delashelwilt and his women still remain they have formed a camp near the fort and seem to be determined to lay close sege to us but i beleive notwithstanding every effort of their wining graces, the men have preserved their constancy to the vow of celibacy which they made on this occasion to capt c. and myself. we have had our perogues prepared for our departer, and shal set out as soon as the weather will permit. the weather is so precarious that we fear by waiting untill the first of april that we might be detained several days longer before we could get from this to the cathlahmahs as it must be calm or we cannot accomplish that part of our rout. drewyer returned late this evening from the cathlahmahs with our canoe which sergt. pryor had left some days since, and also a canoe which he had purchased from those people. for this canoe he gave my uniform laced coat and nearly half a carrot of tobacco. it seems that nothing excep this coat would induce them to dispose of a canoe which in their mode of traffic is an article of the greatest value except a wife, with whom it is equal, and is generally given in exchange to the father for his daughter. i think the u states are indebted to me another uniform coat, for that of which i have disposed on this occasion was but little woarn.--we yet want another canoe, and as the clatsops will not sell us one at a price which we can afford to give we will take one from them in lue of the six elk which they stole from us in the winter.- the pellucid jellylike substance, called the sea-nettle is found in great abundance along the strad where it has been thrown up by the waves and tide. there are two speceis of the fuci or seawreckwhich we also find thrown up by the waves. the st speceis at one extremity consists of a large vesicle or hollow vessell which would contain from one to two gallons, of a conic form, the base of which forms the extreem end and is convex and globelar bearing on it's center some short broad and irregular fibers. the substance is about the consistence of the rind of a citron mellon and / of an inch thick. the rihind is smooth. from the small extremity of the cone a long, hollow, celindrick, and regularly tapering tube extends to or thirty feet and is then terminated with a number of branches which are flat / an inch in width rough particular on the edges where they are furnished with a number of little ovate vesicles or bags of the size of a pigeon's egg. this plant seems to be calculated to float at each extremity while the little end of the tube from whence the branches proceed, lies deepest in the water. the other speceis i have never seen but capt. clark who saw it on the coast towards the killamucks informed me that it resembled a large pumpkin, it is solid and it's specific gravity reather greater than the water, tho it is sometimes thrown out by the waves. it is of a yellowis brown colour. the rhind smooth and consistence harder than that of a pumpkin tho easily cut with a knife. there are some dark brown fibers reather harder than any other part which pass longitudinally through the pulp or fleshey substance wich forms the interior of this marine production.the following is a list of the names of the commanders of vessels who visit the entrance of the columbia river in the spring and autumn fror the purpose of trading with the natives or hunting elk. these names are spelt as the indians pronounce them. mr. haley, their favorite trader visits them in a vessel with three masts, and continues some time youens, visits in a masted vessel- trader tallamon do. do. no trader callallamet do. do. trader. has a wooden leg. swipton do. do. trader. moore do. do. do. mackey do. do. do. washington do. do. do. mesship do. do. do. davidson do. no trader hunts elk jackson do. masted vessel trader bolch do. do. do. skelley do. do. do. tho he has been gone some years. he has one eye. [clark, march , ] monday march th catel and his family left us this morning. old delashelwill and his women still remain, they have formed a camp near the fort and seam determined to lay close sege to us, but i believe notwithstanding every effort of their wining graces, the men have preserved their constancy to the vow of celibacy which they made on this occasion to capt l. and my self. we have had our canoes prepared for our departure, and shall set out as soon as the weather will permit. the weather is so precarious that we fear by waiting untill the first of april that we might be detained several days longer before we could get from this to the cath-lah-mahs, as it must be calm or we cannot accomplish that part of the rout in our canoes. drewyer returned late this evening from the cath-lah-mahs with our indian canoe which sergt. pryor had left some days since, and also a canoe, which he had purchased from those people. for this canoe he gave captn. lewis's uniform laced coat and nearly half a carrot of to-bacco. it seams that nothing except this coat would induce them to dispose of a canoe which in their mode of traffic is an article of the greatest value except a wife, with whome it is nearly equal, and is generally given in exchange to the father for his daughter. i think that the united states are injustice indebted to captn lewis another uniform coat for that of which he has disposed of on this ocasion, it was but little worn. we yet want another canoe as the clatsops will not sell us one, a proposition has been made by one of our interpt and several of the party to take one in lieu of elk which they stole from us this winter &c. [lewis, march , ] tuesday march th . drewyer was taken last night with a violent pain in his side. capt. clark blead him. several of the men are complaining of being unwell. it is truly unfortunate that they should be sick at the moment of our departure. we directed sergt. pryor to prepare the two canoes which drewyer brought last evening for his mess. they wanted some knees to strengthen them and several cracks corked and payed. he completed them except the latter operation which the frequent showers in the course of the day prevented as the canoes could not be made sufficiently dry even with the assistance of fire. comowooll and two cathlahmahs visited us today; we suffered them to remain all night. this morning we gave delashelwilt a certificate of his good deportment &c. and also a list of our names, after which we dispatched him to his village with his female band. these lists of our names we have given to several of the natives and also paisted up a copy in our room. the object of these lists we stated in the preamble of the same as follows (viz) "the object of this list is, that through the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the informed world, that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the government of the u states in may to explore the interior of the continent of north america, did penetrate the same by way of the missouri and columbia rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the pacific ocean, where they arrived on the th november , and from whence they departed the ____ day of march on their return to the united states by the same rout they had come out."--on the back of some of these lists we added a sketch of the connection of the upper branches of the missouri with those of the columbia, particularly of it's main s. e. branch, on which we also delienated the track we had come and that we meant to pursue on our return where the same happened to vary. there seemed so many chances against our government ever obtaining a regular report, though the medium of the savages and the traders of this coast that we declined making any. our party are also too small to think of leaving any of them to return to the u states by sea, particularly as we shall be necessarily divided into three or four parties on our return in order to accomplish the objects we have in view; and at any rate we shall reach the united states in all human probability much earlier than a man could who must in the event of his being left here depend for his passage to the united states on the traders of the coast who may not return immediately to the u states or if they should, might probably spend the next summer in trading with the natives before they would set out on their return. this evening drewyer went inquest of his traps, and took an otter. joseph fields killed an elk.--the indians repeated to us the names of eighteen distinct tribes residing on the s. e. coast who spoke the killamucks language, and beyound those six others who spoke a different language which they did not comprehend. [clark, march , ] tuesday march th drewyer was taken last night with a violent pain in his side. i bled him. several of the men are complaining of being unwell. it is truly unfortunate that they should be sick at the moment of our departure. derected sergt. pryor to prepare the two indian canoes which we had purchased for his mess. they wanted some knees to strengthen them, and several cracks corked and payed. he compleated them except paying. the frequent showers of rain prevented the canoes drying sufficient to pay them even with the assistance of fire. commorwool and two cathlahmahs visited us to day; we suffered them to remain all night. this morning we gave delashelwilt a certificate of his good deportment &c. and also a list of our names, after which we dispatched him to his village with his female band. those list's of our names we have given to several of the nativs, and also pasted up a copy in our room. the object of these lists we stated in the preamble of the same as follows viz: "the object of this list is, that through the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the informed world, that the party consisting of the persons whoes names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the government of the united states in may , to explore the interior of the continent of north america, did penetrate the same by way of the missouri and columbia rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the pacific ocian, where they arrived on the th of november , and from whence they departed the ____ day of march on their return to the united states by the same rout they had come out." on the back of lists we added a sketch of the continent of the upper branches of the missouri with those of the columbia, particularly of its upper n. e. branch or lewis's river, on which we also delienated the track we had came and that we ment to pursue on our return, when the same happened to vary. there seemes so many chances against our governments ever obtaining a regular report, through the medium of the savages, and the traders of this coast that we decline makeing any. our party are too small to think of leaveing any of them to return to the unt. states by sea, particularly as we shall be necessarily devided into two or three parties on our return in order to accomplish the object we have in view; and at any rate we shall reach the u, states in all humain probabillity much earlier than a man could who must in the event of his being left here depend for his passage to the u, state on the traders of the coast, who may not return imediately to the u, states. or if they should, might probably spend the next summer in tradeing with the nativs before they would set out on their return. this evening drewyer went in quest of his traps, and took an otter. joseph field killd and elk.--the indians repeated to us eighteen distinct nations resideing on the s s. e coast who speak the kil a mox language or understand it. and beyend those six other nations which speak a different language which they did not comprehend. the d species of seawreck which i saw on the coast to the s. s. e. near the kil a mox nation. it resembles a large pumpkin, it is solid and it's specific gravity reather greater than the water, tho it is sometimes thrown out by the waves. it is of a pale yellowish brown colour. the rhind smooth and consistency harder than that of the pumpkin, tho easily cut with a knife. there are some fibers of a lighter colour and much harder than any other part which pass longitudinally through the pulp or fleshey substance which forms the interior of this marine production-- [lewis, march , ] wednesday march th . it continued to rain and hail today in such manner that nothing further could be done to the canoes. a pratry were sent out early after the elk which was killed yesterday with which they returned in the course of a few hours. we gave comowooll alias connia, a cirtificate of his good conduct and the friendly intercourse which he has maintained with us during our residence at this place; we also gave him a list of our names.do not. the killamucks, clatsops, chinnooks, cathlahmahs and wac-ki-a-cums resemble each other as well in their persons and dress as in their habits and manners.--their complexion is not remarkable, being the usual copper brown of most of the tribes of north america. they are low in statue reather diminutive, and illy shapen; possessing thick broad flat feet, thick ankles, crooked legs wide mouths thick lips, nose moderately large, fleshey, wide at the extremity with large nostrils, black eyes and black coarse hair. their eyes are sometimes of a dark yellowish brown the puple black. i have observed some high acqualine noses among them but they are extreemty rare. the nose is generally low between the eyes.--the most remarkable trait in their physiognomy is the peculiar flatness and width of forehead which they artificially obtain by compressing the head between two boards while in a state of infancy and from which it never afterwards perfectly recovers. this is a custom among all the nations we have met with west of the rocky mountains. i have observed the heads of many infants, after this singular bandage had been dismissed, or about the age of or eleven months, that were not more than two inches thick about the upper edge of the forehead and reather thiner still higher. from the top of the head to the extremity of the nose is one streight line. this is done in order to give a greater width to the forehead, which they much admire. this process seems to be continued longer with their female than their mail children, and neither appear to suffer any pain from the operation. it is from this peculiar form of the head that the nations east of the rocky mountains, call all the nations on this side, except the aliahtans or snake indians, by the generic name of flat heads. i think myself that the prevalence of this custom is a strong proof that those nations having originally proceeded from the same stock. the nations of this neighbourhood or those recapitulated above, wear their hair loosly flowing on the back and sholders; both men and women divide it on the center of the crown in front and throw it back behind the ear on each side. they are fond of combs and use them when they can obtain them; and even without the aid of the comb keep their hair in better order than many nations who are in other rispects much more civilized than themselves.--the large or apparently swolen legs particularly observable in the women are obtained in a great measure by tying a cord tight around the ankle. their method of squating or resting themselves on their hams which they seem from habit to prefer to siting, no doubt contributes much to this deformity of the legs by preventing free circulation of the blood. the dress of the man consists of a smal robe, which reaches about as low as the middle of the thye and is attatched with a string across the breast and is at pleasure turned from side to side as they may have occasion to disencumber the right or left arm from the robe entirely, or when they have occasion for both hands, the fixture of the robe is in front with it's corners loosly hanging over their arms. they sometimes wear a hat which has already been discribed. this robe is made most commonly of the skins of a small animal which i have supposed was the brown mungo, tho they have also a number, of the skins of the tiger cat, some of those of the elk which are used principally on their war excursions, others of the skins of the deer panther and bear and a blanket wove with the fingers of the wool of the native sheep. a mat is sometimes temperarily thrown over the sholders to protect them from rain. they have no other article of cloathing whatever neither winter nor summer. and every part except the sholders and back is exposed to view. they are very fond of the dress of the whites, which they wear in a similar manner when they can obtain them, except the shoe which i have never seen woarn by any of them. they call us pah-shish'e-ooks, or cloth men. the dress of the women consists of a robe, tissue, and sometimes when the weather is uncommonly cold, a vest. their robe is much smaller than that of the men, never reaching lower than the waist nor extending in front sufficiently far to cover the body. it is like that of the men confined across the breast with a string and hangs loosly over the sholders and back. the most esteemed and valuable of these robes are made of strips of the skins of the sea otter net together with the bark of the white cedar or silk-grass. these strips are first twisted and laid parallel with each other a little distance assunder, and then net or wove together in such manner that the fur appears equally on both sides, and unites between the strands. it make a warm and soft covering. other robes are formed in a similar manner of the skin of the rackoon, beaver &c. at other times the skin is dressed in the hair and woarn without any further preperation. in this way one beaver skin, or two of those of the raccoon or tiger catt forms the pattern of the robe. the vest is always formed in the manner first discribed of their robes and covers the body from the armpits to the waist, and is confined behind, and destitute of straps over the sholder to keep it up. when this vest is woarn the breast of the woman is concealed, but without it which is almost always the case, they are exposed, and from the habit of remaining loose and unsuspended grow to great length particularly in aged women in many of whom i have seen the hubby reach as low as the waist. the garment which occupys the waist, and from thence as low as nearly to the knee before and the ham, behind, cannot properly be denominated a petticoat, in the common acceptation of that term; it is a tissue of white cedar bark, bruised or broken into small shreds, which are interwoven in the middle by means of several cords of the same materials, which serve as well for a girdle as to hold in place the shreds of bark which form the tissue, and which shreds confined in the middle hang with their ends pendulous from the waist, the whole being of sufficient thickness when the female stands erect to conceal those parts usually covered from formiliar view, but when she stoops or places herself in many other attitudes, this battery of venus is not altogether impervious to the inquisitive and penetrating eye of the amorite. this tissue is sometimes formed of little twisted cords of the silk grass knoted at their ends and interwoven as discribed of the bark. this kind is more esteemed and last much longer than those of bark. they also form them of flags and rushes which are woarn in a similar manner. the women as well as the men sometimes cover themselves from the rain by a mat woarn over the sholders. they also cover their heads from the rain sometimes with a common water cup or basket made of the cedar bark and beargrass. these people seldom mark their skins by puncturing and introducing a colouring matter. such of them as do mark themselves in this manner prefer their legs and arms on which they imprint parallel lines of dots either longitudinally or circularly. the women more frequently than the men mark themselves in this manner. the favorite ornament of both sexes are the common coarse blue and white beads which the men wear tightly wound arond their wrists and ankles many times untill they obtain the width of three or more inches. they also wear them in large rolls loosly arond the neck, or pendulous from the cartelage of the nose or rims of the ears which are purforated for the purpose. the women wear them in a similar manner except in the nose which they never purforate. they are also fond of a species of wampum which is furnished them by a trader whom they call swipton. it seems to be the native form of the shell without any preperation. this shell is of a conic form somewhat curved, about the size of a raven's quill at the base, and tapering to a point which is sufficiently large to permit to hollow through which a small thred passes; it is from one to / inches in length, white, smooth, hard and thin. these are woarn in the same manner in which the beads are; and furnish the men with their favorite ornament for the nose. one of these shells is passed horizontally through the cartilage of the nose and serves frequently as a kind of ring to prevent the string which suspends other ornaments at the same part from chafing and freting the flesh. the men sometimes wear collars of bears claws, and the women and children the tusks of the elk variously arranged on their necks arms &c. both males and females wear braslets on their wrists of copper brass or iron in various forms. i think the most disgusting sight i have ever beheld is these dirty naked wenches. the men of these nations partake of much more of the domestic drudgery than i had at first supposed. they collect and prepare all the fuel, make the fires, assist in cleansing and preparing the fish, and always cook for the strangers who visit them. they also build their houses, construct their canoes, and make all their wooden utensils. the peculiar provence of the woman seems to be to collect roots and manufacture various articles which are prepared of rushes, flags, cedar bark, bear grass or waytape. the management of the canoe for various purposes seems to be a duty common to both sexes, as also many other occupations which with most indian nations devolves exclusively on the woman. their feasts which they are very fond are always prepared and served by the men. comowool and the two cathlahmahs left us this evening. it continued to rain so constantly today that sergt. pryor could not pitch his canoes. [clark, march , ] wednesday march th inds. descd. it continued to rain and hail in such a manner that nothing could be done to the canoes. a party were sent out early after the elk which was killed last evening, with which they returned in the course of a fiew hours, we gave commorwool alias cania, a certificate of his good conduct and the friendly intercourse which he has maintained with us dureing our residence at this place; we also gave him a list of our names &c.--the kilamox, clatsops, chinnooks, cath lah mahs wau ki a cum and chiltz i-resemble each other as well in their persons and dress as in their habits and manners.--their complexion is not remarkable, being the usial copper brown of the tribes of north america. they are low in statue reather diminutive, and illy shaped, possessing thick broad flat feet, thick ankles, crooked legs, wide mouths, thick lips, noses stuk out and reather wide at the base, with black eyes and black coarse hair. i have observed some high acqualine noses among them but they are extreemly reare. the most remarkable trate in their physiognamy is the peculiar flatness and width of the forehead which they artificially obtain by compressing the head between two boards while in a state of infancy, and from which it never afterwards perfectly recovers. this is a custom among all the nations, we have met with west of the rocky mountains. i have observed the head of maney infants, after this singular bandage had been dismissed, or about the age of or months, that were not more than two inches thick about the upper part of the forehead and reather thiner still higher. from the top of the head to the extremity of the nose is one streight line. this is done in order to give a greater width to the forehead, which they much admire. this process seams to be continued longer with their female than their male children, and neither appears to suffer any pain from the opperation. it is from this peculiar form of the head that the nations east of the rocky mountains, call all the nations on this side, except aliahtans, so-so-ne, or snake indians by the general name of flat heads. i think my self that the provalence of this custom is a strong proof of those nations haveing originally proceeded from the same stock. the nations of this neighbourhood or those recpitulated above, ware their hair loosly flowing on their back and sholders; both men and women divide it on the center of the crown in front and throw it back behind the ear on each side. they are fond of combs and use them when they can obtain them; and even without the aid of combs keep their in better order, than inaney nations who are in other respects much more civilized than themselves. the large or apparently sweled legs particularly observable in the women, are obtained in a great measure by tying a cord tight around the leg above the ancle bone. their method of squating or resting themselves on their hams which they seam from habit to prefer to setting, no doubt contributes much to this deformity of the legs by preventing free circulation of the blood. this is also the custom of the nations above. the dress of the men like those above on the columbia river consists of a small robe, which reaches about as low as the middle of the thye and is attatched with a string across the breast and is at pleasure turned from side to side as they may have an occasion to disincumber the right or left arm from the robe entirely, or when they have occasion for both hands, the fixture of the robe is in front with it's corner loosly hanging over their arms. they sometimes wear a hat which have already been discribed (see th jany.) their robes are made most commonly of the skins of a small animal which i have supposed was the brown mungo, tho they have also a number of the skins of the tiger cat, some of those of the elk which are used principally on their war excursions, others of the skins of deer, panthor, bear, and the speckle loon, and blankets wove with the fingers of the wool of the native sheep. and some of those on the sea coast have robes of beaver and the sea otter. a mat is sometimes temperaly thrown over the sholders to protect them from rain. they have no other article of cloathing whatever neither winter nor summer, and every part except the sholders and back is exposed to view. they are very fond of the dress of the whites, which they ware in a similar manner when they can obtain them, except the shoe or mockerson which i have never seen worn by any of them. they call us pah-shish-e-ooks or cloath men. the dress of the women consists of a roab, tissue, and sometimes when the weather is uncommonly cold, a vest. their robe is much smaller than that of the men, never reaching lower than the waist nor extending in front sufficiently far to cover the body. it is like that of the men confined across the breast with a string and hangs loosely over the sholders and back. the most esteemed & valuable of those robes are made of strips of the skin of the sea otter net together with the bark of the white cedar or silk grass. these fish are first twisted and laid parallel with each other a little distance asunder, and then net or wove together in such a manner that the fur appears equally on both sides, and united between the strands. it makes a worm and soft covering. other robes are formed in a similar manner of the skins of the rackoon, beaver &c. at other times the skins is dressed in the hair and worn without any further preperation. in this way one beaver skin or two of the rackoon or one of the tiger cat forms a vest and covers the body from the armpits to the waist, and is confined behind, and destitute of straps over the sholder to keep it up. when this vest is worn the breast of the woman in consealed, but without it which is almost always the case, they are exposed, and from the habit of remaining loose and unsuspended grow to great length, particularly in aged women, on many of whome i have seen the bubby reach as low as the waist. the petticoat or tissue which occupies the waiste has been already described (see th novr. ) formd. of the bark of white cedar, silk grass, flags & rushes. the women as well as the men sometimes cover themselves from the rain by a mat worn over the sholders. they also cover their heads from the rain sometimes with a common water cup or basket made of cedar bark and bear grass. those people sometimes mark themselves by punctureing and introducing a colouring matter. such of them as do mark themselves in this manner prefur the legs and arms on which they imprint parallel lines of dots either longitudinally or circularly. the woman more frequently than the men mark themselves in this manner. the favorite orniments of both sexes are the common coarse blue and white beads as before discribed of the chinnooks. those beads the men wear tightly wound around their wrists and ankles maney times untill they obtain the width of three or four inches. they also wear them in large rolls loosly around the neck, or pendulous from the cartelage of the nose or rims of the ears which are purfarated in different places round the extremities for the purpose. the woman wear them in a similar manner except in the nose which they never purfarate. they are also fond of a species of wompum, which is furnished by a trader whome they call swipton. it seams to be the nativ form of the shell without any preperation. this shell is of a conic form somewhat curved about the size of a ravens quill at the base, and tapering to a point which is sufficiently large to permit a hollow through which a small thread passes; it is from to / inches in length, white, smooth, hard and thin these are worn in the same manner in which the beeds are; and furnish the men with their favorite orniment for the nose. one of these shells is passed horizontally through cartilage of the nose and serves frequently as a kind of ring which prevents the string which suspends other orniments at the same part from chafing and freting the flesh. the men sometimes wear collars of bears claws, and the women and children the tusks of the elk variously arranged on their necks arms &c. both male and female wear bracelets on their wrists of copper, brass or iron in various forms. the women sometimes wash their faces & hands but seldom. i think the most disgusting sight i have ever beheld is those dirty naked wenches. the men of those nations partake of much more of the domestic drudgery than i had at first supposed. they collect and prepare all the fuel, make the fires, cook for the strangers who visit them, and assist in cleaning and prepareing the fish. they also build their houses, construct their canoes, and make all their wooden utensils. the peculiar province of the woman seams to be to collect roots and manufacture various articles which are prepared of rushes, flags, cedar bark, bear grass or way tape, also dress and manufacture the hats & robes for common use. the management of the canoe for various purposes seams to be a duty common to both sexes, as are many other occupations which with most indian nations devolve exclusively on the womin. their feasts of which they are very fond are always prepared and served by the men.-.-. it continued to rain so constantly dureing the day that sergt. pryor could not pay his canoes. the clatsop chief commowool and the two cath-lah-mahs left us this evening and returned to their village. [lewis, march , ] thursday march th . it continued to rain and blow so violently today that nothing could be done towards forwarding our departure. we intended to have dispatched drewyer and the two fieldses to hunt near the bay on this side of the cathlahmahs untill we jounded them from hence, but the rain rendered our departure so uncertain that we declined this measure for the present. nothing remarkable happened during the day. we have yet several days provision on hand, which we hope will be sufficient to subsist us during the time we are compelled by the weather to remain at this place. altho we have not fared sumptuously this winter and spring at fort clatsop, we have lived quite as comfortably as we had any reason to expect we should; and have accomplished every object which induced our remaining at this place except that of meeting with the traders who visit the entrance of this river. our salt will be very sufficient to last us to the missouri where we have a stock in store.--it would have been very fortunate for us had some of those traders arrived previous to our departure from hence, as we should then have had it our power to obtain an addition to our stock of merchandize which would have made our homeward bound journey much more comfortable. many of our men are still complaining of being unwell; willard and bratton remain weak, principally i beleive for the want of proper food. i expect when we get under way we shall be much more healthy. it has always had that effect on us heretofore. the guns of drewyer and sergt. pryor were both out of order. the first was repared with a new lock, the old one having become unfit for uce; the second had the cock screw broken which was replaced by a duplicate which had been prepared for the lock at harpers ferry where she was manufactured. but for the precaution taken in bringing on those extra locks, and parts of locks, in addition to the ingenuity of john shields, most of our guns would at this moment been untirely unfit for use; but fortunately for us i have it in my power here to record that they are all in good order. [clark, march , ] thursday march th it continued to rain and blow so violently to day that nothing could be done towards fowarding our departure. we intended to have dispatched drewyer & the field'es to hunt above point william untill we joined them from hense but the rain renders our departure so uncertain that we decline this measure for the present. nothing remarkable happened dureing the day. we have yet several days provisions on hand, which we hope will be sufficient to serve us dureing the time we are compell'd by the weather to remain at this place.-. altho we have not fared sumptuously this winter & spring at fort clatsop, we have lived quit as comfortably as we had any reason to expect we should; and have accomplished every object which induced our remaining at this place except that of meeting with the traders who visit the enterance of this river. our salt will be very sufficient to last us to the missouri where we have a stock in store.--it would have been very fortunate for us had some of those traders arrived previous to our departure from hence; as we should then have had it in our power to obtain an addition to our stock of merchandize, which would have made our homeward bound journey much more comfortable. maney of our men are still complaining of being unwell; bratten and willard remain weak principally i believe for the want of proper food. i expect when we get under way that we shall be much more healthy. it has always had that effect on us heretofore. the guns of sergt. pryor & drewyer were both out of order. the first had a cock screw broken which was replaced by a duplicate which had been prepared for the locks at harpers ferry; the second repared with a new lock, the old one becoming unfit for use. but for the precaution taken in bringing on those extra locks, and parts of locks, in addition to the ingenuity of john shields, most of our guns would at this moment been entirely unfit for use; but fortunate for us i have it in my power here to record that they are in good order, and complete in every respect- [lewis, march , ] friday march st . as we could not set out we thought it best to send out some hunters and accordingly dispatched sheilds and collins on this side the netul for that purpose with orders to return in the evening or sooner if they were successfull. the hunters returned late in the evening unsuccessfull. we have not now more than one day's provision on hand. we directed drewyer and the feildses to set out tomorrow morning early, and indevour to provide us some provision on the bay beyond point william. we were visited to day by some clatsop indians who left us in the evening. our sick men willard and bratton do not seem to recover; the former was taken with a violent pain in his leg and thye last night. bratton is now so much reduced that i am somewhat uneasy with rispect to his recovery; the pain of which he complains most seems to be seated in the small of his back and remains obstinate. i beleive that it is the rheumatism with which they are both afflicted. [clark, march , ] friday march st as we could not set out we thought it best to send out some hunters and accordingly dispatched shields and collins on this side of the netul for that purpose with orders to return in the evening or sooner if they were successfull. they returned late in the evening unsuccessfull. we have not now more than two days provisions on hand. we derected drewyer and the two fieldses to set out tomorrow morning early, and indevour to provide us some provision on the bay beyond point william. we were visited to day by some clatsops who left us in the evening. our sick men willard and bratten do not seem to recover; the former was taken with a violent pain in his leg and thye last night. bratten is now so much reduced that i am somewhat uneasy with respect to his recovery; the pain of which he complains most seems to be settled in the small of his back and remains obstenate. i believe that it is the rheumatism with which they are both affected.-. [lewis, march , ] saturday march cd . drewyer and the feildses departed this morning agreably to the order of the last evening. we sent out seven hunters this morning in different directions on this side the netul. about a.m. we were visited by clatsops and a killamucks; they brought some dried anchoveis and a dog for sale which we purchased. the air is perefectly temperate, but it continues to rain in such a manner that there be is no possibility of geting our canoes completed.--at ock. we were visited by comowooll and of the clatsops. to this cheif we left our houses and funiture. he has been much more kind an hospitable to us than any other indian in this neighbourhood. the indians departed in the evening. the hunters all returned except colter, unsuccessfull. we determined to set out tomorrow at all events, and to stop the canoes temperarily with mud and halt the first fair day and pay them. the leafing of the hucklebury riminds us of spring. [clark, march , ] saturday march nd drewyer and the two fieldses departed this morning agreably to the order of last evening. we sent out six hunters this morning in different directions on both sides of the netul. about a.m. we were visited by que-ne-o alias commorwool clatsops and a kil-a-mox; they brought some dried anchovies, a common otter skin and a dog for sale all of which we purchased. the dog we purchased for our sick men, the fish for to add to our small stock of provision's, and the skin to cover my papers. those indians left us in the evening. the air is perfectly temperate, but it continues to rain in such a manner that there is no possibillity of getting our canoes completed in order to set out on our homeward journey. the clatsops inform us that several of their nation has the sore throat, one of which has laterly died with this disorder. the hunters sent out to day all returned except colter unsessfull. [lewis, march , ] sunday march rd . half after a.m. colter arrived, having killed one elk but so distant that we could not send for the meat and get arround point william today, we therefore prefered seting out and depending on drewyer and the hunters we have sent forward for meat. the wind is pretty high but it seems to be the common opinion that we can pass point william. we accordingly distributed the baggage and directed the canoes to be launched and loaded for our departure.--at p.m. we bid a final adieu to fort clatsop. we had not proceeded more than a mile before we met delashelwilt and a party of chinnooks men and women. this cheif leaning that we were in want of a canoe some days past, had brought us one for sale, but being already supplyed we did not purchase it. i obtained one sea otter skin from this party. at a / before three we had passed meriwethers bay and commenced coasting the difficult shore; at / after five we doubled point william, and at arrived in the mouth of a small creek where we found our hunters. they had killed elk, at the distance of a mile & / . it was too late to send after it this evening. we therefore encamped on the stard side of the creek. the wind was not very hard. [clark, march , ] sunday rd march this morning proved so raney and uncertain that we were undeturmined for some time whether we had best set out & risque the river which appeared to be riseing or not. jo. colter returned haveing killed an elk about miles towards point adams. the rained seased and it became fair about meridean, at which time we loaded our canoes & at p.m. left fort clatsop on our homeward bound journey. at this place we had wintered and remained from the th of decr. to this day and have lived as well as we had any right to expect, and we can say that we were never one day without meals of some kind a day either pore elk meat or roots, not withstanding the repeeted fall of rain which has fallen almost constantly since we passed the long narrows on the ____ of novr. last indeed we have had only ____ days fair weather since that time. soon after we had set out from fort clatsop we were met by de lash el wilt & men of the chinnooks, and delashelwilts wife the old bond and his six girls, they had, a canoe, a sea otter skin, dried fish and hats for sale, we purchased a sea otter skin, and proceeded on, thro meriwethers bay, there was a stiff breese from the s. w. which raised considerable swells around meriwethers point which was as much as our canoes could ride. above point william we came too at the camp of drewyer & the field's. they had killed elk which was about / miles distant. here we encampd. for the night having made miles. [lewis, march , ] monday march th . this morning we sent out a party of , at light, for the meat, and concluded to take breakfast before we set out. they soon returned. we breakfasted and set out at / after a.m. saw a white woodpecker with a red head of the small kind common to the united states; this bird has but lately returned. they do not remain during the winter. the country thick and heavily timbered. we saw very few waterfowl today, not a single swan, white brant nor a small goose is to be seen. a few cormorant, duckinmallard, butterbox, and common large geese were only to be found the tide being out this morning we found some difficulty in passing through the bay below the cathlahmah village; this side of the river is very shallow to the distance of miles from the shore tho there is a channel sufficient for canoes near s. side. at p.m. we arrived at the cathlahmah village where we halted and purchased some wappetoe, a dog for the sick, and a hat for one of the men. on one of the seal islands opposite to the village of these people thy have scaffolded their dead in canoes elivating them above tidewater mark. these people are very fond of sculpture in wood of which they exhibit a variety of specemines about their houses. the broad peices supporting the center of the roof and those through which the doors are cut, seem to be the peices on which they most display their taist. i saw some of these which represented human figures setting and supporting the burthen on their sholders. at half after p.m. we set out and continued our rout among the seal islands; not paying much attention we mistook our rout which an indian perceiving pursued overtook us and put us in the wright channel. this cathlahmah claimed the small canoe which we had taken from the clatsops. however he consented very willingly to take an elk's skin for it which i directed should be given him and he immediately returned. we continued our rout along the south side of the river and encamped at an old village of houses opposite to the lower wackkiacum village. the night was cold tho wood was abundant after dark two chinnook men came to us in a small canoe. they remained with us all night. came miles today. [clark, march , ] monday th of march sent out men verry early this morning for the flesh of the two elk killed by drewyer and fields yesterday. they returned at oclock, after taking a slight brackfast we set out at half past a.m. and proceeded to the cath lah mah village at p.m. and remained untill / after p.m.at this village we purchased a fiew wappato and a dog for our sick men willard and bratten who are yet in a weak state. at this village i saw two very large elegant canoes inlaid with shills, those shills i took to be teeth at first view, and the nativs informed several of the men that they the teeth of their enemies which they had killed in war. in examineing of them closely haveing taken out several pices, we found that were sea shells which yet contained a part of the iner ____ they also deckerate their smaller wooden vessles with those shells which have much the appearance of humane teeth, capt cook may have mistaken those shills verry well for humane teeth without a close examination. the village of these people is the dirtiest and stinkingest place i ever saw in any shape whatever, and the inhabitants partake of the carrestick of the village. we proceeded on through some difficult and narrow channels between the seal islands, and the south side to an old village on the south side opposit to the lower war ki a com village, and encamped. to this old villg. a very considerable deposit of the dead at a short distance below, in the usial and customary way of the nativs of this coast in canoes raised from the ground as before described. soon after we made our camp indians visited us from the opposit side, one of them spoke several words of english and repeeted the names of the traders, and maney of the salors. made miles [lewis, march , ] tuesday march th . the morning being disagreeably cold we remained and took break-fast. at a.m. we set out and continued our rout along the south coast of the river against the wind and a strong current, our progress was of course but slow. at noon we halted and dined. here some clatsops came to us in a canoe loaded with dryed anchovies, which they call olthen, wappetoe and sturgeon. they informed us that they had been up on a trading voyage to the skillutes.--i observe that the green bryer which i have previously mentioned as being common on this river below tide water retains it's leaves all winter.--the red willow and seven bark begin to put fourth their leaves.--after dinner we passed the river to a large island and continued our rout allong the side of the same about a mile when we arrived at a cathlahmah fishing cam of one lodge; here we found men women and a couple of boys, who from appearances had remained here some time for the purpose of taking sturgeon, which they do by trolling. they had ten or douzen very fine sturgeon which had not been long taken. we offered to purchase some of their fish but they asked us such an extravegant price that we declined purchase. one of the men purchased a sea otterskin at this lodge, for which he gave a dressed elkskin and an handkercheif. near this lodge we met some cathlahmahs who had been up the river on a fishing excurtion. they had a good stock of fish on board, but did not seem disposed to sell them. we remained at this place about half an hour and then continued our rout up the island to it's head and passed to the south side. the wind in the evening was very hard. it was with some difficulty that we could find a spot proper for an encampment, the shore being a swamp for several miles back; at length late in the evening opposite to the place we had encamped on the th of november last; we found the entrance of a small creek which afforded us a safe harbour from the wind and encamped. the ground was low and moist tho we obtained a tolerable encampment. here we found another party of cathlahmahs about in number who had established a temperary residence for the purpose of fishing and taking seal. they had taken a fine parcel of sturgeon and some seal. they gave us some of the fleese of the seal which i found a great improvement to the poor elk. here we found drewyer and the feildses who had been seperated from us since morning; they had passed on the north side of the large island which was much nearer. the bottom lands are covered with cottonwood, the growth with a broad leaf which resembles ash except the leaf. the underbrush red willow, broad leafed willow, sevenbark, goosburry, green bryer & the larged leafed thorn; the latter is now in bloom; the natives inform us that it bears a freut about an inch in diameter which is good to eat. [clark, march , ] tuesday th of march last night and this morning are cool wend hard a head and tide going out, after an early brackfast we proceeded on about miles and came too on the south side to worm and dry our selves a little. soon after we had landed two indians came from a war kia cum village on the opposit side with dogs and a fiew wappato to sell neither of which we bought. som clatsops passed down in a canoe loaded with fish and wappato. as the wind was hard a head and tide against us we concluded to delay untill the return of the tide which we expected at oclock, at which hour we set out met two canoes of clatsops loaded with dried anchovies and sturgion which they had taken and purchased above we crossed over to an island on which was a cath lahmah fishing camp of one lodge; here we found man two woman and a couple of boys who must have for some time for the purpose of taking sturgeon which they do by trolling. they had or very fine sturgeon which had not been long taken; we wished to purchase some of their fish but they asked such extravegent prices that we declined purchaseing. one of our party purchased a sea otter skin at this lodge for which he gave a dressed elk skin & a handkerchief. we remained at this place about half an hour and then continued our rout. the winds in the evening was verry hard, it was with some dificuelty that we could find a spot proper for an encampment, the shore being a swamp for several miles back; at length late in the evening opposit to the place we had encamped on the th of novr. last; we found the enterance of a small creek which offered us a safe harbour from the winds and encamped. the ground was low and moist tho we obtained a tolerable encampment. here we found another party of cathlahmahs about in number, who had established a temporary residence for the purpose of fishing and takeing seal. they had taken about sturgeon and some seal. they gave us some of the flesh of the seal which i found a great improvement to the poor elk. here we found drewyer and the fields who had been seperated from us since morning; they had passed on the north side of the large island which was much nearest. the bottom lands are covered with a species of arspine, the growth with a broad leaf which resembles ash except the leaf. the under brush red willow, broad leafed willow, seven bark, goose berry, green bryor, and the larged leaf thorn; the latter is now in blume, the nativs inform us that it bears a fruit about an inch in diamieter which is good to eate. the red willow and bark begin to put foth their leaves. the green bryor which i have before mentioned retains leaves all winter. made miles [lewis, march , ] wednesday march th . the wind blew so hard this morning that we delayed untill a.m. we gave a medal of small size to a man by the name of wal-lal'-le, a principal man among the cathlahmahs, he appeared very thankfull for the honour conferred on him and presented us a large sturgeon. we continued our rout up the river to an old village on the stard. side where we halted for dinner. we met on the way the principal cheif of the cathlahmahs, sah-hah-woh-cap, who had been up the river on a trading voyage. he gave us some wappetoe and fish; we also purchased some of the latter. soon after we halted for dinner the two wackiacums who have been pursuing us since yesterday morning with two dogs for sale, arrived. they wish tobacco in exchange for their dogs which we are not disposed to give as our stock is now reduced to a very few carrots. our men who have been accustomed to the use of this article tobaco and to whom we are now obliged to deny the uce of this article appear to suffer much for the want of it. they substitute the bark of the wild crab which they chew; it is very bitter, and they assure me they find it a good substitute for tobacco. the smokers substitute the inner bark of the red willow and the sacacommis. here our hunters joined us having killed three eagles and a large goose. i had now an oportunity of comparing the bald with the grey eagle; i found that the greay eagle was about / larger, it's legs and feet were dark while those of the bald eagle wer of a fine orrange yellow; the iris of the eye is also of a dark yellowish brown while that of the other is of a bright silvery colour with a slight admixture of yellow. after dinner we proceeded on and passed an elegant and extensive bottom on the south side and an island near it's upper point which we call fanny's island and bottom. the greater part of the bottom is a high dry prarie. near the river towards the upper point we saw a fine grove of whiteoak trees; we saw some deer and elk at a distance in the prarie, but did not delay for the purpose of hunting them. we continued our rout after dinner untill late in the evening and encamped on the next island above fanny's island. we found it difficult to obtain as much wood as answered our purposes. the hunters who had proceeded on before us after dinner did not join us this evening. some indians visited us after dark, but did not remain long. agreeably to our estimate as we decended the river, we came m. rd, m. the th, the th, and m. the th, tho i now think that our estimate in decending the river was too short. [clark, march , ] wednesday march th the wind blew so hard untill a m. that we detained, we gave a medal to a man by the name of wal-lal-le a principal man among the cath lah mahs, he appeared very thankfull for the honor confured on him and presented us with a large sturgion. we continued our rout up the river to an old village on the south side where we halted for dinner. we met on the way the principal chief of the cathlahmahs, sah-hah-wah-cop, who had been up the river on a trading voyage, he gave us some wappato and fish, we also purchased some wappato soon after halted for dinner at an old village on the south point opposit the lower pt. of fannys island. the two warkiacums who had been pursueing us since yester day morning with two dogs for sale, arrived. they wish tobacco in exchange for their dogs which we are not disposed to give, as our stock is now reduced to carrots. our men who have been acustomed to the use of this article, and to whome we are now obliged to deny the use of this article appear to suffer much for the want of it. they substitute the bark of the wild crab which they chew; it is very bitter and they assure me they find it a good substitute for tobacco. the smokers substitute the iner bark of the redwillow and the saccommis. here our hunters joined us haveing killed eagles and a large wild goose. i had now an oppertunity of comparing the bald with the grey eagle; i found the grey eagle about / largest, its legs and feet were dark which those of the bald eagle were of a fine orrange yellow; the iris of the eye is also of a dark yellowish brown, while that of the grey is of a light silvery colour with a slight admixture of yellow. after dinner i walked on shore through an eligant bottom on the south side opposit to fannys island. this bottom we also call fannys bottom it is extensive and an open leavel plain except near the river bank which is high dry rich oak land. i saw some deer & elk at a distance in the prarie. we continued untill late in the evening and encamped on a small island near the middle of the river haveing made miles. indians visited us this evining [lewis, march , ] thursday march th . we set out early this morning and were shortly after joined by some of the skillutes who came along side in a small canoe for the purpose of trading roots and fish. at a.m. we arrived at two houses of this nation on the stard. side where we halted for breakfast. here we overtook our hunters, they had killed nothing. the natives appeared extreemly hospitable, gave us dryed anchovies, sturgeon, wappetoe, quamash, and a speceis of small white tuberous roots about inches in length and as thick as a man's finger; these are eaten raw, are crisp, milkey, and agreeably flavored. most of the party were served by the natives with as much as they could eat; they insisted on our remaining all day with them and hunting the elk and deer which they informed us were very abundant in their neighbourhood. but as the weather would not permit us to dry our canoes in order to pitch them we declined their friendly invitation, and resumed our voyage at ock. the principal village of these skillutes reside on the lower side of the cow-e-lis'-kee river a few miles from it's entrance into the columbia. these people are said to be numer-ous. in their dress, habits, manners and language they differ but little from the clatsops chinnooks &c. they have latterly been at war with chinnooks but peace is said now to be restored between them, but their intercourse is not yet resumed. no chinnooks come above the marshey islands nor do the skillutes visit the mouth of the columbia. the clatsops, cathlahmahs and wackkiacums are the carriers between these nations being in alliance with both.--the coweliskee is yards wide, is deep and from indian information navigable a very considerable distance for canoes. it discharges itself into the columbia about three miles above a remarkable high rocky vole which is situated on the n. side of the river by which it is washed on the south side and is seperated from the nothern hills of the river by a wide bottom of several miles to which it is united. i suspect that this river waters the country lying west of the range of mountains which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids, and north of the same nearly to the low country which commences on the n. w. coast about latitude ____ north. above the skillutes on this river another nation by the name of the hul-loo-et-tell reside, who are said also to be numerous. at the distance of m. above the village at which we breakfasted we passed the entrance of this river; we saw several fishing camps of the skillutes on both sides of the columbia, and were attended all the evening by parties of the natives in their canoes who visited us for the purpose of trading their fish and roots; we purchased as many as we wished on very moderate terms; they seemed perfectly satisfyed with the exchange and behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. late in the evening we passed our camp of the th of november and encamped about / above at the commencement of the bottom land on stard. below deer island. we had scarcely landed before we were visited by a large canoe with eight men; from them we obtained a dryed fruit which resembled the raspburry and which i beeive to be the fruit of the large leafed thorn frequently mentioned. it is reather ascid tho pleasently flavored. i preserved a specemine of this fruit i fear that it has been baked in the process of drying and if so the seed will not vegitate. saw the cottonwood, sweet willow, oak, ash and the broad leafed ash, the growth which resembles the beach &c. these form the growth of the bottom lands while the hills are covered almost exclusively with the various speceis of fir heretofore discribed. the black alder appears as well on some parts of the hills as the bottoms. before we set out from the skillute village we sent on gibson's canoe and drewyers with orders to proceed as fast as they could to deer island and there to hunt and wait our arrival. we wish to halt at that place to repair our canoes if possible. the indians who visited us this evening remained but a short time, they passed the river to the oposite side and encamped. the night as well as the day proved cold wet and excessively disagreeable. we came miles today. [clark, march , ] thursday march th . a rainey disagreeable night rained the greater part of the night we set out this morning verry early and proceeded on to two houses of the skil-lute indians on the south side here we found our hunters who had seperated from us last evening. the wind rose and the rain became very hard soon after we landed here we were very friendly receved by the natives who gave all our party as much fish as they could eate, they also gave us wappato and pashaquaw roots to eate prepared in their own way. also a species of small white tuberous roots about inches in length and as thick as a mans finger, these are eaten raw, or crips, milkey and agreeably flavoured; the nativs insisted on our remaining all day with them and hunt the elk and deer which they informed us was very abundant in this neighbourhood. but as the weather would not permit our drying our canoes in order to pitch them, we declined their friendly invertation, and resumed our voyage at oclock. the principal village of the skil-lutes is situated on the lower side of the cow-e-lis kee river a fiew miles from it's enterance into the columbia. those people are said to be noumerous, in their dress, habits, manners and language they differ but little from the clatsops, chinnooks &c. they have latterly been at war with the chinnooks, but peace is said to be now restored between them, but their inter course is not yet restored. no chinnook come above the warkiacums, nor do the skillutes visit the mouth of the columbia. the clatsops, cath lahmahs & war kia coms are the carriers between those nations being in alliance with both-. the cow e lis kee river is yards wide, is deep and from indian information navigable a very considerable distance for canoes. it discharges itself into the columbia about miles above a remarkable knob which is high and rocky and situated on the north side of the columbia, and seperated from the northern hills of the river by a wide bottom of several miles, to which it united. i suspect that this river waters the country lying west of a range of mountains which passes the columbia between the great falls and rapids, and north of the same nearly to the low country which commences on the n w. coast about latitude ° ____ north. above the skil lutes on this river another nation by the name of the hul-loo-et-tell reside who are said also to be numerous. at the distance of miles above the village at which we brackfast we passed the enterance of this river; we saw several fishing camps of the skillutes on both sides of the columbia, and also on both sides of this river. we were attended all the evening by parties of the nativs in their canoes who visited us for the purpose of tradeing their fish and roots; we purchased as maney as we wished on very moderate terms; they seamed perfectly satisfied with the exchange and behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. late in the evening we passed the place we camped the th of novr. and encamped about miles above at the commencement of the columbian vally on the stard. side below deer island. we had scercily landed before we were visited by a large canoe with men; from them we obtained a dried fruit which resembled the raspberry and which i beleave is the fruit of the large leafed thorn frequently mentioned. it is reather ascide tho pleasently flavored. saw cotton wood, sweet willow, white oake, ash and the broad leafed ash the growth which resembles the bark &c. these form the groth of the bottom lands, whilst the hills are almost exclusively covered with the various species of fir heretofore discribed. the black alder appears on maney parts of the hills sides as on the bottoms. before we set out from the houses where we brackfast we sent on two canoes with the best hunters, with orders to pro ceed as fast as they could to deer island and there to hunt and wait our arrival. we wish to halt at that place and repare of our canoes if possible. the indians that visited us this evining remained but a short time, they passed over to an island and encamped. the night as well as the day proved cold wet and excessively disagreeable. we came miles in the course of this day. [lewis, march , ] friday march th . this morning we set out very early and at a.m. arrived at the old indian village on lard side of deer island where we found our hunters had halted and left one man with the two canoes at their camp; they had arrived last evening at this place and six of them turned out to hunt very early this morning; by a.m. they all returned to camp having killed seven deer. these were all of the common fallow deer with the long tall. i measured the tail of one of these bucks which was upwards of inches long; they are very poor, tho they are better than the black tailed fallow deer of the coast. these are two very distinct speceis of deer. the indians call this large island e-lal-lar or deer island which is a very appropriate name. the hunters informed us that they had seen upwards of a hundred deer this morning on this island. the interior part of the island is praries and ponds, with a heavy growth of cottonwood ash and willow near the river. we have seen more waterfowl on this island than we have previously seen since we left fort clatsop, consisting of geese, ducks, large swan, and sandhill crams. i saw a few of the canvisback duck. the duckinmallard are the most abundant. one of the hunters killed a duck which appeared to be the male, it was a size less than the duckinmallard. the head neck as low as the croop, the back tail and covert of the wings were of a fine black with a small addmixture of perple about the head and neck, the belley & breast were white; some long feathers which lie underneath the wings and cover the thye were of a pale dove colour with fine black specks; the large feathers of the wings are of a dove colour. the legs are dark, the feet are composed of toes each of which there are three in front connected by a web, the th is short hat and placed high on the heel behind the leg. the tail is composed of short pointed feathers. the beak of this duck is remarkably wide, and is inches in length, the upper chap exceeds the under one in both length and width, insomuch that when the beak is closed the under is entirly concealed by the upper chap. the tongue, indenture of the margin of the chaps &c. are like those of the mallard. the nostrils are large longitudinal and connected. a narrow strip of white garnishes the upper part or base of the upper chap; this is succeeded by a pale skye blue colour which occupys about one inch of the chap, is again succeeded by a transverse stripe of white and the extremity is of a pure black. the eye is moderately large the puple black and iris of a fine orrange yellow. the feathers on the crown of the head are longer than those on the upper part of neck and other parts of the head; these feathers give it the appearance of being crested. at / after ten a.m. it became fair, and we had the canoes which wanted repairing hailed out and with the assistance of fires which we had kindled for the purpose dryed them sufficiently to receive the pitch which was immediately put on them; at in the evening we had them compleat and again launched and reloaded. we should have set out, but as some of the party whom we had permitted to hunt since we arrived have not yet returned we determined to remain this evening and dry our beding baggage &c. the weather being fair. since we landed here we were visited by a large canoe with ten natives of the quathlahpahtle nation who are numerous and reside about seventeen miles above us on the lard. side of the columbia, at the entrance of a small river. they do not differ much in their dress from those lower down and speak nearly the same language, it is in fact the same with a small difference of accent. we saw a great number of snakes on this island they were about the size and much the form of the common garter snake of the atlantic coast and like that snake are not poisonous. they have scuta on the abdomen and on the tail. the abdomen near the head, and jaws as high as the eyes, are of a bluefish white, which as it receedes from the head becomes of a dark brown. the field of the back and sides is black. a narrow stripe of a light yellow runs along the center of the back, on each side of this stripe there is a range of small transverse oblong spots of a pale brick ret which gradually deminish as they receede from the head and disappear at the commencement of the tail. the puple of the eye is black, with a narrow ring of white bordering it's edge; the ballance of the iris is of a dark yellowish brown.--the men who had been sent after the deer returned and brought in the remnent which the vultures and eagles had left us; these birds had devoured deer in the course of a few hours. the party killed and brought in three other deer a goose some ducks and an eagle. drewyer also killed a tiger cat. joseph fields informed me that the vultures had draged a large buck which he had killed about yards, had skined it and broken the back bone. we came five miles only today. [clark, march , ] friday march th this morning we set out verry early and at a.m. arived at an old indian village on the n e side of deer island where we found our hunters had halted and left one man with the canoes at their camp, they arrived last evening at this place, and six of them turned out very early to hunt, at a.m. they all returned to camp haveing killed seven deer, those were all of the common fallow deer with a long tail. i measured the tail of one of these bucks which was upwards of inches long; they are very poor, tho they are better than the black tail species of the sea coast. those are two very distinct species of deer. the indians call this large island e-lal-lar, or deer island, which is a very appropriate name. the hunters informed us that they had seen upwards of a hundred deer this morning on this island. the interior of this island is a prarie & ponds, with a heavy growth of cotton wood, ash & willow near the river. we have seen more water fowl on this island than we have previously seen since we left fort clatsop, consisting of geese, ducks, large swan & sand hill crains. i saw a fiew of the canvis back duck as i believe. at / after a.m. it became fair and we had the canoes which wanted repareing hauled out and with the assistance of fires which we had kindled for the purpose dryed them sufficiently to receve the pitch which was imedeately put on them; at in the evening we had them compleated and lanced and reloaded. we should have set out but some of the party whome we had permitid to hunt since we arrived heve not yet returned. we determined to remain here this evening and dry our bedding &c. the weather being fair. since we landed here we were visited by a large canoe with ten nativs of the quathlahpohtle nation who are numerous and reside about fourteen miles above us on the n e. side of the columbia above the enterance of a small river which the indians call chfih-w&h-na-hi-ooks. we saw a great number of snakes on this island; they were about the size and much the form of the garter snake of the u. s. the back and sides are black with a narrow stripe of light yellow along the center of the back, with small red spots on each side they have ____ scuta on the abdomin & ____ on the tail and are not poisonous. the men who had been sent after the deer returned with four only, the other haveing been eaten entirely by the voulturs except the skin. the men we had been permitted to hunt this evening killed deer eagles & a duck. the deer are remarkably pore. some rain in the after part of the day. we only made miles to day-. [lewis, march , ] saturday march th . we set out early this morning and proceeded along the side of deer island; halted at a.m. near its upper point and breakfasted. here we were joined by three men of the clan-nah-min-na-mun nation. the upper point of this island may be esteemed the lower side or commencement of the columbian valley. after breakfast we proceeded on and at the distance of miles from our encampment of the last evening we passed a large inlet yds in width. this inlet or arm of the river extends itself to the south or m. to the hills on that side of the river and receives the waters of a small creek which heads with killamucks river, and that of a bayau which passes out of the columbia about miles above, the large island thus formed we call wappetoe island. on this inlet and island the following nations reside, (viz) clan-nah-min-namun, clacks-star, cath-lah-cum-up, clah-in-na-ta, cath-lah-nah-qui-ah, and cath-lah-cam-mah-tup. the two first reside on the inlet and the others on the bayau and island.--observed a speceies of small wild onion growing among the moss on the rocks, they resemble the shives of our gardens and grow remarkably close together forming a perfect turf; they are quite as agreeably flavoured as the shives. on the north side of the columbia a little above the entrance of this inlet a considerable river discharges itself. this stream the natives call the cah-wah-na-hi-ooks. it is yards wide and at present discharges a large body of water, tho from the information of the same people it is not navigable but a short distance in consequence of falls and rappids a tribe called the hul-lu-ettell reside on this river above it's entr.--at the distance of three miles above the entrance of the inlet on the n. side behind the lower point of an island we arrived at the village of the cath-lah-poh-tle with consists of large wooden houses. here we arrived at p.m. the language of these people as well as those on the inlet and wappetoe island differs in some measure from the nations on the lower part of the river. tho many of their words are the same, and a great many others with the difference only of accent. the form of their houses and dress of the men, manner of living habits customs &c as far as we could discover are the same. their women wear their ornaments robes and hair as those do below tho here their hair is more frequently braded in two tresses and hang over each ear in front of the body. in stead of the tissue of bark woarn by the women below, they wear a kind of leather breech clout about the width of a common pocket handkerchief and reather longer. the two corners of this at one of the narrow ends are confined in front just above the hips; the other end is then brought between the legs, compressed into a narrow foalding bundel is drawn tight and the corners a little spread in front and tucked at the groin over and arround the part first confind about the waist. the small robe which dose not reach the waist is their usual and only garment commonly woarn be side that just mentioned. when the weather is a litte warm this robe is thrown aside and the leather truss or breech-clout constitutes the whole of their apparel. this is a much more indecent article than the tissue of bark, and bearly covers the mons venes, to which it is drawn so close that the whole shape is plainly perceived. the floors of most of their houses are on a level with the surface of the earth tho some of them are sunk two or feet beneath. the internal arrangement of their houses is the same with those of the nations below. they are also fond of sculpture. various figures are carved and painted on the peices which support the center of the roof, about their doors and beads. they had large quantities of dryed anchovies strung on small sticks by the gills and others which had been first dryed in this manner, were now arranged in large sheets with strings of bark and hung suspended by poles in the roofs of their houses; they had also an abundance of sturgeon and wappetoe; the latter they take in great quantities from the neighbouring bonds, which are numerous and extensive in the river bottoms and islands. the wappetoe furnishes the principal article of traffic with these people which they dispose of to the nations below in exchange for beads cloth and various articles. the natives of the sea coast and lower part of the river will dispose of their most valuable articles to obtain this root. they have a number of large symeters of iron from to feet long which hang by the heads of their beads; the blade of this weapon is thickest in the center tho thin even there. all it's edges are sharp and it's greatest width which is about inches from the point is about inches. the form is thus. this is a formidable weapon. they have heavy bludgeons of wood made in the same form nearly which i presume they used for the same purpose before they obtained metal. we purchased a considerable quantity of wappetoe, dogs, and sea otter skins of these people. they were very hospitable and gave us anchovies and wappetoe to eat. notwithstanding their hospitality if it deserves that appellation, they are great begers, for we had scarcely finished our repast on the wappetoe and anchovies which they voluntarily set before us before they began to beg. we gave them some small articles as is our custom on those occasions with which they seemed perfectly satisfyed. we gave the st cheif a small medal, which he soon transfered to his wife. after remaining at this place hours we set out & continued our rout between this island, which we now call cath-lah-poh-tle after the nation, and the lard shore. at the distance of miles we encamped in a small prarie on the main shore, having traveled miles by estimate. the river rising fast. great numbers of both the large and small swans, gees and ducks seen today. the former are very abundant in the ponds where the wappetoe is found, they feed much on this bulb. the female of the duck which was described yesterday is of a uniform dark brown with some yellowish brown intermixed in small specks on the back neck and breast. the garter snakes are innumerable, & are seen entwined arround each other in large bundles of forty or fifty lying about in different directions through the praries. the frogs are croaking in the swams and marhes; their notes do not differ from those of the atlantic states; they are not found in the salt marshes near the entrance of the river. heared a large hooting owl hollowing this evening. saw several of the crested fishers and some of the large and small black-birds. [clark, march , ] saturday march th we set out very early this morning and proceeded to the head of deer island and took brackfast. the morning was very cold wind sharp and keen off the rainge of mountains to the east covered with snow. the river is now riseing very fast and retards our progress very much as we are compelled to keep out at some distance in the curent to clear the bushes, and fallin trees and drift logs makeing out from the shore. dureing the time we were at brackfast a canoe with three indians of the clan-nar-min-na-mon nation came down, one of those men was dressed in a salors jacket & hat & the other two had a blanket each, those people differ but little either in their dress manners & language from the clatsops & chinnooks they reside on wappato inlet which is on the s w. side about miles above our encampment of the last night and is about miles from the lower point, four other tribes also reside on the inlet and since which passes on the south w. side of the island, the first tribe from the lower point is the clannarminamon, on the island, the clackster nation on the main s. w. shore. the next cath-lah-cum-up, clhh-in-na-ta, cath-lah-nah-qui-ah and at some distance further up is a tribe called cath-lah-com-mah-up those tribes all occupie single villages. we proceeded on to the lower point of the said island accompanied by the indians, & were met by canoes of nativs of the quath-lah-pah-tal who informed us that the chanel to the n e of the island was the proper one. we prosued their advice and crossed into the mouth of the chahwah-na-hi-ooks river which is about yards wide and a great portion of water into the columbia at this time it being high. the indians inform us that this river is crouded with rapids after some distance up it. several tribes of the hul-lu-et-tell nation reside on this river. at oclock p.m. we arived at the quath lah pah tie village of houses on main shore to the n e. side of a large island. those people in their habits manners customs and language differ but little from those of the clatsops and others below. here we exchanged our deer skins killed yesterday for dogs, and purchased others to the number of for provisions for the party, as the deer flesh is too poore for the men to subsist on and work as hard as is necessary. i also purchased a sea otter robe. we purchased wappatoe and some pashaquar roots. gave a medal of the small size to the principal chief, and at oclock reembarked and proceeded up on the n e. of an island to an inlet about mile above the village and encamped on a butifull grassy plat, where the nativs make a portage of their canoes and wappato roots to and from a large pond at a short dis-tance. in this pond the nativs inform us they collect great quantities of pappato, which the womin collect by getting into the water, sometimes to their necks holding by a small canoe and with their feet loosen the wappato or bulb of the root from the bottom from the fibers, and it imedeately rises to the top of the water, they collect & throw them into the canoe, those deep roots are the largest and best roots. great numbers of the whistling swan, gees and ducks in the ponds. soon after we landed of the nativs came up with wappato to sell a part of which we purchased. they continued but a short time. our men are recoverey fast. willard quit well & bratten much stronger. we made miles to day only. [lewis, march , ] sunday march th . we got under way very early in the morning, and had not reached the head of the island before we were met by three men of the clan-nah-minna-mun nation one of whom we recognized being the same who had accompanied us yesterday, and who was very pressing in his entreaties that we should visit his nation on the inlet s. w. of wappetoe island. at the distance of about m. or at the head of the quathlahpahtle island we met a party of the claxtars and cathlahcumups in two canoes; soon after we were met by several canoes of the different nations who reside on each side of the river near this place. wappetoe island is about miles long and from to in width; the land is high and extreemly fertile and intersected in many parts with ponds which produce great quantities of the sagittaria sagittifolia, the bulb of which the natives call wappetoe. there is a heavy growth of cottonwood, ash, the large leafed ash and sweet willow on most parts of this island. the black alder common on the coast has now disappeared. we passed several fishing camps on wappetoe island and at the distance of miles above quathlahpotle island on the n. e. side we halted for breakfast near the place we had encamped on the evening of the th of november last; here we were visited by several canoes which came off from two towns situated a little distance above us on wappetoe island. the st of these tribes about miles above us call themselves clan-nah-quah, the other about a mile above them call themselves mult-no-mah. from these visiters we purchased a sturgeon and some wappetoe and pashequa, for which we gave some small fishinghooks. these like the natives below are great higglers in dealing. at a.m. we set out and had not proceeded far before we came to a landing place of the natives where there were several large canoes drawn out on shore and several natives seting in a canoe apparently waiting our arrival; they joined the fleet and continued with us some miles. we halted a few minutes at this landing and the indians pointed to a village which was situated abut miles from the river behid a pond lying parallel with it on the n. e. side nearly opposite to the clan-nah-quah town. here they informed us that the sho-toes resided. here we were joined by several other canoes of natives from the island. most of these people accompanyed us untill in the evening when they all returned; their principal object i beive was merely to indulge their curiossity in looking at us. they appeared very friendly, tho most had taken the precaution to bring with them their warlike implements. we continued our rout along the n. e. shore of the river to the place we had halted to dine on the th of novembr opposite to the center of immage canoe island where the indians stole capt. clarks tomahawk. here we encamped a little before sunset in a beautifull prarie above a large pond having traveled m. i took a walk of a few miles through the prarie and an open grove of oak timber which borders the prarie on the back part. i saw deer in the course of my walk and much appearance of both elk and deer. joseph feields who was also out a little above me saw several elk and deer but killed none of them; they are very shye and the annual furn which is now dry and abundant in the bottoms makes so much nois in passing through it that it is extreemly difficult to get within reach of the game. fends killed and brought with him a duck. about p.m. an indian alone in a small canoe arrived at our camp, he had some conversation with the centinel and soon departed. the natives who inhabit this valley are larger and reather better made than those of the coast. like those people they are fond of cold, hot, & vapor baths of which they make frequent uce both in sickness and in health and at all seasons of the year. they have also a very singular custom among them of baithing themselves allover with urine every morning. the timber and apearance of the country is much as before discribed. the up lands are covered almost entirely with a heavy growth of fir of several speceis like those discribed in the neighbourhood of fort clatsop; the white cedar is also found hereof large size; no white pine nor pine of any other kind. we had a view of mount st. helines and mount hood. the st is the most noble looking object of it's kind in nature. it's figure is a regular cone. both these mountains are perfectly covered with snow; at least the parts of them which are visible. the highlands in this valley are rolling tho by no means too steep for cultivation they are generally fertile of a dark rich loam and tolerably free of stones. this valley is terminated on it's lower side by the mountanous country which borders the coast, and above by the rainge of mountains which pass the columbia between the great falls and rapids of the columbia river. it is about miles wide on a direct line and it's length i beleive to be very extensive tho how far i cannot determine. this valley would be copetent to the mantainance of or thousand souls if properly cultivated and is indeed the only desireable situation for a settlement which i have seen on the west side of the rocky mountains. [clark, march , ] sunday march th we got under way verry early and had not proceeded to the head of the island before we met with the three men of the clan-nar-min-a-mon's who met us yesterday brackfast at the upper point of the island we met several of the clackstar and cath-lah-cum-up in two canoes. soon after we were overtaken by several canoes of different tribes who reside on each side of the river the three above tribes and the cldh-in-na-ta cath-lahnah-qui-up & cath-lah-com-mah-tup reside on each side of wappato inlet and back of wappato island which island is formed by a small chanel which passes from the lower part of image canoe island into an inlet which makes in from the s w. side, and receves the water of a creek which heads with the kil a mox river. this wappato island is about or miles long and in places from to miles wide high & furtile with ponds on different parts of it in which the nativs geather wappato. nearly opposit the upper point of the isld. behing which we encamped last night, or on the wappato isld. is several camps of the nativs catching sturgion. about miles still higher up and on the n e. side we halted for brackfast at the place which we had encamped the th of november last. here we were visited by several canoes of indians from two towns a short distance above on the wappato island. the st of those tribes call themselves clan-nah-quah and situated about miles above us, the other about a mile above call themselves mult-no-mah we purchased of those visitors a sturgion and some wappato & quarmarsh roots for which we gave small fishing hooks. at a.m. we set out and had not proceeded far before we came to a landing place where there was several large canoes hauled up, and sitting in a canoe, appearantly waiting our arival with a view to join the fleet indian who was then along side of us. this man informed he was a shoto and that his nation resided a little distance from the river. we landed and one of the indians pointed to the shoto village which is situated back of pond which lies parrelal with the river on the n e. side nearly opposit the clan-nah quah village. here we were also joined by several canoes loaded with the natives from the island who continued to accompany us untill about oclock when they all returned and we proceeded on to the place the indians stole my tomahawk th novr. last and encamped in a small prarie above a large pond on n. e and opposit the center of image canoe island. capt lewis walked out and saw several deer. jo. field shot at elk he killed and brought in a fine duck. soon after i had got into bead an indian came up alone in a small canoe. those tribes of indians who inhabit this vally differ but little in either their dress, manners, habuts and language from the clat sops chinnooks, and others on the sea coast. they differ in a fiew words and a little in the accent. the men are stouter and much better formed than those of the sea coast. more of their womin ware their hair braded in two tresses and hang over each ear. in stead of the tissue of bark worn by the women below, they ware a kind of leather breech clout as before described as worn by the womin at the enterance of lewis's river-the width of a common pocket handkerchief or something smaller and longer. the two corners of this at one of the narrow ends are confined in front just above the hips; the other side is then brought between their legs, compressed into a narrow folding bundle is drawn tight, and the corners a little spred in front tucked at the ends over and around the part first confined about the waiste. a small roab which does not reach the waiste is their usial and only garment commonly worn besides this just mentioned. when the weather is a little worm the roab is thrown aside, and the latter truss or breach clout constitutes the whole of their apparreal. this is a much more indesant article than the tissue of bark, and bearly covers the mons versus, to which it is drawn so close that the whole shape is plainly perseived. the houses are similar to those already descrbed. they are fond of sculpture. various figures are carved and painted on the pieces which support the center of the roof about their dotes and beads. they are well supplied with anchoves sturgion and wappato. the latter furnishes the principal article of traffic with those tribes which they despose of to the nativs below in exchange for beeds, cloath and various articles. the nativs of the sea coast and lower part of this river will dispose of their most valueable articles to obtain this root. i saw in several houses of the cath lah poh tie village large symeters of iron from to feet long which hangs by the heads of their beads; the blade of this weapon is thickest in the center tho thin even there, all it's edges are sharp and its greatest width which is about inches from the point, is about inches. the form is this this is a formable weapon. they have heavy bludgeons of wood made in the same form nearly which i prosume they use for the same purpose before they obtained metal. we made miles only to day the wind and a strong current being against us all day, with rain. discovered a high mountain s e. covered with snow which we call mt. jefferson. [lewis, march , ] monday march st we set out early this morning and proceeded untill a.m. when we landed on the n. side opposite one large wooden house of the shah-ha-la nation and took breakfast. when we decended the river in november last there were other lodges formed of straw and covered with bark near this house; these lodges are now distroyed and the inhabitants as the indians inform us have returned to the great rapids of this river which is their permanent residence; the house which remains is inhabited; soon after we landed two canoes came over from this house with men and a woman. they informed us that their relations who were with them last fall usuly visit them at that season for the purpose of hunting deer and elk and collecting wappetoe and that they had lately returned to the rapids i presume to prepare for the fishing season as the salmon will begin to run shortly.--this morning we overtook the man who had visited our camp last night he had a fine sturgeon in his canoe which he had just taken. the sagittaria sagittifolia dose not grow on this river above the columbian valley.--these indians of the rapids frequently visit this valley at every season of the year for the purpose of collecting wappetoe which is abundant and appears never to be out of season at any time of the year. at a.m. we resumed our march accompanyed by three men in a canoe; one of these fellows appeared to be a man of some note among them; he was dressed in a salor's jacket which was decorated in his own fassion with five rows of large and small buttons in front and some large buttons on the pocket flaps. they are remarkably fond of large brass buttons. these people speak a different language from those below tho in their dress habits manners &c they differ but little from the quathlahpohtles. their women wear the truss as those do of all the nations residing from the quathlahpohtles to the entrance of lewis's river. they differ in the manner of intering their dead. they lay them horizontally on boards and cover them with mats, in a valt formed with boards like the roof of a hose supported by forks and a single pole laid horizontally on those forks. many bodies are deposited in the same valt above ground. these are frequently laid one on the other, to the hight of three or for corps. they deposit with them various articles of which they die possessed, and most esteem while living. their canoes are frequently broken up to strengthen the vault.--these people have a few words the same with those below but the air of the language is intirely different, insomuch, that it may be justly deemed a different language. their women wear longer and larger robes generally, than those below; these are most commonly made of deer skins dressed with the hair on them. we continued our rout along the n. side of the river passed diamond island and whitebrant island to the lower point of a handsom prarie opposite to the upper entrance of the quicksand river; here we encamped having traveled miles today. a little below the upper point of the white brant island seal river discharges itself on the n. side. it is about yards wide, and at present discharges a large body of water. the water is very clear. the banks are low and near the columbia overflow and form several large ponds. the natives inform us that it is of no great extent and heads in the mountains just above us. at the distance of one mile from the entrance of this stream it forks, the two branches being nearly of the same size. they are both obstructed with falls and innumerable rappids, insomuch that it cannot be navigated. as we could not learn any name of the natives for this stream we called it seal river from the great abundance of those animals which we saw about it's entrance. we determined to remain at our present encampment a day or two for the several purposes of examining quicksand river making some celestial observations, and procuring some meat to serve us as far as the falls or through the western mountains where we found the game scarce as we decended.--the three indians who accompanied us last evening encamped a little distance above us and visited our camp where they remained untill p.m. in the entrance of seal river i saw a summer duck or wood duck as they are sometimes called. this is the same with those of our country and is the first i have seen since i entered the rocky mountains last summer.--our hunters who had halted a little below seal river in consequence of the waves being too high for their small canoe did not join us untill after dark. drewyer who was out below seal river informed us that game was very scarce in that quarter, a circumstance which we did not expect. [clark, march , ] monday march st we set out this morning and proceeded untill oclock when we landed on the n. side opposit one large house of the shah-ha-la nation near this house at the time we passed on the th of november last was situated houses, of them were built of straw & covered with bark as before mentioned. those of that description are all distroyed, the one built of wood only remains and is inhabited. we overtook the man whome came to our camp last night and soon after we landed two canoes came over from the opposit side with men & a woman those people informed us that their relations who was with them last fall reside at the great rapids, and were down with them last fall gathering wappato which did not grow above, and also killing deer, that they secured the bark of the houses which they then lived in against their return next fall. they also inform us that their relations also visit them frequently in the spring to collect this root which is in great quantities on either side of the columbia. at a. m we proceeded on accompanied by one canoe and three men, one of them appeared to be a man of some note, dressed in a salors jacket which had rows of large & small buttons on it. those people speak a differant language from those below, with some fiew words the same, the accent entirely different. their dress and manners appear very similar. the women ware the truss or breach clout and short robes, and men roabs only passed up on the n. side of white brant island near the upper point of which a small river falls in about yards wide and at this time discharges a great quantity of water. the nativs inform us that this river is very short and heads in the range of mountains to the n e of its enterance into the columbia the nativs haveing no name which we could learn for this little river we call it seal river from the great number of those animals which frequents its mouth. this river forks into two nearly equal branches about mile up and each branch is crouded with rapids & falls. we proceed on about miles above the enterance of this seacalf river and imedeately opposit the upper mouth of the quick sand river we formed a camp in a small prarie on the north side of the columbia where we intend to delay one or two days to make some selestial observations, to examine quick sand river, and kill some meat to last us through the western mountains which commences a fiew miles above us and runs in a n. n. w. & s. s. e. derection. the three indians encamped near us and visited our fire we entered into a kind of a conversation by signs, of the country and situation of the rivers. they informed us that seal river headed in the mountains at no great distance. quick sand river was short only headed in mt. hood which is in view and to which he pointed. this is a circumstance we did not expect as we had heretofore deemed a considerable river. mount hood bears east from this place and is distant from this place about miles. this information if true will render it necessary to examine the river below on the south side behind the image canoe and wappato islands for some river which must water the country weste of the western mountains to the waters of california. the columbia is at present on a stand and we with dificuelty made miles to day-. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april st . this morning early we dispatched sergt. pryar with two men in a small canoe up quicksand river with orders to proceed as far as he could and return this evening. we also sent a party of three hunters over the river to hunt a large bottom of woodland and prarie above the entrance of the quicksand river; the ballance of the hunters we sent out in different directions on this side of the columbia and employed those about camp in making a rope of elkskin. the indians who encamped near us last evening continued with us untill about midday. they informed us that the quicksand river which we have heretofore deemed so considerable, only extendes through the western mountains as far as the s. western side of mount hood where it takes it's source. this mountain bears e from this place and is distant about miles. this information was corroborated by that of sundry other indians who visited us in the course of the day. we were now convinced that there must be some other considerable river which flowed into the columbia on it's south side below us which we have not yet seen, as the extensive valley on that side of the river lying between the mountainous country of the coast and the western mountains must be watered by some stream which we had heretofore supposed was the quicksand river. but if it be a fact that the quicksand river heads in mount hood it must leave the valley within a few miles of it's entrance and runs nearly parallel with the columbia river upwards. we indeavoured to ascertain by what stream the southern portion of the columbian valley was watered but could obtain no satisfactory information of the natives on this head. they informed us that the quicksand river is navigable a short distance only in consequence of falls and rapids; and that no nation inhabits it.- sergt. pryar returned in the evening and reported that he had ascended the river six miles; that above the point at which it divides itself into two channels it is about yds wide tho the channel is not more than yds and only ft deep. this is a large vollume of water to collect in so short a distance; i therefore think it probable that there are some large creeks falling into it from the s. w. the bed of this stream is formed entirely of quicksand; it's banks are low and at preasent overflows. the water is turbid and current rapid.the following are the courses taken by sergt. pryor. s. ° w. m. to a point on the lard. side passing a large island on stard. s. ° e. m. to the head of an island near the lard. shore. s ° e. m. to a stard. point passing several islands on the lard. side and a creek yds. wide on stard at / miles. the river from hence appeared to bend to the east. he heard falls of water. several different tribes informed us that it heads at mount hood. we were visited by several canoes of natives in the course of the day; most of whom were decending the river with their women and children. they informed us that they resided at the great rapids and that their relations at that place were much streightened at that place for the want of food; that they had consumed their winter store of dryed fish and that those of the present season had not yet arrived. i could not learn wheather they took the sturgeon but presume if they do it is in but small quantities as they complained much of the scarcity of food among them. they informed us that the nations above them were in the same situation & that they did not expect the salmon to arrive untill the full of the next moon which happens on the d of may. we did not doubt the varacity of these people who seemed to be on their way with their families and effects in surch of subsistence which they find it easy to procure in this fertile valley.--this information gave us much uneasiness with rispect to our future means of subsistence. above falls or through the plains from thence to the chopunnish there are no deer antelope nor elk on which we can depend for subsistence; their horses are very poor most probably at this season, and if they have no fish their dogs must be in the same situation. under these circumstances there seems to be but a gloomy prospect for subsistence on any terms; we therefore took it into serious consideration what measures we were to pursue on this occasion; it was at once deemed inexpedient to wait the arrival of the salmon as that would detain us so large a portion of the season that it is probable we should not reach the united states before the ice would close the missouri; or at all events would hazard our horses which we lelft in charge of the chopunnish who informed us that they intended passing the rocky mountains to the missouri as early as the season would permit them wich is as we believe about the begining of may. should these people leave their situation near kooskooske before our arrival we may probably find much difficulty in recovering our horses; without which there will be but little possibility of repassing the mountains; we are therefore determined to loose as little time as possible in geting to the chopunnish village. at p.m. the hunters who were sent over the river returned having killed elk and two deer; the elk were in good order but the deer extreemly poor. they informed us that game is very plenty in that quarter. the hunters on this side of the river also returned but had killed nothing; they saw a few elk and deer. there was also much sign of the black bear seen on the other side of the river. we sent a party to bring in the flesh of the elk and deer that were killed. they did not return this evening. i purchased a canoe from an indian today for which i gave him six fathoms of wampum beads; he seemed satisfyed with his bargain and departed in another canoe but shortly after returned and canceled the bargain; took his canoe and returned the beads. this is frequently the case in their method of traiding and is deemed fair by them. the last evening and this morning were so cloudy that i could neither obtain any lunar observations nor equal altitudes.- [clark, april , ] tuesday april st this morning early we dispatched sergt. pryor, with two men in a small canoe up quick sand river with orders to proceed as far as he could and return this evening. we also sent a party of three hunters over the river to hunt a large bottom of woodland and prarie above the enterance of q. sand river; the ballance of the hunters we sent out in different directions on this side of the columbia, and employed those about camp in makeing a rope of elk skin. the information given by the indians to us last night respecting quick sand river was corrobarated by sundery other indians who visited us in the course of this day. we were now convinced that if there information be just; that some considerable river which flowed into the columbia on it's south side below us which we have not yet seen, as the extensive vally on that side of the river lying between the mountanious country of the coast, and the western mountains must be watered by some stream, which we had heretofore supposed was the quick sand river. but if it be a fact that quick sand river heads in mount hood it must leave the vally within a fiew miles of it's enterance, and runs nearly parrilal with the columbia river upwards. we indeavered to assertained by what stream the south portion of the columbian vally was watered, but could obtain no satisfactory information of the waters on this head. they inform us that the quick sand river is not naviagable any distance in consequence of falls and rapids; and that no nation inhabit it. sergt. pryor returned in the evening and reported that he had assended the river six miles; that above the point which it divides itself into two chanels, it is about yards wide tho the chanel is not more than yards, and only feet deep. the other part of the river from to inches water, the bead of this river is formed entirely of quick sand; its banks are low and at present overflown. the water is turbed and current rapid.--the following are the courses taken by sergt. pryor.- "s. ° w. mile to a point on the lard. side passing a large island on stard side. s ° e. m. to the head of the island near the lard shore. s ° e m. to a stard. point passing several islands on the lard side and a creek yards wide on the stard. side at / miles. the river from hence upwards bend to the east. a fall of water heard at no great distance up this river." several diffirent tribes of indians inform us that it heads at mount hood which is in view. we were visited by several canoes of the nativs in the course of this day; most of whome were decending the river with their womin and children. they inform us that they reside at the great rapids and that their relations at that place were much streightened for the want of food; that they had consumed their winter store of dryed fish and those of the present season had not yet arived. i could not lern whether they took sturgion but prosume if they do it is in but small quantities as they complain much of the scercity of food among them, they informed us that the nativs above them were in the same situation, and that they did not expect the salmon to arrive untill the full of the next moon which happens on the nd of may. we did not doubt the veracity of those people who seamed to be on their way with their families and effects in serch of subsistence which they find it easy to precure in this fertile vally-. this information givs us much uneasiness with respect to our future means of subsistence, above the falls, on through the plains from thence to the chopunnish there are no deer antilopes or elk on which we could depend for subsistence; their horses are very poor most probably at this season, and if they have no fish their dogs must be in the same situation. under these circumstances there seams to be a gloomey prospect for subsistence on any terms; we therefore took it into serious consideration what measure we were to pursue on this occasion; it was at once deemed inexpedient to waite the arival of the salmon as that would detain us so long a portion of the season that it is probable we should not reach the u states before the ice would close the missouri; or at all events would hazard our horses which we left in charge of the chopunnish who informed us that they intended passing the rocky mountains to the missouri as early as the season would permit them which is about the first of may. should these people leave their situation near kooskooske before our arival we may probably find much dificulty in recovering our horses; without which there will be but little possibility of repassing the mountains; we are therefore determined to lose as little time as possible in getting to the cho punnish village. at p.m. the hunters who were sent over the river returned, haveing killed elk and deer; the elk were in good order but the deer extreemly poor. they informed us that game is very plenty in that quarter. the hunters on this side of the river also returned but had killed nothing; they saw a fiew elk and deer. there were also much sign of the black bear seen on the other side of the river. we sent a party to bring in the flesh of the elk and deer that were killed. they did not return this evening. we purchased a canoe from an indian today for six fathoms of white wampom; he seemed satisfied with his bargin and departed in another canoe but shortly after returned and canseled the bargain, took his canoe and returned the beeds. this is frequently the case in their method of tradeing and is deemed fair by them. the last evening and this morning were so cloudy that we could neither obtain any lunar observations nor equal altitudes [lewis, april , ] wednesday april ed . this morning we came to a resolution to remain at our present encampment or some where in this neighbourhood untill we had obtained as much dryed meat as would be necessary for our voyage as far as the chopunnish. to exchange our perogues for canoes with the natives on our way to the great falls of the columbia or purchase such canoes from them for elkskins and merchandize as would answer our purposes. these canoes we intend exchanging with the natives of the plains for horses as we proceed untill we obtain as many as will enable us to travel altogether by land. at some convenient point, perhaps at the entrence of the s. e. branch of the columbia, we purpose sending a party of four or five men a head to collect our horses that they may be in readiness for us by our arrival at the chopunnish; calculating by thus acquiring a large stock of horses we shall not only sucure the means of transporting our baggage over the mountains but that we will also have provided the means of subsisting; for we now view the horses as our only certain resource for food, nor do we look forward to it with any detestation or borrow, so soon is the mind which is occupyed with any interesting object reconciled to it's situation. the men who were sent in quest of the elk and deer that were killed yesterday returned at a.m. this morning. we now enformed the party of our intention of laying in a store of meat at this place, and immediately dispatched two parteis consisting of nine men to the opposite side of the river. five of those we sent below the quicksand river and above. we also sent out three others on this side, and those who remained in camp were employed in collecting wood making a scaffoald and cuting up the meat in order to dry it. about this time several canoes of the natives arrived at our camp and among others one from below which had on board eight men of the shah-ha-la nation these men informed us that young men whom they pointed out were cash-hooks and resided at the falls of a large river which discharges itself into the columbia on it's south side some miles below us. we readily prevailed on them to give us a sketch of this river which they drew on a mat with a coal. it appeared that this river which they called mult-no-mah discharged itself behind the island which we called the image canoe island and as we had left this island to the s. both in ascending and decending the river we had never seen it. they informed us that it was a large river and run a considerable distance to the south between the mountains. capt. clark determined to return and examine this river accordingly he took a party of seven men and one of the perogues and set out / after a.m., he hired one of the cashhooks, for a birning glass, to pilot him to the entrance of the multnomah river and took him on board with him. in their manners dress language and stature these people are the same with the quathlahpohtle nation and others residing in the neighbourhood of wappetoe island. near the entrance of multnomah river a considerable nation resides on the lower side of that stream by the same name. as many as ten canoes with natives arrived at our camp in the course of the day; most of them were families of men women and children decencing the river. they all gave the same account of the scarcity of provision above. i shot my air gun, with which they were much astonished. one family consisting of ten or twelve persons remained near us all night. they conducted themselves in a very orderly manner. the three hunters on this side of the river returned in the evening they had killed two deer, tho they were so poor and at such a distance from camp that they brought in their skins only. the night and morning being cloudy i was again disappointed in making the observations i wished. fir is the common growth of the uplands, as is the cottonwood, ash; large leafed ash and sweet willow that of the bottom lands. the huckleburry, shallon, and the several evergreen shrubs of that speceis which bear burries have seased to appear except that speceis which has the leaf with a prickly margin. among the plants of this prarie in which we are encamped i observe the passhequo, shannetahque, and compound firn the roots of which the natives eat; also the water cress, strawburry, flowering pea not yet in blume, the sinquefoil, narrow dock, sand rush which are luxuriant and abundant in the river bottoms; a speceis of the bearsclaw of which i preserved a specemine it is in blume. the large leafed thorn has also disappeared. the red flowering currant is found here in considerable quantities on the uplands. the hunters inform me that there are extensive praries on the highlands a few miles back from the river on this side. the land is very fertile. [clark, april , ] wednesday april nd this morning we came to a resolution to remain at our present encampment or some where in this neighbourhood untill we had obtained as much dried meat as would be necessary for our voyage as far as the chopunnish. to exchange our large canoes for small ones with the nativs on our way to the great falls of the columbia or purchase such canoes from them for elk skins and merchindize as would answer our purposes. these canoes we intend exchangeing with the nativs of the plains for horses as we proceed untill we obtain as maney as will enable us to travel altogether by land. at some convenient point, perhaps at the enterance of lewis's river we intend sending a party of or men ahead to collect our horses that they may be in readiness for us by our arrival at the chopunnish; calculating by thus acquireing a large stock of horses we shall not only secure the means of transporting our baggage over the mountains, but that we also have provided the means of subsisting; for we now view the horses as our only certain resource for food, nor do we look foward to it with any detestation or horrow, so soon is the mind which is occupied with any interesting object, reconsiled to it's situation. the men who went in quest of the elk and deer which were killed yesterday returned at a.m. this morning. we now informed the party of our intention of laying in a store of meat at this place, and imediately dispatched two parties consisting of nine men to the opposit side of the river. of them below and above quick sand river. we also sent out others on this side, and those who remained in camp were employd in collecting wood makeing a scaffold and cutting up the meat in order to dry it. about this time several canoes of the nativs arived at our camp among others two from below with eight men of the shah-ha-la nation those men informed us that they reside on the opposit side of the columbia near some pine trees which they pointed to in the bottom south of the dimond island, they singled out two young men whome they informed us lived at the falls of a large river which discharges itself into the columbia on it's south side some miles below us. we readily provailed on them to give us a sketch of this river which they drew on a mat with a coal, it appeared that this river which they call mult-no'-mah discharged itself behind the island we call the image canoe island, and as we had left this island to the south both in decending & assending the river we had never seen it. they informed us that it was a large river and runs a considerable distance to the south between the mountains. i deturmined to take a small party and return to this river and examine its size and collect as much information of the nativs on it or near its enterance into the columbia of its extent, the country which it waters and the nativs who inhabit its banks &c. i took with me six men. thompson j. potts, peter crusat, p. wiser, t. p. howard, jos. whitehouse & my man york in a large canoe, with an indian whome i hired for a sun glass to accompany me as a pilot. at half past a.m. i set out, and had not proceeded far eer i saw large canoes at some distance above decending and bending their course towards our camp which at this time is very weak capt. lewis haveing only men with him. i hisitated for a moment whether it would not be advisable for me to return and delay untill a part of our hunters should return to add more strength to our camp. but on a second reflection and reverting to the precautions always taken by my friend capt lewis on those occasions banished all apprehensions and i proceeded on down. at miles passed a village on the south side at this place my pilot informed me he resided and that the name of his tribe is ne-cha-co-lee, this village is back or to the south of dimond island, and as we passed on the north side of the island both decending & assending did not see or know of this village. i proceeded on without landing at this village. at p.m. i landed at a large double house of the ne-er-choki-oo tribe of the shah-ha-la nation. at this place we had seen aditional straw huts as we passed down last fall and whome as i have before mentioned reside at the great rapids of the columbia. on the bank at different places i observed small canoes which the women make use of to gather wappato & roots in the slashes. those canoes are from to feet long and from to inches wide in the widest part tapering from the center to both ends in this form and about inches deep and so light that a woman may with one hand haul them with ease, and they are sufficient to carry a woman an some loading. i think of those canoes were piled up and scattered in different directions about in the woods in the vecinity of this house, the pilot informed me that those canoes were the property of the inhabitents of the grand rapids who used them ocasionally to gather roots. i entered one of the rooms of this house and offered several articles to the nativs in exchange for wappato. they were sulkey and they positively refused to sell any. i had a small pece of port fire match in my pocket, off of which i cut a pece one inch in length & put it into the fire and took out my pocket compas and set myself doun on a mat on one side of the fire, and a magnet which was in the top of my ink stand the port fire cought and burned vehemently, which changed the colour of the fire; with the magnit i turned the needle of the compas about very briskly; which astonished and alarmed these nativs and they laid several parsles of wappato at my feet, & begged of me to take out the bad fire; to this i consented; at this moment the match being exhausted was of course extinguished and i put up the magnet &c. this measure alarmed them so much that the womin and children took shelter in their beads and behind the men, all this time a very old blind man was speaking with great vehemunce, appearently imploreing his gode. i lit my pipe and gave them smoke & gave the womin the full amount of the roots which they had put at my feet. they appeared somewhat passified and i left them and proceeded on on the south side of image canoe island which i found to be two islands hid from the opposit side by one near the center of the river. the lower point of the upper and the upper point of the lower cannot be seen from the north side of the columbia on which we had passed both decending and ascending and had not observed the apperture between those islands. at the distance of miles below the last village and at the place i had supposed was the lower point of the image canoe island, i entered this river which the nativs had informed us of, called mult no mah river so called by the nativs from a nation who reside on wappato island a little below the enterance of this river. multnomah discharges itself in the columbia on the s. e. and may be justly said to be / the size of that noble river. multnomah had fallen inches from it's greatest annual height. three small islands are situated in it's mouth which hides the river from view from the columbia from the enterance of this river, i can plainly see mt. jefferson which is high and covered with snow s. e. mt. hood east, mt st. helians a high humped mountain to the east of mt st. helians. i also saw the mt. raneer nearly north. soon after i arived at this river an old man passed down of the clark a'mos nation who are noumerous and reside on a branch of this river which receives it's waters from mt.,jefferson which is emensely high and discharges itself into this river one day and a half up, this distance i state at miles. this nation inhabits villages their dress and language is very similar to the quath-lah-poh-tle and other tribes on wappato island. the current of the multnomar is as jentle as that of the columbia glides smoothly with an eavin surface, and appears to be sufficiently deep for the largest ship. i attempted fathom it with a cord of fathom which was the only cord i had, could not find bottom / of the distance across. i proceeded up this river miles from it's enterance into the columbia to a large house on the n e. side and encamped near the house, the flees being so noumerous in the house that we could not sleep in it. this is the house of the cush-hooks nation who reside at the falls of this river which the pilot informs me they make use of when they come down to the vally to gather wappato. he also informs me that a number of other smaller houses are situated on two bayous which make out on the s. e. side a little below the house. this house appears to have been laterly abandoned by its inhabitants in which they had left sundery articles such as small canoes mats, bladdles of oil and baskits bowls & trenchers. and as my pilot informed me was gorn up this to the falls to fish which is days or miles up. this house is feet wide & presisely feet long. built in the usial form of broad boads covered with bark. the course and distance assending the molt no mar r from it's enterance into the columbia at the lower point of the rd image canoe island. viz. s. °w. miles to the upper point of a small island in the middle of moltnomar river. thence s. ° w. miles to a sluce yards wide which devides wappato island from the main stard. side shore passing a willow point on the lard. side. s. ° e. miles to a large indian house on the lard side below some high pine land. high bold shore on the starboard side. thence s. ° e miles to a bend under the high lands on the stard side miles passing a larborad point. thence the river bends to the east of s east as far as i could see. at this place i think the wedth of the river may be stated at yards and sufficiently deep for a man of war or ship of any burthen. [lewis, april , ] thursday april rd . early this morning joseph feilds came over and informed me that reubin feilds drewyer and himself had killed four elk. as the party with me were now but weak and the indians constantly crouding about our camp, i thought it best to send a few men to dry the meat on the other side of the river; accordingly sergt pryor and two men returned with jos. fields for that purpose. the hunters were ordered to continue the chase; while the others were employed in drying the meat. i have had no account as yet from the party below the entrance of quicksand river. the indians continued to visit us today in considerable numbers most of them were decending the river with their families. these poor people appeared to be almost starved, they picked up the bones and little peices of refuse meat which had been thrown away by the party. they confirm the report of the scarcity of provision among the natives above. i observe some of the men among them who wear a girdle arround the waist between which and the body in front they confine a small skin of the mink or polecat which in some measure conceals the parts of generation, they also frequently wear a cap formed of the skin of the deer's head with the ears left on it, they have some collars of leather wrought with porcupine quills after the method of the shoshonees. from this place mount hood bears s. e. distant miles. this evening we completed drying the flesh of the elk which had been brought to camp. at p.m. capt. clark returned, having completely succeeded in his expedition. he found the entrance of the large river of which the indians had informed us, just at the upper part of wappetoe island. the following is a sketch of the rivers furnished capt c. by an old and inteligent indian man.- [clark, april , ] thursday april rd the water had fallen in the course of last night five inches. i set out and proceeded up a short distance and attempted a second time to fathom the river with my cord of fathom but could find no bottom. the mist was so thick that i could see but a short distance up this river. where i left it, it was binding to the east of s. e. being perfectly sati'fyed of the size and magnitude of this great river which must water that vast tract of country betwen the western range of mountains and those on the sea coast and as far s. as the waters of callifornia about latd. ° north i deturmined to return. at oclock a.m. set out on my return. the men exirted themselves and we arived at the ne er cho ki oo house in which the nativs were so illy disposed yesterday at a.m. i entered the house with a view to smoke with those people who consisted of about families, finding my presence alarmed them so much that the children hid themselves, womin got behind their men, and the men hung their heads, i detained but a fiew minits and returnd on board the canoe. my pilot who continued in the canoe informed me on my return that those people as well as their relations were very illy disposed and bad people. i proceeded on along the south side met five canoes of the shah-ha-la nation from the great rapids with their wives and children decending the columbia into this fertile vally in pursute of provi-sions. my pilot informed me in a low voice that those people were not good, and i did not suffer them to come along side of my canoe which they appeared anxious to do. their numbers in those canoes who appeard anxious to come along side was men and boys. at p m. we arived at the residence of our pilot which consists of one long house with seven appartments or rooms in square form about feet each room opening into a passage which is quit through the house those passages are about feet in width and formed of wide boads set on end in the ground and reaching to the ruff which serves also as divisions to the rooms. the ground plot is in this form is the passages. &c. is the apartments about feet square. this house is built of bark of the white cedar supported on long stiff poles resting on the ends of broad boads which form the rooms &c. back of this house i observe the wreck of houses remaining of a very large village, the houses of which had been built in the form of those we first saw at the long narrows of the e-lute nation with whome those people are connected. i indeavored to obtain from those people of the situation of their nation, if scattered or what had become of the nativs who must have peopled this great town. an old man who appeared of some note among them and father to my guide brought foward a woman who was badly marked with the small pox and made signs that they all died with the disorder which marked her face, and which she was verry near dieing with when a girl. from the age of this woman this distructive disorder i judge must have been about or years past, and about the time the clatsops inform us that this disorder raged in their towns and distroyed their nation. those people speak a different language from those below tho in their dress habits and manners &c. they differ but little from the quathlahpohtles. theire women ware the truss as those do of all the nations risideing from the quathlahpohtle to the enterance of lewis's river and on the columbia above for some distance. those people have some words the same with those below but the air of their language is entirely different, their men are stouter and much better made, and their womin ware larger & longer robes than those do below; those are most commonly made of deer skins dressed with the hair on them. they pay great attention to their aged severall men and women whom i observed in this village had arived at a great age, and appeared to be helthy tho blind. i provailed on an old man to draw me a sketch of the multnomar river ang give me the names of the nations resideing on it which he readily done, see draft on the other side and gave me the names of nations who reside on this river two of them very noumerous. the first is clark a-mus nation reside on a small river which takes its rise in mount jefferson and falls into the moltnomar about miles up. this nation is noumerous and inhabit towns. the d is the cush-hooks who reside on the n e. side below the falls, the rd is the char-cowah who reside above the falls on the s w. side neether of those two are noumerous. the fourth nation is the cal-lar-po-e-wah which is very noumerous & inhabit the country on each side of the multnomar from its falls as far up as the knowledge of those people extend. they inform me also that a high mountain passes the multnomar at the falls, and above the country is an open plain of great extent. i purchased dogs of those people for the use of their oil in the plains, and at p m left the village and proceeded on to camp where i joind capt. lewis the enterance of multnomah river is miles up the columbia river from its enterance into the pacific ocean-. in my absence and soon after i left camp several canoes of men women and children came to the camp. and at one time there was about of those people in camp capt lewis fired his air gun which astonished them in such a manner that they were orderly and kept at a proper distance dureing the time they continued with him--as maney as canoes arrived at camp in the course of this day. they all seem to give the same account of the scercity of provisions above. one family continued all night and behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. on the rd joseph field returned from the woods and informed the drewyer rubin & himself had killed four elk. capt l. sent sergt. pryor and two men with joseph field to dry the flesh of the elk in the woods on scaffolds with fire. the party bilow quick sand river did not return to day. the indians continue to vist our camp in considerable number from above with their families. these pore people appeared half starved. they picked up the bones and little refuse meat which had been thrown away by the party. capt l had the flesh of the elk which was killed on the st inst. dried--some of the men of the nativs who visited capt lewis wore a girdle, with a small skin in front and a cap of the skin of the deers head &c. [lewis, april , ] friday april th . this morning early we sent sergt. ordway in surch of sergt. gass and party below the entrance of the quicksand river fom whom we have yet had no report. in the course of a few hours both parties returned. sergt. gass and party brought the flesh of a bear and some venison. they informed us that they had killed an elk and six deer tho the flesh of the greater part of those animals was so meagre that it was unfit for uce and they had therefore left it in the woods. collins who had killed the bear, found the bed of another in which there were three young ones; and requested to be permitted to return in order to waylay the bed and kill the female bear; we permitted him to do so; sergt. gass and windsor returned with him. several parties of the natives visit us today as usual both from above and below; those who came from above were moving with their families, and those from below appeared to be empeled mearly by curiossity to see us. about noon we dispatched gibson shannon howard and wiser in one of the light canoes, with orders to proceed up the columbia to a large bottom on the south side about six miles above us and to hunt untill our arrival. late in the evening joseph fields and drewyer returned. they had killed two deer yesterday, and informed us that the meat would be dryed by midday tomorrow. we directed drewyer and the two feildses to ascend the river tomorrow to join gibson and party, and hunt untill our arrival. this evening being fair i observed time and distance of ys eastern limb from regulus with sextant. k west. [clark, april , ] friday april th . mouth of quick sand river this morning early we sent sergt. ordway in serch of sergt. gass and party below the enterance of quick sand river from whome we have yet had no report. in the course of a fiew hours both parties returned. sergt. gass and party brought the flesh of a bear, and some venison. they informed us they had killed an elk and six deer tho the flesh of the greater part of those animals were so meagre that it was unfit for uce, and they had therefore left it in the woods. collins who had killed the bear, found the bead of another in which there was three young ones; and requested to be permited to return in order to waylay the bed and kill the female bear; we permited him to do so; sergt. gass and windser returned with him. several parties of the nativs visit us to day as usial both from above and below; those who came from above were moveing with their families, and those from below appeared to be impeled mearly by curiosity to see us. about noon we dispatched gibson, shannon, howard & wiser in one of the light canoes, with orders to proceed up the columbia to a large bottom on the south side about six miles above us and there to hunt untill our arrival. late in the evening jos fields and drewyer returned with a load of dried meat. they had killed two deer yesterday and informed us that the meat would be dryed by mid-day tomorrow. we directed drewyer and field's to assend the river tomorrow and join gibson & party, and hunt untill our arrival. this evening being fair observed time and distance of moon's eastern limb from regulus with sextant * west [lewis, april , ] saturday april th . this morning was so cloudy that i could not obtain any lunar observations with a aquila as i wished. joseph fields and drewyer departed this morning agreeably to their orders of last evening. at a.m. we sent sergt. ordway and a party to assist sergt. pryor in bringing in the meat of four elk which he had dryed. at p. m the party returned with the meat. it had been so illy dryed that we feared it would not keep. we therefore directed it to be cut thinner and redryed over a fire this evening, as we purpose setting out early in the morning. the deerskins which we have had cased for the purpose of containing our dryed meat are not themselves sufficiently dryed for that purpose, we directed them to be dryed by the fire also. the weather has been so damp that there was no possibility of pounding the meat as i wished.--we were visited today by several parties of the natives as usual; they behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. observed magnetic azimuth and altitude of the sun with circumferenter and sextant. saw the log cock, the hummingbird, gees ducks &c today. the tick has made it's appearance it is the same with those of the atlantic states. the musquetoes have also appeared but are not yet troublesome.--this morning at oclock sergt. gass returned with collins and windsor they had not succeeded in killing the female bear tho they brought the three cubs with them. the indians who visited us today fancyed these petts and gave us wappetoe in exchange for them. drewyer informed me that he never knew a female bear return to her young when they had been allarmed by a person and once compelled to leave them. the dogwood grows abundantly on the uplands in this neighbourhood. it differs from that of the united states in the appearance of it's bark which is much smoother, it also arrives here to much greater size than i ever observed it elsewhere sometimes the stem is nearly feet in diameter. we measured a fallen tree of fir no which was feet including the stump which was about feet high. this tree was only about / feet in diameter. we saw the martin, small gees, the small speckled woodpecker with a white back, the blue crested corvus, ravens, crows, eagles vultures and hawks. the mellow bug and long leged spider have appeared, as have also the butterfly blowing fly and many other insects. i observe not any among them which appear to differ from those of our country or which deserve particular notice. [clark, april , ] saturday april th . this morning was so cloudy that we could not obtain any lunar observations with a aquila as we wished. joseph field & drewrey left us this morning agreeably to their orders of last evening. at the same time we sent sergt. ordway and five men to assist sergt. pryor in bringing in the meat of four elk which he had dried in the woods. at p.m.the party returned with the meat. it was not sufficiently dryed to keep. we had it cut thiner and redryed over a fire this evening, as we purpose setting out early in the morning. the dear skins which we had cased for the purpose of holding our dried meat is not sufficently dry for that purpose, we derected them to be dried by the fire also. the weather being so damp that there was no possibullity of pounding the meat as i wished.--we were visited by several parties of the nativs to day; they behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. saw the log cock, the humming bird, geese, ducks &c. to day. the tick has made it's appearance it is the same with those of the atlantic states. the musquetors have also appeared, but are not yet much troublesom.--this morning at a m sergt. gass returned with collins and windser they had not succeeded in killing the female bear, tho they brought the three cub's with them. the indians who visited us to day fancied those petts and gave us wappato in exchange for them. fir and white cedar is the common growth of the up lands, as is the cotton wood, ash, large leafed ash and sweet willow that of the bottom lands. the huckleberry, shallon, and the several evergreen shrubs, of that speces that bears berries have seased to appear, except that species which has the leaf with a prickley margin. among the plants of this prarie in which we are encamped i observe the pashequo, shannetahque, and compound firn, the root of which the nativs eate; also the water cress, straw berry flowering pea not yet in blume, narrow dock, and rush which are luxuriant and abundent in the river bottoms. the large leafed thorn has also disappeard. the red flowering current is found here in considerable quantities on the upland, and the common dog wood is found on either side of the river in this neighbourhood and above multnomah river. the country on either side is fertile, the bottom on the south side is wide and inter sperced with small ponds in which the nativs gather their wappato. back of this bottom the country rises to about feet and the soil is very rich as that also above q sandy river quite to the mountains. the country on the n. side from a fiew miles above this place as low down as the enterance of cah-wah-na-ki-ooks river rises to the hight generally of or feet is tolerably leavel, thickly timbered with fir and white cedar. the soil of the richest quallity. some small praries on the bank of the river. that portion of country below as low down as the enterance of cah-wah na ki ooks river is a broken rich country. the hills are high, the bottom lands as before mentioned and fertile &c.-the country a fiew miles up the multnomah river rises from the river bottoms to the hight of from to feet and is rich & fertile. some plains can be seen to the n. e. of our camp of or miles in secumference the hunters & serjt pryor informed us that they had measured a tree on the upper side of quick sand river feet long and about feet through at the stump. [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . this morning we had the dryed meat secured in skins and the canoes loaded; we took breakfast and departed at a.m. we continued up the n. side of the river nearly to the place at which we had encamped on the rd of nov. when we passed the river to the south side in quest of the hunters we had sent up yesterday and the day before. from the appearance of a rock near which we had encamped on the rd of november last i could judge better of the rise of the water than i could at any point below. i think the flood of this spring has been about feet higher than it was at that time; the river is here about / miles wide; it's general width from the beacon rock which may be esteemed the head of tide water, to the marshey islands is from one to miles tho in many places it is still wider. it is only in the fall of the year when the river is low that the tides are persceptable as high as the beacon rock. this remarkable rock which stands on the north shore of the river is unconnected with the hills and rises to the hight of seven hundred feet; it has some pine or reather fir timber on it's nothern side, the southern is a precipice of it's whole hight. it rises to a very sharp point and is visible for miles below on the river. at the distance of ten miles from our encampment we met with our hunters in the upper end of the bottom to which we had directed them on the south side of the river. they had killed three elk this morning and wounded two others so badly that they expected to get them. we therefore determined to encamp for the evening at this place in order to dry the meat, in surch of which we sent a party immediately and employed others in preparing scaffoalds and collecting firewood &c against their return. we found some indians with our hunters when we arrived; these people are constantly hanging about us.--as has been before mentioned capt c set out with a party of seven men on ed inst. in surch of the entrance of the multnomah river. he departed at / after a. m and directed his course along the southern side of the river. at the distance of miles he passed the village of the na-cha-co-lee tribe of the e-lute nation; this village is not large and being situated on the main shore opposite to and s. of the diamond island it was concealed by that island from our view both ascending and decending the columbia as we passed near the northern shore. capt c. passed this village without halting and continued his rout untill p.m. when he arrived at a large double house of the ne-er-cho-ki-oo tribe of the shah'ha-la nation; at this place we had seen additional straw and bark huts as we passed down last fall, the inhabitants of which as i have before mentioned reside at the great rapids of the columbia river. about this place in different directions capt c. saw a great number of small canoes lying scattered on the bank. these small canoes are employed by the women in collecting wappetoe; with one of these a woman enters a pond where the sagitaria sagittifolia grows frequently to her breast in water and by means of her toes and feet breakes the bulb of this plant loos from the parent radicle and disincumbering it from the mud it immediately rises to the surface of the water when she seizes it and throws it into her canoe which she always keeps convenient to her. they will remain in the water for hours together in surch of this bulb in middle of winter. those canoes are from to feet in length, from to inches in width near the middle tapering or becoming narrower towards either extremity and inches deep their form is thus. they are so light that a woman can draw them over land or take them with ease through the swamps in any direction, and are sufficient to carry a single person and several bushells of roots. capt. clarks pilot informed him that the small canoes which he saw in the vicinity of this lodge were the property of the shah-ha-las who used them occasionally when they visit this neighbourhood for the purpose of collecting roots. while at this place capt c. entered one of the appartments of the house and offered several articles to the natives in exchange for wappetoe, they appeared to be in an ill humour and positively refused to let him have any. capt. c. sat himself down near the fire and having a part of a portfire match in his pocket cut of a small peice of it and threw it in the fire; at the same time he took out his pocket compass and by means of a magnet which he had in the top of his inkstand he turned the nedle of the compass about very briskly; the match took fire and birned vehemently; the indians astonished and allarmed at these exhibitions, ran and brought several parcels of wappetoe and laid at his feet and begged that he would put out the bad fire; to this he consented; at this moment the match being exhausted was of course extenguished and he put up his compass & magnet. they were now much more complisant, tho the women and children were yet so much allarmed that they took refuge in their beads and behing the men who were seting opposite to capt. c. during the whole of this farcical seen an old man who was seting by continued to speak with great vehemence apparently imploring his god for protection. capt. c. gave them an adiquate compensation for their roots and having lighted his pipe smoaked with the men. they appeared in a great measure to get the better of their allarm and he left them and continued his rout along the south side of image canoe island which he found to be three islands, the one in the center concealing the apperture between the two others in such manner that from the north side of the river where we have previously passed they all appeared to form one island only. at the distance of miles below the village just mentioned, and at the lower point of what we have heretofore deemed the image canoe island, capt c. entered the multnomah river so called by the natives from a nation of that name who reside on wappetoe island a little below the entrance of this river? multnomah river discharges itself on the s. side of the columbia miles above the entrance of the latter into the pacific ocean, and may be justly esteemed one fourth of that noble river. capt. c. found that this river had attained it's greatest annual hight and had now fallen about inches. it has three small islands in it's mouth which conceal the river from the view of those who pass with the stream of the columbia. from the columbia at the entrance of the multonomah river mount jefferson bears s. e. this is a noble mountain. i think equally as high as mount st. helines but it's distance being much greater than that of the latter, so great a portion of it dose not appear above the range of mountains which lie betwen boath those stupendious mountains and this point of view. like mount st. heleans it's figure is a regular cone and is covered with eternal snow. m. st. heleans from the same point boar n ____, mount hood due east, and mount raniei nearly north. there is also a very high humped mountain a little to the east of mount st. heleans which appears to lie in the same chain with those conic pointed mountains before mentioned. soon after capt clark entered the multnomah river he was met by an old indian man alone in a canoe decending the river, the pilot had some conversation with him and informed capt. c. that this was a man of the clark-a'-mas nation who are numerous and inhabit eleven vilages on either side of a river of the same name which has it's source in mount jefferson and after tranversing a woody and fertile country discharges itself into the multnomah river on it's e. side at the distance of about miles from it's junction with the columbia. the clarkamas river is navigable for canoes a great distance, from the indian account almost to the foot of mount, jefferson. the nation who inhabit it's borders live principally on fish with which this stream abounds and also on roots which they procure on it's borders. they sometimes also come down to the multnomah and columbia in surch of wappatoe. they do not differ essentially in their language dress &c from the quathlahpohtles and others in the vicinity of wappetoe island. the current of the multnomah river is as gentle as that of the columbia, glides smoothly with an even surface, and appears to possess sufficient debth for the largest ship. capt. c. attempted to sound it with a cord of fathoms which was the longest in his possession but could not find bottom at this debth for at least one third of the width of the river. capt. c. ascended this river ten miles to a large wood house on the east side of the river, near which he encamped for the evening; the house being infested with such swarms of flees that they could not remain in it. this his guide informed him was the house of the cush-hooks nation who reside just below the falls of the multnomah river and who occasionally reside at this place for the purpose of collecting wappetoe. at present this house appeared to have been lately abandoned by the natives who had left therein exposed to every visiter various articles such as small canoes, mats, bladders of train oil, baskets, bowls and trenchers. this is a strong evidence of the honesty of the natives with rispect to the property of each other, but they have given us several evidences that they do not pay the same rispect to the property of white men. his guide further informed him that there were a number of small houses belonging to the last mentioned nation situated on two bayous which make out of the river a little above this large hose on the east side; that the inhabitants of these as well as those of the large house had gone up to the falls of the multnomah river for the purpose of taking fish. these falls are situated at the distance of days travel from the junction of the multnomah and columbia rivers agreeably to the indian account which we have estimated at miles or m. above the entrance of clarkamus river. capt c. took the dementions of the hose of the ne-mal-quin-ner tribe of the cushhooks nation near which he encamped on the ed inst. and found it presisely thirty feet by squar constructed with broad boards and covered with the bark of the white cedar or arborvita; the floor is on a level with the surface of the earth and the internal arrangement is similar to those of the natives of the sea coast.--these people carry on a trafic with the killamucks of the coast across the mountains and by way of the killamucks river from the killamucks they obtain their train oil. the courses and distances taken by capt. clark in ascending the multnomah river from it's junction with the columbia river, commencing at the lower extremity of the image canoe islands are as follows. (viz) s. ° w. m. to the upper point of a small island in the center of multnomah river. thence s ° w. m. to a sluce yds. wide on stard. which dividing wappetoe island from the main land discharges itself into wappetoe inlet passed a willow point on lard. s. ° w. ms. to a large indian house on the lard. side, just below some high fir land the shore is bold and high on stard. side. s ° e. ms. to the center of a bend under the highlands on stard. side, passing a lard. point; from hence the river directed it's course to the e. of s. e. as far as capt. c. could perceive it.--at this place the multnomah river is yds. wide and sufficiently deep to admit the largest ship. the river appears to be washing away it's banks in some places, and has more sandbars and willow points than the columbia.on the morning of the rd inst. capt. clark observed that the water had fallen in the course of the night about inches. he set out early and proceeded up the river a short distance few miles and attempted a second time to fathom it but with the same success as before he could nt find bottom with his cord of fathoms for the distance of half the width of the stream. capt c. having fully satisfyed himself of the magnitude of this great river he set out on his return at a.m. i have but little doubt but that this river waters a vast tract of country lying between the western mountains and the mountainous country of the sea coast extending as far south as the waters of the gulph of callifornia or about latitude ° north. at a.m. capt. c. arrived at the ne-er-cho-ki-oo house where he had allarmed the inhabtants yesterday. he halted here a few minutes to smoke with these people who consisted of eight families. he found that his presents excited fresh allarm particularly among the women and children who hid themselves and took refuge behind the men as yesterday; the men held down their heads and seemed much conserned; he therefore remained in the house but a few minutes, returned to his canoe and pursued his rout. his pilot now informed him that these people as well as their relations at the falls of the columbia were illy disposed bad men. soon after he set out he met five canoes on board of which there were as many families of the shah-ha-la nation decending the river in surch of subsistence. they were extreemly anxious to come along side, but he forbid their doing so as their number was too considerable there being men on board these canoes. his pilot told him that they were mischevous bad men. at p.m. he arrived at the present residence of his pilot on the south side of the river opposite the diamond island. here he halted about an hour he found this house very large; it consisted of seven appartments in one range above ground each about feet square. the entrances to these appartments were from passages which extended quite across the house, about feet wide and formed like the walls of the hose of broad boards set on end extending from beneath the floor to the roof of the house. the apperture or hole through which they enter all those wooden houses are remarkably small not generally more than feet high and about inches wide. the ground plot of the nechecolee house is thus the passages of feet and &c. the appartments of feet square. this house is covered with the bark of the white cedar, laid on in a double course, supported by rafters and longitudinal round poles attatched to the rafters with cores of this bark. the peices of the cedar bark extend the whole length of the side of the roof and jut over at the eve about inches. at the distance of inches transverse splinters of dry fir is inserted through the cedar bark in order to keep it smooth and prevent it's edges from colapsing by the heat of the sun; in this manner the natives make a very secure light and lasting roof of this bark. in the vicinity of this house capt. clark observed the remains of five other large houses which appeared to have been sunk in the ground several feet and built after the method of those of the elutes nation at the great narrows of the columbia with whom these people claim affinity. their language is the same with the elutes, tho in their habits, dress manners &c they differ but little from the quathlahpohtles and others in this neighborhood. they make use of some words common to their neighbours but the air of their language is entirely different. they are much better formed and their men larger than the nations below. their women wear larger and longer robes which are made principally of deerskins dressed in the hair. they pay great rispect to their aged persons. capt. c. observed several persons of both sexes who appeared to have arrived to great age yet they appeared perfectly healthy tho most of them perfectly blind. the loss of sight i have observed to be more common among all the nations inhabiting this river than among any people i ever observed. they have almost invariably soar eyes at all stages of life. the loss of an eye is very common among them; blindness in perdsons of middle age is by no means uncommon, and it is almost invariably a concommitant of old age. i know not to what cause to attribute this prevalent deficientcy of the eyes except it be their exposure to the reflection of the sun on the water to which they are constantly exposed in the occupation of fishing. capt. c. enquired of the nechecole the cause of the decline of their village. an old man who appeared to be of some note among them and the father of his guide brought forward a woman who was much marked with the small pox, and made signs that the inhabitants of those houses which he saw in ruins had all died with the disorder which marked the face of the woman and with which this woman was very near dying when a girl. from the apparent age of the woman capt. c. supposed that it was about or years since this disorder had prevailed among these people. this is about the time which we have supposed that it prevailed among the clatsops and others of the coast. capt c. now prevailed on this old man to give him a sketch of the multnomah river it's branches and the position and names of the indian nations residing thereon this the old man son executed with his finger in the dust. (see scetch inserted on the rd inst.). he informed that the cush-hooks and char-cow-ah nations who reside at the falls of that river were not numerous; but that the cal-lah-po-e-wah nation who inhabited both sides of this river above the falls as far as it was known to himself or his nation were very numerous. that the country they inhabited was level and wholy destitute of timber. that a high range of mountains passed the multnomah river at the falls, on the upperside of which the country was one vast plain. the nations who inhabit this country reside on the rivers and subsist like those of the columbia on fish and roots principally. capt c. bought five dogs of these people and set out for my camp at p.m. where he arrived a little before dark, on the evening of the third.--the party whom we sent for the flesh of the elk which shannon had killed returned in the evening with that of four, one had by some mistake been omitted. drewyer and shannon found the two wounded elk and had killed them. we set all hands at work to prepare the meat for the saffoald they continued their operations untill late at night. we directed shannon to go out early in the morning with a party to bring in the elk which had been left last evening in mistake. we also directed drewyer and the two feildses to ascend the river early in the morning to a small bottom a few miles above and hunt untill our arrival.- [clark, april , ] sunday april th . two indians came last night very late to our camp and continued all night. early we had all the meat packed up and our canoes loaded ready for to set out and after an early brackfast at which time all things were ready and we set out and proceeded to the camp of gibson & party about miles, they had killed elk at no great distance and wounded two others so badly that we expect to precure them. sent a party of six men with shannon who had killed the elk to bring in the elk, and formed a camp, near which we had a scaffold made ready to dry the meat as soon as it should arive. reubin field killed a bird of the quail kind or class which was whistleing near our camp it is larger than the quail or partridge as they are called kentucky and virginia. it's form is presisely that of our partridge tho its plumage differs in every part. the upper part of the head, sides and back of the neck, including the croop and about of the under part of the body is of a bright dove coloured blue, under neath the under beak, as high as the lower edge of the eye, and back as far as the hinder part of the eyes and thence comeing down to a point in the front of the neck about / rd of it's length downwards, is of a fine dark brick red. between this brick red and the dove colour there runs a narrow stripe of pure white. the ears are covered with some coarse dark brown feathers. just at the base of the under chap there is a narrow transvirce stripe of white. from the crown of the head two long round feathers extend backwards nearly in the direction of the beak and are of a black colour. the length of these feathers is / inches. one overlais and conseals the other which is somewhat shorter and seems to be raped in the plumage of that in front which folding backwards colapses behing and has a round appearance. the tail is composed of dark brown feathers of nearly equal length. the large feathers of the wings are of a dark brown & are reather short in purpotion to the body of the bird. in this respect very similar to the partridge. the covert of the wings and back are of a dove colour with a slight admixture of redish brown. a wide stripe which extends from side to side of the body and occupies the lower region of the breast is beautifully varigated with the brick red white & black which perdominates in the order they are mentioned and the colours mark the feathers transversely. the legs are covered with feathers as low as the knee; these feathers are of dark brown tiped with a dark brick red as are also those between and about the joining of the legs with the body. the foot is presisely that of the common partridge except that they are as also the legs white. the upper beak is short, wide at it's base, black, convex, curved downwards and reather obtusely pointed. it exceeds the under chap considerably which is of a white colour, also convex under neath and obtusely pointed. the nostrils are remarkably small, placed far back and low down on the sides of the beak. they are covered by a thin proterant elastic, black leather like substance. the eyes are of a uniform pierceing black colour. this is a most butifull bird i preserved the skin of this bird retaining the wings feet & head which i hope will give a just idea of the bird. it's loud note is single and consists of a loud squall, intirely different from the whistling of our partridge or quailes. it has a chiping note when allarmed like our partridge.--to day there was a second of those birds killed which presisely resembles that just discribed. i believe those to be the mail bird the female, if so, i have not yet seen.-. at p.m. shannon and party returned with the flesh of five elk. the two he had wounded in the morning he found dead near the place he had shot them. we had the meat cut into thin pices and scaffored with a fire under it to dry out, which we expect in the course of the night can be effected. four indians from the great rapids visited us to day and continued all day. they give the same account of the scercity of provisions above the falls as has already been given by others. this supply of elk i think by useing economey and in addition of roots and dogs which we may probably precure from he nativs on lewis's river will be sufficient to last us to the chopunnish where we shall meet with our horses-. and near which place there is some deer to be precured. frazer killed a pheasent of the common kind. jos. field killed a vulture of that speces already discribed. in the evening late the indians left us and returned to their village. we detected that fires be kept under the meat all night. and tha drewyer and the two fields proceed on to the next bottom and hunt untill we should arive. miles [lewis, april , ] monday april th . this morning early the flesh of the remaining elk was brought in and drewyer with the feildses departed agreeably to the order of the last evening. we employed the party in drying the meat today which we completed by the evening, and we had it secured in dryed elkskins and put on board in readiness for an early departure. we were visited today by several parties of indians from a village about miles above us of the sahhalah nation. i detected one of them in steeling a peice of lead and sent him from camp. i hope we have now a sufficient stock of dryed meat to serve us as far the chopunnish provided we can obtain a few dogs horses and roots by the way. in the neighbourhood of the chopunnish we can procure a few deer and perhaps a bear or two for the mountains. last evening reubin fields killed a bird of the quail kind it is reather larger than the quail, or partridge as they are called in virginia. it's form is precisely that of our patridge tho it's plumage differs in every part. the upper part of the head, sides and back of the neck, including the croop and about / of the under part of the body is of a bright dove coloured blue, underneath the under beak, as high as the lower edge of the eyes, and back as far as the hinder part of the eyes and thence coming down to a point in front of the neck about two thirds of it's length downwards, is of a fine dark brick red. between this brick red and the dove colour there runs a narrow stripe of pure white. the ears are covered with some coarse stiff dark brown feathers. just at the base of the under chap there is narrow transverse stripe of white. from the crown of the head two long round feathers extend backwards nearly in the direction of the beak and are of a black colour. the longest of these feathers is two inches and an half, it overlays and conceals the other which is somewhat shorter and seems to be raped in the plumage of that in front which folding backwards colapses behind and has a round appearance. the tail is composed of twelve dark brown feathers of nearly equal length. the large feathers of the wings are of a dark brown and are reather short in proportion to the body of the bird in that rispect very similar to our common partridge. the covert of the wings and back are of a dove colour with a slight admixture of redish brown. a wide stripe which extends from side to side of the body and occupyes the lower region of the breast is beautifully variagated with the brick red white and black which pedominate in the order they are mentioned and the colours mark the feathers transversely. the legs are covered with feathers as low as the knee; these feathers are of a dark brown tiped with the dark brick red as are also those between and about the joining of the legs with the body. they have four toes on each foot of which three are in front and that in the center the longest, those one each side nearly of a length; that behing is also of good length and are all armed with long and strong nails. the legs and feet are white and imbrecated with proportionably large broad scales. the upper beak is short, wide at it's base, black, convex, curved downwards and reather obtusely pointed. it exceeds the under chap considerably which is of a white colour, also convex underneath and obtusely pointed. the nostrils are remarkably small placed far back and low down on the sides of the beak. they are covered by a thin protuberant elastic, black leatherlike substance. the eyes are of a uniform piercing black colour. this is a most beautifull bird. i preserved the skin of this bird retaining the wings feet and head which i hope will give a just idea of the bird. it's loud note is single and consists of a loud squall, intirely different from the whistling of our quales or partridge. it has a cherping note when allarmed something like ours.--today there was a second of these birds killed by capt c. which precisely resembled that just discribed. i believe these to be the male bird the female, if so, i have not yet seen.--the day has been fair and weather extreemly pleasant. we made our men exercise themselves in shooting today and regulate their guns found several of them that had their sights moved by accedent, and others that wanted some little alterations all which were compleatly rectifyed in the course of the day. in the evening all the indians departed for their village. [clark, april , ] monday april th this morning drewyer & the two fields set out agreeably to their orders of last evening, the remainder of the party employed in drying the flesh of the five elk killed by shannon yesterday. which was completed and we had it secured in dried shaved elk skins and put on board in readiness for our early departure. we were visited by several parties of indians from a village about miles above us of the sahhalah nation. one of them was detected in stealing a piece of lead. i sent him off imedeately. i hope now we have a sufficient stock of dryed meat to serve us as far as the chopunnish provided we can obtain a fiew dogs, horses and roots by the way. in the neighbourhood of the chopunnish under the rocky mountains we can precure a fiew deer, and perhaps a bear or two for the mountains. the day has been fair and weather exceedingly pleasent. we made our men exersise themselves in shooting and regulateing their guns, found several of them that had their sights moved by accident, and others that wanted some little alterations all which were compleated rectified in the course of the day except my small rifle, which i found wanted cutting out. about oclock p m all the indians left us, and returned to their village. they had brought with them wappato, & pashequa roots chapellel cakes, and a species of raspberry for sale, none of which they disposed of as they asked such enormous prices for those articles that we were not able to purchase any. drewyer returned down the river in the evening & informed us that the nativs had sceared all the elk from the river above. joseph & reuben fields had proceeded on further up the river in the canoe, he expected to the village. i provaled on an old indian to mark the multnomah r down on the sand which hid and perfectly corisponded with the sketch given me by sundary others, with the addition of a circular mountain which passes this river at the falls and connects with the mountains of the seacoast. he also lais down the clark a mos passing a high conical mountain near it's mouth on the lower side and heads in mount jefferson which he lais down by raiseing the sand as a very high mountain and covered with eternal snow. the high mountain which this indian lais down near the enterance of clark a mos river, we have not seen as the hills in it's diretion from this vally is high and obscures the sight of it from us. mt jefferson we can plainly see from the enterance of multnomah from which place it bears s. e. this is a noble mountain and i think equally as high or something higher than mt. st. heleansa but its distance being much greater than that of the latter, so great a portion of it does not appear above the range of mountains which lie between both those stupendious mountains and the mouth of multnomah. like mt. st. heleans its figure is a regular cone and is covered with eturnial snow. that the clarkamos nation as also those at the falls of the multnomah live principally on fish of which those streams abound and also on roots which they precure on it's borders, they also sometimes come down to the columbia in serch of wappato. they build their houses in the same form with those of the columbian vally of wide split boads and covered with bark of the white cedar which is the entire length of the one side of the roof and jut over at the eve about inches. at the distance of about inches transvers spinters of dried pine is inserted through the ceder bark inorder to keep it smooth and prevent it's edge from colapsing by the heat of the sun; in this manner the nativs make a very secure light and lasting roof of this bark. which we have observed in every vilege in this vally as well as those above. this indian also informed me the multnomah above the falls was crouded with rapids and thickly inhabited by indians of the callah-po-e-wah nation. he informed he had himself been a long way up that river &c. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th . the wind blew so violently this morning that we were obliged to unlode our perogues and canoes, soon after which they filled with water. being compelled to remain during the day at our present station we sent out some hunters in order to add something to our stock of provision; and exposed our dryed meat to the sun and the smoke of small fires. in the evening the hunters returned having killed a duck only; they saw two bear and some of the blacktailed jumping or fallow deer, such as are found about fort clatsop; this kind of deer are scarce in this neighbourhood, the common longtailed fallow deer being most abundant. we have seen the black bear only in this quarter. the wind continued without intermission to blow violently all day. i took a walk today of three miles down the river; in the course of which i had an opportunity to correct an errow which i have heretofore made with rispect to the shrub i have hithertoo called the large leafed thorn. the leaf of this thorn is small being only abut / inches long, is petiolate, conjugate; the leafets are petiolate accutely pointed, having their margins cut with unequal angular insissures. the shrub which i have heretofore confounded with this grows in similar situations, has a stem precisely like it except the thorn and bears a large three loabed leaf. this bryer is of the class polyandria and order polygynia. the flowers are single, the peduncle long and celindric. the calix is a perianth, of one leaf, five cleft, & accutely pointed. the perianth is proper, erect, inferior with rispect to both petals and germen, and equal. the corolla consists of five accute pale scarlet petals, insirted in the recepticle with a short and narrow claw. the corolla is smooth, moderately long, situated at the base of the germen, permanent, and cup shaped. of the stamens the filaments are subulate, inserted into the recepticle, unequal and bent inwards concealing the pistillum; anther two loabed and inflected situated on the top of the fillaments of the pistillum the germ is conical, imbricated, superior, sessile and short. the styles are short with rispect to the stamen, capillary smooth, obtuse, distributed over the serface of the germ and decid-uous. no perseptable stigma.--late at night the centinel detected an old indian man in attempting to creep into camp in order to pilfer; he allarmed the indian very much by presenting his gun at him; he gave the fellow a few stripes with a switch and sent him off. this fellow is one of a party of six who layed incamped a few hundred yards below us, they departed soon after this occurrence. [clark, april , ] tuesday april th this morning about day light i heard a considerable roreing like wind at a distance and in the course of a short time ways rose very high which appeared to come across the river and in the course of an hour became so high that we were obliged to unload the canoes, at oclock a.m. the winds suelded and blew so hard and raised the waves so emensely high from the n. e and tossed our canoes against the shore in such a manner as to render it necessary to haul them up on the bank. finding from the appearance of the winds that it is probable that we may be detained all day, we sent out drewyer, shannon colter & collins to hunt with derections to return if the wind should lul, if not to continue the hunt all day except they killed elk or bear sooner &c. we had the dried meat which was cured at our last encampment below exposed to the sun. john shields cut out my small rifle & brought hir to shoot very well. the party ows much to the injenuity of this man, by whome their guns are repared when they get out of order which is very often. i observed an indian woman who visited us yesterday blind of an eye, and a man who was nearly blind of both eyes. the loss of sight i have observed to be more common among all the nations inhabiting this river than among any people i ever observed. they have almost invariably sore eyes at all stages of life. the loss of an eye is very common among them; blindness in persons of middle age is by no means uncommon, and it is almost invariably a concammitant of old age. i know not to what cause to attribute this prevalent deficientcy of the eye except it be their exposure to the reflection of the sun on the water to which they are constantly exposed in the occupation of fishing. about p m collins shannon and colter returned. collins saw bear but could not get a shot at them. neither shannon nor colter saw any thing worth shooting. soon after drewyer returned haveing only a summer duck. the elk is gorn to the mountains as the hunters suppose. in the evening late an old man his son & grand son and their wives &c. came down dureing the time the waves raged with great fury. the wife of the grand son is a woman of differant appearance from any we have seen on this river, she has a very round head and pierceing black eyes. soon after those people arived the old man was detected in stealing a spoon and he was ordered away, at about yards below our camp they built themselves a fire and did not return to our fires after-. the wind continued violently hard all day, and threw our canoes with such force against the shore that one of them split before we could get it out. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th . this morning early we commenced the operation of reloading our canoes; at a.m. we departed and proceeded on to the camp of reubin and joseph fields they had not killed any game; we made no halt at this place but continued our rout to the wah-clel-lah village which is situated on the north side of the river about a mile below the beacon rock; here we halted and took breakfast. john colter one of our party observed the tomehawk in one of the lodges which had been stolen from us on the th of november last as we decended this river; the natives attempted to wrest the tomahawk from him but he retained it. they indeavoured afterwards to exculpate themselves from the odium of having stolen it, they alledged that they had bought it from the natives below; but their neighbours had several days previously, informed us that these people had stolen the tommehawk and then had it at their village. this village appears to be the winter station of the wah-clel-lahs and clahclellars, the greater part of the former have lately removed to the falls of the multnomah, and the latter have established themselves a few miles above on the north side of the river opposite the lower point of brant island, being the commencement of the rapids, here they also take their salmon; they are now in the act of removing, and not only take with them their furniture and effects but also the bark and most of the boards which formed their houses. houses remain entire but are at this time but thinly inhabited, nine others appear to have been lately removed, and the traces of ten or twelve others of ancient date were to be seen in the rear of their present village. they sometimes sink their houses in the earth, and at other times have their floors level with the surface of the earth; they are generally built with boards and covered with cedar bark. most of them have a devision in their houses near the entrance wich is at the end or in the event of it's bing a double house is from the center of a narrow passage. several families inhabit one appartment. the women of these people pierce the cartelage of the nose in which they wear various ornaments in other rispects they do not differ from those in the neighbourhood of the diamond island; tho most of the women brad their hair which hanges in two tresses one hanging over each ear. these people were very unfriendly, and seemed illy disposed had our numbers not detered them any acts of violence. with some difficuly we obtained five dogs from them and a few wappetoe. on our way to this village we passed several beautifull cascades which fell from a great hight over the stupendious rocks which cloles the river on both sides nearly, except a small bottom on the south side in which our hunters were encamped. the most remarkable of these casscades falls about feet perpendicularly over a solid rock into a narrow bottom of the river on the south side. it is a large creek, situated about miles above our encampment of the last evening. several small streams fall from a much greater hight, and in their decent become a perfect mist which collecting on the rocks below again become visible and decend a second time in the same manner before they reach the base of the rocks. the hills have now become mountains high on each side are rocky steep and covered generally with fir and white cedar. we saw some turkey buzzards this morning of the speceis common to the united states which are the first we have seen on this side the rocky mountains. during our halt at this village the grand cheif and two inferior cheifs of the chil-luck-kit-to-quaw nation arrived with several men and women of their nation in two large canoes. these people were on their return up the river, having been on a trading voyage to the columbean vally, and were loaded with wappetoe dryed anchovies, with some beads &c which they had received in exchange for dryed and pounded salmon shappelell beargrass &c. these people had been very kind to us as we decended the river we therefore smoked with them and treated them with every attention. at p.m. we renewed our voyage; passed under the beacon rock on the north side, to the left of two small islands situated near the shore. at four p.m. we arrived at the clah-clel-lah village; here we found the natives busily engaged in erecting their new habitations, which appear to be reather of a temperary kind; it is most probable that they only reside here during the salmon season. we purchased two dogs of these people who like those of the village blow were but sulky and illy disposed; they are great rogues and we are obliged to keep them at a proper distance from our bag-gage. as we could not ascend the rapid by the north side of the river with our large canoes, we passed to the oposite side and entered the narrow channel which seperates brant island from the south shore; the evening being far spent and the wind high raining and very cold we thought best not to attempt the rapids this evening, we therefore sought a safe harbour in this narrow channel and encamped on the main shore. our small canoe with drewer and the two feildses was unable to pass the river with us in consequence of the waves they therefore toed her up along the n. side of the river and encamped opposite the upper point of brant island. after halting this evening i took a turn with my gun in order to kill a deer, but was unsuccessfull. i saw much fresh sign. the fir has been lately injured by a fire near this place and many of them have discharged considerable quantities of rozin. we directed that collins should hunt a few hours tomorrow morning and that gibson and his crew should remain at his place untill we returned and employ themselves in collectng rozin which our canoes are now in want of. [clark, april , ] wednesday april th last night at a late hour the old amsiated indian who was detected in stealing a spoon yesterday, crept upon his belley with his hands and feet, with a view as i suppose to take some of our baggage which was in several defferent parcels on the bank. the sentinal observed the motions of this old amcinated retch untill he got with a fiew feet of the baggage at he hailed him and approached with his gun in a possion as if going to shoote which allarmed the old retch in such a manner that he ran with all his power tumbleing over brush and every thing in his way. at a.m. we set out and proceeded on to the camp of joseph & reubin fields. they had killed nothing. here we did not delay but proceeded on to wah-clel-lah village on the north side and brackfast here one the men colter observed the tomahawk which was stolen from on the th of novr. last as we decended the columbia, he took the tomahawk the natives attempted to wrest it from him, he held fast the tomahawk. those people attempted to excuse themselves from odium of stealing it, by makeing signs that they had purchased the tomahawk, but their nighbours informed me otherwise and made signs that they had taken it. this village appears to be the wintering station of two bands of the shah-ha-la nation. one band has already moved the falls of the multnomah which is the place they take their salmon. the other band is now moveing a fiew miles above to the foot of the first rapid on this river, at which place they take their salmon. houses only appear occupied and the inhabitants of those moveing off hourly, they take with them in their canoes independent of all their houshold effects the bark of their houses, and boards. houses has been latterly abandened and others is yet is thinly inhabited at present, and the remains of or others are to be seen and appears to have been enhabited last fall. those people were not hospital and with some dificuelty we precured dogs and a fiew wappato of them. soon after we arived at this village the grand cheif and two others of the chee-luck-kit-le-quaw nation arived from below. they had with them men and womin and had been trading in the columbia vally for wappato, beeds and dried anchovies &c in exchange for which they had given pounded fish shappalell, bear grass, acorns boiled berries &c. &c. and are now on their return to their village. as those people had been very kind to us as we decended the river we gave them smoke. at oclock p. m we set out and passed under the beacon rock on the north side of two small islds. situated nearest the n. side. at p.m. we arived at the first rapid at the head of straw berry island at which place on the n w. side of the columbia here we found the nativs from the last village rebuilding their habitations of the bark of their old village huts are already compleated and appear only temporrary it is most probable that they only reside here dureing the season of the salmon. as we could not pass with the large canoes up the n. w. side for the rocks, the wind high and a rainey disagreeable evining. our smallest canoe being too low to cross through the high waves, we sent her up on the n w. side with drewyer and the two fields and after purchaseing dogs crossed and into the sluce of a large high island seperated from the s. e side by a narrow chanel, in this chanel we found a good harbor and encamped on the lower side. we saw some deer sign and collins to hunt in the mornig untill the canoes were toed above the rapids. made miles to day. evening wet & disagreeable. [lewis, april , ] thursday april th . we set out early and droped down the channel to the lower end of brant island from whence we drew them up the rapid by a cord about a quarter of a mile which we soon performed; collins and gibson not having yet come over we directed sergt. pryor to remain with the cord on the island untill gibson arrived and assist him with his crew in geting his canoe up the rapid, when they were to join us on the oposite side at a small village of six houses of the clah-clah'lahs where we halted for breakfast. in passing the river which is here about yds. wide the rapidity of the currant was such that it boar us down a considerable distance notwithstanding we employed five oars. on entering one of these lodges, the natives offered us a sheepskin for sail, than which nothing could have been more acceptable except the animal itself. the skin of the head of the sheep with the horns remaining was cased in such manner as to fit the head of a man by whom it was woarn and highly prized as an ornament. we obtained this cap in exchange for a knife, and were compelled to give two elkskins in exchange for the skin. this appeared to be the skin of a sheep not fully grown; the horns were about four inches long, celindric, smooth, black, erect and pointed; they rise from the middle of the forehead a little above the eyes. they offered us a second skin of a full grown sheep which was quite as large as that of a common deer. they discovered our anxity to purchase and in order to extort a great plrice declared that they prized it too much to dispose of it. in expectation of finding some others of a similar kind for sale among the natives of this neighbourhood i would not offer him a greater price than had been given for the other which he refused. these people informed us that these sheep were found in great abundance on the hights and among the clifts of the adjacent mountains. and that they had lately killed these two from a herd of , at no great distance from their village. we could obtain no provision from those people except four white salmon trout. at ten oclock sergt. pryor and gibson joined us with collins who had killed deer. these were all of the blacktailed fallow kind. we set out and continued our rout up the n. side of the river with great difficulty in consequence of the rapidity of the current and the large rocks which form this shore; the south side of the river is impassable. as we had but one sufficient toerope and were obliged to employ the cord in geting on our canoes the greater part of the way we could only take them one at a time which retarded our progress very much. by evening we arrived at the portage on the north side where we landed and conveyed our bagage to the top of the hill about paces distant where we formed a camp. we had the canoes drawn on shore and secured. the small canoe got loose from the hunters and went a drift with a tin vessel and tommahawk in her; the indians caught her at the last village and brought her up to us this evening for which service we gave them a couple of knives; the canoe overset and lost the articles which were in her.--saw the white pine at this place. [clark, april , ] thursday april th collins went out in the bottom to hunt agreeable to the order of last evening, and gibsons crew was derected to delay for collins dureing which time they were derected to collect rozin from the pines in the bottom near our camp at a m. we set out and proceeded to the lower point of the island from whence we were compelled to draw our canoes up a rapid for about / mile which we soon performed. collins & gibson haveing not yet come over we derected serjt. pryor to delay on the island untill gibson came over & assist him with the large toe roap which we also left and to join us at a village of four houses of the clah-lah-lar tribe which is opposit to this island on north side at which place we intened to brackfast. in crossing the river which at this place is not more than yards wide we fell down a great distance owing to the rapidity of the current. i entered one of the houses of those people and was scercely seated before they offered me a sheep skin for sale nothing could be more acceptable except the animal itself in examoning this skin i found it was a young one, the skin of the head was cased so as to fit the head of a man and was esteemed as a great orniment and highly prised by them. we precured this cased head for a knife and, the skin we were obliged to give two raw elk skins for. soon after they offered a large one for sall. after finding us anxious to purchase they declined silling this skin. those people informed us that they killed those animals among the rocks in the mountains under which they live; and that great numbers of those animals inhabit those mountains & that the lamb was killed out of a gange of at a short distance from their village. the wool of the full grown sheep, or that on the skin which we saw was much corser than that of the one which we purchased, the skin was about the size of that of a common deer. the skin we obtained appeared to be the skin of a sheep not fully grown, the wool fine, the horns were abought inches long, celindric, smooth, black, a little bending backwards and pointed; they rise from the middle of the foeheard, and a little above the eyes, and appeared to possess all the marks of the common sheep as already discribed. we could precure no provisions from those people except four white salmon trout. at oclock sergt. pryor and gibson joined us with collins who had killed deer. these were all of the blacktailed fallow kind. we set out and continued up on the n. side of the river with great dificuelty in consequence of the rapidity of the current and the large rocks which forms this shore; the south side of the river is impassable. as we had but one sufficent toe roap and were obliged to employ the cord in getting on our canoes the greater part of the way we could only take them one at a time which retarded our progress very much. by evening we arived at the portage on the n. side where we landed and conveyed our baggage to the top of the hill about paces distant where we found a camp. we had the canoes drawn on shore and secured. the small canoe got loose from the hunters and went adrift with a tin cup & a tomahawk in her; the indians caught her at the last village and brought her up to us this evening for which we gave them two knives; the canoe overset and lost the articles which were in her.-. [lewis, april , ] friday april th . as the tents and skins which covered both our men and baggage were wet with the rain which fell last evening, and as it continued still raining this morning we concluded to take our canoes first to the head of the rapids, hoping that by evening the rain would cease and afford us a fair afternoon to take our baggage over the portage. this portage is two thousand eight hundred yards along a narrow rough and slipery road. the duty of getting the canoes above the rapid was by mutual consent confided to my friend capt. c. who took with him for that purpose all the party except bratton who is yet so weak he is unable to work, three others who were lamed by various accedents and one other to cook for the party. a few men were absolutely necessary at any rate to guard our baggage from the war-clel-lars who crouded about our camp in considerable numbers. these are the greates theives and scoundrels we have met with. by the evening capt. c. took of our canoes above the rapids tho with much difficulty and labour. the canoes were much damaged by being driven against the rocks in dispite of every precaution which could be taken to prevent it. the men complained of being so much fatiegued in the evening that we posponed taking up our th canoe untill tomorrow. these rapids are much worse than they were fall when we passed them, at that time there were only three difficult points within seven miles, at present the whole distance is extreemly difficult of ascent, and it would be impracticable to decend except by leting down the empty vessels by a cord and then even the wrisk would be greater than in taking them up by the same means. the water appears to be upwards of feet higher than when we decended the river. the distance by way of the river between the points of the portage is msmany of the natives crouded about the bank of the river where the men were engaged in taking up the canoes; one of them had the insolence to cast stones down the bank at two of the men who happened to be a little detatched from the party at the time. on the return of the party in the evening from the head of the rapids they met with many of the natives on the road, who seemed but illy disposed; two of these fellows met with john sheilds who had delayed some time in purchasing a dog and was a considerable distance behind the party on their return with capt. c. they attempted to take the dog from him and pushed him out of the road. he had nothing to defend himself with except a large knife which he drew with an intention of puting one or both of them to death before they could get themselves in readiness to use their arrows, but discovering his design they declined the combat and instantly fled through the woods. three of this same tribe of villains the wah-clel-lars, stole my dog this evening, and took him towards their village; i was shortly afterwards informed of this transaction by an indian who spoke the clatsop language, and sent three men in pursuit of the theives with orders if they made the least resistence or difficulty in surrendering the dog to fire on them; they overtook these fellows or reather came within sight of them at the distance of about miles; the indians discovering the party in pursuit of them left the dog and fled. they also stole an ax from us, but scarcely had it in their possession before thompson detected them and wrest it from them. we ordered the centinel to keep them out of camp, and informed them by signs that if they made any further attempts to steal our property or insulted our men we should put them to instant death. a cheif of the clah-clel-lah tribe informed us that there were two very bad men among the wah-clel-lahs who had been the principal actors in these seenes of outradge of which we complained, and that it was not the wish of the nation by any means to displease us. we told him that we hoped it might be the case, but we should certainly be as good as our words if they presisted in their insolence. i am convinced that no other consideration but our number at this moment protects us. the cheif appeared mortified at the conduct of his people, and seemed friendly disposed towards us. as he appeared to be a man of consideration and we had reason to beleive much rispected by the neighbouring tribes we thought it well to bestoe a medal of small size upon him. he appeared much gratifyed with this mark of distinction, and some little attention which we shewed him. he had in his possession a very good pipe tomahawk which he informed us he had received as a present from a trader who visited him last winter over land pointing to the n. w., whome he called swippeton; he was pleased with the tommahawk of capt. c. in consequence of it's having a brass bowl and capt. c. gratified him by an exchange. as a further proof of his being esteemed by this white trader, he gave us a well baked saylor's bisquit which he also informed us he had received from swippeton. from these evidences i have no doubt but the traders who winter in some of the inlets to the n. of us visit this part of the columbia by land at certain seasons, most probably when they are confined to their winter harbour. and if so some of those inlets are probably at no great distance from this place, as there seems to be but little inducement to intice the trader hither from any considerable distance particularly as the difficulty in traveling on the borders of this mountainous country must be great at that season as the natives informed me their snows were frequently breast deep. i observe snowshoes in all the lodges of the natives above the columbean vally. i hope that the friendly interposition of this chief may prevent our being compelled to use some violence with these people; our men seem well disposed to kill a few of them. we keep ourselves perefectly on our guard. this evening we send drewyer and the two feildses on a few miles up the river to the entrance of cruzatt's river to hunt untill our arrival. the inhabitants of the y-eh-huh village on the north side immediately above the rapids have lately removed to the opposite side of the river, where it appears they usually take their salmon. like their relations the wah-clel-lars they have taken their houses with them. i observe that all the houses lately established have their floors on the surface of the earth, are smaller and of more temperary structure than those which are sunk in the ground. i presume the former are their spring and summer dwellings and the latter those of the fall and winter. these houses are most generally built with boards and covered with bark. some of an inferior ore more temperary cast are built entirely of cedar bark, which is kept smooth and extended by inserting small splinters of wood through the bark crosswise at the distance of or inches assunder. several families inhabit the same appartment. their women as well as those of the villages next below us pierce the cartelage of the nose and insert various ornaments. they very seldom imprint any figures on their skins; a few i observed had one or two longitudinal lines of dots on the front of the leg, reaching from the ankle upwards about midleg. most of their women braid their hair in two tresses as before mentioned. the men usually cew their hair in two parsels which like the braded tresses of the female hang over each ear in front of the sholder, and gives an additional width to the head and face so much admired by them. these cews are usually formed with throngs of dressed otterskin crossing each other and not roled in our manner arrond the hair. in all other rispects i observe no difference in their dress habits manners &c. from those in the neighbourhood of the diamond island. today we recognized a man of the elute nation who reside at the long narrows of the columbia, he was on his return from a trading voyage to the columbean valley with or others of his nation. many other natives from the villages above were employed in taking their roots &c over the portage on their return. i observed that the men equally with the women engage in the labour of carrying. they all left their canoes below the rapids and took others above which they had left as they decended. those which were left below were taken down the river by the persons from whom they had been hired or borrowed. the natives from above behaved themselves in a very orderly manner. the salmon have not yet made their appearance, tho the natives are not so much distressed for food as i was induced to believe. i walked down today about / of a mile below our encampment to observe the manner in which these people inter their dead. i found eight sepulchers near the north bank of the river built in the following manner. four strong forks are first sunk several feet in the ground and rise about six feet high, froming a parrallelogram of by feet. the intervals between these upright forks, on which four poles are laid, are filled up with broad erect boards with their lower ends sunk in the ground and their upper ends confined to the horizontal poles. a flat roof is formed of several layers of boards; the floors of these sepulchres are on a level with the surface of the earth. the human bodies are well rolled in dressed skins and lashed securely with chords and laid horizontaly on the back with the head to the west. in some of these sepulchres they are laid on each other to the debth of three or four bodies. in one of those sepulchres which was nearly decayed i observed that the human bones filled it perfectly to the hight of about three feet. many articles appear to be sacreficed to the dead both within and without the sepulcres. among other articles, i observed a brass teakettle, some scollep shells, parts of several robes of cloth and skins, with sticks for diging roots &c.--this appears to be the burying ground of the wahclellahs, clahclellahs and yehhuhs. [clark, april , ] friday april th rained the greater part of the last night and continued to rain this morning, as the skins and the covering of both the mend and loading were wet we determined to take the canoes over first in hopes that by the evening the rain would sease and afford us a fair afternoon to carry our baggage over the portage which is miles by land and a slipery road. i therefore took all the men except three who had sore feet and two to cook, and who were with the baggage; and with great dificuelty and much fatigue we drew up of our canoes above the rapids miles in extent. the men became so fatigued that we deturmined to puspone takeing the th canoe untill tomorrow. those rapids are much worse than they were at the time we passed last fall at that time there was only three bad places in the distance of miles. at this time the whole distance is a rapid and dificuelt of assent; and would be very dangerous at this stage of the water (which is ____ feet higher than when we passed down) to decent in any kind of craft. great numbers of the nativs visited us and viewed us from the banks as we passed on with the canoes, maney of those people were also about our baggage and on the portage road. two of those fellows insulted john shields who had delayed in purchaseing a dog at the upper part of the rapids and was some distance behind myself and the party on our return to camp. they attempted to take his dog and push him out of the road. he had nothing to defend himself except a large knife which he drew with a full deturmination to put one of them to death before he had an oppertunity of dischargeing his arrow. the nativs obseveing his motion ran off. one other indn. stold an ax and was not in possession before he was detected by thompson and the ax taken from him. one other fellow attempted to steal capt. lewis's dog, and had decoyed him nearly half a mile we were informed of it by a man who spoke the clatsop language and imediately sent three men with their guns who over took the indians, who on their approach ran off and lift the dog--we informed the nativ's by signs that if the indians insulted our men or stold our property we should certainly put them to death a chief of the clah-clal-lahs tribe informed us that there was two very bad men who had been guilty of those mischevious acts. that it was not the wish of their tribe that any thing should be done which might displese the white people. this chief had a large fine pipe tomahawk which he informed me he got from a trader he called swippeton. i exchanged tomahawks with this chief, and as he appeared to be a man of consideration among the tribes of this neighbourhood and much conserned for the ingiries offered us, we gave him a medal of the small size which appeard. to please him verry much; and will i hope have a favourable tendincy, in as much as it will attach him to our interest, and he probably will harang his people in our favour, which may prevent any acts of violence being commited, on either side. nothing but the strength of our party has prevented our being robed before this time. sent drewyer & fields on a head to hunt. the inhabitents of the wyach-hich tribe village imediately above those rapids on the n w. side have latterly moved their village to the opposit side of the river, where they take their salmon; they are now in the act of removeing and not only take their furniture and effects but also the bark and most of the boards which formed their houses. those like the tribes below sometimes sink their houses in the earth, and at other times have their flowrs leavil with the surface of the earth; they are generally built of boards and covered with bark. those which appear intended for temporary use are most generally built of the white cedar bark. most of those have a division in the houses near the enterance which is at the end, or in the event of it's being a double house is from the center of a narrow passage. several families enhabit one appartment. the women of those people as well as those in the villages below pierce the cartilage of the nose in which they ware various orniments. in other respects they do not deffer from those of the dimond island. tho most of the women brad their hair which hangs in two tresses, one hanging over each ear. the yound men of all those tribes ware their hair plated, in two plats anging over each sholder, maney of them also cew their hair with otter skin divided on the crown of the head and hanging over each ear. to day i recognised a man of the elute nation who reside at the long narrows, he was on his return from a tradeing voyage to the columbian vally with or of his tribe. maney others from the villages above this were takeing their roots &c. over the portage to day on their return home. vegitation is rapidly progressing. sarvis berry, sackacommis and the large leafed ash is in blume. also fir n. ____ in bloom [lewis, april , ] saturday april th . it rained the greater part of last night and still continued to rain this morning. i therefore determined to take up the remaining perogue this morning for which purpose i took with me every man that could be of any service. a small distance above our camp there is one of the most difficult parts of the rapid. at this place the current sets with great violence against a projecting rock. in hawling the perogue arround this point the bow unfortunately took the current at too great a distance from the rock, she turned her side to the stream and the utmost exertions of all the party were unable to resist the forse with which she was driven by the current, they were compelled to let loose the cord and of course both perogue and cord went a drift with the stream. the loss of this perogue will i fear compell us to purchase one or more canoes of the indians at an extravegant price. after breakfast all hands were employed in taking our baggage over the portage. we caused all the men who had short rifles to carry them, in order to be prepared for the natives should they make any attempts to rob or injure them. i went up to the head of the rapids and left capt. c. below. during the day i obtained a vocabulary of the language of the war-clel-lars &c. i found that their numbers were precisely those of the chinnooks but the other parts of their language essentially different. by p.m. we had brought up all our baggage and capt. c. joined me from the lower camp with the clahclellah cheif. there is an old village situated about halfway on the portage road the fraim of the houses, which are remarkably large one by feet, remain almost entire. the covering of the houses appears to have been sunk in a pond back of the village. this the chief informed us was the residence occasionally of his tribe. these houses are fraimed in the usual manner but consist of a double set as if oune house had been built within the other. the floors are on a level with the ground. the natives did not croud about us in such numbers today as yesterday, and behaved themselves much better; no doubt the precautions which they observed us take had a good effect. i employed sergt. pryor the greater part of the day in reparing and corking the perogue and canoes. it continued to rain by showers all day. about of the y-eh-huhs remained with me the greater part of the day and departed in the evening. they conducted themselves with much propryety and contemned the conduct of their relations towards us. we purchased one sheepskin for which we gave the skin of an elk and one of a deer. this animal was killed by the man who sold us the skin near this place; he informed us that they were abundant among the mountains and usually resorted the rocky parts. the big horned animal is also an inhabitant of these mountains. i saw several robes of their skins among the natives.as the evening was rainy cold and far advanced and ourselves wet we determined to remain all night. the mountains are high steep and rocky. the rock is principally black. they are covered with fir of several speceis and the white cedar. near the river we find the cottonwood, sweet willow, broad leafed ash, a species of maple, the purple haw, a small speceis of cherry; purple currant, goosberry, red willow, vining and white burry honeysuckle, huckkle burry, sacacommis, two speceis of mountain holley, &common ash. for the three last days this inclusive we have made only miles. [clark, april , ] saturday april th . rained the greater part of the last night and this morning untile a.m. we employed all hands in attempting to take up the lost canoe. in attempting to pass by a rock against which the current run with emence force, the bow unfortunately took the current at too great a distance from the rock, she turned broad side to the stream, and the exertions of every man was not sufficient to hold her. the men were compelled to let go the rope and both the canoe and rope went with the stream. the loss of this canoe will i fear compell us to purchase another at an extravigent price. after brackfast all hands who were employed in carrying the baggage over the portage / miles which they performed by p.m. the nativs did not visit us in such crouds to day as yesterday. we caused all the men of the party who ha short guns to carry them on the portage for fear of some attempt on the part of the nativs to rob the party. the rain continued at intervales all day. in the evening after everry thing was taken from the lower camp i set out myself accompanied by the cheif of the clah-clal lars to the head of the portage. as we passed the remains of an old village about half way the portage, this cheif informed me that this old village had been the residence of his tribe dureing the last salmon season. this village i mentiond in decending this river, but did not know the tribes that had inhabited it that time. capt. lewis took a vocabulary of the languge of those people whilst i had all the baggage taken across the portage & we formed a camp at the place we had encamped on our way down. at my arival at the head of the portage found about of the natives of the wy ach hich tribe who reside above the rapids, with capt lewis. those people appeared much better disposed towards us than either the clahclallah or wahclellah and condemn their conduct much. those tribes i believe to be all the same nation their language habits manners dress &c. are presisely alike and differ but little from those below the great narrows of this river. i observed a woman with a sheep skin robe on which i purchased for one elk and one deer skin. the father of this woman informed me that he had killed the animal off of which he had taken this skin on the mountains imediately above his village, and that on those mountains great numbers of those animals were to be found in large flocks among the steep rocks. i also purchased pieces of chapellell and some roots of those people. as the evening was rainey and ourselves and party wet we concluded to delay untill the morning and dry our selves. the indians left us about p m and returned to their village on the opposit side. mountains are high on each side and covered with snow for about / of the way down. the growth is principally fir and white cedar. the bottoms and low situations is covered with a variety such as cotton, large leafed ash, sweet willow a species of beech, alder, white thorn, cherry of a small speces, servis berry bushes, huckleberries bushes, a speces of lorel &c. &c. i saw a turkey buzzard which is the rd which i have seen west of the rocky mountains. the st was on the inst. above quick sand river. for the three last days this inclusive we have made miles only. [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . the loss of one of our perogues rendered it necessary to distribute her crew and cargo among the remaining perogues and canoes, which being done we loaded and set out a.m. we passed the village immediately above the rapids where only one house at present remains entire, the other having been taken down and removed to the oposite side of the river as before mentioned. we found the additional laiding which we had been compelled to put on board rendered our vessels extreemly inconvenient to mannage and in short reather unsafe in the event of high winds; i therefore left capt. c. with the two perogues to proceede up the river on the n. side, and with the two canoes and some additional hands passed over the river above the rapids to the y-eh-huh village in order to purchase one or more canoes. i found the village consisting of houses crouded with inhabitants; it appeared to me that they could have mustered about fighting men then present. they appeared very friendly disposed, and i soon obtained two small canoes from them for which i gave two robes and four elkskins. i also purchased four paddles and three dogs from them with deerskins. the dog now constitutes a considerable part of our subsistence and with most of the party has become a favorite food; certain i am that it is a healthy strong diet, and from habit it has become by no means disagreeable to me, i prefer it to lean venison or elk, and is very far superior to the horse in any state. after remaining about hours at this village i departed and continued my rout with the four canoes along the s. side of the river the wind being too high to pass over to the entrance of cruzatts river where i expected to have overtaken capt. c. not seing the perogues on the opposite side i ascended the river untill one oclock or about ms. above the entrance of cruzat's river. being convinced that the perogues were behind i halted and directed the men to dress the dogs and cook one of them for dinner; a little before we had completed our meal capt. c. arrived with the perogues and landed opposite to us. after dinner i passed the river to the perogues and found that capt. c. had halted for the evening and was himself hunting with three of the party. the men in formed me that they had seen nothing of the hunters whom we had sent on the th ints. to the entrance of cruzatt's riv. i directed sergt. ordway to take the two small canoes for his mess and the loading which he had formerly carried in the perogue we lost yesterday, and to have them dryed this evening and payed with rozin. capt. clark returned in about an hour and being convinced that the hunters were yet behind we dispatched sergt. pryor in surch of them with two men and an empty canoe to bring the meat they may have killed. john sheilds returned a little after six p.m. with two deer which he had killed. these were also of the blacktailed fallow deer; there appears to be no other speceis of deer in these mountains. capt. c. informed me that the wind had detained him several hours a little above cruzatt's river; that while detained here he sent out some men to hunt; one of them wounded two deer but got neither of them. the wind having lulled in the evening and not seing anything of drewyer and the feildses he had proceeded on to this place where he intended waiting for me, and as he did not see my canoes when he landed had taken a hunt with some of the men as before mentioned. [clark, april , ] sunday april th the loss of one of our large canoes rendered it necessary to divide the loading and men of that canoe between the remaining four, which was done and we loaded and set out at oclock a.m. passed the village imediately above the rapids, where only one house remains entire the other haveing been taken down and moved to the opposit side of the columbia as already mentioned. the additional men and baggage in each canoe renders them crouded and unsafe. capt. lewis with of the smallest canoes of sergt. pryor & gibson and crossed above the rapids to the village on the s e side with a view to purchase a canoe of the nativs if possible. he took with him some cloth and a fiew elk skins and deer skins. i with the two large canoes proceeded on up the n. w. side with the intention of gitting to the encampment of our hunters who was derected to hunt in the bottom above crusats river, and there wait the arival of capt. lewis. i proceeded on to the bottom in which i expected to find the hunters but could see nothing of them. the wind rose and raised the ways to such a hight that i could not proceed any further. we landed and i sent out shields and colter to hunt; shields shot two deer but could get neither of them. i walkd. to crusats river and up it / a mile on my return to the party found that the wind had lulled and as we could see nothing of our hunters. i deturmined to proceed on to the next bottom where i thought it probable they had halted at / passed p m set out and proceeded on to the bottom miles and halted at the next bottom formed a camp and sent out all the hunters. i also walked out my self on the hills but saw nothing. on my return found capt. lewis at camp with two canoes which he had purchased at the y-ep-huh village for two robes and four elkskins. he also purchased paddles and three dogs from the nativs with deer skins. the dogs now constitutes a considerable part of our subsistance & with most of the party has become a favourable food. certain i am that is a helthy strong diet, derected serjt. ordway to take the small canoes purchased by capt. lewis for his mess and the loading he had in his canoe which we lost yesterday, and drawed up and paid with rozin. i was convinced that the hunters must have been up river cruzatt. despatched sergt. pryor with men in a canoe, with directions to assend crusats river and if he found the hunters to assist them in with the meat. jo. shields returned about sunset with two deer which he had killed, those were of the black tail fallow deer. there appears to be no other species of deer in those mountains. we proceeded on miles. [lewis, april , ] monday april th . this morning at seven ock. we were joined by sergt. pryor and the three hunters they brought with them deer which drewyer had killed yesterday. we took breakfast and departed. at a.m. the wind arrose and continued hard all day but not so violent as to prevent our proceeding. we kept close along the n. shore all day. the river from the rapids as high as the commencement of the narrows is from / to / of a mile in width, and possesses scarcely any current. the bed is principally rock except at the entrance of labuish's river which heads in mount hood and like the quicksand river brings down from thence vast bodies of sand. the mountains through which the river passes nearly to the sepulchre rock, are high broken, rocky, partially covered with fir white cedar, and in many places exhibit very romantic seenes. some handsome cascades are seen on either hand tumbling from the stupendious rocks of the mountains into the river. near the border of the river i observed today the long leafed pine. this pine increases in quantity as you ascend the river and about the sepulchre rock where the lower country commences it superceedes the fir altogether. throughout the whole course of this river from the rapids as high as the chilluckkittequaws, we find the trunks of many large pine trees sanding erect as they grew at present in feet water; they are much doated and none of them vegetating; at the lowest tide of the river many of these trees are in ten feet water. certain it is that those large pine trees never grew in that position, nor can i account for this phenomenon except it be that the passage of the river through the narrow pass at the rapids has been obstructed by the rocks which have fallen from the hills into that channel within the last years; the appearance of the hills at that place justify this opinion, they appear constantly to be falling in, and the apparent state of the decayed trees would seem to fix the era of their decline about the time men-tioned. at p.m. we arrived at a large village situated in a narrow bottom on the n. side a little above the entrance of canoe creek. their houses are reather detatched and extent for several miles. they are about in number. these people call themselves we-ock-sock, wil-lacum. they differ but litte in appeance dress &c. from those of the rapids. their men have some leging and mockersons among them. these are in the stile of chopunnish. they have some good horses of which we saw ten or a douzen. these are the fist horses we have met with since we left this neighbourhood last fall, in short the country below this place will not permit the uce of this valuable animal except in the columbian vally and there the present inhabitants have no uce for them as they reside immediately on the river and the country is too thickly timbered to admit them to run the game with horses if they had them. we halted at this village and dined. purchased five dogs some roots, shappalell, filberds and dryed burries of the inhabitants. here i observed several habitations entirely under grownd; they were sunk about feet deep and covered with strong timber and several feet of earth in a conic form. these habitations were evacuated at present. they are about feet in diameter, nearly circular, and are entered through a hole at the top which appears to answer the double purpose of a chimney and a door. from this entrance you decend to the floor by a ladder. the present habitations of these people were on the surface of the ground and do not differ from those of the tribes of the rapids. their language is the same with that of the chilluckkittequaws. these people appeared very friendly. some of them informed us that they had lately returned from a war excurtion against the snake indians who inhabit the upper part of the multnomah river to the s. e. of them. they call them to-wannah'-hi'-ooks. that they had been fortunate in their expedition and had taken from their enimies most of the horses which we saw in their possession. after dinner we pursued our voyage; capt. clark walked on shore with charbono. i ascended the river about six miles at which place the river washed the base of high clifts on the lard. side, here we halted a few minutes and were joined by capt. c. and charbono and proceeded on to the entrance of a small run on n. side a little below a large village on the same side opposite the sepulchre rock. this village can raise about an hundred fighting men they call themselves. they do not differ in any rispect from the village below. many of them visited our camp this evening and remained with us untill we went to bed. they then left us and retired to their quarters.- [clark, april , ] monday april th this morning at oclock we were joined by sgt. pryor and they three hunters they brought with them deer which drewyer had killed yesterday. we took brackfast and departed at a.m. the wind rose and continued to blow hard all day but not so violent as to prevent our proceeding. we kept close allong the n. shore all day. the river from the rapids to the commencement of the narrows is from / to / of a mile in wedth, and possesses but little current. the bead is rock except at the enterence of labiech's river which heads in mt. hood and like the quick sand river brings down from thence vast bodies of sand the mountains through which the river passes nearly to cataract river are high broken rocky, particularly covered with fir and white cedar, and in maney places very romantic scenes. some handsom cascades are seen on either side tumbling from the stupendious rocks of the mountains into the river. i observe near the river the long leafed pine which increas as we assend and superseeds the fir altogether about the sepulchre rock. we find the trunks of maney large pine trees standing erect as they grew, at present in feet water; they are much doated and none of them vegitateing. at the lowest water of the river maney of those trees are in feet water. the cause i have attempted to account for as i decended. at p m. we arrived at a large village situated in a narrow bottom on the n. side a little above the enterance of canoe creek. their houses are reather detached, and extend for several miles. they are about in number. those people call themselves wil-la-cum. they differ but little in appearance dress &c. from those of the rapids. their men have some legins and mockersons among them. those are in the stile of chopunnish. they have some good horss of which we saw or these are the first horses we have met with since we left this neighbourhood last fall in short the country below this place will not permit the use of this valuable animal except in the columbian vally, and there the present inhabitents have no use for them as they reside imediately on the river and the country is too thickly timbd. we halted at this village dined and purchased five dogs, some roots chappalell, philberds and dried berries of the inhabitents. here i observed several habitations under ground; they were sunk about feet deep and covered with strong timber and several feet of earth in a conic form. those habitations are avacuated at present. they are about feet diamieter, nearly circular, and are entered through a hole at top which appears to answer the double purpose of a chimney and a dore. from this enterance you decend to the flore by a ladder. the present habitations of those people were on the surface of the ground and do not differ from those of the tribes about the rapids. their language is the same with the che luck kit to quaws. these people appeared very friendly. some of them informed us that they had latterly returned from the war excurtion against the snake indians who inhabit the upper part of the multnomah river to the s. e. of them they call them to wan nah hi ooks. that they had been fortunate in the expidition and had taken from their enimies most of the horses which we saw in their possession. after dinner we proceeded on our voyage. i walked on shore with shabono on the n. side through a handsom bottom. met several parties of women and boys in serch of herbs & roots to subsist on maney of them had parcels of the stems of the sunflower. i joined capt lewis and the party at miles, at which place the river washed the bottom of high clifts on the n. side. several canoes over take us with families moveing up. we passed encampments and came too in the mouth of a small creek on the n. side imediately below a village and opposit the sepulchar rock. this village consists of about fighting men of several tribes from the plains to the north collected here waiting for the salmon. they do not differ in any respect from those below. many of them visited our camp this evening and remaind. with us untill we went to bead. they then left us and returned to their quarters. made ____ miles. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th we delayed this morning untill after breakfast in order to purchase some horses of the indians; accordingly we exposed some articles in exchange for horses the natives were unwilling to barter, we therefore put up our merchandize and at a.m. we set out. we halted a few minutes at the sepulchre rock, and examined the deposits of the ded at that place. these were constructed in the same manner of those already discribed below the rapids. some of them were more than half filled with dead bodies. there were thirteen sepulchres on this rock which stands near the center of the river and has a surface of about acres above highwater mark.--from hence we returned to the nothern shore and continued up it about four miles to another village of the same nation with whom we remained last night. here we halted and informed the natives of our wish to purchase horses; the produced us several for sale but would not take the articles which we had in exchange for them. they wanted an instrumet which the northwest traders call an eye-dag which we had not. we procured two dogs of them and departed. a little below the entrance of cataract river we halted at another village of the same people, at which we were equally unsuccessful) in the purchase of horses. we also halted at the two villages of the chilluckkittequaws a few miles above with no better success. at three in the evening we arrived at the entrance of quinnette creek which we ascended a short distance and encamped at the place we have called rockfort camp. here we were visited by some of the people from the villages at the great narrows and falls. we informed them of our wish to purchase horses, & agreed to meet them on the opposite or north side of the river tomorrow for the purpose of bartering with them. most of them returned to their villages this evening three only remained with us all night. these people are much better clad than any of the nations below; their men have generally leging mockersons and large robes, many of them wear shirts of the same form those of the chopunnish and shoshonees highly ornamented with the quills of the porcupine as are also their mockersons and legings. they conceal the parts of generation with the skin of a fox or some other small animal drawn underneath a girdle and hanging loosly in front of them like a narrow apron. the dress of their women differs very little from those about the rapids. both men and women cut their hair in the forehead which comes down as low as the eyebrows, they have long earlocks cut square at the end. the other part of their hair is dressed in the same manner as those of the rapids. after we landed and formed our camp this evening drewyer and some others took a hunt and killed a deer of the longtailed kind. it was a buck and the young horns had shot fourth about inches. [clark, april , ] tuesday april th we delayed this morning untill after brackfast in order to purchase some horses of the indians; accordingly we exposed some articles in exchange for horses the nativs were unwilling to exchange their horses, we put up our merchindize and at a m. set out. we halted a fiew minits at the sepulchar rock and examined the deposit of the dead at that place. those were constructed in the same manner of those already described below the rapids. some of them were more than half filled with dead bodies. there were sepulchers on this rock which stands near the center of the river, and has a cerface of about two acres above the water.-. from hence we returned to the northern shore and continued up it about miles to a village at the enterance of cateract river, here we halted and informed the nativs of our wish to purchase horses; the produced several for sale but would not take the articles we had in exchange for them. they wanted an instriment which the northw traders call an eye dag which we had not. we precured two dogs and departed we also halted at the two villages of the chil luck kitequaws a fiew ms. above with no better sucksess. at in the evening we arivied at the enterance of quinnett creek which we assended a short distance and encamped at the place we had called rock fort camp. here we were visited by some of the people from the villages at the long narrows & falls. we informed them of our wish to purchase horses, and agreed to meet them on the opposit or north side on tomorrow for the purpose of bartering with them. most of them returned to their village this evening three only remained with us all night. those people are much better clad than the nativs below. their men have generaly legins mockersons & large robes. maney of them were shirts of the same form of those of the chopunnish & shoshonees highly ornamented with the quils of the purcupine, as are also their mockersons & legins. they conseal the parts of generation with the skins of the fox or some other small animal drawn under neath a girdle and hanging loosely in front of them like a narrow apron. the dress of their women differ verry little from those about the rapids. both men & women cut their hair in the forehead which comes down as low as the eyebrows, they have long ear locks cut square at the end. the other parts of their hair is dressed in the same manner as those of the rapids. after we landld and formed our camp this evening drewyer and some oths took a hunt and killed a deer of the log tailed kind. it was a buck and the young deer horns had shot foth about two inches made ____ miles to day. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th . about a.m. capt. clark passed the river with the two interpreters, the indian woman and nine men in order to trade with the natives for their horses, for which purpose he took with him a good part of our stock of merchandize. i remained in camp; sent out the hunters very early in the morning, and set sergts. gass and pryor with some others at work to make a parsel of packsaddles. twelve horses will be sufficient to transport our baggage and some pounded fish which we intend taking with us as a reserved store for the rocky mountains. i was visited today by several of the natives, and amused myself in making a collection of the esculent plants in the neighbourhood such as the indians use, a specemine of which i preserved. i also met with sundry other plants which were strangers to me which i also preserved, among others there is a currant which is now in blume and has yellow blossom something like the yellow currant of the missouri but is a different speceis. reubin feilds returned in the evening and brought with him a large grey squrrel and two others of a kind i had never before seen. they are a size less than the grey squirrel common to the middle atlantic states and of a pided grey and yellowish brown colour, in form it resembles our grey squrrel precisely. i had them skined leaving the head feet and tail to them and placed in the sun to dry. joseph feilds brought me a black pheasant which he had killed; this i found on examination to be the large black or dark brown pheasant i had met with on the upper part of the missouri. it is as large as a well grown fowl the iris of the eye is of a dark yellowish brown, the puple black, the legs are booted to the toes, the tail is composed of black feathers tiped with bluish white, of which the two in the center are reather shorter than the others which are all of the same length. over the eye there is a stripe of a / of an inch in width uncovered with feathers of a fine orrange yellow. the wide spaces void of feathers on the side of the neck are also of the same colour. i had some parts of this bird preserved. our present station is the last point at which there is a single stick of timber on the river for a great distance and is the commencement of the open plains which extend nearly to the base of the rocky mts. labuish returned this evening having killed two deer i sent and had them brought in. this evening capt. c. informed me by some of the men whom he sent over that that he had obtained no horses as yet of the natives. that they promised to trade with him provided he would remove to their vil-lage. to this he had consented and should proceede to the skillute village above the long narrows as soon as the men returned whom he had sent to me for some other articles. i dispatched the men on their return to capt. c. immediately with these articles and he set out with his party accompanyed by the natives to their village where he remained all night.--the natives who had spent the day with me seemed very well disposed, they left me at in the evening and returned to their rispective villages. the hunters informed me that they saw some antelopes, & the tracks of several black bear, but no appearance of any elk. we were informed by the indians that the river which falls in on the s. side of the columbia just above the eneshur village heads in mount hood and dose not water the extensive country which we have heretofore calculated on. a great portion of that extensive tract of country to the s. and s. w. of the columbia and it's s. e. branch, and between the same and the waters of callifornia must be watered by the multnomah river.- [clark, april , ] april th crossed the river and sent drewyer & goodrich to the skil lute village to envite the indians to trade horses with us, also sent frazer & shabono to the che-luck-kit-ti-quar village for the same purpose a number of indians came of both nations and delayed the greater part of the day without tradeing a single horse the great chief of the skillutes also came with drewyer. he was lame and could not walk he told me if i would go to his town his people would trade with me. i set out late and arrived at sunset and informd. the natives that in the morning i would trade with them. he gave me onions to eate which had been sweated. peter played the violin and the men danced. saw abt. stacks of fish. maney nations visit this place for trade. the discription of the houses, their dress habits &c. smoked &c. i saw great numbers of horses [clark, april , ] wednesday april th about oclock this morning i passed the river with the two interpreters, and nine men in order to trade with the nativs for their horses, for which purpose i took with me a good part of our stock of merchindize. capt l. sent out the hunters and set several men at work makeing pack saddles. twelve horses will be sufficient to trans port our baggage and some pounded fish with our dried elk. which we intend takeing with us as a reserved store for the plains & rocky mountains. i formed a camp on the n. side and sent drewyer & goodrich to the skillute village, and shabono & frazer down to the chilluckkitequaw villages with derections to inform the nativs that i had crossed the river for the purpose of purchaseing horses, and if they had horses to sell us to bring them to my camp. great numbers of indians came from both villages and delayed the greater part of the day without tradeing a single horse. drewyer returned with the principal chief of the skillutes who was lame and could not walk. after his arival some horses were offered for sale, but they asked nearly half the merchindize i had with me for one horse. this price i could not think of giveing. the chief informed me if i would go to his town with him, his people would sell me horses. i therefore concluded to accompany him to his village miles distant. we set out and arrived at the village at sunset. after some serimony i entered the house of the chief. i then informed them that i would trade with them for their horses in the morning for which i would give for each horse the articles which i had offered yestered. the chief set before me a large platter of onions which had been sweeted. i gave a part of those onions to all my party and we all eate of them, in this state the root is very sweet and the tops tender. the nativs requested the party to dance which they very readily consented and peter cruzat played on the violin and the men danced several dances & retired to rest in the houses of the st and second cheif. this village is moved about yards below the spot it stood last fall at the time we passed down. they were all above grown and built in the same form of those below already discribed. we observed maney stacks of fish remaining untouched on either side of the river. the inhabitents of this village ware the robe of deer elk goat &c. and most of the men ware legins and mockersons and shirts highly ornimented with porcupine quills & beeds. the women were the truss most commonly. tho some of them have long shirts all of those articles they precure from other nations who visit them for the purpose of exchangeing those articles for their pounded fish of which they prepare great quantities. this is the great mart of all this country. ten different tribes who reside on taptate and catteract river visit those people for the purpose of purchaseing their fish, and the indians on the columbia and lewis's river quite to the chopunnish nation visit them for the purpose of tradeing horses buffalow robes for beeds, and such articles as they have not. the skillutes precure the most of their cloth knivs axes & beeds from the indians from the north of them who trade with white people who come into the inlets to the north at no great distance from the tapteet. their horses of which i saw great numbers, they precure from the indians who reside on the banks of the columbia above, and what fiew they take from the to war ne hi ooks or snake indians. i smoked with all the principal men of this nation in the house of their great cheif and lay my self down on a mat to sleep but was prevented by the mice and vermin with which this house abounded and which was very troublesom to me. [lewis, april , ] thursday april th . this morning early i sent out the hunters, and set several additional hands about the packsaddles. i find that the sturgeon is not taken by any of the natives above the columbean vally. the inhabitants of the rapids at this time take a few of the white salmon trout and considerable quantities of a small indifferent mullet on which they principally subsist. i have seen none except dryed fish of the last season in the possession of the people above that place, they subsist on roots principally with some dryed and pounded fish. the salmon not having made their appearance proves a serious inconvenience to us. but few of the natives visited my camp today and those only remained a few hours. even at this place which is merely on the border of the plains of columbia the climate seems to have changed the air feels dryer and more pure. the earth is dry and seems as if there had been no rain for a week or ten days. the plain is covered with a rich virdure of grass and herbs from four to nine inches high and exhibits a beautiful) seen particularly pleasing after having been so long imprisoned in mountains and those almost impenetrably thick forrests of the seacoast. joseph feilds brought me today three eggs of the party coloured corvus, they are about the size and shape of those of the pigeon. they are bluish white much freckled with dark redish brown irregular spots, in short it is reather a mixture of those colours in which the redish brown predominates, particularly towards the larger end.--this evening willard and cruzatte returned from capt. clark and brought me a note in which capt. c. informed me that he had sill been unsuccessful) having not obtained a single horse as yet from the natives and the state of our stores are so low that i begin to fear we shall not be enabled to obtain as many horses at this place as will convey our baggage and unless we do obtain a sufficient number for that purpose we shall not hasten our progress as a part of our baggage must still be conveyed by water. capt. c. informed me that he should proceed as far as the eneshur village today and would return tomorrow and join me at the skillute village to which place i mean to proceed with the party tomorrow. i dispatched shannon with a note to capt. clark in which i requested him to double the price we have heretofore offered for horses and if possible obtain as many as five, by this means we shall be enabled to proceed immediately with our small canoes and those horses to the villages in the neighbourhood of the mussel shell rapid where horses are more abundant and cheaper; with the remainder of our merchandize in addition to the canoes we can no doubt obtain as many horses there as will answer our purposes. delay in the villages at the narrows and falls will be expensive to us inasmuch as we will be compelled to purchase both fuel and food of the indians, and might the better enable them to execute any hostile desighn should they meditate any against us.--all the hunters returned in the evening. sheilds had killed one deer which he brought with him. the packsaddles were completed this evening. i had some elkskins put in the water today make harnes for the packhorses but shall not cut them untill i know the number we can obtain.--there is a species of hiasinth in these plains the bulb of which the natives eat either boiled baked or dryed in the sun. this bulb is white, not entirely solid, and of a flat form; the bulb of the present year overlays, or crowns that of the last, and seems to be pressed close to it, the old bulb is withered much thiner equally wide with that of the present year and sends fourth from it's sides a number of small radicles.--this hiasinth is of a pale blue colour and is a very pretty flower. i preserved a specemine of it. [clark, april , ] april th i rose early and took a position near to the village and exposed the artiles i had for sale great numbers of indians came from different derections, some from below some above and others across the countrey from the tapteet river see description of the nations &c.--i obtained a sketch of the columbia as also clarks river. see sketch i made a bargin with the chief who has more horses than all the village besides for horses. soon after he canseled his bargin, and we again bargined for horses, they were brought forward, and only one fit for service, the others had such intolerable backs as to render them entirely unfit for service. as i would not take the he would not sell the good one to me, and we were off the bargin. i then packed up and was about setting out for the falls when one indian sold me horses and one other one horse, and some others said they wished to trade which caused me to conclude to delay here one other night. maney of the natives from above come and said they would trade, but asked a higher price than i thought i could give or reather more than this nation asked.--great numbers of men.--i hed to purchase dogs for the men to eate & some shap-per-lell. i sent crusat, wiser, willard and mcneal back to capt lewis informing him of my ill suck'sess, and adviseing him to proceed on to this place as soon as possible, and my intention of proceededing on to the falls to purchase horses if possible several indians arived late this evening. capt. lewis sent me a note by shannon informing me that he would set early on tomorrow morning early &c. &c. i sleped in house of the d chief and they had not any thing except fish to eate and no wood for fire. those people have a number of buffalow robes. they have great number of skimming nets [clark, april , ] thursday th of april i rose early after bad nights rest, and took my merchindize to a rock which afforded an elegable situation for my purpose, and at a short distance from the houses, and divided the articles of merchindize into parsels of such articles as i thought best calculated to pleas the indians, and in each parcel i put as many articles as we could afford to give, and thus exposed them to view, informing the indians that each parcel was intended for a horse. they tanterlised me the greater part of the day, saying that they had sent out for their horses and would trade as soon as they came. several parcels of merchindize was laid by for which they told me they would bring horses. i made a bargin with the chief for horses, about an hour after he canseled the bargin and we again bargained for horses which were brought foward, only one of the could be possibly used the other two had such intolerable backs as to render them entirely unfit for service. i refused to take two of them which displeased him and he refused to part with the rd. i then packed up the articles and was about setting out for the village above when a man came and sold me two horses, and another man sold me one horse, and several others informed me that they would trade with me if i would continue untill their horses could be drove up. this induced me to continue at this village another day. maney of the nativs from different villages on the columbia above offered to trade, but asked such things as we had not and double as much of the articles which i had as we could afford to give. this was a very unfavourable circumstance as my dependance for precureing a sufficiency of horses rested on the suckcess above where i had reasons to believe there were a greater abundance of those animals, and was in hopes of getting them on better terms. i purchased dogs for the party with me to eate and some chap-pa-lell for my self. before precureing the horses i dispatched crusat, willard & mcneal and peter wiser to capt lewis at the rock fort camp with a note informing him of my ill suckcess in precureing horses, and advised him to proceed on to this place as soon as possible. that i would in the mean time proceed on to the enesher nation above the great falls and try to purchase some horses of that people. soon after i had dispatched this party the chief of the enesher's and or of his people visited me and appeared to be anxious to see the articles i offered for the horses. several of them agreeed to let me have horses if i would add sundery articles to those i offered which i agreeed to, and they lay'd those bundles by and informed me they would deliver me the horses in the morning. i proposed going with them to their town. the chief informed me that their horses were all in the plains with their womin gathering roots. they would send out and bring the horses to this place tomorrow. this entiligence was flattering, tho i doubted the sincerity of those people who had several times disapointed me in a similar way. however i deturmined to continue untill tomorrow. in the mean time industously employd. our selves with the great multitude of indians of differant nations about us trying to purchase horses. shabono purchased a verry fine mare for which he gave hurmen, elks teeth, a belt and some other articles of no great value. no other purchase was made in the course of this day. in the evening i recved a note from capt l--by shannon informing me that he should set out early on tomorrow morning and should proceed up to the bason miles below the skillute village. and adviseing me to give double the prices which we had first agreed on for each horse. i observe at every house scooping nets with which they take the salmon. i was envited into the house of the nd chief where concluded to sleep. this man was pore nothing to eat but dried fish, and no wood to burn. altho the night was cold they could not rase as much wood as would make a fire [lewis, april , ] friday april th . late last evening we were visited by the principal cheif of chilluckkittaquaws and of his nation they remained with us untill oc. when they all departed except the cheif and two others who slept at my feet. we loaded our vessels and set out after an early breakfast this morning. we gave the indians a passage to the n. shore on which they reside and pursued our rout to the foot of the first rapid at the distance of ms. here we found it necessary to unload the perogues and canoes and make a portage of paces over a rock; we then drew our vessels up by a cord and the assistance of setingpoles. from hence we proceeded to the bason below the long narrows ms. further and landed on the lard. side at / after . the cheif when he left me this morning promised to bring some horses to barter with me at the bason.- the long narrows are much more formidable than they were when we decended them last fall there would be no possibility of passind either up or down them in any vessel.--after unloading the canoes and arranging the camp i walked up to the skillute village and jouined capt. he had procured four horses only for which a high price had been given, at least more than double that which we had formerly given for those which we purchased from the shoshonees and the first band of flatheads. they have a great abundance of horses but will not dispose of them. we determined to make the portage to the head of the long narrows with our baggage and five small canoes. the perogues we could take no further and therefore cut them up for fuel. in the evening capt. c. and myself returned to the camp at the bason and left drewyer and three others with the merchandize at the village, three parsels of which had been laid by at the request of individuals who promised to give us horses for them in the morning.--i shot my airgun in the presents of the natives at the village which excited great astonishment. [clark, april , ] april th early this morning i was awoke by a indian from the nieghbourhood of our horses, he had he arived here yesterday & this morning found a small bag of powder and ball which had been left when we exposed our goods yesterday and brought it to me. i had a fire made out and exposed the articles &c. having increased the articles for each horse, and sent out men to hunt the horses bought yesterday. after colecting them sent shabono and frazer with the i had purchased down to capt lewis. and was tanterlised with the expectation of purchaseing more imediately. great numbers of the indians from the falls and both above and below. none of them appeared anxious to part with their horses but told me that several were comeing from the plains about or p m. and laid by parcels of merchindize and told me that they had sent for their horses. among other tribes was those of the skad-datts who bantered the skillutes to play with them at a singular kind of game which was soon made up and of aside sat down they were some time making up their bets of beeds, brass thimbles or tubes robes &c. &c. when the bets were all made up the nine on each side took opposides faceing each other at the distance of about feet. in front of each party was placed a long pole on which they struck with a stick and sung. they made use of small pices of bone in this form and size a bone was given to men of the same party who changed it from hand to hand with great dexterity one hand above the other looking down, and when he was ready for the opposit party to guess he seperated his hands swinging them around the breast looking at the opposit party who waved their hand to the side the bone was in. if the opposit party guessed the hand of each man the bone was given to them. if neither it was nothing. if they guessed one which they might single out if they pleased they recived his bone, and lost on the other as they hapened to fail in guessing the also lose one if they fail guessing both the game is plaid at different numbers & each party has sticks. several of those games were played to day in which the skillute won, indeed the won all the beeds and som robes of the skad datts which they _____ one other game which they also played _____ by men with sticks. black & white under a kind of hat made of bark. as this is a very intrecut game i cannot describe it: the one who holds the sticks places them in different positions, and the opposit party, guess the position of the black sticks by a motion of either one or both of the hands. each man has sticks. this as also the other is accompanied with a kind of song. this hat is about inches diamuter and the sticks about inches long---at p m sergt ordway arived with men from capt lewis with elk skins and some fiew articles such as a coat & robes. i had dogs purchased, soon after capt. lewis came up with j. fields he had assended the river with much dificuelty to the bason miles below. i left drewyer, warner, shannon & goodrich with the articles and went down with capt lewis to the bason, cut up of our canoes for fire wood no horses more maney nations resort here for trade [clark, april , ] friday th april early this morning i was awoke by an indian man of the chopunnish nation who informed me that he lived in the neighbourhood of our horses. this man delivered me a bag of powder and ball which he had picked up this morning at the place the goods were exposed yesterday i had a fire made of some poles purchased of the nativs at a short distance from the houses and the articles exposed as yesterday. collected the horses purchased yesterday and sent frazier and shabono with them to the bason where i expected they would meet cap l-s and commence the portage of the baggage on those horses. about a.m. the indians came down from the eneesher villages and i expected would take the articles which they had laid by yesterday. but to my estonishment not one would make the exchange to day-. two other parcels of good were laid by and the horses promised at p.m. i payed but little attention to this bargain however suffered the bundles to lye. i dressed the sores of the principal chief gave some small things to his children and promised the chief some medicine for to cure his sores. his wife who i found to be a sulky bitch and was somewhat efflicted with pains in her back. this i thought a good oppertunity to get her on my side giveing here something for her back. i rubed a little camphere on her temples and back, and applyed worm flannel to her back which she thought had nearly restored her to her former feelings. this i thought a favourable time to trade with the chief who had more horses than all the nation besides. i accordingly made him an offer which he excepted and sold me two horses. great numbers of indians from defferent derections visited me at this place to day, none of them appeared willing to part with their horses, but told me that several were comeing from the plains this evening. among other nations who visit this place for the purpose of trade is the skad-datt's. those people bantered the skillutes to play at a singular kind of game. in the course of the day the skillutes won all their beeds skins arrows &c. this game was composed of men on a side. they set down opposit to each other at the distance of about feet. in front of each party a long pole was placed on which they struck with a small stick to the time of their songs. after the bets were made up which was nearly half an hour after they set down, two round bones was producd about the size of a mans little finger or something smaller and / inches in length. which they held in their hand changeing it from one hand to the other with great dexterity. men on the same side performed this part, and when they had the bone in the hand they wished, they looked at their advosarys swinging arms around their sholders for their advosary guess which they pirformed by the motion the hand either to the right or left. if the opposit party guessed the hand of both of the men who had the bone, the bones were given to them. if neither the bones was retained and nothing counted. if they guessed one and not the other, one bone was dilivered up and the party possessing the other bone counted one. and one for every time the advosary miss guessed untill they guessed the hand in which the bone was in-in this game each party has sticks. and one side wins all the sticks, once twice or thrice as the game may be set. i observed another game which those people also play and is played by persons with sticks about the size of a mans finger and about inches in length. two of those sticks are black and the other white and something larger than the black ones. those sticks they place in defferent positions which they perform under a kind of trencher made of bark round and about inches diamieter. this is a very intricate game and i cannot sufficiently understand to discribe it. the man who is in possession of the sticks &c places them in defferent positions, and the opposit party tels the position of the black sticks by a motion of either or both of his hands &c. this game is counted in the same way as the one before mentioned. all their games are accompanied with songs and time. at p. m sergt. ordway & three men arived from cap lewis they brought with them several elk skins, two of my coats and robes of the party to add to the stores i had with me for the purchase of horses. sgt. o. informed me that cap l. had arived with all the canoes into the bason miles below and wished some dogs to eate. i had dogs purchased and sent down. at p.m. capt. lewis came up. he informed me that he had the river to the bason with much difecuelty and danger, haveing made one portage. as i had not slept but very little for the two nights past on account of mice & virmen with which those indian houses abounded, and haveing no blanket with me, and the means of keeping a fire sufficent to keep me worm out was too expensive i deturmined to proceed with capt l. down to camp at the bason. i left the articles of merchendize &c. with drewyer, werner, shannon & goodrich untill the morning---at the bason we cut up two of our canoes for fire wood verry much to the sagreen of the nativs not with standing they would give us nothing for them. in my absence several inds. visited capt. lewis at his camp among others was the great cheif of the chilluckkitquaw who continued with him untill he left rock fort camp. capt l. had pack saddles completed and strings prepared of the elk skins for lashing the loads he also kept out all the hunters who killed just deer enough for the party with him to subsist on. the cheif who had visited capt lewis promised him that he would bring some horses to the bason and trade with him. but he was not as good as his word. capt lewis gave a large kittle for a horse which was offered to him at the bason this evening. [lewis, april , ] saturday aprl. th . this morning early we had our small canoes drawn out, and employed all hands in transporting our baggage on their backs and by means of the four pack horses, over the portage. this labour we had accomplished by p.m. and established our camp a little above the present skil-lute village which has been removed a few hundred yards lower down the river than when we passed them last fall and like others below have the floors of their summer dwellings on the surface of the earth instead of those cellars in which they resided when we passed them. there was great joy with the natives last night in consequence of the arrival of the salmon; one of those fish was caught; this was the harbinger of good news to them. they informed us that these fish would arrive in great quantities in the course of about days. this fish was dressed and being divided into small peices was given to each child in the village. this custom is founded in a supersticious opinon that it will hasten the arrival of the salmon. with much difficulty we obtained four other horses from the indians today, we wer obliged to dispence with two of our kettles in order to acquire those. we have now only one small kettle to a mess of men. in the evening capt. clark set out with four men to the enesher village at the grand falls in order to make a further attempt to procure horses. these people are very faithless in their contracts. they frequently receive the merchandize in exchange for their horses and after some hours insist on some additional article being given them or revoke the exchange. they have pilfered several small articles from us this evening.--i directed the horses to be hubbled & suffered to graize at a little distance from our camp under the immediate eye of the men who had them in charge. one of the men willard was negligent in his attention to his horse and suffered it to ramble off; it was not to be found when i ordered the others to be brought up and confined to the picquits. this in addition to the other difficulties under which i laboured was truly provoking. i repremanded him more severely for this peice of negligence than had been usual with me. i had the remaining horses well secured by picquits; they were extreemly wrestless and it required the attention of the whole guard through the night to retain them notwithstanding they were bubbled and picquted. they frequently throwed themselves by the ropes by which they were confined. all except one were stone horse for the people in this neighbourhood do not understand the art of gelding them, and this is a season at which they are most vicious. many of the natives remained about our camp all night. [clark, april , ] april th this morning early some rain had the small canoes hauled out to dry every man capable of carrying a load comencd the portage and by p. m had every part of our baggage and canoes across the portage. i then took sgt. pryor, g. shannon & crusat & labiech and went up to the falls at which place i arivd. about p.m. in the course of this day i purchased horses at the town & capt lewis purchased one. the nativs finding that we were about to proceed on by water sold us those fiew horses for which we were compd. to pay them emence prices and the horses were indefferent. several showers of rain this day. description of those people &c narrows bad [clark, april , ] saturday th april . we deturmined to make the portage to the head of the long narrows with our baggage and small canoes, the large canoes we could take no further and therefore cut them up for fuel. we had our small canoes drawn up very early and employed all hands in transporting our baggage on their backs and by means of pack horses, over the portage. this labour we had accomplished by p.m. and established our camp a little above the present skillute village which has been removed as before observed a fiew hundred yards lower down the river than when we passed it last fall. i left capt l. at the bason and proceeded to the village early this morning with a view to recive the horses which were promised to be brought this morning for articles laid by last evining. in the course of this day i purchased four horses at the village, and capt lewis one at the bason before he left it. after the baggage was all safely landed above the portage, all hands brought over the canoes at lodes which was accomplished by p.m. as we had not a sufficiency of horses to transport our baggage we agreed that i should proceed on to the enesher villages at the great falls of the columbia and if possible purchase as maney horses as would transport the baggage from that place, and rid us of the trouble and dificuelty of takeing our canoes further. i set out with serjt pryor, geo shannon peter crusat & labiech at half past p.m. for the enesher village at which place i arrived at p.m. several showers of rain in the after part of to day, and the s w wind very high. there was great joy with the nativs last night in consequence of the arrival of the salmon; one of those fish was cought, this was the harbenger of good news to them. they informed us that those fish would arive in great quantities in the course of about days. this fish was dressed and being divided into small pieces was given to each child in the village. this custom is founded on a supersticious opinion that it will hasten the arrival of the salmon. we were oblige to dispence with two of our kitties in order to acquire two of the horses purchasd. to day. we have now only one small kittle to a mess of men. these people are very fathless in contracts; they frequently reive the merchindize in exchange for their horses and after some hours insist on some additional article being given them or revoke the exchange. the long narrows are much more formadable than they were when we decended them last fall, there would be no possibility of passing either up or down them in any vessle at this time. i entered the largest house of the eneeshers village in which i found all the enhabitents in bead. they rose and made a light of straw, they haveing no wood to burn. many men collected. we smoked and i informed them that i had come to purchase a fiew horses of them. they promused to sell me some in the morning. [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . some frost this morning. the enesher an skillutes are much better clad than they were last fall, there men have generally legings mockersons and large robes; many of them wear shirts of the same form with those of the shoshone chopunnish &c highly ornamented with porcupine quills. the dress of their women differs very little from those of the great rapids and above. their children frequently wear robes of the large grey squirrel skins, those of the men and women are principally deer skins, some wolf, elk, bighorn and buffaloe; the latter they procure from the nations who sometimes visit the missouri. indeed a considerable poportion of their wearing apparel is purchased from their neighbours to the n. w. in exchange for pounded fish copper and beads. at present the principal village of the eneshur is below the falls on the n. side of the river. one other village is above the falls on the s. side and another a few miles above on the n. side. the first consists of , the cd of , and the rd of lodges. their houses like those of the skillutes have their floors on the surface of the ground, but are formed of sticks and covered with mats and straw. they are large and contain usually several families each for fuel they use straw, small willows and the southern wood. they use the silk grass in manufacturing their fishing nets and bags, the bear grass and cedar bark are employed in forming a variety of articles. they are poor, dirty, proud, haughty, inhospitable, parsimonious and faithless in every rispect, nothing but our numbers i beleive prevents their attempting to murder us at this moment. this morning i was informed that the natives had pilfered six tommahawks and a knife from the party in the course of the last night. i spoke to the cheif on this subject. he appeared angry with his people and addressed them but the property was not restored. one horse which i had purchased and paid for yesterday and which could not be found when i ordered the horses into close confinement yesterday i was now informed had been gambled away by the rascal who had sold it to me and had been taken away by a man of another nation. i therefore took the goods back from this fellow. i purchased a gun from the cheif for which i gave him elkskins. in the course of the day i obtained two other indifferent horses for which i gave an extravigant price. i found that i should get no more horses and therefore resolved to proceed tomorrow morning with those which i had and to convey the baggage in two small canoes that the horses could not carry. for this purpose i had a load made up for seven horses, the eighth bratton was compelled to ride as he was yet unable to walk. i barted my elkskins old irons and canoes for beads. one of the canoes for which they would give us but little i had cut up for fuel. these people have yet a large quantity of dryed fish on hand yet they will not let us have any but for an exorbitant price. we purchased two dogs and some shappellel from them. i had the horses graized untill evening and then picquited and bubbled within the limits of our camp. i ordered the indians from our camp this evening and informed them that if i caught them attempting to perloin any article from us i would beat them severely. they went off in reather a bad humour and i directed the party to examine their arms and be on their guard. they stole two spoons from us in the course of the day. the scaddals, squan-nan-os, shan-wah-purrs and shallattas reside to the n. w. of these people, depend on hunting deer and elk and trade with these people for ther pounded fish. [clark, april , ] april th this morning very cold hills covered with snow. i showed the nativs what i had to give for their horses and attempted to purchase them. they informed me that they would not sell any horses to me, that their horses were at a long ways off and they would not trade them. my offer was a blue robe, callico shirt, a handkerchef, parcels of paint a knife, a wampom moon braces of ribin, a pice of brass and about braces of yellow heeds; and to that amount for what i had i also offered my large blue blanket for one, my coat sword & plume none of which seem to entice those people to give horses if they had any. they set in their huts which is of mats supported on poles without fire. at night when they wish a light they burn dry straw & some fiew small dry willows. they speak defferent from those below, have but little to eate. some roots & dryed fish is to be found in their houses. i am half frozed at this inhospitable village which is moved from its position above the falls to one below and contains large houses, a village is also established on the other side imedeately above the falls. all the natives who was established above the falls for some distance has removed those people are much better dressed than they were at the time we went down the river. they have all new, deer, elk, ibex goat & wolf skin robes, their children also the large squirel skin robes, maney of them have legins and mockersons, all of which they precure of the indians at a distance in exchange for their pounded fish & beeds, they also purchase silk grass, of which they make their nets & sales for takeing fish they also purchase bear grass and maney other things for their fish. those people gave me roots and berries prepared in different ways for which i gave some small articles in return.-great numbers of skiming knets on their houses. those people are pore and kind durty & indolt. they ware their hair loose flowing the men cut in the foward which the skilloots do not &c. &c. i could not precure a single horse of those people, dureing this day at any price, they offered me for kittles of which we could not spear. i used every artifice decent & even false statements to enduce those pore devils to sell me horses. in the evening two different men offered to sell me three horses which they informed me was a little distance off and they would bring them imediately. those two persons as i found went imediately off up the river to their tribe without any intention to find or sell their horses. a little before sunset men arived from some distance above and informed me that they came to see me. at sunset finding no probability of capt lewis arival, packed up the articles and took them into the lodge in which i lay last night. great numbers of those people geathered around me to smoke. i gave them pipes and lay down in the back part of the house with sgt. p. & the men with our arms in a situation as to be ready in case of any alarm. those pore people appear entirely harmless--i purchased a dog and some wood with a little pounded fish and chappaless. made a fire on the rocks and cooked the dogs on which the men breckfast & dined. wind hard all day cold from n w. [clark, april , ] sunday th april a very cold morning the western mountains covered with snow i shewed the eneshers the articles i had to give for their horses. they without hezitation informed me that they would not sell me any for the articles i had, if i would give them kitties they would let me have horses, and not without. that their horses were at a long ways off in the planes and they would not send for them &c. my offer was a blue robe, a calleco shirt, a silk handkerchief, parcels of paint, a knife, a wampom moon, yards of ribon, several pieces of brass, a mockerson awl and braces of yellow beeds; and to that amount for each horse which is more than double what we gave either the sohsohne or first flat heads we met with on clarks river i also offered my large blue blanket, my coat sword & plume none of which seamed to entice those people to sell their horses. not with standing every exertion not a single horse could be precured of those people in the course of the day. those people are much better clad than they were last fall, their men have generally legins mockersons and large robes. maney of them ware shirts of the same form of those of the chopunnish and shoshone highly ornimented with porcupine quills. the dress of their winen differs verry little from those above the great rapids. their children have small robes of the squirel skins. those of the men & women are principally deer, some elk, wolf, ibix & buffalow which they precure from distant nations who purchase their pounded fish in exchange for those robes & beeds. the principal village of the enesher nation is imedeately below the falls on the n. side. one other village of the same nation above the falls on the opposit side and one other a few miles above on the north side.--the houses of those people like the skillutes have the flores of their summer dwelling on the surface of the earth in sted of those sellers in which they resided when we passed them last fall. those houses are covered with mats and straw are large and contain several families each. i counted at this village & on the opposit side. those people are pore durty haughty. they burn straw and small willows. have but little to eate and deer with what they have. they precure the silk grass of which they make their nets, the bear grass for makeing their mats and several other necessary of the indians of the following nations who trade with them as also the skillutes for their pounded fish. viz. skad-dats, squan-nun-os, shan-wappoms, shall-lat-tos, who reside to the north and several bands who reside on the columbia above.--i precured a sketch of the columbia and its branches of those people in which they made the river which falls into the columbia imediately above the falls on the south side to branch out into branches one of which they make head in mt.jefferson, one in mount hood and the other in the s w. range of mountains and does not water that extensive country we have heretofore calculated on. a great portion of that extensive tract of country to the s. and s. w. of the columbia and lewis's river and between the same and the waters of callifornia must be watered by the multnomah river.--see sketch in the latter part of this book (no. ). those people are great jokies and deciptfull in trade. at sunset finding that capt lewis would not arrive this evening as i expected, i packed up all the articles which i had exposed, at a situation i had pitched on to encamp, and at which place we had bought as maney fishing poles as made a fire to cook a dog which i had purchased for the men to eate, and returned to the lodge which i had slept in last night. great number gathered around me to smoke, i gave them two pipes, and then lay my self down with the men to sleep, haveing our merchendize under our heads and guns &c in our arms, as we always have in similar situations [lewis, april , ] monday april st . notwithstanding all the precautions i had taken with rispect to the horses one of them had broken his cord of strands of elkskin and had gone off spanseled. i sent several men in surch of the horse with orders to return at a.m. with or without the horse being determined to remain no longer with these villains. they stole another tomahawk from us this morning i surched many of them but could not find it. i ordered all the spare poles, paddles and the ballance of our canoe put on the fire as the morning was cold and also that not a particle should be left for the benefit of the indians. i detected a fellow in stealing an iron socket of a canoe pole and gave him several severe blows and mad the men kick him out of camp. i now informed the indians that i would shoot the first of them that attempted to steal an article from us. that we were not affraid to fight them, that i had it in my power at that moment to kill them all and set fire to their houses, but it was not my wish to treat them with severity provided they would let my property alone. that i would take their horses if i could find out the persons who had stolen the tommahawks, but that i had reather loose the property altogether than take the hose of an inosent person. the chiefs were present hung their heads and said nothing. at a.m. windsor returned with the lost horse, the others who were in surch of the horse soon after returned also. the indian who promised to accompany me as far as the chopunnish country produced me two horses one of which he politely gave me the liberty of packing. we took breakfast and departed a few minutes after oclock. having nine horses loaded and one which bratton rode not being able as yet to march; the two canoes i had dispatched early this morning. at p.m. i arrived at the enesher village where i found capt clark and party; he had not purchased a single horse. he informed me that these people were quite as unfriendly as their neighbours the skillutes, and that he had subsisted since he left me on a couple of platters of pounded roots and fish which an old man had the politeness to offer him. his party fared much better on dogs which he purchased from those people. the man resided here from whom i had purchased the horse which ran off from me yesterday. i had given him a large kettle and a knife in exchange for that horse which i informed him should be taken from him unles he produced me the lost horse or one of equal value in his stead, the latter he prefered and produced me a very good horse which i very cheerfully received. we soon made the portage with our canoes and baggage and halted about / a mile above the village where we graized our horses and took dinner on some dogs which we purchased of these people. after dinner we proceeded on about four miles to a village of mat lodges of the enesher a little below the entrance of clark's river and encamped; one of the canoes joined us the other not observing us halt continued on. we obtained two dogs and a small quantity of fuel of these people for which we were obliged to give a higher price than usual. our guide continued with us, he appears to be an honest sincere fellow. he tells us that the indians a little above will treat us with much more hospitality than those we are now with. we purchased another horse this evening but his back is in such a horid state that we can put but little on him; we obtained him for a trifle, at least for articles which might be procured in the u states for shillings virga cory.- we took the precaution of piquting and spanseling our horses this evening near our camp. [clark, april , ] april st a fair cold morning. i find it useless to offer any articles or attempt to trade at this village and therefore deturmine to ____ before i rose the house was crouded with indians to smoke i gave them none. they are well supplied with straw & bark bags ready to hold their pounded fish. at oclock the advance of the party from below arived and soon after the canoes all things were taken above the falls & canoes, turned out the horss and cooked & eat dogs which we purchased of the nativs, purchased one horse for which we are to give a kittle which was given by us to a man for a horse days past &c. the horse was either taken or strayed off. the chief from below came up and appeared concerned for what had been done at his village (see journal) a p m loaded up & set out the canoes also proceed on about miles opposit to the mouth of clarks river, and an indian man who has attached himself to us and who has lent us a horse to pack & lives near the rocky mountains. he told us that as the day was far spent we had better camp at a village of lodges a little off the road opsd. the river cclarks this river has a great falls above forks on its west side. we formed a camp purchased some wood & dogs for which we gave pewter buttons which buttons we had made &c. but fiew indians with us this evining purchased an old horse and tied up all the horses when we went to bed those are the same people with those below at the falls. see journal for the next day- skad data ill looking people reside to the n about or miles they played against the skillutes a game they call ____ of a side and lost all the beeds & other articles also a single game with black & white sticks under a kind of hat. men played this game is intricit and each party has pegs to count it the former game is played with bones or sticks about the size of a large quill and inches long passing from one hand to the other and the adverse party guess. see description before mentioned. the nations abov at the falls also play this game and bet high [clark, april , ] monday st april a fair cold morning i found it useless to make any further attempts to trade horses with those unfriendly people who only crouded about me to view and make their remarks and smoke, the latter i did not indulge them with to day. at oclock capt lewis and party came up from the skillutes village with horses packed and one which bratten who was yet too weak to walk, rode, and soon after the two small canoes also loaded with the residue of the baggage which could not be taken on horses. we had everry thing imedeately taken above the falls, in the mean time purchased dogs on which the party dined--whilst i remained at the enesher village i subsisted on platters of roots, some pounded fish and sun flour seed pounded which an old man had the politeness to give me. in return for which i gave him several small articles-. capt lewis informed me that imedeately after i left him the nativs began to steal and had stolen tomahawks of the party, and in the course of the night had let our horses loose he had burnt one and sold of the largest canoes for beeds, the other brought on. an indian was detected in stealing a socket and was kicked out of camp. capt l. informed the indians that the next man who attempted to steal should be shot and thretened them and informed them that he could kill them in a moment and set their town on fire if he pleased. but it was not his desire to hurt them severly if they would let the property of the party alone. the chiefs hung their heads and said nothing. he lost the horse that was given for a large kittle, and a chopunnish man lent a horse to carry a load and accompanied the party--the man who we had reason to believe had stolen the horse he had given for the kittle we thretend a little and he produced a very good horse in the place of that one which we chearfully receved. after dinner we proceeded on about miles to a village of mat lodges of the enesher, a little below the enterance of to war nah hi ooks river and encamped. one of the canoes joined us, the other not haveing observed us halt continued on. we obtained dogs and a small quantity of fuel of those people for which we were obliged to give a higher price than usial. our guide continued with us, he appears to be an honest fellow. he tels us that the indians above will treat us with much more hospitallity than those we are now with. we purchased another horse this evening but his back is in such a horrid state that we can put but little on him; we obtained him for a triffle, at least for articles which might be precured in the u. states for /-virga. currency--we took the precaution of picqueting and spancelling our horses this evening near our camp. the evening cold and we could afford only one fire. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april cd . last night two of our horses broke loos from the picquits and straggled off some little distance, the men who had charge of them fortunately recovered them early. at a.m. we set out having previously sent on our small canoe with colter and potts. we had not arrived at the top of a hill over which the road leads opposite the village before charbono's horse threw his load, and taking fright at the saddle and robe which still adhered, ran at full speed down the hill, near the village he disengaged himself from the saddle and robe, an indian hid the robe in his lodge. i sent our guide and one man who was with me in the rear to assist charbono in retaking his horse which having done they returned to the village on the track of the horse in surch of the lost articles they found the saddle but could see nothing of the robe the indians denyed having seen it; they then continued on the track of the horse to the place from whence he had set out with the same success. being now confident that the indians had taken it i sent the indian woman on to request capt. c. to halt the party and send back some of the men to my assistance being determined either to make the indians deliver the robe or birn their houses. they have vexed me in such a manner by such repeated acts of villany that i am quite disposed to treat them with every severyty, their defenseless state pleads forgivness so far as rispects their lives. with this resolution i returned to their village which i had just reached as labuish met me with the robe which he informed me he found in an indian lodg hid behind their baggage. i now returned and joined capt clark who was waiting my arrival with the party. the indian woman had not reached capt c. untill about the time i arrived and he returned from a position on the top of a hill not far from where he had halted the party. from the top of this emmenense capt. c. had an extensive view of the country. he observed the range of mountains in which mount hood stands to continue nearly south as far as the eye could reach. he also observed the snow clad top of mount jefferson which boar s. w. mount hood from the same point boar s. w. the tops of the range of western mountains are covered with snow. capt c. also discovered some timbered country in a southern direction from him at no great distance. clarks river which mouths immediately opposite this point of view forks at the distance of or miles from hence, the wright hand fork takes it rise in mount hood, and the main branch continues it's course to the s. e. we now made the following regulations as to our future order of march (viz) that capt. c. & myself should devide the men who were disencumbered by horses and march alternately each day the one in front and the other in rear. haveing divided the party agreeably to this arrangement, we proceeded on through an open plain country about miles to a village of houses of the eneshur nation, here we observed our canoes passing up on the opposite side; the wind being too high for them to pass the river they continued on. we halted at a small run just above the village where we dined on some dogs which we purchased of the inhabitants and suffered our horses to graize about three hours. there is no timber in this country we are obliged to purchase our fuel of the natives, who bling it from a great distance. while we halted for dinner we purch a horse. after dinner we proceeded on up the river about miles to a village of mat lodges of the last mentioned nation. here our chopunnish guide informed us that the next village was at a considerable distance and that we could not reach it tonight. the people at this place offered to sell us wood and dogs, and we therefore thought it better to remain all night. a man blonging to the next village abovd proposed exchanging a horse for one of our canoes, just at this moment one of our canoes was passing. we hailed them and ordered them to come over but the wind continued so high that they could not join us untill after sunset and the indian who wished to exchange his horse for the canoe had gone on. charbonoe purchased a horse this evening. we obtained dogs and as much wood as answered our purposes on moderate terms. we can only afford ourselves one fire, and are obliged to lie without shelter, the nights are cold and days warm.- colter and pots had passed on with their canoe. [clark, april , ] tuesday nd of april last night of our horses broke loose and strayed of at a short dis-tance. at oclock we loaded up and set out, haveing previously sent off the canoe with colter and potts we had not arived at the top of the hill which is feet before shabonos horse threw off his load and went with great speed down the hill to the village where he disengaged himself of his saddle & the robe which was under it, the indians hid the robe and delayed capt. lewis and the rear party some time before they found the robe which was in a lodge hid behind their baggage, and took possession of it. dureing the time the front of the party was waiting for cap lewis, i assended a high hill from which i could plainly see the range of mountains which runs south from mt. hood as far as i could see. i also discovered the top of mt. jefferson which is covered with snow and is s to w. mt. hood is s. ° w. the range of mountains are covered with timber and also mt hood to a sertain bite. the range of mountains has snow on them. i also discovered some timbered land in a s. detection from me, short of the mountains. clarks river which mouthes imedeately opposit to me forks at about or miles, the west fork runs to the mt hood and the main branch runs from s. e. after capt lewis came up we proceeded on through a open ruged plain about miles to a village of houses on the river. here we observed our canoes passing up on the opposit side and the wind too high for them to join us. i halted at the mouth of a run above the village near some good grass to let the horses graze and for the party to dine. sent to the huts and purchased a dog & some wood. dureing the time the party was takeing diner we purchased one horse. after we proceeded on up the river about miles to a village of mat lodges. here our chopunnish guide informed me that the next villg. was at some distance and that we could not get to it to night, and that there was no wood to be precured on this side. a man offered to sell us a horse for a canoe. just at the moment we discovered one of our canoes on the opposit side. we concluded to camp here all night with the expectation of precureing some horses. sent and purchased some wood and dogs & shapillele. shabono purchased a hors for which he gave a red rapper, shirt, ploom & tomahawk &c. the party purchased a great quantity of chapellell and some berries for which they gave bits of tin and small pieces of cloth & wire &c. had our horses led out and held to grass untill dusk when they were all brought to camp, and pickets drove in the ground and the horses tied up. we find the horses very troublesom perticularly the stud which compose / of our number of horses. the air i find extreemly cold which blows continularly from mt. hoods snowey regions. those indians reside in small lodges built of the mats of grass, flags &c. and crouded with inhabitents, who speak a language somewhat different from those at the falls. their dress habits and appearance appear to be very much the same with those below. we made miles to day with the greatest exirtion. serjt. gass & r. fields joined us with one canoe this evening. the other canoe with colter & pots is a head. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april rd . at day light this morning we were informed that the two horses of our interpreter charbono were absent; on enquiry it appeared that he had neglected to confine them to picquts as had been directed last evening. we immediately dispatched reubin feilds and labuish to assist charbono in recovering his horses. one of them was found at no great distance and the other was given over as lost. at a.m. reuben feilds and sergt. gass proceeded in the canoe. at labuish and charbono returned unsuccessfull, they had gone back on the road nearly to the last village and suched the plains on either hand to a considerable distance. our remaining longer would have prevented our making a timely stage which in our situation is all important; we therefore determined to proceed immediately to the next village which from the information of our guide will occupy the greater part of the day to reach at eleven ock. we loaded our horses and set out. during the time we were detained this morning we had two packsaddles made. we continued our march along a narrow rocky bottom on the n. side of the river about miles to the wah-how-pum village of temperary mat lodges near the rock rapid. these people appeared much pleased to see us, sold us dogs and some wood for our small articles which we had previously prepared as our only resource to obtain fuel and food through those plains. these articles conisted of pewter buttons, strips of tin iron and brass, twisted wire &c. we also obtained some shap-pe-lell newly made from these people. here we met with a chopunnish man on his return up the river with his family and about head of horses most of them young and unbroken. he offered to hire us some of them to pack as far a his nation, but we prefer bying as by hireing his horses we shal have the whole of his family most probably to mentain. at a little distance below this village we passed five lodges of the same people who like those were waiting the arrival of the salmon. after we had arranged our camp we caused all the old and brave men to set arround and smoke with us. we had the violin played and some of the men danced; after which the natives entertained us with a dance after their method. this dance differed from any i have yet seen. they formed a circle and all sung as well the spectators as the dancers who performed within the circle. these placed their sholders together with their robes tightly drawn about them and danced in a line from side to side, several parties of from to seven will be performing within the circle at the same time. the whole concluded with a premiscuous dance in which most of them sung and danced. these people speak a language very similar to the chopunnish whome they also resemble in their dress their women wear long legings mockersons shirts and robes. their men also dress with legings shirts robes and mockersons. after the dance was ended the indians retired at our request and we retired to rest. we had all our horses side bubbled and turned out to graize; at this village, a large creek falls in on the n. side which we did not observe as we decended the river. the river is by no means as rapid as when we decended or at least not obstructed with those dangerous rapids the water at present covers most of the rocks in the bed of the river. the natives promised to barter their horses with us in the morning we therefore entertained a hope that we shall be enabled to proceede by land from hence with the whole of our party and baggage. came miles by land. the sands made the march fatieguing.- [clark, april , ] wednesday rd at day light this morning we were informed that the two horses of our interpreter shabono were missing on enquirey we were informed that he had neglected to tie up his horses as derected last evening. we imedeately dispatch him, r. fields & labiech in serch of the horses, one of them were found at no great distance. the other was not found. r. fields retd. without finding the horse set out with sergt gass in the small canoe at about a m. at shabono and labiech returned also unsucksessfull they had went on the back trail nearly to the last village and took a circle around on the hills. as our situation was such that we could not detain for a horse, which would prevent our makeing a timely stage which is a great object with us in those open plains, we concluded to give up the horse and proceed on to the next village which we were informed was at some distance and would take us the greater part of the day. at a.m. we packed up and set out and proceeded up on the n. side of the columbia on a high narrow bottom and rockey for miles to the wah-how-pum village near the rock rapid of temporary mat lodges, those people appeared pleased to see us. they sold us dogs some shapollell and wood for our small articles such as awls pieces of tin and brass. we passed several lodges on the bank of the river where they were fixed waiting for the salmon. i over took a choponish man whome i had seen at the long, and who had found a bag of our powder and brought it to me at that place. this man had his family on the ____ and about head of horses which appeared young and unbroke. his spous as also that of the other gave me a cake of chapellell and proceeded on with me to the wah howpum village and formed his camp near us. we caused all the old & brave men to set around and smoke with us. we caused the fiddle to be played and some of the men danced. after them the nativs danced. they dance different from any indians i have seen. they dance with their sholders together and pass from side to side, defferent parties passing each other, from to . and parties danceing at the same time and concluding the dance by passing promiscuisly throu & beetween each other. after which we sent of the indians and retired to bed. those people speak a language verry similal to the chopunish and with a very inconsiderable difference. their dress and appearance is more like those of the great falls of the columbia. we had all our horses side hobbled and let out to feed. at this village a large creek falls in on the n. side which i had not observed as i decended the river. the river is by no means as rapid as it was at the time we decended. the nativs promised to give is a horse for one of our canoes. and offer to sell us another for a scarlet robe which we have not at present. shabono made a bargin with one of the indian men going with us, for a horse for which he gave his shirt. and two of the leather sutes of his wife. the sand through which we walked to day is so light that renders the march verry fatigueing. made miles by land. [lewis, april , ] thursday april th . we were up early this morning and dispatched the men in surch of our horses, they were all found in a little time except mcneal's. we hired an indian to surch for this horse it was one in the evening before he returned with him. in the intermediate time we had packsaddles made purchased three horses of the wah-howpums, and hired three others of the chopunnish man who accompanys us with his family and horses. we now sold our canoes for a few strands of beads, loaded up and departed at p.m. the natives had tantalized us with an exchange of horses for our canoes in the first instance, but when they found that we had made our arrangements to travel by land they would give us nothing for them i determined to cut them in peices sooner than leave them on those terms, drewyer struck one of the canoes and split of a small peice with his tommahawk, they discovered us determined on this subject and offered us several strands of beads for each which were accepted. we proceeded up the river between the hills and it's northen shore. the road was rocky and sandy alternately, the road difficult and fatiegu-ing. at ms. we arrived at a village of lodges of the met-cow-wes, having passed lodges at and at ms. further. we ramined all night near the met-cow-we lodges about miles below our encampment of the ____ of october last; we purchased three dogs and some shappellel of these people which we cooked with dry grass and willow boughs. many of the natives pased and repassed us today on the road and behaved themselves with distant rispect towards us. most of the party complain of the soarness of their feet and legs this evening; it is no doubt caused by walking over the rough stones and deep sands after bing for some months passed been accustomed to a soft soil. my left ankle gives me much pain. i baithed my feet in cold water from which i experienced considerable releif. the curloos are abundant in these plains and are now laying their eggs. saw the kildee, the brown lizzard, and a moonax which the natives had petted. the winds which set from mount hood or in a westerly direction are much more cold than those from the opposite quarter. there are now no dews in these plains, and from the appearance of the earth there appears to have been no rain for several weeks.--we derected that the three horses which we purchased yesterday should be bubbled and confined to a picqut, and that the others should be disposed of in the same manner they were last evening. [clark, april , ] thursday th april rose early this morning and sent out after the horses all of which were found except mcneals which i hired an indian to find and gave him a tomahawk had pack saddles made ready to pack the horses which we may purchase. we purchased horses, and hired others of the chopunnish man who accompanies us with his family, and at p.m. set out and proceeded on through a open countrey rugid & sandy between some high lands and the river to a village of lodges of the met-cow-we band haveing passed lodges at miles and lodges at miles. great numbers of the nativs pass us on hors back maney meet us and continued with us to the lodges. we purchased dogs which were pore, but the fattest we could precure, and cooked them with straw and dry willow. we sold our canoes for a fiew strands of beeds. the nativs had tantelized us with an exchange of horses for our canoes in the first instance, but when they found that we had made our arrangements to travel by land they would give us nothing for them. we sent drewyer to cut them up, he struck one and split her they discovered that we were deturmined to destroy the canoes and offered us several strans of beeds which were acceptd most of the party complain of their feet and legs this evening being very sore. it is no doubt causd. by walking over the rough stone and deep sand after being accustomed to a soft soil. my legs and feet give me much pain. i bathed them in cold water from which i experienced considerable relief. we directed that the horses purchased yesterday should be hobbled and confined to pickquets and that the others should be hobbled & spancled, and strictly attended to by the guard made miles to day.- [lewis, april , ] friday april th . this morning we collected our horses and set out at a.m. and proceeded on ms. to the village of the pish-quit-pahs of mat lodges where we arrived at p.m. purchased five dogs and some wood from them and took dinner. this village contains about hundred souls. most of those people were in the plains at a distance from the river as we passed down last fall, they had now therefore the gratification of beholding whitemen for the first time. while here they flocked arround us in great numbers tho treated us with much rispect. we gave two medals of the small size to their two principal cheifs who were pointed out to us by our chopunnish fellow traveller and were acknowledged by the nation. we exposed a few old clothes my dirk and capt. c's swoard to barter for horses but were unsuccessfull these articles constitute at present our principal stock in trade. the pish-quit-pahs insisted much on our remaining with them all night, but sudry reasons conspired to urge our noncomplyance with their wishes. we passed one house or reather lodge of the metcowwees about a mile above our encampment of the ____th of october last the pish-quit-pahs, may be considered hunters as well as fishermen as they spend the fall and winter months in that occupation. they are generally pleasently featured of good statue and well proportioned. both women and men ride extreemly well. their bridle is usually a hair rope tyed with both ends to the under jaw of the horse, and their saddle consists of a pad of dressed skin stuffed with goats hair with wooden stirups. almost all the horses which i have seen in possession of the indians have soar backs. the pishquitpah women for the most part dress with short shirts which reach to their knees long legings and mockersons, they also use large robes; some of them weare only the truss and robe they brade their hair as before discribed but the heads of neither male nor female of this tribe are so much flattened as the nations lower down on this river. at p.m. we set out accompanyed by eighteen or twenty of their young men on horseback. we continued our rout about nine miles where finding as many willows as would answer our purposes for fuel we encamped for the evening. the country we passed through was much as that of yesterday. the river hills are about feet high and generally abrupt and craggey in many places faced with a perpendicular and solid rock. this rock is black and hard. leve plains extend themselves from the tops of the river hills to a great distance on either side of the river. the soil is not as fertile as about the falls, tho it produces a low grass on which the horses feed very conveniently. it astonished me to seed the order of their horses at this season of the year when i knew that they had wintered on the dry grass of the plains and at the same time road with greater severity than is common among ourselves. i did not see a single horse which could be deemed poor and many of them were as fat as seals. their horses are generally good. this evining after we had encamped, we traded for two horses with nearly the same articles we had offered at the village; these nags capt. c. and myself intend riding ourselves; haveing now a sufficiency to transport with ease all our baggage and the packs of the men.--we killed six ducks in the course of the day; one of them was of a speceis which i had never before seen i therefore had the most material parts of it reserved as a specimine, the leggs are yellow and feet webbed as those of the duckandmallard. saw many common lizzards, several rattlesnakes killed by the party, they are the same as those common to the u states. the horned lizzard is also common.--had the fiddle played at the request of the natives and some of the men danced. we passed five lodges of the walldh wolldhs at the distance of miles above the pishquitpahs. [clark, april , ] friday th of april this morning we collected our horses very conveniently and set out at a m and proceeded on to a village of pish-quit-pahs of mat lodges miles this village contains about soles here we turned out our horses and bought dogs & some wood and dined here we met with a chief and gave him a medal of the small size. we passed a house a little above the place we encamped on the th of octr. . we offered to purchase with what articles we had such as old clothes &c. emence numbers of those indians flocked about us and behaved with distant respect towards us. we attempted to purchase some horses without suckcess. at p. m set out. i was in the rear and had not proceeded verry far before one of the horses which we had hired of the chopunnish, was taken from hall who i had directed to ride. he had fallen behind out of my sight at the time. we proceeded on about miles through a country similar to that of yesterday and encamped below the mouth of a small creek we passed at miles a village of mat lodges of the war-war-wa tribe. we made a chief and gave a medal to a chief of each of those two tribes. great numbers of the nativs accompanied us to our encampmt. the curloos are abundant in those plains & are now laying their eggs. saw the kildee the brown lizzard, and a moonax which the nativs had petted. the winds which set from mount hood or in a westwardly direction are much more cold than those from any other quarter. there are no dews in these plains, and from the appearance of the earth there appears to have been no rain for several weeks. the pish-quit pahs may be considered as hunters as well as fishermen as they spend the fall & winter months in that occupation. they are generally pleasently featured of good statue and well proportiond. both women and men ride extreamly well. their bridle is usially a hair rope tied with both ends to the under jaw of the horse, and their saddles consist of a pad of dressed skin stuffed with goats hair with wooden sturreps. almost all the horses i have seen in the poss ession of the indians have sore backs. the pishquitpahs women for the most part dress with short shirts which reach to their knees long legins, and mockersons, they also use long robes; some of them weare only the truss and robe, they brade their hair as before discribed but the heads of neither the male nor female of this tribe are so much flattend as the nativs lower down on this river. we were accompd. by or young men on horsback. we continued our rout about miles, where finding as maney willows as would answer our purpose for fuel we encamped for the night. the country we passed through was sandy indifferent rocky and hills on the left. proceeded up on the north side the river hills are about feet high & generally abrupt and craggey in maney places faced with a pirpendicular and solid rock. this rock is black and hard. leavel plains extend themselves from the top of the river hills to a great distance on either side of the river. the soil is not as fertile as about the falls tho it produces low grass on which the horses feed very conveniently. it astonished me to see the order of their horses at this season of the year when i know they had wintered on dry grass of the plains and at the same time rode with greater severity than is common among ourselves. i did not see a single horse which could be deemed pore, and maney of them were verry fat. their horses are generally good. this evening after we had encamped we traded for two horses with nearly the same articles we had offered at the village. these nags capt. l-s and myself intend rideing ourselves; haveing now a sufficency to transport with ease all our baggage and the packs of the men.--we killed ducks in the course of the day; one of them were of a species i had never before seen. the legs yellow and feet wibbed as those of the duckinmallard. saw great numbers of common lizzard. several rattle snakes, killed by the party, they are the same as those common to the u. states. the horned lizzard is also common.--a chief over took us. we had the fiddle played by the request of the nativs and some of the men danced. i think those plains are much more sandy than any which i have seen and the road is a bed of loose sand. made miles. [lewis, april , ] saturday april th . this morning early we set forward and at the distance of three miles entered a low level plain country of great extent. here the river hills are low and receede a great distance from the river this low country commenced on the s. side of the river about miles below our encampment of last evening. these plains are covered with a variety of herbatious plants, grass, and three speceis of shrubs specimines of which i have preserved. at the distance of twelve miles we halted near a few willows which afforded us a sufficient quantity of fuel to cook our dinner which consisted of the ballance of the dogs we had purchased yesterday evening and some jirked elk. we were overtaken today by several families of the natives who were traveling up the river with a number of horses; they continued with us much to our annoyance as the day was worm the roads dusty and we could not prevent their horses from crouding in and breaking our order of mach without using some acts of severity which we did not wish to commit. after dinner we continued our march through the level plain near the river ms. and encamped about a mile below three lodges of the wollah wollah nation, and about ms. above our encampment of the of october last. after we encamped a little indian boy caught several chubbs with a bone in this form which he substituted for a hook. these fish were of about inches long small head large abdomen, small where the tail joined the body, the tail wide long in proportion and forked. the back and ventral fins were equadistant from the head and had each bony rays, the fns next the gills nine each and that near the tail . the upper exceeded the under jaw, the latter is truncate at the extremity and the tonge and pallet are smooth. the colour is white on the sides and belley and a blewish brown on the back. the iris of the eye is of a silvery colour and puple black.--we covered ourselves partially this evening from the rain by means of an old tent. [clark, april , ] saturday april th this morning early we proceeded on and at the distance of three miles entered a low leavel plain country of great extent. here the river hills are low and receed a great distance from the river this low country comenced on the south side about miles below our encampment of the last night, those plains are covered with a variety of herbatious plants, grass and species of shrubs. at the distance of miles halted near some willows which afforded us a sufficent quantity of fuel to cook our dinner which consisted of the ballance of the dogs we had purchased yesterday evening and some jerked elk. we were over taken to day by several families of the nativs who were traveling up the river with a numr. of horses; they continued with us much to our ennoyance as the day was worm the roads dusty and we could not prevent their horses crouding in and breaking our order of march without useing some acts of severty which we did not wish to commit. after dinner we continued our march through a leavel plain near the river miles and encamped about a mile below lodges of the fritened band of the wallah wallah nation, and about miles above our encampment of the th of octr. last. after we encamped a little indian boy cought several chubbs with a bone in this form which he substituted for a hook. those fish were of about inches long. we covered our selves perfectly this evening from the rain by means of an old tent. saw a goat and a small wolf at a distance to day. made miles [lewis, april , ] sunday april th . this morning we were detained untill a.m. in consequence of the absence of one of charbono's horses. the horse at length being recovered we set out and at the distance of fifteen miles passed through a country similar to that of yesterday; the hills at the extremity of this distance again approach the river and are rocky abrupt and feet high. we ascended the hill and marched through a high plain for miles when we again returned to the river, i now thought it best to halt as the horses and men were much fatiegued altho had not reached the wallah wollah village as we had been led to beleive by our guide who informed us that the village was at the place we should next return to the river, and the consideration of our having but little provision had been our inducement to make the march we had made this morning. we collected some of the dry stalks of weeds and the stems of a shrub which resembles the southern wood; made a small fire and boiled a small quantity of our jerked meat on which we dined; while here the principal cheif of the wallahwallahs joined us with six men of his nation. this cheif by name yel-lept had visited us on the morning of the of october at our encampment a little below this place; we gave him at that time a small medal, and promised him a larger one on our return. he appeared much gratifyed at seeng us return, invited us to remain at his village three or four days and assured us that we should be furnished with a plenty of such food as they had themselves; and some horses to assist us on our journey. after our scanty repast we continued our march accompanyed by yellept and his party to the village which we found at the distance of six miles situated on the n. side of the river at the lower side of the low country about ms. below the entrance of lewis's river. this cheif is a man of much influence not only in his own nation but also among the neighbouring tribes and nations.--this village consists of large mat lodges. at present they seem to subsist principally on a speceis of mullet which weigh from one to three lbs. and roots of various discriptions which these plains furnish them in great abundance. they also take a few salmon trout of the white kind.--yellept haranged his village in our favour intreated them to furnish us with fuel and provision and set the example himself by bringing us an armfull of wood and a platter of roasted mullets. the others soon followed his example with rispect to fuel and we soon found ourselves in possession of an ample stock. they birn the stems of the shrubs in the plains there being no timber in their neighbourhood of any discription. we purchased four dogs of these people on which the party suped heartily having been on short allowance for near two days. the indians retired when we requested them this evening and behaved themselves in every rispect extreemly well. the indians informed us that there was a good road which passed from the columbia opposite to this village to the entrance of the kooskooske on the s. side of lewis's river; they also informed us, that there were a plenty of deer and antelopes on the road, with good water and grass. we knew that a road in that direction if the country would permit would shorten our rout at least miles. the indians also informed us that the country was level and the road good, under these circumstances we did not hesitate in pursuing the rout recommended by our guide whos information was corroberated by yellept & others. we concluded to pass our horses over early in the morning. [clark, april , ] sunday april th . this morning we were detained untill a m in consequence of the absence of one of shabono's horses. the horse being at length recovered we set out and to the distance of miles passed through a country similar to that of yesterday. (passed muscle shell rapid) and at the experation of this distance again approached the river, and are rocky abrupt and feet high. we assended the hill and marched through a high plain miles where we again returned to the river. we halted altho we had not reached the wal-lah-lal-lah village as we had been led to believe by our guide who informed us that the village was at the place we should next return to the river, and the considiration of our haveing but little provisions had been our inducement to make the march we had made this morning. we collected some of the dry stalks of weeds and the stems of shrubs or weeds which resemble the southern wood; made a small fire and boiled a small quantity of our jurked meat on which we dined; while here we were met by the principal chief of the wal lah wal lah nation and several of his nation. this chief by name yel lep-pet had visited us on the morning of the th of octr. at our encampment imedeately opposit to us; we gave him at that time a small medal, and promised him a large one on our return. he appeared much gratified at seeing us return. he envited us to remain at his village or days and assured us that we should be furnished with a plenty of such food as they had themselves, and some horses to assist us on our journey. after our scanty repast we continued our march accompanied by yelleppit and his party to the village which we found at the distance of six miles, situated on the north side of the river. about miles below the enterance of lewis's river. this chief is a man of much influence not only in his own nation but also among the neighbouring tribes and nations.--the village consists of large mat lodges. at present they seam to subsist principally on a species of mullet which weighs from one to pds. and roots of various discriptions which those plains furnish them in great abundance. they also take a fiew salmon trout of the white kind. yelleppet haranged his village in our favor intreated them to furnish us with fuel & provisions and set the example himself by bringing us an armfull of wood, and a platter with rosted mullets. the others soon followed his example with respect to fuel and we soon found ourselves in possession of an ample stock, they burn the stems of the shrubs in the plains, there being no timber in this neighbourhood of any description. we purchased dogs of those people on which the party suped hartily haveing been on short allowance for near days. the indians retired when we requested them this evening and behaved themselves in every respect very well. the indians informed us that there was a good road which passed from the columbia opposit to this village to the enterance of kooskooske on the s. side of lewis's river, they also informed us, there were a plenty of deer and antilopes on the road with good water and grass. we knew that a road in that direction if the country would permit it would shorten the rout at least miles. the indians also inform us that the county was leavel and the road good, under those circumstances we did not hesitate in pursueing the rout recommended by our guide and corroberated by yetleppit and others. we concluded to pass our horses over early in the morning.- made miles to day [lewis, april , ] monday april th . this morning early yellept brought a very eligant white horse to our camp and presented him to capt. c. signifying his wish to get a kettle but on being informed that we had already disposed of every kettle we could possibly spear he said he was content with whatever he thought proper to give him. capt. c. gave him his swoard a hundred balls and powder and some sail articles with which he appeared perfectly satisfyed. it was necessary before we entered on our rout through the plains where we were to meet with no lodges or resident indians that we should lay in a stock of provision and not depend altogether on the gun. we directed frazier to whom we have intrusted the duty of makeing those purchases to lay in as many fat dogs as he could procure; he soon obtained ten. being anxious to depart we requested the cheif to furnish us with canoes to pass the river, but he insisted on our remaining with him this day at least, that he would be much pleased if we would conset to remain two or three, but he would not let us have canoes to leave him today. that he had sent for the chym nap'-pos his neighbours to come down and join his people this evening and dance for us. we urged the necessity of our going on immediately in order that we might the sooner return to them with the articles which they wished but this had no effect, he said that the time he asked could not make any considerable difference. i at length urged that there was no wind blowing and that the river was consequently in good order to pass our horses and if he would furnish us with canoes for that purpose we would remain all night at our present encampment, to this proposition he assented and soon produced us a couple of canoes by means of which we passed our horses over the river safely and bubbled them as usual. we found a shoshone woman, prisoner among these people by means of whome and sahcahgarweah we found the means of conversing with the wollahwollahs. we conversed with them for several hours and fully satisfyed all their enquiries with rispect to ourselves and the objects of our pursuit. they were much pleased. they brought several diseased persons to us for whom they requested some medical aid. one had his knee contracted by the rheumatism, another with a broken arm &c to all of which we administered much to the gratification of those poor wretches. we gave them some eye-water which i beleive will render them more essential service than any other article in the medical way which we had it in our power to bestoe on them. soar eyes seem to be a universal complaint amonge these people; i have no doubt but the fine sand of these plains and river contribute much to this disorder. ulsers and irruptions of the skin on various parts of the body are also common diseases among them. a little before sunset the chymnahpos arrived; they were about men and a few women; they joined the wallahwollahs who were about the same number and formed a half circle arround our camp where they waited very patiently to see our party dance. the fiddle was played and the men amused themselves with dancing about an hour. we then requested the indians to dance which they very cheerfully complyed with; they continued their dance untill at night. the whole assemblage of indians about men women and children sung and danced at the same time. most of them stood in the same place and merely jumped up to the time of their music. some of the men who were esteemed most brave entered the space arrond which the main body were formed in solid column, and danced in a circular manner sidewise. at p.m. the dance concluded and the natives retired; they were much gratifyed with seeing some of our party join them in their dance. [clark, april , ] monday april th this morning early the great chief yel lip pet brought a very eligant white horse to our camp and presented him to me signifying his wish to get a kittle but being informed that we had already disposed of every kittle we could possibly spare he said he was content with what ever i thought proper to give him. i gave him my swoard, balls & powder and some small articles of which he appeared perfectly satisfied. it was necessary before we entered on our rout through the plains where we were to meet with no lodges or resident indians that we should lay in a stock of provisions and not depend altogether on the gun. we derected r. frazer to whome we have intrusted the duty of makeing the purchases, to lay in as maney fat dogs as he could procure; he soon obtained . being anxious to depart we requested the chief to furnish us with canoes to pass the river, but he insisted on our remaining with him this day at least, that he would be much pleased if we would consent to remain two or days, but he would not let us have canoes to leave him this day. that he had sent for the chim-na-pums his neighbours to come down and join his people this evening and dance for us. we urged the necessity of our proceeding on imediately in order that we might the sooner return to them, with the articles which they wishd. brought to them but this had no effect, he said that the time he asked could not make any considerable difference. i at length urged that there was no wind blowing and that the river was consequently in good order to pass our horses and if he would furnish us with canoes for that purpose we would remain all night at our present encampment, to this proposition he assented and soon produced a canoe. i saw a man who had his knee contracted who had previously applyed to me for some medisene, that if he would fournish another canoe i would give him some medisene. he readily consented and went himself with his canoe by means of which we passed our horses over the river safely and hobbled them as usial-. we found a sho sho ne woman, prisoner among those people by means of whome and sah-cah gah-weah, shabono's wife we found means of converceing with the wallahwallfirs. we conversed with them for several hours and fully satisfy all their enquiries with respect to our selves and the object of our pursute. they were much pleased. they brought several disordered persons to us for whome they requested some medical aid. one had his knee contracted by the rhumitism (whome is just mentioned above) another with a broken arm &c. to all of whome we administered much to the gratification of those pore wretches, we gave them some eye water which i believe will render them more esential sirvece than any other article in the medical way which we had it in our power to bestow on them sore eyes seam to be a universial complaint among those people; i have no doubt but the fine sands of those plains and the river contribute much to the disorder. the man who had his arm broken had it loosely bound in a peice of leather without any thing to surport it. i dressed the arm which was broken short above the wrist & supported it with broad sticks to keep it in place, put in a sling and furnished him with some lint bandages &c. to dress it in future. a little before sun set the chim nah poms arrived; they were about men and a fiew women; they joined the wallah wallahs who were about men and formed a half circle arround our camp where they waited verry patiently to see our party dance. the fiddle was played and the men amused themselves with danceing about an hour. we then requested the indians to dance which they very chearfully complyed with; they continued their dance untill at night. the whole assemblage of indians about men women and children sung and danced at the same time. most of them danced in the same place they stood and mearly jumped up to the time of their musick. some of the men who were esteemed most brave entered the space around which the main body were formed in solid column and danced in a circular manner side wise. at p m. the dance ended and the nativs retired; they were much gratified in seeing some of our party join them in their dance. one of their party who made himself the most conspicious charecter in the dance and songs, we were told was a medesene man & could foretell things. that he had told of our comeing into their country and was now about to consult his god the moon if what we said was the truth &c. &c. [lewis, april , ] tuesday april th . this morning yellept furnished us with two canoes and we began to transport our baggage over the river; we also sent a party of the men over to collect the horses. we purchased some dogs and shappellell this morning. we had now a store of dogs for our voyage through the plains. by a.m. we had passed the river with our party and baggage but were detained several hours in consequence of not being able to collect our horses. our guide now informed us that it was too late in the evening to reach an eligible place to encamp; that we could not reach any water before night. we therefore thought it best to remain on the wallahwollah river about a mile from the columbia untill the morning, and accordingly encamped on that river near a fish wear. this wear consists of two curtains of small willow switches matted together with four lines of withs of the same materials extening quite across the river, parrallel with eah other and about feet assunder. those are supported by several parsels of poles placed in the manner before discribed of the fishing wears. these curtains of willow are either roled at one end for a few feet to permit the fish to pass or are let down at pleasure. they take their fish which at present are a mullet only of from one to five lbs., with small seines of or feet long drawn by two persons; these they drag down to the wear and raise the bottom of the seine against the willow curtain. they have also a small seine maniaged by one person it bags in the manner of the scooping net; the one side of the net is confined to a simicircular bow of half the size of a man's arm and about feet long; the other side is confined to a strong string which being attatched to the extremities of the bow forms the cord line to the simicircle. the wallahwollah river discharges itself into the columbia on it's s. side miles below the entrance of lewis's river or the s. e. branch. a high range of hills pass the columbia just below the entrance of this river. this is a handsome stream about / feet deep and yds. wide; it's bed is composed of gravel principally with some sand and mud; the banks are abrupt but not high, tho it dose not appear to overflow; the water is clear. the indians inform us that it has it's surces in the range of mountains in view of us to the e and s. e. these mountains commence a little to the south of mt. hood and extending themselves in a n. eastwardly direction terminate near a southen branch of lewis's river short of the rocky mountains. the towannahiooks river, river lapage and the wollah-wollah rivers all take their rise on the n side of these mountains; two principal branches of the first of these take their rise in mountains jefferson and hood. these mountains are covered with snow at present tho do not appear high; they seperate the waters of the multnomah from those of the columbia river. they appear to be about or miles distant from hence. the snake indian prisoner informed us that at some distance in the large plains to the south of those mountains there was a large river runing to the n. w. which was as wide as the columbia at this place which is nearly one mile. this account is no doubt some what exagerated but it serves to evince the certainty of the multnomah being a very large river and that it's waters are seperated from the columbia by those mountains and that with the aid of a southwardly branch of lewis's river which passes arrond the eastern extremity of those mountains, it must water that vast tract of country extending from those mountains to the waters of the gulph of california. and no doubt it heads with the yellowstone river and the del nord. we gave small medals to two inferior cheifs of this nation and they each presented us a fine horse in return we gave them sundry articles and among others one of my case pistols and several hundred rounds of amunition. there are other lodges of the wollahwollah nation on this river a little distance below our camp. these as well as those beyond the columbia appear to depend on this fishing wear for their subsistence. these people as well as the chymnahpos are very well dressed, much more so particularly their women than they were as we decended the river last fall most of them have long shirts and leggings, good robes and mockersons. their women wear the truss when they cannot procure the shirt, but very few are seen with the former at this moment. i presume the success of their winters hunt has produced this change in their attire. they all cut their hair in their forehead and most of the men wear the two cews over each sholder in front of the body; some have the addition of a few small plats formed of the earlocks and others tigh a small bundle of the docked foretop in front of the forehead. their ornaments are such as discribed of the nations below and are woarn in a similar manner. they insisted on our dancinq this evening but it rained a little the wind blew hard and the weather was cold, we therefore did not indulge them. [clark, april , ] tuesday april th this morning yelleppit furnished us with canoes, and we began to transport our baggage over the river; we also sent a party of the men over to collect our horses. we purchased some deer and chappellell this morning. we had now a store of dogs for our voyage through the plains. by a.m. we had passed the river with our party and baggage but were detained several hours in consequence of not being able to collect our horses. our guide now informed us that it was too late in the evening to reach an eligible place to encamp; that we could not reach any water before night. we therefore thought it best to remain on the wallah wallah river about a mile from the columbia untill the morning, accordingly encampd on the river near a fish wear. this weare consists of two curtains of small willows wattled together with four lines of withes of the same materials extending quite across the river, parralal with each other and about feet asunder. those are supported by several parrelals of poles placed in this manner those curtains of willows is either roled at one end for a fiew feet to permit the fish to pass or are let down at pleasure. they take their fish which at present are a mullet only of from one to pounds wt. with small seines of or feet long drawn by two persons; these they drag down to the wear and rase the bottom of the seine against the willow curtain. they have also a small seine managed by one person, it bags in the manner of the scooping nets; the one side of the net is confined to a simicircular bow of half the size of a mans arm and about feet long, the other side is confined to a strong string which being attatched to the extremities of the bow forms the cord line to the simicurcle. the wallah wallah river discharges it's self into the columbia on it's south side miles below the enterance of lewis's river, or the s. e. branch. a range of hills pass the columbia just below the enterance of this river. this is a handsom stream about / feet deep and yards wide; it's bead is composed of gravel principally with some sand and mud; the banks are abrupt but not high, tho it does not appear to overflow; the water is clear. the indians inform us that it has it's source in the range of mountains in view of us to the e. and s. e. these mountains commence a little to the south of mt. hood and extend themselves in a s eastwardly direction terminateing near the southern banks of lewis's river short of the rockey mountains. ta wan nahiooks river, river lapage and ____ river all take their rise on those mountains. the two principal branches of the first of those take their rise in the mountain's, jefferson and hood. those mountains are covered at present with snow. those s w. mountains are covered with snow at present tho do not appear high. they seperate the waters of the multnomah from those of the columbia river. they appear to be or miles distant from hence. the snake indian prisoner informed us that at some distance in the large plains to the south of those mountains there was a large river running to the n. w. which was as wide as the columbia at this place, which is nearly mile. this account is no doubt somewhat exagurated but it serves to evince the certainty of the multnomah being a very large river and that it's waters are seperated from the columbia by those mountains, and that with the aid of a southwardly branch of lewis's river which pass around the eastern extremity of those mountains, it must water that vast tract of country extending from those mountains to the waters of the gulf of callifornia. and no doubt it heads with the rochejhone and del nord. we gave small medals to two inferior chiefs of this nation, and they each furnished us with a fine horse, in return we gave them sundery articles among which was one of capt lewis's pistols & several hundred rounds of amunition. there are other lodges of the wallahwallah nation on this river a short distance below our camp. those as well as those beyond the columbia appear to depend on their fishing weres for their subsistance. those people as well as the chym na poms are very well disposed, much more so particular their women than they were when we decended the river last fall. most of them have long shirts and leggins, good robes and mockersons. their women were the truss when they cannot precure the shirt, but very fiew are seen with the former at the present. i prosume the suckcess of their winters hunt has produced this change in their attere. they all cut their hair in the fore head, and most of the men ware the two cews over each sholder in front of the body; some have the addition of a fiew small plats formed of the eare locks, and others tigh a small bundle of the docked foretop in front of the fore head. their orniments are such as discribed of the nativs below, and are worn in a similar manner. they insisted on our danceing this evening but it rained a little the wind blew hard and the weather was cold, we therefore did not indulge them.--several applyed to me to day for medical aides, one a broken arm another inward fever and several with pains across their loins, and sore eyes. i administered as well as i could to all. in the evining a man brought his wife and a horse both up to me. the horse he gave me as a present. and his wife who was verry unwell the effects of violent coalds was placed before me. i did not think her case a bad one and gave such medesine as would keep her body open and raped her in flannel. left some simple medesene to be taken. we also gave some eye water g. of ela v v. & grs. of sacchm stry. to an ounce of water and in that perpotion. great no. of the nativs about us all night. [lewis, april , ] wednesday april th . this morning we had some difficulty in collecting our horses notwithstanding we had bubbled and picquited those we obtained of these people. we purchased two other horses this morning and several dogs. we exchanged one of our most indifferent horses for a very good one with the chopunnish man who has his family with him. this man has a daughter new arrived at the age of puberty, who being in a certain situation is not permitted to ascociate with the family but sleeps at a distance from her father's camp and when traveling follows at some distance behind. in this state i am informed that the female is not permitted to eat, nor to touch any article of a culinary nature or manly occupation. at a.m. we had collected all our horses except the white horse which yellept had given capt. c. the whole of the men soon after returned without being able to find this horse. i lent my horse to yellept to surch capt. c's about half an hour after he set out our chopunnish man brought up capt. c's horse we now determined to leave one man to bring on my horse when yellept returned and to proceed on with the party accordingly we took leave of these friendly honest people the wollahwollahs and departed at a.m. accompanyed by our guide and the chopunnish man and family. we continued our rout n. e. ms. through an open level sandy plain to a bold creek yds. wide. this stream is a branch of the wallahwollah river into which it discharges itself about six miles above the junction of that river with the columbia. it takes it's rise in the same range of mountains to the east of the sources of the main branch of the same. it appears to be navigable for canoes; it is deep and has a bold current. there are many large banks of pure sand which appear to have been drifted up by the wind to the hight of or feet, lying in many parts of the plain through which we passed today. this plain as usual is covered with arromatic shrubs hurbatious plants and a short grass. many of those plants produce those esculent roots which form a principal part of the subsistence of the natives. among others there is one which produces a root somewhat like the sweet pittaitoe.--we encamped at the place we intersepted the creek where we had the pleasure once more to find an abundance of good wood for the purpose of making ourselves comfortable fires, which has not been the case since we left rock fort camp. drewyer killed a beaver and an otter; a pan of the former we reserved for ourselves and gave the indians the ballance. these people will not eat the dog but feast heartily on the otter which is vastly inferior in my estimation, they sometimes also eat their horses, this indeed is common to all the indians who possess this annimal in the plains of columbia; but it is only done when necessity compells them.--the narrow bottom of this creek is very fertile, tho the plains are poor and sandy. the hills of the creek are generally abrupt and rocky. there is a good store of timber on this creek at least fold more than on the columbia river itself. it consists of cottonwood, birch, the crimson haw, redwillow, sweetwillow, chokecherry yellow currants, goosberry, whiteberryed honeysuckle rose bushes, seven bark, and shoemate. i observed the corngrass and rushes in some parts of the bottom. reubin feilds overtook us with my horse. our stock of horses has now encresed to and most of them excellent young horses, but much the greater portion of them have soar backs. these indians are cruell horse-masters; they ride hard, and their saddles are so illy constructed that they cannot avoid wounding the backs of their horses; but reguardless of this they ride them when the backs of those poor annimals are in a horrid condition. [clark, april , ] wednesday april th . this morning we had some dificuelty in collecting our horses notwithstanding we had hobbled & picqueted those we obtained of those people. we purchased two other horses this morning and dogs. we exchanged one of our most indeferent horses for a very good one with the choponnish man who has his family with him. this man has a doughter now arived at the age of puberty who being in a certain situation-is not permited to acoiate with the family but sleeps at a distance from her father's camp, and when traveling follows at some distance be-hind. in this state i am informed that the female is not permited to eat, nor to touch any article of a culinary nature or manly occupation. at a.m. we had collected all our horses except the white horse which yelleppit the great chief had given me. the whole of the men haveing returned without being able to find this hors. i informed the chief and he mounted capt lewis's horse and went in serch of the horse himself. about half an hour after the chopunnish man brought my horse. we deturmined to proceed on with the party leaving one man to bring up capt l.-s horse when yelleppit should return. we took leave of those honest friendly people the wallah wallahs and departed at a.m. accompanied by our guide and the chopunnish man and family. we continued our rout n. ° e. ms. through an open leavel sandy plain to a bold creek yards wide. this stream is a branch of the wallahwallah river, and takes it's rise in the same range of mountains to the east of the main branch. deep and has a bold current. there are maney large banks of pure sand which appear to have been drifted up by the wind to the hight of or feet, lying in maney parts of the plains through which we passed to day. this plain as usial is covered with arromatic shrubs, hurbatious plants and tufts of short grass. maney of those plants produce those esculent roots which forms a principal part of the subsistance of the nativs. among others there is one which produce a root somewhat like the sweet potato. we encamped at the place we intersepted the creek where we had the pleasure once more to find a sufficency of wood for the purpose of makeing ourselves comfortable fires, which has not been the case since we left rock fort camp below the falls. drewyer killed a beaver and an otter. the narrow bottoms of this creek is fertile. tho the plains are pore & sandy. the hills of the creek are generaly abrupt and rocky. there is some timber on this creek. it consists of cotton wood, birch, the crimson haw, red willow, sweet willow, choke cherry, yellow current, goose berry, white berried honey suckle, rose bushes, seven bark, shoemate &c. &c. rushes in some parts of the bottoms. r. fields over took us with capt lewis's horse our stock of horses have now increased to and most of them excellent young horses, but much the greatest part of them have sore backs. those indians are cruel horse masters; they ride hard and their saddles illey constructed. &c. &c. [lewis, may , ] thursday may st . we collected our horses tolerably early this morning took and set out a little after a.m. we pursued the indian road which led us up the creek about nine miles, here the chopunnish man wo was in front with me informed that an old unbeaten tract which he pointed out to the left was our nearest rout. we halted the party and directed them to unload and let their horses graize untill our guide came up who was at some distance behind. i wished to obtain good information of this newly recommended tract before i could consent to leave the present road which seemed to lead us in the proper direction was level and furnished with wood and water. when the guide arrived he seemed much displeased with the other, he assured us that the rout up the creek was the nearest, and much the best, that if we took the other we would be obliged to remain here untill tomorrow morning, and then travel a whole day before we could reach water, and that there was no wood; the other agreed that this was the case. we therefore did not hesitate to pursue the rout recommended by the guide. the creek, it's bottom lands, and the appearance of the plains were much as those of esterday only with this difference that the latter were not so sandy. we had sent out four hunters this morning two on foot and on horseback they joined us while we halted here. drewyer had killed a beaver. at p.m. we resumed our march, leaving the chopunnish man and his family; he had determined to remain at that place untill the next morning and then pursue the rout he had recommended to us. he requested a small quantity of powder and lead which we gave him. we traveled miles this evening, making a total of ms. and encamped. the first miles of our afternoons march was through a similar country with that of the forenoon; the creek bottoms then became higher and widened to the extent of from to ms. the hills on the n. side were low but those on the opposite side retained their hight. we saw a number of deer of which labuish killed one. the timber on the creek becomes more abundant and it's extensive bottoms affords a pleasent looking country. the guide informs us that we shall now find a plenty of wood water and game quite to the kooskooske. we saw a great number of the curloos, some grains, ducks, prarie larks and several speceis of sparrows common to the praries. i see very little difference between the apparent face of the country here and that of the plains of the missouri only that these are not enlivened by the vast herds of buffaloe elk &c which ornament the other. the courses and distances of this day are n. e. m. and n. e. m. along the northern side of this creek to our encampment. some time after we had encamped three young men arrived from the wallahwollah village bringing with them a steel trap belonging to one of our party which had been neglegently left behind; this is an act of integrity rarely witnessed among indians. during our stay with them they several times found the knives of the men which had been carelessly lossed by them and returned them. i think we can justly affirm to the honor of these people that they are the most hospitable, honest, and sincere people that we have met with in our voyage. [clark, may , ] thursday may st . this morning we collected our horses and made an early start, haveing preveously sent a hed hunters with derections to proceed up the creek and kill every species of game which they might meet with. the small portion of rain which fell last night caused the road to be much furmer and better than yesterday. the morning cloudy and cool. we proceeded up the creek on the n. e. side through a countrey of less sand and some rich bottoms on the creek which is partially supplyed with small cotton trees, willow, red willow, choke cherry, white thorn, birch, elder, ____ rose & honey suckle. great portion of these bottoms has been latterly burnt which has entirely distroyed the timbered growth. at the distance of nine miles we over took our hunters, they had killed one bever only at this place the road forked, one leaveing the creek and the corse of it is nearly north. the chopunnish who had accompanied us with his family informed us that this was our best way. that it was a long distance without water. and advised us to camp on the creek at this place and in the morning to set out early. this information perplexed us a little, in as much as the idea of going a days march without water thro an open sandy plain and on a course ° out of our derection. we deturmined to unlode and wate for our guide, or the chopunnish man who had accompanied us from the long narrows, who was in the rear with drewyer our interpreter. on his arrival we enquired of him which was the best and most direct roade for us to take. he informed us that the road pointed out by his cumerade was through a open hilly and sandy countrey to the river lewis's river, and was a long ways around, and that we could not git to any water to day. the other roade up the creek was a more derect course, plenty of water wood and only one hill in the whole distance and the road which he had always recomended to us. some words took place between those two men the latter appeared in great pation mounted his horse and set out up the creek. we sent a man after him and brought him back informed him that we believed what he said and should imedeately after dinner proceed on the road up the creek with him. we gave the former man some powder and ball which had been promised him, and after an early dinner set out up the creek with our guide leaveing the chopunnish man and his family encamped at the forks of the road where they intended to stay untill the morning and proceed on the rout he had recommended to us. we traviled miles this evening makeing a total of mls. and encamped. the first miles of our afternoons march was through a simaler country of that of the fore noon; the creek bottoms then became higher and wider; to the extent of from to miles. we saw several deer of which labiech killed one. the timber on the creek become more abundant and less burnt, and its extensive bottoms afford a pleasent looking country. we saw a great number of curloos, some crains, ducks, prarie cocks, and several species of sparrows common to the praries. i see very little difference between the apparant face of the country here and that of the plains of the missouri. only that those are not enlivened by the vast herds of buffalow, elk &c. which animated those of the missouri. the courses & distances of this day are n. ° e. mls. & n. ° e. miles allong the north side of this creek to our encampment. sometime after we had encamped three young men arrived from the wallah wallah village bringing with them a steel trap belonging to one of our party which had been negligently left behind; this is an act of integrity rearly witnessed among indians. dureing our stay with them they several times found the knives of the men which had been carefully lossed by them and returned them. i think we can justly affirm to the honor of those people that they are the most hospitable, honist and sencere people that we have met with on our voyage.- [lewis, may , ] friday may cd . this morning we dispatched two hunters a head. we had much difficulty in collecting our horses. at a.m. we obtained them all except the horse we obtained from the chopunnish man whom we seperated from yesterday. we apprehended that this horse would make some attempts to rejoin the horses of this man and accordingly had him as we thought securely bubbled both before and at the side, but he broke the strings in the course of the night and absconded. we sent several men in different directions in surch of him. i engaged one of the young indians who overtook us last evening to return in surch of him. at half after p.m. the indian and joseph feilds returned with the horse, they had found him on his way back about ms. i paid the indian the price stipulated for his services and we immediately loaded up and set forward. steered east m. over a hilly road along the n. side of the creek, wide bottom on s. side. a branch falls in on s. side which runs south towards the s. w. mountains which appear to be about ms. distant low yet covered with snow n. e. through an extensive level bottom. more timber than usual on the creek, some pine of the long leafed kind appears on the sides of the creek hills, also about acres of well timbered pine land where we passed the creek at m. on this course n. e. ms. repassed the creek at m. and continued up a n. e. branch of the same which falls in about a mile below where we passed the main creek. the bottoms though which we passed were wide. the main creek boar to the s. and heads in the mountains; it's bottoms are much narrower above where we passed it and the hills appear high. we passed the small creek at / from the commencement of this course and encamped on the n. side in a little bottom, having traveled miles today. at this place the road leaves the creek and takes the open high plain. this creek is about yds. wide and bears east as far as i could observe it. i observed considerable quantities of the qua-mash in the bottoms through which we passed this evening now in blume. there is much appearance of beaver and otter along these creeks. saw two deer at a distance; also observed many sandhill crains curloos and other fowls common to the plains. the soil appears to improve as we advance on this road. our hunters killed a duck only. the three young men of the wollahwollah nation continued with us. in the course of the day i observed them eat the inner part of the young and succulent stem of a large coarse plant with a ternate leaf, the leafets of which are three loabed and covered with a woolly pubersence. the flower and fructification resembles that of the parsnip this plant is very common in the rich lands on the ohio and it's branches the mississippi &c. i tasted of this plant found it agreeable and eat heartily of it without feeling any inconvenience. [clark, may , ] friday may nd this morning we dispatched two hunters a head. we had much dificuelty in collecting our horses. at a.m. we obtained them all except the horse we obtained from the chopunnish man whome we seperated from yesterday. we apprehended that this horse would make some attempts to rejoin the horses of this man and accordingly had him as we thought scurely hobbled both before and at the side, but he broke the strings in the course of the night and absconded. we sent several men in different directions in serch of him. and hired one of the men who joined us last night to prosue him and over take us & at after p.m. the indian and joseph fields returned with the horse they had found him on his way back about miles. i paid the indian the price stipulated for his services and we imediately loaded up and set forward. east miles over a hilly road along the n. side of the creek. wide bottoms on the s. side. a branch falls in on the s. side which runds from the s w. mountains, which appear to be about m. distant low yet covered with snow. n. ° e. m. through an extencive leavel bottom. more timber than usial on the creek. some pine of the long leaf kind appear on the creek hills. also about acres of well timbered pine land where we passed the creek at m. on the course. n. ° e. m. passed the creek at m. and continued up on the n. e. side. the bottoms wide. the main creek bear to the s. and head in the mountains. we passed a small creek at / m. from the commencement of this course and encamped on the n. side in a little bottom. haveing traviled miles to day. at this place the road leaves the creek and passes through the open high plains. this creek is yds wide and bears east towards the mts. i observed a considerable quantity of the qua mash in the bottoms through which we passed this evening now in blume. there is much appearance of beaver & otter along these creeks. saw two deer at a distance, also sand hill cranes, curloos and fowls common to the plains. the soil appears to improve as we advance on this road. our hunters killed a deer only. the three young men of the wallah wallah nation continue with us in the course of this day. i observed them cut the inner part of the young and succulent stem of a large corse plant with a ternate leaf, the leafets of which are three loabes and covered with woolly pubersence. the flower and fructification resembles that of the parsnip. this plant is very common in the rich lands on the ohio and its branches. i tasted of this plant found it agreeable and eate hartily of it without feeling any inconveniance. [lewis, may , ] saturday may rd . this morning we set out at a.m. steered n. e ms. to kimooenem creek through a high level plain. this creek is about yds. wide pebbly bottom low banks and discharges a considerable body of water it heads in the s. w. mountains and discharges itself into lewis's river a few miles above the narrows. the bottoms of this creek are narrow with some timber principally cottonwood and willow. the under brush such as mentioned on n. east creek. the hills are high and abrupt. the land of the plains is much more fertile than below, less sand and covered with taller grass; very little of the aromatic shrubs appear in this part of the plain. we halted and dined at this creek; after which we again proceeded n. e. m. through the high plain to a small creek yds. wide branch of the kimooenem c. this stream falls into the creek some miles below. the hills of this creek like those of the kimooenem are high it's bottoms narrow and possess but little timber, lands of a good quality, a dark rich loam. we continued our rout up this creek, on it's n. side. n. e. ms. the timber increases in quantity the hills continue high. east ms. up the creek. here we met with we-ark-koomt whom we have usually distinguished by the name of the bighorn cheif from the circumstance of his always wearing a horn of that animal suspended by a cord to he left arm. he is the st cheif of a large band of the chopunnish nation. he had of his young men with him. this man went down lewis's river by land as we decended it by water last fall quite to the columbia and i beleive was very instrumental in procuring us a hospitable and friendly reception among the natives. he had now come a considerable distance to meet us. after meeting this cheif we continued still up the creek bottoms n. . e. m to the place at which the road leaves the creek and ascends the hills to the plain here we encamped in small grove of cottonwood tree which in some measure broke the violence of the wind. we came ms. today. it rained hailed snowed and blowed with great violence the greater portion of the day. it was fortunate for us that this storm was from the s. w. and of course on our backs. the air was very cold. we divided the last of our dryed meat at dinner when it was consumed as well as the ballance of our dogs nearly we made but a scant supper and had not anything for tomorrow; however we-arkkoomt consoled us with the information that there was an indian lodge on the river at no great distance where we might supply ourselves with provision tomorrow. our guide and the three young wallahwollahs left us this morning reather abruptly and we have seen nothing of them since. the s. w. mountains appear to become lower as they proceede to the n. e. this creek reaches the mountains. we are nearer to them than we were last evening [clark, may , ] saturday rd may this morning we set out at a.m. steared n. ° e m. to kimoo e nimm creek through a high leavel plain this creek is yds. wide pebbly bottom low banks and discharges a considerable quanty of water it head in the s w. mountains and discharges it self into lewis's river a fiew miles above the narrows. the bottoms of this creek is narrow with some timber principally cotton wood & willow. the under brush such as mentioned in the n. e. creek. the hills are high and abrupt. the lands of the plains is much more furtile than below, less sand and covered with taller grass; very little of the aramatic shrubs appear in this part of the plain. we halted and dined at this creek. after which we again proceeded n. ° e. mes. through a high plain to a small creek yds. wide, a branch of the kimooenimm creek. the hills of this stream like those of the ki moo enimm are high its bottoms narrow and possess but little timber. the land of a good quallity dark rich loam. we continued our rout up this creek on it's n. side n. ° e mes. the timber increas in quantity the hills continue high. we met with the we arh koont whome we have usially distinguished by the name of the big horn chief from the circumstance of his always wareing a horn of that animal suspended by a cord to his left arm. he is a st chief of a large band of the chopunnish nation. he had ten of his young men with him. this man went down lewis's river by land as we decended it by water last fall quite to the columbia, and i believe was very instremental in precureing us a hospital and friendly reception among the nativs. he had now come a considerable distance to meet us. after meeting this cheif we continued still up the creek bottoms n. ° e. m. to the place at which the roade leaves the creek and assends the hill to the high plains: here we encamped in a small grove of cotton trees which in some measure broke the violence of the wind. we came miles today. it rained, hailed, snowed & blowed with great violence the greater portion of the day. it was fortunate for us that this storm was from the s. w. and of course on our backs. the air was very cold. we devided the last of our dried meat at dinner when it was consumed as well as the ballance of our dogs nearly we made but a scant supper, and had not any thing for tomorrow; however we-ark-koomt consoled us with the information that there was an indian lodge on the river at no great distance where we might supply our selves with provisions tomorrow. our guide and the three young wallah wallah's left us this morning reather abruptly and we have seen nothing of them sence. the s w. mountains appear to become lower as they receed to the n, e. this creek reaches the mountains. we are much nearer to them than we were last evening. they are covered with timber and at this time snow. [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . collected our horses and set out early; the morning was cold and disagreeable. we ascended the lard. hills of the creek and steered n. ° e. miles through a high level plain to a ravine which forms the source of a small creek, thence down this creek n. ° e. ms. to it's entrance into lewis's river / ms. below the entrance of the kooskooske. on the river a little above this creek we arrived at a lodge of families of which weark-koomt had spoken. we halted here for breakfast and with much difficulty purchase lean dogs. the inhabitants were miserably poor. we obtained a few large cakes of half cured bread made of a root which resembles the sweet potatoe, with these we made some scope and took breakfast. the lands through which we passed today are fertile consisting of a dark rich loam the hills of the river are high and approach it nearly on both sides. no timber in the plains. the s. w. mountains which appear to be about ms. above us still continue to become lower they are covered with snow at present nearly to their bases. lewis's river appeas to pass through these mots. near their n. eastern extremity. these hills terminate in a high level plain between the kooskooske and lewis's river. these plains are in many places well covered with the longleafed pine, with some larch and balsom fir. the soil is extreemly fertile no dose it appear so thisty as that of the same apparent texture of the open plains. it produces great quantities of the quawmash a root of which the natives are extreemly fond. a great portion of the chopunnish we are informed are now distributed in small vilages through this plain collecting the quawmash and cows; the salmon not yet having arrived to call them to the river. the hills of the creek which we decended this morning are high and in most parts rocky and abrupt. one of our pack horses sliped from one of those hights and fell into the creek with it's load consisting principally of ammunition but fortunately neith the horse nor load suffered any material injury. the amunition being secured in canesters the water did not effect it.--after dinner we continued our rout up the west side of the river ms. opposite to lodges the one containing and the other families of the chopunnish nation; here we met with te-toh, ar sky, the youngest of the two cheifs who accompanied us last fall the great falls of the columbia here we also met with our pilot who decended the river with us as far as the columbia. these indians recommended our passing the river at this place and ascending the kooskooske on the n. e. side. they said it was nearer and a better rout to the forkes of that river where the twisted hair resided in whose charge we had left our horses; thither they promised to conduct us. we determined to take the advice of the indians and immediately prepared to pass the river which with the assistance of three indian canoes we effected in the course of the evening, purchased a little wood and some bread of cows from the natives and encamped having traveled ms. only today. we-ark-koomt whose people resided on the west side of lewis's river above left us when we determined to pass the river and went on to his lodg. the evening was cold and disagreeable, and the natives crouded about our fire in great numbers insomuch that we could scarcely cook of keep ourselves warm. at all these lodges of the chopunnish i observe an appendage of a small lodg with one fire which seems to be the retreat of their women in a certain situation. the men are not permitted to approach this lodge within a certain distance and if they have any thing to convey to the occupants of this little hospital they stand at the distance of or paces and throw it towards them as far as they can and retire. [clark, may , ] sunday may th collected our horses and set out early; the morning was cold and disagreeable. we assended the larboard hill of the creek and steared n ° e m. through a high leavil plain to a revine which forms the source of a small creek, thence down the creek n ° e. ms. to it's enterance into lewis's river / ms. below the enterance of koos koos ke. on the river a little above this creek we arived at a lodge of families of which we-ark'-koomt had spoken. we halted here for brackfast and with much dificuelty purchased lean dogs. the inhabitents were miserably pore. we obtained a fiew large cakes of half cured bread made of a root which resembles the sweet potatoe, with these we made some soope and took brackfast. the lands through which we passed to day are fertile consisting of a dark rich loam. the hills of the river are high and abrupt approaching it nearly on both sides. no timber in the plains. the s. w. mountains which appear to be about miles from us still continue to become lower, they are covered with snow at present nearly to their bases. lewis's river appear to pass through those mountains near the n eastern extremity. those hills termonate in a high leavil plain between the kooskoske & lewis's river. these plains are in maney places well covered with the long leafed pine and some balsom fir. the soil is extreamly fertile. no does it appear so thirsty as that of the same apparrant texture of the open plains. it produces great quantities of the quawmash a root of which the nativs are extreemly fond. a great portion of the chopunnish we are informed are now distributed in small villages through this plain collecting the cowse a white meley root which is very fine in soup after being dried and pounded; the salmon not yet haveing arived to call them to the river-. the hills of the creek which we decended this morning are high and in most parts rocky and abrupt. one of our pack horses sliped from one of those hights and fell into the creek with it's load consisting principally of amunition, but fortunately neither the horse nor load suffered any matereal injury. the ammunition being secured in canesters the water did not effect it. after dinner we continued our rout up the west side of the river ms. opposit lodges the one containing and the other families of the chopunnish nation; here we met with te-toh-ar-sky the oldest of the two chiefs who accompanied us last fall to the great falls of the columbia. here we also met with our old pilot who decended the river with us as low as the columbia these indians recommended our passing the river at this place and going up on the n e side of the kooskoske. they sayed it was nearer and a better rout to the forks of that river where the twisted hair resided in whose charge we had left our horses; thither they promised to conduct us. we determined to take the advise of the indians and imediately prepared to pass the river which with the assistance of three indian canoes we effected in the course of the evening, purchased a little wood, some cows bread and encamped, haveing traveled miles to day only. we ark koomt whose people reside on the west side of lewis's river above left us when we deturmined to pass the river. before he left us he expressed his concern that his people would be deprived of the pleasure of seeing us at the forks at which place they had assimbled to shew us sivilities &c. i gave him a small piece of tobacco and he went off satisfied. the evening was cold and disagreeable, and the nativs crouded about our fire in great numbers in so much that we could scercely cook or keep ourselves worm. at all those lodges of the chopunnish i observe an appendage of a small lodge with one fire, which seames to be the retreat of their women in a certain situation. the men are not permited to approach this lodge within a certain distance, and if they have any thing to convey to the occupents of this little hospital they stand at the distance of or paces and throw it towards them as far as they can and retire. [lewis, may , ] monday may th . collected our horses and set out at a.m. at / miles we arrived at the entrance of the kooskooske, up the n. eastern side of which we continued our march ms. to a large lodge of families having passed two other large mat lodges the one at and the other at ms. from the mouth of the kooskooske but not being able to obtain any provision at either of those lodges continued our march to the third where we arrived at p.m. & with much difficulty obtained dogs and a small quanty of root bread and dryed roots. at the second lodge we passed an indian man gave capt. c. a very eligant grey mare for which he requested a phial of eye-water which was accordingly given him. while we were encamped last fall at the entrance of the chopunnish river capt. c. gave an indian man some volitile linniment to rub his kee and thye for a pain of which he complained, the fellow soon after recovered and has never ceased to extol the virtues of our medecines and the skill of my friend capt c. as a phisician. this occurrence added to the benefit which many of them experienced from the eyewater we gave them about the same time has given them an exalted opinion of our medicine. my friend capt. c. is their favorite phisician and has already received many applications. in our present situation i think it pardonable to continue this deseption for they will not give us any provision without compensation in merchandize and our stock is now reduced to a mere handfull. we take care to give them no article which can possibly oinjure them. we foud our chopunnish guide at this lodge with his family. the indians brought us capt. clark's horse from the oposite side of the river and delivered him to us while here. this horse had by some accedent seperated from our other horses above and had agreeably to indian information been in this neighbourhood for some weeks. while at dinner an indian fellow verry impertinently threw a poor half starved puppy nearly into my plait by way of derision for our eating dogs and laughed very heartily at his own impertinence; i was so provoked at his insolence that i caught the puppy and thew it with great violence at him and struk him in the breast and face, siezed my tomahawk and shewed him by signs if he repeated his insolence i would tommahawk him, the fellow withdrew apparently much mortifyed and i continued my repast on dog without further molestation. after dinner we continued our rout miles to the entrance of colter's creek about / a mile above the rapid where we sunk the st canoe as we decended the river last fall. we encamped on the lower side of this creek at a little distance from two lodges of the chopunnish nation having traveled / ms. today. one of these lodges contained eight families, the other was much the largest we have yet seen. it is feet long and about wide built of mats and straw. in the form of the roof of a house having a number of small doors on each side, is closed at the ends and without divisions in the intermediate space this lodge contained at least families. their fires are kindled in a row in the center of the house and about feet assunder. all the lodges of these people are formed in this manner. we arrived here extreemly hungry and much fatiegued, but no articles of merchandize in our possession would induce them to let us have any article of provision except a small quantity of bread of cows and some of those roots dryed. we had several applications to assist their sick which we refused unless they would let us have some dogs or horses to eat. a man whose wife had an absess formed on the small of her back promised a horse in the morning provided we would administer to her accordingly capt. c. opened the absess introduced a tent and dressed it with basilicon; i prepared some dozes of the flour of sulpher and creem of tarter which were given with directions to be taken on each morning. a little girl and sundry other patients were offered for cure but we posponed our operations untill morning; they produced us several dogs but they were so poor that they were unfit for use. this is the residence of one of principal cheifs of the nation whom they call neesh-ne,-park-ke-ook or the cut nose from the circumstance of his nose being cut by the snake indians with a launce in battle. to this man we gave a medal of the small size with the likeness of the president. he may be a great cheif but his countenance has but little inteligence and his influence among his people seems but inconsiderable. a number of indians beside the inhabitants of these lodges geathered about us this evening and encamped in the timbered bottom on the creek near us. we met with a snake indian man at this place through whome we spoke at some length to the natives this evening with rispect to the objects which had induced us to visit their country. this address was induced at this moment by the suggestions of an old man who observed to the natives that he thought we were bad men and had come most probably in order to kill them. this impression if really entertained i beleive we effaced; they appeared well satisfyed with what we said to them, and being hungry and tired we retired to rest at oclock.--we-ark-koomt rejoined us this evening. this man has been of infinite service to us on several former occasions and through him we now offered our address to the natives. [clark, may , ] monday may th collected our horses and set out at a m. at / ms. we arived at the enterance of kooskooske, up the n e. side of which we continued our march miles to a large lodge of families haveing passed two other large mat lodges the one at and the other at miles from the mouth of the kooskooske, but not being able to obtain provisions at either of those lodges continued our march to the rd where we arived at p.m. and with much dificuelty obtained dogs and a small quantity of bread and dryed roots. at the second lodge of eight families capt l. & my self both entered smoked with a man who appeared to be a principal man. as we were about to leave his lodge and proceed on our journey he brought foward a very eligant gray mare and gave her to me, requesting some eye water. i gave him a phial of eye water a handkerchief and some small articles of which he appeared much pleased-. while we were encamped last fall at the enterance of chopunnish river, i gave an indian man some volitile leniment to rub his knee and thye for a pain of which he complained. the fellow soon after recovered and have never seased to extol the virtue of our medicines. near the enterance of the kooskooske, as we decended last fall i met with a man, who could not walk with a tumure on his thye. this had been very bad and recovering fast. i gave this man a jentle pirge cleaned & dressed his sore and left him some casteel soap to wash the sore which soon got well. this man also assigned the restoration of his leg to me. those two cures has raised my reputation and given those nativs an exolted oppinion of my skill as a phician. i have already received maney applications. in our present situation i think it pardonable to continue this deception for they will not give us any provisions without compensation in merchendize, and our stock is now reduced to a mear handfull. we take care to give them no article which can possibly injure them. and in maney cases can administer & give such medicine & sergical aid as will effectually restore in simple cases &c. we found our chopunnish guide with his family. the indians brought my horse which was left at the place we made canoes, from the opposit side and delivered him to me while here. this horse had by some accident seperated from our other horses above, and agreeably to indian information had been in this neighbourhood some weeks. while at dinner an indian fellow very impertinently threw a half starved puppy nearly into the plate of capt. lewis by way of derision for our eating dogs and laughed very heartily at his own impertinence; capt l.--was so provoked at the insolence that he cought the puppy and threw it with great violence at him and struck him in the breast and face, seazed his tomahawk, and shewed him by sign that if he repeeted his insolence that he would tomahawk him, the fellow withdrew apparently much mortified and we continued our dinner without further molestation. after dinner we continued our rout miles to the enterance of colter's creek about / a mile above the rapid where we sunk the st canoe as we decended the river last fall. we encamped on the lower side of this creek a little distance from two lodges of the chopunnish nation haveing traviled / miles to day one of those lodges contained families, the other was much the largest we have yet seen. it is feet long and about feet wide built of mats and straw, in the form of the roof of a house haveing a number of small dores on each side, is closed at the ends and without divisions in the intermediate space. this lodge at least families. their fires are kindled in a row in the center of the lodge and about feet assunder. all the lodges of these people are formed in this manner. we arrived here extreemly hungary and much fatigued, but no articles of merchindize in our possession would induce them to let us have any article of provisions except a small quantity of bread of cows and some of those roots dryed. we had several applications to assist their sick which we refused unless they would let us have some dogs or horses to eat. a man whose wife had an absess formed on the small of her back promised a horse in the morning provided we would administer to her, i examined the absess and found it was too far advanced to be cured. i told them her case was desperate. agreeably to thir request i opened the absess. i then introduced a tent and dressed it with bisilican; and prepared some dozes of the flour of sulpher and creem of tarter which were given with directions to be taken on each morning. a little girl and sundery other patients were brought to me for cure but we posponed our opperations untill the morning; they produced us several dogs but they were so pore that they were unfit to eat. this is the residence of one of four principal cheafs of the nation whome they call neesh-ne-park-ke-ook or the cut nose from the circumstance of his nose being cut by the snake indians with a launce in battle. to this man we gave a medal of the small size with a likeness of the president. he may be a great chief but his countinance has but little inteligence and his influence among his people appears very inconsiderable. a number of indians besides the inhabitents of these lodges gathered about us this evening and encamped in the timbered bottom on the creek near us. we met with a snake indian man at this place through whome we spoke at some length to the nativs this evening with respect to the object which had enduced us to visit their country. this address was induced at this moment by the suggestions of an old man who observed to the nativs that he thought we were bad men and had come most probably in order to kill them.--this impression if really entertained i believe we effected; they appeared well satisfied with what we said to them, and being hungary and tired we retired to rest at oclock.--we-ark-koomt rejoined us this evening. this man has been of infinate service to us on several former occasions and through him we now offered our address to the nativs-. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . this morning the husband of the sick woman was as good as his word, he produced us a young horse in tolerable order which we immediately killed and butchered. the inhabitants seemed more accomodating this morning; they sold us some bread. we received a second horse for medecine and prescription for a little girl with the rheumatism. capt. c. dressed the woman again this morning who declared that she had rested better last night than she had since she had been sick. sore eyes is an universal complaint with all the natives we have seen on the west side of the rocky mountains. capt. c. was busily engaged for several hours this morning in administering eye-water to a croud of applicants. we once more obtained a plentifull meal, much to the comfort of all the party. i exchanged horses with we-ark'-koomt and gave him a small flag with which he was much gratifyed. the sorrel i obtained is an eligant strong active well broke horse perfictly calculated for my purposes. at this place we met with three men of a nation called the skeets-so-mish who reside at the falls of a large river disharging itself into the columbia on it's east side to the north of the entrance of clark's river. this river they informed us headed in a large lake in the mountains and that the falls below which they resided was at no great distance from the lake. these people are the same in their dress and appearance with the chopunnish, tho their language is intirely different a circumstance which i did not learn untill we were about to set out and it was then too late to take a vocabulary. the river here called clark's river is that which we have heretofore called the flathead river, i have thus named it in honour of my worthy friend and fellow traveller capt. clark. for this stream we know no indian name and no whiteman but ourselves was ever on it's principal branches. the river which fidler calls the great lake river may possibly be a branch of it but if so it is but a very inconsiderable branch and may as probably empty itself into the skeetssomish as into that river. the stream which i have heretofore called clark's river has it's three principal sources in mountains hood, jefferson & the northern side of the s. w. mountains and is of course a short river. this river i shall in future call the to-wannahiooks river it being the name by which it is called by the eneshur nation. the kooskooske river may be safely navigated at present all the rocks of the shoals and rapids are perfectly covered; the current is strong, the water clear and cold. this river is rising fast.the timber of this river which consists principally of the long leafed pine commences about miles below our present camp on colter's creek. it was two oclock this evening before we could collect our horses. at p.m. we set out accompanyed by the brother of the twisted hair and we arkkoomt. i directed the horse which we had obtained for the purpose of eating to be led as it was yet unbroke, in performing this duty a quarrel ensued between drewyer and colter. we continued our march this evening along the river miles to a lodge of families, built of sticks mats & dryed hay in the same form of those heretofore discribed. we passed a lodge of families at ms. on the road. no provision of any discription was to be obtained of these people. a little after dark our young horse broke the rope by which he was confined and made his escape much to the chagrine of all who recollected the keenness of their appetites last evening. the brother of the twisted hair and wearkkoomt with or others encamped with us this evening.- the natives have a considerable salmon fishery up colter's creek. this stream extends itself to the pirs of the rocky mountain and in much the greater part of it's course passes through a well timbered pine country it is yds. wide and discharges a large body of water. the banks low and bed formed of pebbles.--had a small shower of rain this evening. [clark, may , ] tuesday may th this morning the susband of the sick woman was as good as his word. he produced us a young horse in tolerable order which we imedeately had killed and butchered. the inhabitents seemed more accommodating this morning. they sold us some bread. we received a second horse for medecine & procription to a little girl with the rhumitism whome i had bathed in worm water, and anointed her a little with balsom capivia. i dressed the woman again this morning who declared that she had rested better last night than she had since she had been sick. sore eyes is an universal complaint among all the nations which we have seen on the west side of the rocky mountains. i was busily imployed for several hours this morning in administering eye water to a croud of applicants. we once more obtained a plentiful meal, much to the comfort of all the party. capt lewis exchanged horses with we ark koomt and gave him a small flag with which he was much pleased and gratifyed. the sorrel which cap l. obtained is a strong active well broke horse-. at this place we met with three men of a nation called the skeetsso-mish who reside at the falls of a small river dischargeing itself into the columbia on its east side to the south of the enterance of clarks river. this river they informed us headed in a large lake in the mountains and that the falls below which they reside was at no great distance from the lake. these people are the same in their dress and appearance with the chopunnish, tho their language is entirely different. one of them gave me his whip which was a twisted stick ins. in length at one end a pice of raw hide split so as to form two strings about inches in length as a lash, to the other end a string passed through a hole and fastened at each end for a loope to slip over the wrist. i gave in return for this whip a fathom of narrow binding. the river here calld. clarks river is that which we have heretofore called flathead river. capt. lewis has thought proper to call this after myself for this stream we know no indhan name and no white man but our selves was ever on this river. the river which fiddler call's the great lake river may possiably be a branch of it, but if so it is but a very inconsiderable branch, and may as probably empty itself into the columbia above as into clarks river. the stream which the party has heretofore called clarks river imedeately above the great falls, has it's three principal branches in mountains jefferson, hood and the northern side of the s. w. mountains and is of course a short river. this river is called by the skillutes & eneshure nations towannahhiooks which is also the name they call those bands of snake indians who come on this river every spring to catch the salmon-. the kooskooske river may be safely navigated at present all the rocks of the sholes and rapids are perfectlly covered; the current is strong, the water clear and cold. this river is riseing fast-. the timber of this river which consists principally of the long leafed pine which commences about miles below our present encampment on colters creek. it was p m. this evening before we could collect our horses. at p m. we set out accompanied by the brother of the twisted hair and we-ark-koomt. we derected the horse which i had obtained for the purpose of eateing to be led as it was unbroke, in performing this duty a quarrel ensued between drewyer and colter-. we continued our march along the river on its north side miles to a lodge of families built of sticks mats and dryed hay. of the same form of those heretofore discribed. we passed a lodge of families at ms. on the river, no provisions of any discription was to be obtained of these people. a little after dark our young horse broke the rope by which he was confined and made his escape much to the chagrine of all who recollected the keenness of their appetites last evening. the brother of the twisted hair & wearkkoomt with others encamped with us this evening the nativs have a considerable salmon fishery up colters creek. this stream extends itself to the spurs of the rocky mountain and in much the greater part of its course passes through a well timbered pine country. it is yds. wide and discharges a large body of water. the banks low and bead formed of pebbles-. had a small shower of rain this evening. the chopunnish about the mouth of the kooskooske bury their dead on stoney hill sides generally, and as i was informed by an indian who made signs that they made a hole in the grown by takeing away the stones and earth where they wished to deposit the dead body after which they laid the body which was previously raped in a robe and secured with cords. over the body they placed stones so as to form a sort of arch on the top of which they put stones and earth so as to secure the body from the wolves and birds &c. they sometimes inclose the grave with a kind of sepulcher like the roof of a house formed of the canoes of the disceased. they also sacrifice the favorite horses of the disceased. the bones of many of which we see on and about the graves. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th . this morning we collected our horses and set out early accompanyed by the brother of the twisted hair as a guide; wearkkoomt and his party left us. we proceeded up the river miles to a lodge of families just below the entrance of a small creek, here our guide recommended our passing the river. he informed us that the road was better on the south side and that game was more abundant also on that side near the entrance of the chopunnish river. we determined to pursue the rout recommended by the guide and accordingly unloaded our horses and prepared to pass the river which we effected by means of one canoe in the course of hours. a man of this lodge produced us two canisters of powder which he informed us he had found by means of his dog where they had been buried in a bottom near the river some miles above, they were the same which we had buryed as we decended the river last fall. as he had kept them safe and had honesty enough to return them to us we gave him a fire steel by way of compensation. during our detention at the river we took dinner, after which or at p.m. we renewed our march along the river about ms. over a difficult stony road, when we left the river and asscended the hills to the wright which are here mountains high. the face of the country when you have once ascended the river hills is perfectly level and partially covered with the longleafed pine. the soil is a dark rich loam thickly covered with grass and herbatious plants which afford a delightfull pasture for horses. in short it is a beautifull fertile and picteresque country. neeshneparkeeook overtook us and after riding with us a few miles turned off to the wright to visit some lodges of his people who he informed me were geathering roots in the plain at a little distance from the road. our guide conducted us through the plain and down a steep and lengthey hill to a creek which we called musquetoe creek in consequence of being infested with swarms of those insects on our arrival at it. this is but an inconsiderable stream about yds. wide heads in the plains at a small distance and discharges itself into the kooskooke miles by water below the entrance of the chopunnish river. we struck this creek at the distance of ms. from the point at which we left the river our cours being a little to the s. of east. ascending the creek one mile on the s. e. side we arrived at an indian incampment of six lodges which appeared to have been recently evacuated. here we remained all night having traveled miles only. the timbered country on this side of the river may be said to commence near this creek, and on the other side of the river at a little distance from it the timber reaches as low as colter's creek. the earth in many parts of these plains is thrown up in little mounds by some animal whose habits are similar to the sallemander, like that animal it is also invisible; notwithstanding i have observed the work of this animal thoughout the whole course of my long tract from st. louis to the pacific ocean i have never obtained a view of this animal. the shoshone man of whom i have before made mention evertook us this evening with neeshneparkeeook and remained with us this evening.--we suped this evening as we had dined on horse-beef. we saw several deer this evening and a great number of the tracks of these animals we determined to remain here untill noon tomorrow in order to obtain some venison and accordingly gave orders to the hunters to turn out early in the morning.--he spurs of the rocky mountains which were in view from the high plain today were perfectly covered with snow. the indians inform us that the snow is yet so deep on the mountains that we shall not be able to pass them untill the next full moon or about the first of june; others set the time at still a more distant period. this unwelcom inteligence to men confined to a diet of horsebeef and roots, and who are as anxious as we are to return to the fat plains of the missouri and thence to our native homes. the chopunnish bury their dead in sepulchres formed of boards like the roofs of houses. the corps is rolled in skins and laid on boards above the surface of the earth. they are laid in several teer one over another being seperated by a board only above and below from other corps. i did observe some instances where the body was laid in an indifferent woden box which was placed among other carcased rolled in skin in the order just mentioned. they sacrifice horses canoes and every other speceis of property to their ded. the bones of many horses are seen laying about those sepulchres. this evening was cold as usual. [clark, may , ] wednesday may th this morning we collected our horses and set out early accompanied by the brother of the twisted hair as a guide; wearkkoomt and his party left us. we proceeded up the river miles to a lodge of families just below the enterance of a small creek, here our guide recommended our passing the river, he informed us that the road was better on the south side, and that game was more abundant also on that side near the enterance of chopunnish river. we deturmined to pursue the rout recommended by the guide, and accordingly unloaded our horses and prepared to pass the river which we effected by means of one canoe in the course of hours. a man of this lodge produced us two canisters of powder which he informed us he had found by means of his dog where they had been berried in the bottom near the river a fiew miles above. they were the same which we had burried as we decended the river last fall. as he had kept them safe and had honisty enough to return them to us, we gave him a fire steel by way of compensation. dureing our detention at the river we took dinner. after which we renewed our march along the s. e. side of the river about miles over a dificuelt stoney road, when we left the river and assended the hills to the right which are here mountains high. the face of the country when you have once assended the river hills, is perfectly level and partially covered with the long leafed pine. the soil is a dark rich loam, thickly covered with grass and herbatious plants which afford a delightfull pasture for horses. in short it is a butifull fertile picteresque country. neeshneparkeeook over took us and after rideing with us a fiew miles turned off to the right to visit some lodges of his people who he informed us were gathering roots in the plains at a little distance from the road. our guide conducted us through the plain and down a steep and lengthy hill to a creek which we call musquetoe creek in consequence of being infested with sworms of those insects on our arival at it. this is but an inconsiderable stream about yards wide heads in the plains at a short distance and discharges itself into the kooskooske ms. by water below the forks. we struck this creek at the distance of miles from the point at which we left the river our course being a little to the s. of east. we proceeded up the creek one mile and on the s. e. side we arived at an old indian incampment of six lodges which appeared to have been recently evacuated. here we remained all night haveing traveled ms. only. the timbered country on this side of the river may be said to commence a short distance below this creek, and on the other side of the river at a little distance from it the timber reaches as low as colter's creek. the earth in maney parts of those plains is thown up in little mounds by some animal whose habits are similar to the sallemander, like that animal it is also invisible; notwithstanding i have observed the work of this animal throughout the whole course of my trail from st. louis to the pacific ocian, i have never obtained a view of this animal. the shoshone man of whome i have before mentioned over took us this evening with neesh neparkeeook or cut nose and remained with us this evening. we suped this evening as we had done on horse beef. we saw several deer this evening, and a great number of the tracks of these animals we deturmined to remain here untill noon tomorrow in order to obtain some venison, and accordingly gave orders to the hunters to turn out early in the morning. the spurs of the rocky mountains which were in view from the high plain to day were perfectly covered with snow. the indians inform us that the snow is yet so deep on the mountains that we shall not be able to pass them untill after the next full moon or about the first of june. others set the time at a more distant period. this unwelcom intiligence to men confined to a diet of horsebeef and roots, and who are as anxious as we are to return to the fat plains of the missouri, and thence to our native homes. the chopunnish bury their dead in different ways as i have obseved, besides that already discribed they scaffold some and deposit others in sepulchers, those are rearly to be seen in this upper part of the columbian waters. the one already discribed is the most common. they all sacrifice horses, canoes and every species of property to the dead. the bones of maney horses are seen lyeing about those repositaries of the dead &c.-. i observed in all the lodges which we have passed since we crossed lewis's river decoys, or stocking heads as they are sometimes called. these decoys are for the deer and is formed of the skin of the head and upper portion of the neck of that animale extended in the nateral shape by means of a fiew little sticks placed within. the hunter when he sees a deer conseals himself and with his hand givs to the decoy the action of a deer at feed, and this induces the deer within arrowshot; in this mode the indians near the woody country hunt on foot in such places where they cannot pursue the deer with horses which is their favourite method when the grounds will permit-.-. the orniments worn by the chopunnish are, in their nose a single shell of wampom, the pirl & beeds are suspended from the ears. beads are worn arround their wrists, neck and over their sholders crosswise in the form of a double sash-. the hair of the men is cewed in two rolls which hang on each side in front of the body. collars of bears claws are also common; but the article of dress on which they appear to bestow most pains and orniments is a kind of collar or brestplate; this is most commonly a strip of otter skins of about six inches wide taken out of the center of the skin it's whole length including the head. this is dressed with the hair on, this is tied around the neck & hangs in front of the body the tail frequently reaching below their knees; on this skin in front is attatched pieces of pirl, beeds, wampom, pices of red cloth and in short whatever they conceive most valuable or ornamental-.-. [lewis, may , ] thursday may th . most of the hunters turned out by light this morning a few others remained without our permission or knoledge untill late in the morning, we chid them severely for their indolence and inattention to the order of last evening. about ock. sheilds returned with a small deer on which we breakfasted. by a.m. all our hunters returned, drewyer and cruzatte brought each a deer, collins wounded another which my dog caught at a little distance from the camp. our stock of provision now consisted of deer and the remnant of the horse which we killed at colter's creek. sheilds killed a duck of an uncommon kind. the head beak and wing of which i preserved. the beak is remarkably wide and obtusely pointed, on it's edges it is furnished with a sceries of teeth very long and fine not unlike the teeth of a comb. the belley is of a brick red, the lower part of the neck white, the upper part or but of the wing is a sky blue, underneath which a narrow stripe of white succeeds marking the wing transversly, the large feathers are of a dark colour. tail short and pointed and consists of dark brown feathers. the back is black and sides white; legs yellow and feet formed like the duckinmallard which it also resembles in size and form. the eye is moderately large, puple black and iris of an orrange colour. the colours and appearance of the female is precisely that of the duckinmallard only, reather smaller. we are informed that the natives in this quarter were much distressed for food in the course of the last winter; they were compelled to collect the moss which grows on the pine which they boiled and eat; near this camp i observed many pine trees which appear to have been cut down about that season which they inform us was done in order to collect the seed of the longleafed pine which in those moments of distress also furnishes an article of food; the seed of this speceis of pine is about the size and much the shape of the seed of the large sunflower; they are nutricious and not unpleasent when roasted or boiled, during this month the natives also peal this pine and eat the succulent or inner bark. in the creek near our encampment i observed a falling trap constructed on the same plan with those frequent seen in the atlantic states for catching the fish decending the stream capt. c. took several small trout from this trap. neesh-ne-park-kee-ook and several other indians joined us this morning. we gave this cheif and the indians with us some venison, horsebeef, the entrels of the four deer, and four fawns which were taken from two of the does that were killed, they eat none of their food raw, tho the entrals had but little preperation and the fawns were boiled and consumed hair hide and entrals. these people sometimes eat the flesh of the horse tho they will in most instances suffer extreem hunger before they will kill their horses for that purpose, this seems reather to proceede from an attatchment to this animal, than a dislike to it's flesh for i observe many of them eat very heartily of the horsebeef which we give them. the shoshone man was displeased because we did not give him as much venison as he could eat and in consequence refused to interpret, we took no further notice of him and in the course of a few hours he became very officious and seemed anxious to reinstate himself in our good opinons. the relation of the twisted hair and neeshneparkkeook gave us a sketch of the principall watercourses west of the rocky mountains a copy of which i preserved; they make the main southwardly branch of lewis's river much more extensive than the other, and place many villages of the shoshonees on it's western side. at half after p.m. we departed; for the lodge of the twisted hair accompanyed by the cheif and sundry other indians. the relation of the twisted hair left us. the road led us up a steep and high hill to a high and level plain mostly untimbered, through which we passed parrallel with the river about miles when we met the twisted hair and a party of six men. to this cheif we had confided the care of our horses and a part of our saddles when we decended the river last fall. the twisted hair received us very coolly an occurrence as unexpected as it was unaccountable to us. he shortly began to speak with a loud voice and in a angry manner, when he had ceased to speak he was answered by the cutnose cheif or neeshneparkkeook; we readily discovered that a violet quarrel had taken place between these cheifs but at that instant knew not the cause; we afterwards learnt that it was on the subject of our horses. this contreversy between the cheifs detained us about minutes; in order to put an end to this dispute as well as to releive our horses from the embarasment of their loads, we informed the cheifs that we should continue our march to the first water and encamp accordingly we moved on and the indians all followed. about two miles on the road we arrived at a little branch which run to the wright. here we encamped for the evening having traveled miles today. the two cheifs with their little bands formed seperate camps at a short distance from ours, they all appeared to be in an ill humour. we had been informed some days since that the natives had discovered the deposit of our saddles and taken them away and that our horses were much scattered. we were very anxious to learn the particulars or truth of these reports from the twisted hair, as it must in some measure govern us in the establishment of our perminent camp which in consequence of our detention by the snow of the mountains has become necessary. to obtain our horses and saddles as quickly as possible is our wish, and we are somewhat apprehensive that this difference which has taken place between these chiefs may millitate against our operations in this rispect. we were therefore desireous to bring about a good understanding between them as soon as possible. the shoshone boy refused to speak, he aledged it was a quarrel between two cheifs and that he had no business with it; it was in vain that we urged that his interpreting what we said on this subject was not taking the responsibil ity of the inteference on himself, he remained obstenately silent. about an hour after we had encamped drewyer returned from hunting we sent him to the twisted hair to make some enquiries relative to our horses and saddles and to ask him to come and smoke with us. the twisted hair accepted the invitation and came to our fire. the twisted hair informed us that accordingly to the promis he had made us when he seperated from us at the falls of the columbia he collected our horses on his return and took charge of them, that about this time the cutnose or neeshneparkkeook and tun-nach'-emoo-tools or the broken arm returned from a war excurtion against the shoshonees on the south branch of lewis's river which had caused their absence when we were in this neighbourhood. that these men became dissatisfyed with him in consequence of our having confided the horses to his care and that they were eternally quarreling with him insomuch that he thought it best as he was an old man to relinquish any further attention to the horses, that they had consequently become scattered; that most of the horses were near this place, a part were in the forks between the chopunnish and kooskooske rivers and three or four others were at the lodge of the broken arm about half a days march higher up the river. he informed us with rispect to our saddles that on the rise of the water this spring the earth had fallen from the door of the cash and exposed the saddles, he being informed of their situation had taken them up and placed them in another cash where they were at this time; he said it was probable that a part of them had fallen into the water but of this he was not certain. the twisted hair said if we would spend the day tomorrow at his lodge which was a few miles only from hence and on the road leading to the broken arm's lodge, he would collect such of our horses as were near this place and our saddles, that he would also send some young men over the kooskooske to collect those in the forks and bring them to the lodge of the broken arm to met us. he advised us to go to the lodge of the broken arm as he said he was a cheif of great emenence among them, and promised to accompany us thither if we wished him. we told him that we should take his advice in every particular, that we had confided the horses to his care and expected that he would collect them and deliver them to us which when he performed we should pay him the two guns and amunition we had promised him for that service. he seemed much pleased and promised his utmost exertions. we sent drewyer to the cutnose who also came to our fire and smoked with ourselves and the twisted hair we took occasion in the course of the evening to express our regret that there should be a misunderstanding between these cheifs; the cutnose told us in the presents of the twisted hair that he the twisted hair was a bad old man that he woar two faces, that in stead of taking care of our horses as he had promised us that he had suffered his young men to ride them hunting and had injured them very much; that this was the cause why himself and the broken arm had forbid his using them. the other made no reply. we informed the cutnose of our intention of spending tomorrow at the twisted hair's lodge in order to collect our horses and saddles and that we should proceede the next day to the broken arm's lodge, he appeared well satisfyed with this arrangement and said he would continue with us, and would give us any assistance in his power; he said he knew the broken arm expected us at his lodge and that he had two bad horses for us, metaphorically speaking a present of two good horses. he said the broken arm had learnt our want of provision and had sent four of his young men with a supply to meet us but that they had taken a different road and had missed us.--about p.m. our guests left us and we layed down to rest. [clark, may , ] thursday th of may . this morning our hunters was out by the time it was light. about oclock shields brought in a small deer, on which we brackfast by a.m. all our hunters returned drewyer & p. crusat brought in a deer each & collins wounded one which our dog caught near our camp. total of our stock of provisions deer & some horse flesh. on the small creek which passes our camp, the nativs have laterly encamped and as we are informed have been much distressed for provisions, they have fallen a number of small pine in the vicinity of this encampment for the seed which is in the bur of which they eate. we are informed that they were compelled to collect the moss off the pine boil & eate it in the latter part of the last winter. on the creek near our camp i observed a kind of trap which was made with great panes to catch the small fish which pass down with the stream this was a dam formed of stone so as to collect the water in a narrow part not exceeding feet wide from which place the water shot with great force and scattered through some small willows closely connected and fastened with bark. this mat of willow switches was about feet wide and long lying in a horozontal position, fastened at the extremety. the small fish which fell on those willows was washed on the willows where they untill taken off &c. i cought or took off those willows small trout from to inches in length. soon after i returned from the fishery an indian came from a fishery of a similar kind a little above with small fish which he offered me which i declined axcepting as i found from his signs that his house was a short distance above, and that those fisheries afforded the principal part of the food for his children. the great chief of the bands below who has a cut nose joined us this morning. we gave the interals with young fauns which was in two of the deer killed to day to the indians also some of our deer & horse flesh. the paunch of the deer they eate without any preperation further than washing them a little. the fauns they boiled and eate every part of them even the skins with the hair. the snake indian was much displeased that he was not furnished with as much deer as he could eate. he refused to speake to the wife of shabono, through whome we could understand the nativs. we did not indulge him and in the after part of the day he came too and spoke verry well. one of the indians drew me a sketch of the river (see the latter part of this book) in this sketch he makes the st large southerly fork of lewis's river much the longest and on which great numbers of the snake indians reside &c. at ____ p.m. we loaded up and set on on the roade leading as we were informed to the lodge of the twisted hair, the chief in whoes care we had left our horses. we were accompanied by the cut nose chief our old chief who had accompanied us down the river and several men. we assended the hills which was steep and emencely high to a leavel rich country thinly timbered with pine. we had not proceeded more than miles before we met the twisted hair and several men meeting of us. we were verry coolly recved by the twisted hair. he spoke aloud and was answered by the cut nose. we could not learn what they said. but plainly discovered that a missunderstanding had taken place between them. we made signs to them that we should proceed on to the next water and encamp. accordingly i set out and they all followed. we had not proceeded far before the road crossed a small handsom stream on which we encamped. the parties of those two chiefs took different positions at some distance from each other and all appeared sulkey. after we had formed our camp we sent drewyer with a pipe to smoke with the twisted hair and lern the cause of the dispute between him and the cut nose, and also to invite him to our fire to smoke with us. the twisted hair came to our fire to smoke we then sent drewyer to the cut noses fire with the same directions. he returned and informed us that the cut nose said he would join us in a fiew minits. it appears that the cause of the quarrel between those two men is about our horses. and we cannot lern the particulars of this quarrel which probably originated through jelousy on the part of the cut nose who blames the twisted hair for suffer our horses to be rode, and want water dureing the winter &c. twisted hair says the horses were taken from him &c. the cut nose joined us in a short time we smoked with all the party of both chiefs, and told them that we were sorry to find them at varience with each other the cut nose said that the twisted hair was a bad man and wore two fases, that he had not taken care of our horses as was expected. that himself an the broken arm had caused our horses to be watered in the winter and had them drove together, and that if we would proceed on to the village of the great chief whome we had left a flag last fall the broken arm he would send for our horses, that he had himself three of them. he also informed us that the great chief hering of our distressed situation had sent his son and men to meet us and have us furnished on the way &c. that the young men had missed us and could never over take us untill this time. that the great chief had bad horses for us and expected us to go to his lodge which was near the river and about half a days march above &c. the twisted hair told us that he wished to smoke with us at his lodge which was on the road leading to the great chiefs lodge, and but a fiew miles a head. if we would delay at his lodge tomorrow he would go after our saddles and horses which was near the place we made our canoes last fall. we deturmined to set out early in the morning and proceed on to the lodge of the twisted hair and send for our saddles and powder which we had left burried mear the forks. and the day after tomorrow to proceed on to the lodge of the grand chief. accordingly we informed the indians of our intentions. we all smoked and conversed untill about p m. the indians retired and we lay down. derected hunters to turn out early in the morning to hunt and meet us at the twisted hair's lodge. [lewis, may , ] friday may th . we sent out several hunters early this morning with instructions to meet us at the lodge of the twisted hair. collecting our horses detained us untill a.m. when we charged our packhorses and set out. our rout lay through a level rich country similar to that of yesterday; at the distance of miles we arrived at the lodge of the twisted hair; this habitation was built in the usual form with sticks mats and dryed hay, and contained firs and about persons. even at this small habitation there was an appendage of the soletary lodge, the retreat of the tawny damsels when nature causes them to be driven into coventry; here we halted as had been previously concerted, and one man with horses accompayed the twisted hair to the canoe camp, about ms. in quest of the saddles. the twisted hair sent two young men in surch of our horses agreeably to his promis. the country along the rocky mountains for several hundred miles in length and about in width is level extreemly fertile and in many parts covered with a tall and open growth of the longleafed pine. near the watercouses the hills are steep and lofty tho are covered with a good soil not remarkably stony and possess more timber than the level country. the bottom lands on the watercourses are reather narrow and confined tho fertile & seldom inundated. this country would form an extensive settlement; the climate appears quite as mild as that of similar latitude on the atlantic coast if not more so and it cannot be otherwise than healthy; it possesses a fine dry pure air. the grass and many plants are now upwards of knee high. i have no doubt but this tract of country if cultivated would produce in great abundance every article essentially necessary to the comfort and subsistence of civillized man. to it's present inhabitants nature seems to have dealt with a liberal hand, for she has distributed a great variety of esculent plants over the face of the country which furnish them a plentiful) store of provision; these are acquired with but little toil, and when prepared after the method of the natives afford not only a nutricious but an agreeable food. among other roots those called by them the quawmash and cows are esteemed the most agreeable and valuable as they are also the most abundant. the cows is a knobbed root of an irregularly rounded form not unlike the gensang in form and consistence. this root they collect, rub of a thin black rhind which covers it and pounding it expose it in cakes to the sun. these cakes ate about an inch and / thick and by in width, when dryed they either eat this bread alone without any further preperation, or boil it and make a thick muselage; the latter is most common and much the most agreeable. the flavor of this root is not very unlike the gensang.--this root they collect as early as the snows disappear in the spring and continue to collect it until) the quawmash supplys it's place which happens about the latter end of june. the quawmash is also collected for a few weaks after it first makes it's appearance in the spring, but when the scape appears it is no longer fit for use untill the seed are ripe which happens about the time just mentioned, and then the cows declines. the latter is also frequently dryed in the sun and pounded afterwards and then used in making soope.--i observed a few trees of the larch and a few small bushes of the balsam fir near the lodge of the twisted hair. at p.m. our hunters joined us drewyer killed a deer but lost it in the river. a few pheasants was the produce of the hunt. we procured a few roots of cows of which we made scope. late in the evening the twisted hair and willard returned; they brought about half of our saddles, and some powder and lead which had been buried at that place. my saddle was among the number of those which were lost. about the same time the young men arrived with of our horses. the greater part of our horses were in fine order. five of them appeared to have been so much injured by the indians riding them last fall that they had not yet recovered and were in low order. three others had soar backs. we had these horses caught and hubbled. the situation of our camp was a disagreeable one in an open plain; the wind blew violently and was cold. at seven p.m. it began to rain and hail, at it was succeeded by a heavy shower of snow which continued untill the next morning.--several indians joined us this evening from the village of the broken arm or tunnachemootoolt and continued all night. the man who had imposed himself on us as a relation of the twisted hair rejoined us this evening we found him an impertinent proud supercilious fellow and of no kind of rispectability in the nation, we therefore did not indulge his advances towards a very intimate connection. the cutnose lodged with the twisted hair i beleive they have become good friends again. several indians slept about us. [clark, may , ] friday th may the hunters set out very early agreeable to their derections. we were detained untill a.m. for our horses which were much scattered at which time we collected our horses and set out and proceeded on through a butifull open rich country for miles to the camp of the twisted hair. this campment is formed of two lodges built in the usial form of mats and straw. the largest and principal lodge is calculated for fires only and contains about ____ persons. the second lodge is small & appears to be intended for the sick women who always retire to a seperate lodge when they have the ____ this custom is common to all the nations on this river as well as among all other indian nations with whom i am acquainted. at the distance of miles we passd. a lodge of fires on a fork of the road which leads to the right situated on a small branch which falls into musquetor creek. before p m all our hunters joined us haveing killed only one deer which was lost in the river and a pheasent. soon after we halted at the lodge of the twisted hair he set out with two boys and willard with a pack horse down to the river near the place we made the canoes for our saddles and a cannister of powder and some lead buried there, also a part of our horses which resorted near that place. late in the evening they returned with of our horse and about half of our saddles with the powder and ball. the greater part of the horses were in fine order, tho five of them had been rode & worsted in such a manner last fall by the inds. that they had not recovered and are in very low order, and with sore backs. we had all the recovered horses cought & hobbled. we precured some pounded roots of which a supe was made thick on which we suped. the wind blew hard from the s. w. accompanied with rain untill from oclock untill p.m. when it began to snow and continued all night. several indians came from the village of the chief with whome we had left a flag and continued with us all night. they slept in the house of the twisted hair and two of them along side of us. [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . this morning the snow continued falling / after a.m. when it ceased, the air keen and cold, the snow inches deep on the plain; we collected our horses and after taking a scant breakfast of roots we set out for the village of tunnachemootoolt; our rout lay through an open plain course s. e. and distance ms. the road was slippery and the snow clogged to the horses feet, and caused them to trip frequently. the mud at the sources of the little ravines was deep black and well supplyed with quawmash. drewyer turned off to the left of the road in order to hunt and did not join us this evening. at in the afternoon we decended the hills to commearp creek and arrived at the village of tunnachemootoolt, the cheeif at whos lodge we had left a flag last fall. this flag was now displayed on a staff placed at no great distance from the lodge. underneath the flag the cheif met my friend capt. c. who was in front and conducted him about yds. to a place on the bank of the creek where he requested we should encamp; i came up in a few minutes and we collected the cheifs and men of consideration smoked with them and stated our situation with rispect to provision. the cheif spoke to his people and they produced us about bushels of the quawmas roots dryed, four cakes of the bread of cows and a dryed salmon trout. we thanked them for this store of provision but informed them that our men not being accustomed to live on roots alone we feared it would make them sick, to obviate which we proposed exchangeing a good horse in reather low order for a young horse in tolerable order with a view to kill. the hospitality of the cheif revolted at the aydea of an exchange, he told us that his young men had a great abundance of young horses and if we wished to eat them we should by furnished with as many as we wanted. accordingly they soon produced us two fat young horses one of which we killed, the other we informed them we would pospone killing untill we had consumed the one already killed. this is a much greater act of hospitality than we have witnessed from any nation or tribe since we have passed the rocky mountains. in short be it spoken to their immortal honor it is the only act which deserves the appellation of hospitallity which we have witnessed in this quarter. we informed these people that we were hungry and fatiegued at this moment, that when we had eaten and refreshed ourselves we would inform them who we were, from whence we had come and the objects of our resurches. a principal cheif by name ho-hast,-ill-pilp arrived with a party of fifty men mounted on eligant horses. he had come on a visit to us from his village which is situated about six miles distant near the river. we invited this man into our circle and smoked with him, his retinue continued on horseback at a little distance. after we had eaten a few roots we spoke to them as we had promised; and gave tinnachemootoolt and hohastillpilp each a medal; the former one of the small size with the likeness of mr. jefferson and the latter one of the sewing medals struck in the presidency of washington, we explained to them the desighn and the importance of medals in the estimation of the whites as well as the red men who had been taught their value. the cheif had a large conic lodge of leather erected for our reception and a parsel of wood collected and laid at the door after which he invited capt. c. and myself to make that lodge our home while we remained with him. we had a fire lighted in this lodge and retired to it accompanyed by the cheifs and as many of the considerate men as could croud in a circcle within it. here after we had taken a repast on some horsebeef we resumed our council with the indians which together with smoking the pipe occupyed the ballance of the evening. i was surprised to find on decending the hills of commearp cr. to find that there had been no snow in the bottoms of that stream. it seems that the snow melted in falling and decended here in rain while it snowed on the plains. the hills are about six hundred feet high about one fourth of which distance the snow had decended and still lay on the sides of the hills. as these people had been liberal with is with rispect to provision i directed the men not to croud their lodge surch of food in the manner hunger has compelled them to do at most lodges we have passed, and which the twisted hair had informed me was disgreeable to the natives. but their previous want of hospitality had induced us to consult their enclinations but little and suffer our men to obtain provision from them on the best terms they could. the village of the broken arm as i have heretofore termed it consists of one house only which is feet in length built in the usual form of sticks matts and dry grass. it contains twenty four fires and about double that number of families. from appearances i presume they could raise fighting men. the noise of their women pounding roots reminds me of a nail factory. the indians seem well pleased, and i am confident that they are not more so than our men who have their somachs once more well filled with horsebeef and mush of the bread of cows.--the house of coventry is also seen here.- [clark, may , ] saturday th of may this morning the snow continued falling untill / past a m when it seased. the air keen and cold the snow inches deep on the plain. we collected our horses and after takeing a scanty brackfast of roots, we set out for the village of the chief with a flag, and proceeded on through an open plain. the road was slipry and the snow cloged and caused the horses to trip very frequently. the mud at heads of the streams which we passed was deep and well supplied with the car mash. drewyer turned off the road to hunt near the river to our lef and did not join us to day. at p m we arrived at the village of tin nach-e-moo-toolt the chief whome we had left a flag. this flag was hoisted on a pole unde the flag the chief met me and conducted me to a spot near a small run about paces from his lodges where he requested me to halt which i did. soon after cap lewis who was in the rear came up and we smoked with and told this chief our situation in respect to provisions. they brought foward about bushels of quawmash cakes of bread made of roots and a dried fish. we informed the chief that our party was not accustomed to eate roots without flesh & proposed to exchange some of our oald horses for young ones to eate. they said that they would not exchange horses, but would furnish us with such as we wished, and produced one of which we killed and informd. them that we did not wish to kill the other at this time. we gave medals to the broken arm or tin-nach-e-moo tolt and hoh-halt-ill-pitp two principal chiefs of the chopunnish natn. and was informed that there was one other great chief (in all ) who had but one eye. he would be here tomorrow. a large lodge of leather was pitched and capt. lewis and my self was envited into it. we entered and the chief and principal men came into the lodge and formed a circle a parcel of wood was collected and laid at the dore and a fire made in this conic lodge before we entered it. the chief requested that we might make the lodge our homes while we remained with him. here after we had taken a repast on roots & horse beef we resumed our council with the indians which together with smokeing took up the ballance of the evening. i was supprised to find decending the hill to commearp creek to find that there had been no snow in the bottoms of that stream. it seams that the snow melted in falling and decended here in rain while it snowed in the plain. the hills are about eight hundred feet high about / of which distance the snow had decended and still lay on the sides of the hill. as those people had been liberal i directed the men not to croud their lodge in serch of food the manner hunger has compelled them to do, at most lodges we have passed, and which the twisted hair had informed us was disagreeable to the nativs. but their previous want of hospitality had enduced us to consult their enclinations but little and suffer our men to obtain provisions from them on the best terms they could. the village of the broken arm consists of one house or lodge only which is feet in length built in the usial form of sticks, mats and dry grass. it contains fires and about double that number of families. from appearance i prosume they could raise fighting men. the noise of their women pounding the cows roots remind me of a nail factory. the indians appear well pleased, and i am confident that they are not more so than our men who have their stomach once more well filled with horse beef and the bread of cows. those people has shewn much greater acts of hospitallity than we have witnessed from any nation or tribe since we have passed the rocky mountains. in short be it spoken to their immortal honor it is the only act which diserves the appelation of hospitallity which we have witnessed in this quarter. [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . the last evening we were much crouded with the indians in our lodge, the whole floor of which was covered with their sleeping carcases. we arrose early and took breakfast. at a.m. a cheif of great note among these people arrived from his village or lodge on the s. side of lewis's river. this is a stout fellow of good countenance about years of age and has lost the left eye. his name is yoom-park'-kar-tim. to this man we gave a medal of the smal kind. those with the likeness of mr. jefferson have all been disposed of except one of the largest size which we reserve for some great cheif on the yellow rock river. we now pretty fully informed ourselves that tunnachemootoolt, neeshneparkkeeook, yoomparkkartim and hohastillpilp were the principal cheif of the chopunnish nation and ranked in the order here mentioned; as all those cheifs were present in our lodge we thought it a favourable time to repeat what had been said yesterday and to enter more minutely into the views of our government with rispect to the inhabitants of this western part of the continent, their intention of establishing trading houses for their releif, their wish to restore peace and harmony among the natives, the strength power and wealth of our nation &c. to this end we drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat in their way and by the assistance of the snake boy and our interpretters were enabled to make ourselves understood by them altho it had to pass through the french, minnetare, shoshone and chopunnish languages. the interpretation being tedious it ocupyed nearly half the day before we had communicated to them what we wished. they appeared highly pleased. after this council was over we amused ourselves with shewing them the power of magnetism, the spye glass, compass, watch, air-gun and sundry other articles equally novel and incomprehensible to them. they informed us that after we had left the minnetares last spring that three of their people had visited that nation and that they had informed them of us and had told them that we had such things in our possession but that they could not place confidence in the information untill they had now witnessed it themselves.--a young man, son of a conspicuous cheif among these people who was killed not long since by the minnetares of fort de prarie, brought and presented us a very fine mare and colt. he said he had opened his ears to our councils and would observe them strictly, and that our words had made his heart glad. he requested that we would accept this mear and colt which he gave in token of his determination to pursue our advise.--about p.m. drewyer arrived with deer which he had killed. he informed us that the snow still continued to cover the plain. many of the natives apply to us for medical aid which we gave them cheerfully so far as our skill and store of medicine would enable us. schrofela, ulsers, rheumatism, soar eyes, and the loss of the uce of their limbs are the most common cases among them. the latter case is not very common but we have seen thee instances of it among the chopunnish. it is a very extraordinary complaint. a cheif of considerable note at this place has been afflicted with it for three years, he is incapable of moving a single limb but lies like a corps in whatever position he is placed, yet he eats heartily, digests his food perfectly, injoys his understanding, his pulse are good, and has retained his flesh almost perfectly, in short were it not that he appears a little pale from having lain so long in the shade he might well be taken for a man in good health. i suspect that their confinement to a diet of roots may give rise to all those disorders except the rheumatism & soar eyes, and to the latter of these, the state of debility incident to a vegetable diet may measureably contribute.--the chopunnish notwithstanding they live in the crouded manner before mentioned are much more clenly in their persons and habitations than any nation we have seen since we left the ottoes on the river platte.--the twisted hair brought us six of our horses. [clark, may , ] sunday th may some little rain last night. we were crouded in the lodge with indians who continued all night and this morning great numbers were around us. the one eyed chief yoom-park-kar-tim arived and we gave him a medal of the small size and spoke to the indians through a snake boy shabono and his wife. we informed them who we were, where we came from & our intentions towards them, which pleased them very much. a young man son to the great chief who was killed not long sence by the indians from the n. e. brought an elegant mare and coalt and gave us. and said he had opend. his ears to what we had said and his heart was glad and requested us to take this mare and coalt as a token of his deturmination to pursue our councels &c. the twisted hair brough six of our horses all in fine order. great numbers of indians apply to us for medical aide which we gave them cherfully so far as our skill and store of medicine would enable us. schrofla, ulsers, rhumitism, sore eyes, and the loss of the use of their limbs are the most common cases among them. the latter case is not very common but we have seen instances of it among the chopunnish. a very extroadinery complnt. about p.m. geo. drewyer arived with deer which he had killed. he informed us that the snow still continued to cover the plains. we are now pretty well informed that tunnachemootoolt, hohastillpilp, neshneparkkeeook, and yoomparkkartim were the principal chiefs of the chopunnish nation and ranked in the order here mentioned; as all those chiefs were present in our lodge we thought it a favourable time to repeet what had been said and to enter more minutely into the views of our government with respect to the inhabitents of this western part of the continent, their intention of establishing tradeing houses for their relief, their wish to restore peace and harmony among the nativs, the strength welth and powers of our nation &c. to this end we drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat in their way, and by the assistance of the snake boy and our intrepeters were enabled to make ourselves under stood by them altho it had to pass through french, minnetare, shoshone and chopunnish languages. the interpretation being tegious it occupied the greater part of the day, before we had communicated to them what we wished. they appeared highly pleased. after this council was over we amused ourselves with shewing them the power of magnetism, the spye glass, compass, watch, air gun and sundery other articles equally novel and incomprehensible to them. they informed us that after we left the menetares last spring that of their people had visited that nation, and that they had informed them of us, and had told them that we had such things in our possession but that they could not place confidence in the information untill they had now witnessed it themselves in the evening a man was brought in a robe by four indians and laid down near me. they informed me that this man was a chief of considerable note who has been in the situation i see him for years. this man is incapable of moveing a single limb but lies like a corps in whatever position he is placed, yet he eats hartily, dejests his food perfectly, enjoys his under standing, his pulse are good, and has retained his flesh almost perfectly; in short were it not that he appears a little pale from having been so long in the shade, he might well be taken for a man in good health. i suspect that their confinement to a deet of roots may give rise to all the disordes of the nativs of this quarter except the rhumitism & sore eyes, and to the latter of those, the state of debility incident to a vegitable diet may measureably contribute.-. the chopunnish not withstanding they live in the crouded manner before mentioned are much more clenly in their persons and habitations than any nation we have seen sence we left the illinois. these nativs take their fish in the following manner to wit. a stand small stage or warf consisting of sticks and projecting about feet into the river and about feet above the water on the extremity of this the fisherman stands with his guilt or a skooping net which differ but little in their form those commonly used in our country it is formed thus with those nets they take the suckers and also the salmon trout and i am told the salmon also. [lewis, may , ] monday may th . this morning a great number of indians collected about us as usual. we took an early breakfast and capt. c. began to administer eyewater to a croud of at least applicants. the indians held a council among themselves this morning with rispect to the subjects on which we had spoken to them yesterday. the result as we learnt was favourable. they placed confidence in the information they had received and resolved to pusue our advise. after this council was over the principal cheif or the broken arm, took the flour of the roots of cows and thickened the scope in the kettles and baskets of all his people, this being ended he made a harangue the purport of which was making known the deliberations of their council and impressing the necessity of unanimity among them and a strict attention to the resolutions which had been agreed on in councill; he concluded by inviting all such men as had resolved to abide by the decrees of the council to come and eat and requested such as would not be so bound to shew themselves by not partaking of the feast. i was told by one of our men who was present, that there was not a dissenting voice on this great national question, but all swallowed their objections if any they had, very cheerfully with their mush. during the time of this loud and animated harangue of the cheif the women cryed wrung their hands, toar their hair and appeared to be in the utmost distress. after this cerimony was over the cheifs and considerate men came in a body to where we were seated at a little distance from our tent, and two young men at the instance of the nation, presented us each with a fine horse. we caused the cheifs to be seated and gave them each a flag a pound of powder and fifty balls. we also gave powder and ball to the two young men who had presented the horses. neeshneeparkkeeook gave drewyer a good horse. the band of ten-nach-e-moo-toolt have six guns which they acquired from the minnetaries and appear anxious to obtain arms and amunition. after they had received those presents the cheifs requested we would retire to the tent whither they accompanied us, they now informed us that they wished to give an answer to what we had said to them the preceeding day, but also informed us that there were many of their people waiting in great pain at that moment for the aid of our medecine. it was agreed between capt. c. and myself that he should attend the sick as he was their favorite phisician while i would here and answer the cheifs. the father of hohastillpilp was the orrator on this occasion. he observed that they had listened with attention to our advise and that the whole nation were resolved to follow it, that they had only one heart and one tongue on this subject. he said they were fully sensible of the advantages of peace and that the ardent desire which they had to cultivate peace with their neighbours had induced his nation early last summer to send a pipe by of their brave men to the shoshonees on the s. side of lewis's river in the plains of columbia, that these people had murdered these men, which had given rise to the war expedition against that nation last fall; that their warriors had fallen in with the shoshonees at that time and had killed of them with the loss of only on their part; that this had satisfyed the blood of their disceased friends and that they would never again make war against the shoshonees, but were willing to receive them as friends. that they valued the lives of their young men too much to wish them to be engaged in war. that as we had not yet seen the black foot indians and the minnetares of fort de prarie they did not think it safe to venture over to the plains of the missouri, where they would fondly go provided those nations would not kill them. that when we had established our forts on the missouri as we had promised, they would come over and trade for arms amunition &c. and live about us. that it would give them much pleasure to be at peace with these nations altho they had shed much of their blood. he said that the whitemen might be assured of their warmest attatchment and that they would alwas give them every assistance in their power; that they were poor but their hearts were good. he said that some of their young men would go over with us to the missouri and bring them the news as we wished, and that if we could make a peace between themselves and their enimies on the other side of the mountain their nation would go over to the missouri in the latter end of the summer. on the subject of one of their cheifs accompanying us to the land of the whitemen they could not yet determine, but that they would let us know before we left them. that the snow was yet so deep in the mountain if we attempted to pass we would certainly perish, and advised us to remain untill after the next full moon when the said the snow would disappear and we could find grass for our horses.--when the oald man had concluded i again spoke to them at some length with which they appeared highly gratifyed. after smoking the pipe which was about p.m. they gave us another fat horse to kill which was thankfully received by the party. capt c. now joined us having just made an end of his medical distrabution. we gave a phiol of eyewater to the broken arm, and requested that he would wash the eyes of such as might apply for that purpose, and that when it was exhausted we would replenish the phiol. he was much pleased with this present. we now gave the twisted hair one gun and a hundred balls and lbs. of powder in part for his attention to our horses and promised the other gun and a similar quantity of powder and lead when we received the ballance of our horses. this gun we had purchased of the indians below for elkskins. this evening three other of our original stock of horses were produced, they were in fine order as well as those received yesterday. we have now six horses out only, as our old guide toby and his son each took a horse of ours when they returned last fall. these horses are said to be on the opposite side of the river at no great distance from this place. we gave the young men who had delivered us the two horses this morning some ribbon, blue wampum and vermillion, one of them gave me a hansome pare of legings and the broken arm gave capt. c. his shirt, in return for which we gave him a linin shirt.--we informed the indians of our wish to pass the river and form a camp at some proper place to fish, hunt, and graize our horses untill the snows of the mountains would permit us to pass. they recommended a position a few miles distant from hence on the opposite side of the river, but informed us that there was no canoe at this place by means of which we could pass our baggage over the river, but promised to send a man early in the morning for one which they said would meet us at the river by noon the next day. the indians formed themselves this evening into two large parties and began to gamble for their beads and other ornaments. the game at which they played was that of hiding a stick in their hands which they frequently changed acompanying their opperations with a song. this game seems common to all the nations in this country, and dose not differ from that before discribed of the shoshonees on the s. e. branch of lewis's river. we are anxious to procure some guides to accompany us on the different routs we mean to take from travellers rest; for this purpose we have turned our attention to the twisted hair who has several sons grown who are well acquainted as well as himself with the various roads in those mountains. we invited the old fellow to remove his family and live near us while we remained; he appeared gratifyed with this expression of our confidence and promissed to do so.--shot at a mark with the indians, struck the mark with balls. distn. yds. [clark, may , ] monday th may a fine morning great number of indians flock about us as usial. after brackfast i began to administer eye water and in a fiew minits had near applicants with sore eyes, and maney others with other complaints most common rhumatic disorders & weaknesses in the back and loins perticularly the womin. the indians had a grand council this morning after which we were presented each with a horse by two young men at the instance of the nation. we caused the chiefs to be seated and gave then each a flag a pint of powder and balls to the two young men who had presented the horses we also gave powder and ball. the broken arm or tun na the mootoolt pulled off his leather shirt and gave me. i in return gave him a shirt. we retired into the lodge and the natives spoke to the following purpote, i e they had listened to our advice and that the whole nation were deturmined to follow it, that they had only one heart and one tongue on this subject. explained the cause of the war with the shoshones. they wished to be at peace with all nations & some of their men would accompany us to the missouri &c. &c. as a great number of men women & children were wateing and requesting medical assistance maney of them with the most simple complaints which could be easily releived, independent of maney with disorders intirely out of the power of medison all requesting some thing, we agreed that i should administer and capt l--to here and answer the indians. i was closely employed until p.m. administering eye water to about grown persons. some simple cooling medicenes to the disabled chief, to several women with rhumatic effections & a man who had a swelled hip &c. &c-. in the evening three of our horses were brought all in fine order. we have now only six remaining out. we gave to each a chief a pint of powder and balls a small flag and to the two young men who delivered us the horses we gave also powder & ball and some blue wompom & ribin. all appeared much pleased-. those people are much affraid of the black foot indians, and the big bellies of fort deprarie establishment. those indians kill great numbers of this nation whenever they pass over to hunt on the missouri. one of our men bought a horse for a fiew small articles of an indian. the indians brought up a fat horse and requested us to kill and eate it as they had nothing else to offer us to eate. the cut nose made a present of a horse to drewyer at the same time the two horses were offered to capt. lewis & my self. the horses of those people are large well formed and active. generally in fine order. sore backs caused by rideing them either with out saddles, or with pads which does not prevent the wate of the rider pressing imedeately on the back bone, and weathers of the horse. the indians formed two partis and plaied for their heeds. we gave the twisted hair a gun, powder & ball in part for takeing care of our horses &c. and wish him to camp near us untill we crossed the mountains which he agreeed to do, and was much pleased we have turned our attentions towards the twisted hair who has several sons grown who are well acquainted as well as himself with the various roads through the rocky mountains and will answer very well as guides to us through those mountains-in the council to day the father of hohastillpelp said the chopunnish were fully convinced of the advantages of peace and ardently wished to cultivate peace with their neighbours. early last summer of their brave men were sent with a pipe to the shoshones on the s e. fork of lewis's river in the plains of columbia, their pipe was disreguarded and their men murdered, which had given rise to the war expedition against that nation last fall; that their warriers had fallen in with and killed of the shoshones with the loss of men only on their part; that this had satisfied the blood of the deceased friends and they would never again make war against the shoshones, but were willing to receve them as friends-. that as we had not seen the indians towards fort de prere they did not think it safe to venture over to the plains of the missouri, where they would fondly go provided those nations would not kill them. i gave a vial of eye water to the broken arm for to wash the eyes of all who applied to him and told him when it was out we would replenish it again [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . this morning capt. c. as usual was busily engaged with his patients untill eleven ock. at p.m. we collected our horses and set out for the river escorted by a number of the natives on horseback. we followed the creek downwards about two miles, passing a stout branch at m. which flowed in on the wright. our course s. e. we now entered an extensive open bottom of the kooskooske r. through which we passed nearly n. about / miles and halted on the bank of the river at the place appointed to meet the canoe. the man had set out early this morning for the purpose but had not yet arrived with the canoe we therefore unloaded our horses and turned them out to graize. as the canoe did not arrive untill after sunset we remained here all night; a number of the natives continued with us. in the evening we tryed the speed of several of our horses. these horses are active strong and well formed. these people have immence numbers of them , or a hundred hed is not unusual for an individual to possess. the chopunnish are in general stout well formed active men. they have high noses and many of them on the acqueline order with cheerfull and agreeable countenances; their complexions are not remarkable. in common with other savage nations of america they extract their beards but the men do not uniformly extract the hair below, this is more particularly confined to the females. i observed several men among them whom i am convinced if they had shaved their beards instead of extracting it would have been as well supplyed in this particular as any of my countrymen. they appear to be cheerfull but not gay; they are fond of gambling and of their amusements which consist principally in shooting their arrows at a bowling target made of willow bark, and in riding and exercising themselves on horseback, racing &c. they are expert marksmen and good riders. they do not appear to be so much devoted to baubles as most of the nations we have met with, but seem anxious always to obtain articles of utility, such as knives, axes, tommahawks, kettles blankets and mockerson alls. blue beads however may form an exception to this remark; this article among all the nations of this country may be justly compared to goald or silver among civilized nations. they are generally well cloathed in their stile. their dress consists of a long shirt which reaches to the middle of thye, long legings which reach as high as the waist, mockersons, and robes. these are formed of various skins and are in all rispects like those particularly discribed of the shoshones. their women also dress like the shoshones. their ornaments consist of beads shells and peices of brass variously attatched to their dress, to their ears arrond their necks wrists arms &c. a bando of some kind usually surrounds the head, this is most frequently the skin of some fir animal as the fox otter &c. tho they have them also of dressed skin without the hair. the ornament of the nose is a single shell of the wampum. the pirl and beads are suspended from the ears. beads are woarn arround their wrists necks and over their sholders crosswise in the form of a double sash. the hair of the men is cewed in two rolls which hang on each side in front of the body as before discribed of other inhabitants of the columbia. collars of bears claws are also common; but the article of dress on which they appear to bstow most pains and ornaments is a kind of collar or brestplate; this is most commonly a strip of otterskin of about six inches wide taken out of the center of the skin it's whole length including the head. this is dressed with the hair on; a hole is cut lengthwise through the skin near the head of the animal sufficiently large to admit the head of the person to pass. thus it is placed about the neck and hangs in front of the body the tail frequently reaching below their knees; on this skin in front is attatched peices of pirl, beads, wampum peices of red cloth and in short whatever they conceive most valuable or ornamental. i observed a tippit woarn by hohastillpilp, which was formed of human scalps and ornamented with the thumbs and fingers of several men which he had slain in battle. their women brade their hair in two tresses which hang in the same position of those of the men. they also wear a cap or cup on the head formed of beargrass and cedar bark. the men also frequently attatch some small ornament to a small plat of hair on the center of the crown of their heads. [clark, may , ] tuesday th may . a fine morning i administered to the sick and gave directions. we collected all our horses and set out at p.m. and proceeded down the creek to the flat head river a short distance below the enterance of the creek at the distance of miles from the village. at this place we expected to have met the canoe which was promised to be furnished us, and for which an indian set out very early this morning. we halted at the flat head river unloaded our horses and turnd. them out to feed. several indians accompanied us to the river and continued untill evening. the man who set out early this morning to the forks of this river for a canoe and was to meet us at this place. as the canoe did not arive untill after sun set we remained all night; in the evening we tried the speed of several of our horses. these horses are strong active and well formed. those people have emence numbers of them or or a hundred head is not unusial for an individual to possess. the chopunnish are in general stout well formd active men. they have high noses and maney of them on the acqueline order with chearfull and agreeable countinances; their complexions are not remarkable. in common with other indian nations of america they extract their beard, but the men do not uniformly extract the hair below, this is more particularly confined to the females. they appear to be cheerfull but not gay; they are fond of gambling and of their amusements which consists principally in shooting their arrows at a targit made of willow bark, and in rideing and exersiseing themselves on horsback, raceing &c. they are expirt marks men & good riders. they do not appear to be so much devoted to baubles as most of the nations we have met with, but seen anxious always to riceve articles of utility, such as knives, axes, kittles, blankets & mockerson awls. blue beeds however may form an exception to this remark; this article among all the nations of this country may be justly compared to gold and silver among civilized nations. they are generally well clothed in their stile. their dress consists of a long shirt which reaches to the middle of leg, long legins which reach as high as the waist, mockersons & robe. those are formed of various skins and are in all respects like those of the shoshone. their orniments consists of beeds, shells and peices of brass variously attached to their dress, to their ears arround theire necks wrists arms &c. a band of some kind usially serounds the head, this is most frequently the skin of some fer animal as the fox otter &c.; i observed a tippet worn by hohastillpilp, which was formed of humane scalps and ornemented with the thumbs and fingers of several men which he had slain in battle. they also were a coller or breast plate of otter skin orniminted with shells beeds & quills. the women brade their hair in two tresses which hang in the same position of those of the men, which ar cewed and hang over each sholder. &c [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th . the morning was fair, we arrose early and dispatched a few of our hunters to the opposite side of the river, and employed a part of the men in transporting our baggage to the opposite shore wile others were directed to collect the horses; at a.m. we had taken our baggage over and collected our horses, we then took breakfast, after which we drove our horses into the river which they swam without accedent and all arrived safe on the opposite shore. the river is yds. wide at this place and extreemly rapid. tho it may be safely navigated at this season, as the water covers all the rocks which lie in it's bed to a considerable debth. we followed our horses and again collected them, after which we removed our baggage to a position which we had previously selected for our permanent camp about half a mile below. this was a very eligible spot for defence it had been an ancient habitation of the indians; was sunk about feet in the ground and raised arround it's outer edge about three / feet with a good wall of eath. the whole was a circle of about feet in diameter. arround this we formed our tents of sticks and grass facing outwards and deposited our baggage within the sunken space under a shelter which we constructed for the purpose. our situation was within paces of the river in an extentsive level bottom thinly timbered with the longleafed pine. here we are in the vicinity of the best hunting grounds from indian information, are convenient to the salmon which we expect daily and have an excellent pasture for our horses. the hills to the e and north of us are high broken and but partially timbered; the soil is rich and affords fine grass. in short as we are compelled to reside a while in this neighbourhood i feel perfectly satisfyed with our position.immediately after we had passed the river tunnachemootoolt and hosastillpilp arrived on the south side with a party of a douzen of their young men; they began to sing in token of friendship as is their custom, and we sent the canoe over for them. they left their horses and came over accompanyed by several of their party among whom were the young men who had presented us with two horses in behalf of the nation; one of these was the son of tunnachemootoolt and the other the son of the cheif who was killed by the minnetares of fort de prarie last year and the same who had given us the mare and colt. we received them at our camp and smoked with them; after some hours hohastillpilp with much cerimony presented me with a very eligant grey gelding which he had brought for that purpose. i gave him in return a handkercheif balls and lbs. of powder. with which he appeared perfectly satisfyed. collins killed two bear this morning and was sent with two others in quest of the meat; with which they returned in the evening; the mail bear was large and fat the female was of moderate size and reather meagre. we had the fat bear fleaced in order to reserve the oil for the mountains. both these bear were of the speceis common to the upper part of the missouri. they may be called white black grzly brown or red bear for they are found of all those colours. perhaps it would not be unappropriate to designate them the variagated bear. we gave the indians who were about in number half the female bear, with the sholder head and neck of the other. this was a great treat to those poor wretches who scarcely taist meat once a month. they immediately prepared a brisk fire of dry wood on which they threw a parsel of smooth stones from the river, when the fire had birnt down and heated the stones they placed them level and laid on a parsel of pine boughs, on these they laid the flesh of the bear in flitches, placing boughs between each course of meat and then covering it thickly with pine boughs; after this they poared on a small quantity of water and covered the whoe over with earth to the debth of four inches. in this situation they suffered it to remain about hours when they took it out. i taisted of this meat and found it much more tender than that which we had roasted or boiled, but the strong flavor of the pine distroyed it for my pallate. labuish returned late in the evening and informed us that he had killed a female bear and two large cubbs, he brought with him several large dark brown pheasants which he had also killed. shannon also returned with a few pheasants and two squirrells. we have found our stone horses so troublesome that we indeavoured to exchange them with the chopunnish for mears or gelings but they will not exchange altho we offer for one; we came to a resolution to castrate them and began the operation this evening one of the indians present offered his services on this occasion. he cut them without tying the string of the stone as is usual, and assures us that they will do much better in that way; he takes care to scrape the string very clean and to seperate it from all the adhereing veigns before he cuts it. we shall have an opportunity of judging whether this is a method preferable to that commonly practiced as drewyer has gelded two in the usual way. the indians after their feast took a pipe or two with us and retired to rest much pleased with their repast. these bear are tremendious animals to them; they esteem the act of killing a bear equally great with that of an enimy in the field of action.--i gave the claws of those which collins killed to hohastillpilp. [clark, may , ] wednesday th of may a fine day. we had all our horses collected by a.m. dureing the time we had all our baggage crossed over the flat head river which is rapid and about yards wide. after the baggage was over to the north side we crossed our horss without much trouble and hobbled them in the bottom after which we moved a short distance below to a convenient situation and formed a camp around a very conveniant spot for defence where the indiands had formerly a house under ground and hollow circler spot of about feet diamieter feet below the serfce and a bank of feet above this situation we concluded would be seffiently convenient to hunt the wood lands for bear & deer and for the salmon fish which we were told would be here in a fiew days and also a good situation for our horses. the hills to the e. & n. of us are high broken & but partially timbered; the soil rich and affords fine grass. in short as we are compelled to reside a while in this neighbourhood i feel perfectly satisfied with our position. imediately after we had crossed the river the chief called the broken arm or tin nach-e-moo toll another principal chief hoh-host'-ill-pitp arived on the opposite side and began to sing. we sent the canoe over and those chiefs, the son of the broken arm and the sone of a great chief who was killed last year by the big bellies of sas kas she win river. those two young men were the two whome gave capt lewis and my self each a horse with great serimony in behalf of the nation a fiew days ago, and the latter a most elligant mare & colt the morning after we arived at the village. hohast ill pilt with much serimoney presented capt. lewis with an elegant gray horse which he had brought for that purpose. capt lewis gave him in return a handkerchief two hundred balls and four pouds of powder with which he appeared perfictly satisfyed, and appeared much pleased. soon after i had crossed the river and during the time cap lewis was on the opposit side john collins whome we had sent out verry early this morning with labiech and shannon on the north side of the river to hunt, came in and informed me, that he had killed two bear at about miles distant on the up lands. one of which was in good order. i imediately depatched jo. fields & p. wiser with him for the flesh. we made several attempts to exchange our stalions for geldings or mars without success we even offered two for one. those horses are troublesom and cut each other very much and as we can't exchange them we think it best to castrate them and began the opperation this evening one of the indians present offered his services on this occasion. he cut them without tying the string of the stone as is usial. he craped it very clean & seperate it before he cut it. about meredian shannon came in with two grows & squireles common to this country. his mockersons worn out obliged to come in early. collins returned in the evening with the two bears which he had killed in the morning one of them an old hee was in fine order, the other a female with cubs was meagure. we gave the indians about us in number two sholders and a ham of the bear to eate which they cooked in the following manner. to wit on a brisk fire of dryed wood they threw a parcel of small stones from the river, when the fire had burnt down and heated the stone, they placed them level and laid on a parsel of pine boughs, on those they laid the flesh of the bear in flitches, placeing boughs between each course of meat and then covering it thickly with pine boughs; after this they poared on a small quantity of water, and covered the whole over with earth to the debth of inches. in this situation they suffered it to remain about hours when they took it out fit for use. at oclock p m labiech returned and informed us that he had killed a female bear and two cubs, at a long distance from camp towards the mountains. he brought in two large dark brown pheasents which he had also killed shannon also returned also with a few black pheasents and two squirels which he had killed in the wood land towards collins creek. this nation esteem the killing of one of those tremendeous animals (the bear) equally great with that of an enemy in the field of action-. we gave the claws of those bear which collins had killed to hohastillpelp. [lewis, may , ] thursday may th . this morning early reubin fields in surching for his horse saw a large bear at no great distance from camp; several men went in pursuit of the bear, they followed his trail a considerable distance but could not come up with him. labuish and shannon set out with a view to establish a hunting camp and continuing several days, two others accompanyed them in order to bring in the three bear which labuish had killed. drewyer and cruzatte were sent up the river; sheilds r. feilds and willard hunted in the hills near the camp they returned in the evening with a few pheasants only and reported that there was much late appearance of bear, but beleived that they had gone off to a greater distance. at a.m. the men returned with the bear which labuich had killed. these bear gave me a stronger evidence of the various coloured bear of this country being one speceis only, than any i have heretofore had. the female was black with a considerable proportion of white hairs intermixed and a white spot on the breast, one of the young bear was jut black and the other of a light redish brown or bey colour. the poil of these bear were infinitely longer finer and thicker than the black bear their tallons also longer and more blont as if woarn by diging roots. the white and redish brown or bey coloured bear i saw together on the missouri; the bey and grizly have been seen and killed together here for these were the colours of those which collins killed yesterday. in short it is not common to find two bear here of this speceis precisely of the same colour, and if we were to attempt to distinguish them by their collours and to denominate each colour a distinct speceis we should soon find at least twenty. some bear nearly white have also been seen by our hunters at this place. the most striking differences between this speceis of bear and the common black bear are that the former are larger, have longer tallons and tusks, prey more on other animals, do not lie so long nor so closely in winter quarters, and will not climb a tree tho eversoheardly pressed. the variagated bear i beleive to be the same here with those on the missouri but these are not as ferocious as those perhaps from the circumstance of their being compelled from the scarcity of game in this quarter to live more on roots and of course not so much in the habit of seizing and devouring living animals. the bear here are far from being as passive as the common black bear they have attacked and faught our hunters already but not so fiercely as those of the missouri. there are also some of the common black bear in this neighbourhood. frazier, j. fields and wiser complain of violent pains in their heads, and howard and york are afflicted with the cholic. i attribute these complaints to their diet of roots which they have not been accustomed. tunnachemootoolt and of his young men left us this morning on their return to their village. hohastillpilp and three old men remained untill in the evening when they also departed. at p.m. a party of natives on horseback passed our camp on a hunting excurtion; they were armed with bows and arrows and had decoys for the deer these are the skins of the heads and upper portions of the necks of the deer extended in their natural shape by means of a fraim of little sticks placed within. the hunter when he sees a deer conceals himself and with his hand gives to the decoy the action of a deer at feed; and thus induces the deer within arrowshot; in this mode the indians hunt on foot in the woodlands where they cannot pursue the deer with horses which is their favorite method when the ground will permit.--we had all of our horses driven together today near our camp, which we have directed shall be done each day in order to familiarize them to each other. several of the horses which were gelded yesterday are much swolen particularly those cut by drewyer, the others bled most but appear much better today than the others. we had our baggage better secured under a good shelter formed of grass; we also strengthened our little fortification with pine poles and brush, and the party formed themselves very comfortable tents with willow poles and grass in the form of the orning of a waggon, these were made perfectly secure as well from the heat of the sun as from rain. we had a bower constructed for ourselves under which we set by day and sleep under the part of an old sail now our only tent as the leather lodge has become rotten and unfit for use. about noon the sun shines with intense heat in the bottoms of the river. the air on the tom of the river hills or high plain forms a distinct climate, the air is much colder, and vegitation is not as forward by at least or perhaps days. the rains which fall in the river bottoms are snows on the plain. at the distance of fifteen miles from the river and on the eastern border of this plain the rocky mountains commence and present us with winter it it's utmost extreem. the snow is yet many feet deep even near the base of these mountains; here we have summer spring and winter within the short space of or miles.--hohastillpilp and the three old men being unable to pass the river as the canoe had been taken away, returned to our camp late in the evening and remained with us all night. [clark, may , ] thursday th of may this morning reubin fields went out to hunt his horse very early and saw a large bear and no great distance from camp. several men went in pursute of the bear, and prosued his trail some time without gitting sight of this monster. shannon went out with labeach to hunt and continue out days, gibson and hall accompanied them for the meat labeech killed yesterday which they brought in by a m. this morning the female was black with white hares intermixed and a white spot on the breast the cubs were about the size of a dog also pore. one of them very black and the other a light redish brown or bey colour. these bear give me a stronger evidence of the various coloured bear of this country being one specie only, than any i have heretofore had. several other colours have been seen. drewyer and peter crusat went up the river. john shields, r. fields and willard hunted in the hills near camp and returned before p. m without killing any thing except a fiew grows. they saw but few deer. some bear sign. frazur jo. fields and peter wizer complain of a violent pain in their heads. howard and york with violent cholicks. the cause of those disorders we are unable to account for. their diet and the sudin change of climate must contribute. the great chief tin nach-e-moo-tolt (or broken arm) and of the young men of his nation left us today about oclock and crossed the river to his village hoh-hast-ill-pilt and old men continued with us untill about p. m when they left us and returnd. to their village. a party of indians passed our camp about p.m. on their way to the leavel uplands to run and kill the deer with their horses and bows and arrows. some of them were also provided with deers heads cased for the purpose of decoying the deer. those men continued withus but a fiew minits and proceeded on. those people hunt most commonly on horse back seround the deer or goat which they find in the open plains & kill them with their arrows. tho they sometimes hunt the deer on foot & decoy them. we had all of our horses drove together to day with a view to fermilurize them to each other. those that were cut yesterday are stiff and several of them much swelled. we had all our baggage secured and covered with a rouf of straw. our little fortification also completely secured with brush around which our camp is formed. the greater part of our security from the rains &c. is the grass which is formed in a kind of ruff so as to turn the rain completely and is much the best tents we have. as the days are worm &c. we have a bowry made to write under which we find not only comfortable but necessary, to keep off the intence heet of the sun which has great effect in this low bottom. on the high plains off the river the climate is entirely different cool. some snow on the north hill sides near the top and vegetation near weeks later than in the river bottoms. and the rocky mountains imedeately in view covered several say & feet deep with snow. here i behold three different climats within a fiew miles a little before dark hoh-hast-ill-pilt and the old men & one other returned to our camp and informed us the canoe was a great way off and they could not cross this evening. [lewis, may , ] friday may th . drewyer's horse left his camp last night and was brought to us this morning by an indian who informed us he had found him a considerable distance towards the mountains. hohastillpilp and all the natives left us about noon and informed us that they were going up the river some distance to a place at which they expected to fine a canoe, we gave them the head and neck of a bear, a part of which they eat and took the ballance with them. these people sometimes kill the variagated bear when they can get them in the open plain where they can pursue them on horseback and shoot them with their arrows. the black bear they more frequently kill as they are less ferocious. our sick men are much better today. sahcargarmeah geathered a quantity of the roots of a speceis of fennel which we found very agreeable food, the flavor of this root is not unlike annis seed, and they dispell the wind which the roots called cows and quawmash are apt to create particularly the latter. we also boil a small onion which we find in great abundance, with other roots and find them also an antidote to the effects of the others. the mush of roots we find adds much to the comfort of our diet.--we sent out several hunters this morning but they returned about a.m. without success; they killed a few pheasants only. at p.m. drewyer and cruzatte returned having killed one deer only. drewyer had wounded three bear which he said were as white as sheep but had obtained neither of them. they informed us that the hunting was but bad in the quarter they had been, the country was broken and thickly covered in most parts with underbrush. a little after dark shannon and labuish returned with one deer; they informed us that game was wild and scarce, that a large creek (collins creek) ran parallel with the river at the distance of about or miles which they found impracticable to pass with their horses in consequence of the debth and rapidity of it's current. beyond this creek the indians inform us that there is great abundance of game. sergt. pryor and collins who set out this morning on a hunting excurtion did not return this evening.--i killed a snake near our camp, it is feet inches in length, is much the colour of the rattlesnake common to the middle atlantic states, it has no poisonous teeth. it has scutae on the abdomen and fifty nine squamae or half formed scutae on the tail. the eye is of moderate size, the iris of a dark yellowish brown and puple black. there is nothing remarkable in the form of the head which is not so wide across the jaws as those of the poisonous class of snakes usually are.--i preserved the skin of this snake. [clark, may , ] friday th may a cloudy morning with some rain which continued untill meridean at intervales, but very moderately. a man and boy came to our camp at a. m with drewyers horse which he informed us he found at a long distance towards the mtns. this horse must have strayed from drewyers camp last night. hohhastillpelt and all the nativs left us at merdn. and went up the river with a view to cross at some distance above where they expected to find a canoe. we gave those people a head and neck of the largest bear a part of which they eate and the balance they carefully took with them for their children. the indians of this country seldom kill the bear they are very much afraid of them and the killing of a white or grzley bear, is as great a feet as two of their enimy. the fiew of those animals which they chance to kill is found in the leavel open lands and pursued on horses & killed with their arrows. they are fond of the flesh of this animal and eate emoderately of it when they have a sufficiency to indulge themselves. the men who were complaining of the head ake and cholicks yesterday and last night are much better to day. shabonos squar gatherd a quantity of fenel roots which we find very paleatiable and nurishing food. the onion we also find in abundance and boil it with our meat. shields rode out and hunted in the morning without suckcess he returned at a.m. having killed only a black wood pecker with a red breast as discribed hereafter. a snake which resembles the rattle snake in colour and spots on the skin, longer and inosent. at p m drewyer and crusat returned haveing killed only one deer only. d. shot white bear but could get neither of them. they inform us that the hunting in the derection they were is very bad. the country hilly & brushey. a little after dark shannon & labiech came in from the chass. shannon killed one deer which he brought in. this deer being the only animal they could kill. they informed that a large creek (collens's creek) run parrelal with the river at about or miles distant between which there was but little game, and the creek being high rapid and the smothe rocks in the bottom rendered it impossible for them to pass it on hors back. sergt. pryor and collins who set out early this morning hunting have not returned. we derected that the horses be drove up in future at oclock on each day [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . it rained the greater part of the last night and this morning untill ock. the water passed through flimzy covering and wet our bed most perfectly in shot we lay in the water all the latter part of the night. unfortunately my chronometer which for greater security i have woarn in my fob for ten days past, got wet last night; it seemed a little extraordinary that every part of my breechies which were under my head, should have escaped the moisture except the fob where the time peice was. i opened it and founded it nearly filled with water which i carefully drained out exposed it to the air and wiped the works as well as i could with dry feathers after which i touched them with a little bears oil. several parts of the iron and steel works were rusted a little which i wiped with all the care in my power. i set her to going and from her apparent motion hope she has sustained no material injury.--at a.m. sergt. pryor and collins returned, sergt. pryor brought the skin and flesh of a black bear which he had killed; collins had also killed a very large variegated bear but his horse having absconded last evening was unable to bring it. they had secured this meat perfectly from the wolves or birds and as it was at a considerable distance we did not think proper to send for it today. neither of these bear were in good order. as the bear are reather ferocious and we are obliged to depend on them pincipally for our subsistence we thought it most advisable to direct at least two hunters to go together, and they accordingly peared themselves out for this purpose. we also apportioned the horses to the several hunters in order that they should be equally rode and thereby prevent any horse being materially injured by being too constantly hunted. we appointed the men not hunters to take charge of certain horses in the absence of the hunters and directed the hunters to set out in different directions early in the morning and not return untill they had killed some game. it rained moderately the greater part of the day and snowed as usual on the plain. sergt. pryor informed me that it was shoe deep this morning when he came down. it is somewhat astonishing that the grass and a variety of plants which are now from a foot to inches high on these plains sustain no injury from the snow or frost; many of those plants are in blume and appear to be of a tender susceptable texture. we have been visited by no indians today, and occurrence which has not taken place before since we left the narrows of the columbia.--i am pleased at finding the river rise so rapidly, it now doubt is attributeable to the meting snows of the mountains; that icy barier which seperates me from my friends and country, from all which makes life esteemable.--patience, patience [clark, may , ] saturday th may rained moderately all the last night and this morning untill we are wet. the little river on which we are encamped rise sepriseingly fast. at a.m. sergt. pryor and collins returned with the flesh and skin of a black bear on sgt. pryors horse. collins's horse haveing run off from him yesterday. they informed us that they had each killed a bear neither of which were fat. the one which they left in the woods was of the white species and very large we did not think it necessary in the cours of this day to send for the flesh of the bear left in the woods. the rains of the last night unfortunately wet the crenomuter in the fob of capt. l. breaches. which has never before been wet since we set out on this expedition. her works were cautiously wiped and made dry by capt. l. and i think she will recive no injury from this misfortune &c. we arranged the hunters and horses to each hunter and directed them to turn out in the morning early and continue out untill they killed something. others arranged so as to take care of the hunters horses in their absence. rained moderately all day. at the same time snowed on the mountains which is in to the s. e. of us. no indians visit us to day which is a singular circumstance as we have not been one day without indians since we left the long narrows of the columbia. the fiew worm days which we have had has melted the snows in the mountains and the river has rose considerably. that icy barier which seperates me from my friends and country, from all which makes life estimable, is yet white with the snow which is maney feet deep. i frequently consult the nativs on the subject of passing this tremendious barier which now present themselves to our view for great extent, they all appear to agree as to the time those mountains may be passed which is about the middle of june. sergt. pryor informs me that the snow on the high plains from the river was shoe deep this morning when he came down. it is somewhat estonishing that the grass and a variety of plants sustain no injurey from the snow or frost; maney of those plants are in blume and appear to be of tender susceptable texture. at the distance of miles from the river and on the eastern border of the high plain the rocky mountain commences and presents us with winter here we have summer, spring and winter in the short space of twenty or thirty miles [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . twelve hunters turned out this morning in different directions agreeably to the order of last evening. potts and whitehouse accompanied collins to the bear he had killed on the th inst. with which they returned in the afternoon. the colours of this bear was a mixture of light redish brown white and dark brown in which the bey or redish brown predominated, the fur was bey as well as the lower pertion of the long hairs, the white next succeeded in the long hairs which at their extremites were dark brown, this uncommon mixture might be termed a bey grizzle. our indian woman was busily engaged today in laying in a store of the fennel roots for the rocky mountains. these are called by the shoshones year-pah. at p.m. indians who had been hunting towards the place at which we met with chopunnish last fall, called by them the quawmash grounds, called at our camp; they informed us that they had been hunting several days and had killed nothing; we gave them a small peice of meat which they told us they would reserve for their small children who were very hungary; we smoked with them and they shortly after departed. early this morning the natives erected a lodge on the opposite side of the river near a fishing stand a little above us. no doubt to be in readiness for the salmon, the arrival of which they are so ardently wishing as well as ourselves. this stand is a small stage are warf constructed of sticks and projecting about feet into the river and about feet above the surface of the water on the extremity of this the fisherman stands with his scooping net, which differ but little in their form from those commonly used in our country it is formed thus. the fisherman exercised himself some hours today but i believe without success. at p.m. j. fields returned very unwell having killed nothing. shortly after an old man and woman arrived; the former had soar eyes and the latter complained of a lax and rheumatic effections. we gave the woman some creem of tartar and flour of sulpher, and washed the old man's eyes with a little eyewater. a little before dark drewyer r. fields and lapage returned having been also unsuccessfull they had killed a hawk only and taken the part of a salmon from an eagle, the latter altho it was of itself not valuable was an agreeable sight as it gave us reason to hope that the salmon would shortly be with us. these hunters had scowered the country between the kooskooske and collins's creek from hence to their junction about miles and had seen no deer or bear and but little sign of either. shortly after dark it began to rain and continued raining moderately all night. the air was extreemly cold and disagreeable and we lay in the water as the preceeding night. [clark, may , ] sunday th may cloudy morning hunters turned out this morning in different directions agreeably to the order of yesterday. potts and whitehouse accompanied collins to the bear which he had killed on the th and brought in the flesh and skin. this bear was not large but remarkably light coloured the hair of it as also the hair of all those which has been killed is very thick and long. the squar wife to shabono busied her self gathering the roots of the fenel called by the snake indians year-pah for the purpose of drying to eate on the rocky mountains. those roots are very paliatiable either fresh rosted boiled or dried and are generally between the size of a quill and that of a mans fingar and about the length of the latter. at p.m. indians who had been out hunting towards the place we met with the chopunnish last fall, which place they call the quarmash grounds. those men had been out several days and killed nothing. we gave them a small piece of meat which they told us they would reserve for their small children who was very hungary. we smoked with them and they departed. the nativs made a lodge on the opposit bank of the river a little above us at a fishing place. as all communication is cut off between us and the nativs on the opposit side of the river, we cannot say by whome or for what service that lodge has been errected as no one has been near it since it was errected this morning. at p m jo. field returned from the chase without killing any thing he complains of being unwell. son after an old man and a woman arived the man with sore eyes, and the woman with a gripeing and rhumatic effections. i gave the woman a dose of creme of tarter and flour of sulphur, and the man some eye water. a little before night rueben field drewyer and lapage returned haveing killed nothing but a large hawk they had hunted in the point between the kooskooske and collins's creek and saw but little sign of either deer or bear. the evening cloudy, soon after dark it began to rain and rained moderately all night-. lapage took a salmon from an eagle at a short distance below our camp. this is induces us to believe that the salmon is in this river and most probably will be here in great numbers in the course of a fiew days. [lewis, may , ] monday may th . it continued to rain this morning untill ock. when it became fair. we sent charbono, thompson, potts, hall and wiser over the river to a village above in order to purchase some roots to eat with our lean bear meat. for this purpose we gave them a few awls, kniting pins and armbands. we were informed that there was a canoe at the village in which they could pass the river. i sent joseph and r. feilds up the river in surch of the horse which i rode over the rocky mountains last fall. he had been seen yesterday with a parse) of indian horses and has become almost wild. at a.m. thompson returned from the village accompanied by a train of invalids consisting of men women and a child. the men had soar eyes and the women in addition to soar eyes had a variety of other complaints principally rheumatic; a weakness and pain in the loins is a common complaint with their women. eyewater was administered to all; to two of the women cathartics were given, to a third who appeared much dejected and who from their account of her disease we supposed it to be histerical, we gave drops of laudanum. the several parts of the others where the rheumatic pains were seated were well rubed with volitile linniment. all of those poor wretches thought themselves much benefited and all returned to their village well satisfyed. at p.m. or marketers returned with about bushels of the cows roots and a considerable quanty of bread of the same materials. late in the evening reubin and joseph feilds returned with my horse; we had him immediately castrated together with two others by drewyer in the ordinary. we amused ourselves about an hour this afternoon in looking at the men running their horses. several of those horses would be thought fleet in the u states. a little after dark sheilds and gibson returned unsuccessful) from the chase. they had seen some deer but no bear. [clark, may , ] monday th may rained this morning untill oclock when it cleared off and became fair-. we sent shabono, thomson, potts, hall & wizer over to the villages above to purchase some roots to eate with our pore bear meat, for which purchase we gave them a fiew awls, knitting pins, & arm bans and directed them to proceed up on this side of the river opposit to the village and cross in the cano which we are informed is at that place. sent jo. & reuben field up the river a short distance after the horse which capt. lewis rode over the mountains last fall, which horse was seen yesterday with a gangue of indian horses, and is very wild-. about oclock men and women came to our camp with thompson who went to the village very early this morning. those men applyed for eye water and the women had a variety of complaints tho the most general complaint was the rhumitism, pains in the back and the sore eyes, they also brought fowd. a very young child whome they said had been very sick-. i administered eye water to all, two of the women i gave a carthartic, one whose spirets were very low and much hipedz i gave drops of lodomem, and to the others i had their backs hips legs thighs & arms well rubed with volitile leniment all of those pore people thought themselves much benifited by what had been done for them, and at p.m. they all returned to their villages well satisfied. at p.m. potts, shabono &c. returned from the village with about bushels of the root the nativs call cowse and some bread of the same root. rubin & jos. fields returned with the horse capt. lewis rode across the rocky mountains we had this horse imedeately cut with others which we had not before thought proper to castrate. we amused ourselves about an hour this after noon looking at the men run their horses, several of them would be thought swift horses in the atlantic states. a little after dark john shields and gibson returned haveing killed nothing. they saw some deer but saw no bear. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . it rained the greater part of last night and continued this morning untill noon when it cleared away about an hour and then rained at intervals untill in the evening. our covering is so indifferent that capt c. and myself lay in the water the greater part of the last night. drewyer, and the two feildses set out on a hunting excurtion towards the mountains. shannon and colter came in unsuccessfull, they had wounded a bear and a deer last evening but the night coming on they were unable to pursue them, and the snow which fell in the course of the night and this morning had covered the blood and rendered all further pursuit impracticable. at p.m. labuish arrived with a large buck of the mule deer speceis which he had killed on collins's creek yesterday. he had left cruzatte and collins on the creek where they were to wait his return. he informed us that it was snowing on the plain while it was raining at our camp in the river bottom. late in the evening labuish and lapage set out to join collins and cruzatte in order to resume their hunt early tomorrow morning. this evening a party of indians assembled on the opposite bank of the river and viewed our camp with much attention for some time and retired.--at p.m. frazier who had been permitted to go to the village this morning returned with a pasel of roots and bread which he had purchased. brass buttons is an article of which these people are tolerably fond, the men have taken advantage of their prepossession in favour of buttons and have devested themselves of all they had in possesson which they have given in exchange for roots and bread. [clark, may , ] tuesday th may rained the greater part of the last night and this morning untill meridean when it cleared away for an hour and began to rain and rained at entervals untill p.m. our covering was so indefferent that capt lewis and my self was wet in our bed all the latter part of the night. drewyer, jos. & r. fields set out to towards the mountains. shannon & colter came in without any thing. they had seen and shot at a bear and a deer neither of which they could get. both of those animals they must have wounded mortally, but the night comeing on prevented their following them, and this morning the snow had covered the tracks and hid the blood and prevented their getting either of them. at p.m. labiech came in with a large buck of the mule deer speces which he had killed on collins's creek yesterday. he left collins and peter crusat on the creek at which place they would continue untill his return. he informd. us that it was snowing on the leavel plains on the top of the hill all the time it was raining in the bottom at our camp. labiech & lapage returned to collins & crusat in the evening late for the purpose of pursueing the hunt in the morning early. several indians came to the opposit side of the river and viewed us some time. at p m frazur who had leave to go to the village returned with some roots which he had purchased. cloudy &c. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may st . it rained a few hours this morning. sheilds and gibson set out to hunt towards the mountains. collins came to camp at noon and remained about hours; he has killed nothing since he left us last. we set five men at work to make a canoe for the purpose of fishing and passing the river. the indians have already promised us a horse for this canoe when we have no longer any uce for her. as our tent was not sufficient to shelter us from the rain we had a lodge constructed of willow poles and grass in the form of the orning of a waggon closed at one end. this we had made sufficiently large to sleep in and to shelter the most important part of our baggage. it is perfectly secure against the rain sun and wind and affords us much the most comfortable shelter we have had since we left fort clatsop. today we divided the remnant of our store of merchandize among our party with a view that each should purchase therewith a parsel of roots and bread from the natives as his stores for the rocky mountains for there seems but little probability that we shall be enabled to make any dryed meat for that purpose and we cannot as yet form any just idea what resource the fish will furnish us. each man's stock in trade amounts to no more than one awl, one kniting pin, a half an ounce of vermillion, two nedles, a few scanes of thead and about a yard of ribbon; a slender stock indeed with which to lay in a store of provision for that dreary wilderness. we would make the men collect these roots themselves but there are several speceis of hemlock which are so much like the cows that it is difficult to discriminate them from the cows and we are affraid that they might poison themselves. the indians have given us another horse to kill for provision which we keep as a reserved store. our dependence for subsistence is on our guns, the fish we may perhaps take, the roots we can purchase from the natives and as the last alternative our horses. we eat the last morsel of meat which we had for dinner this evening, yet nobody seems much conserned about the state of provision. willard, sergt. ordway and goodrich were permitted to visit the village today; the former returned in the evening with some roots and bread, the two last remaining all night. one of our party brought in a young sandhill crain it was about the size of a pateridge and of a redish brown colour, it appeared to be about or six days old; these crains are abundant in this neighbourhood. [clark, may , ] wednesday st may rained this morning. shields and gibson set out to hunt towards the mountains. collins came in to day and stayed in about two hours, he has killed nothing since he went out last. we set men at work to build a canoe for the purpose of takeing fish and passing the river and for which we can get a good horse. as our tent is not sufficient to keep off the rain we are compelled to have some other resort for a security from the repeeted showers which fall. we have a small half circular place made and covered with grass which makes a very secure shelter for us to sleep under. we devided our store of merchindize amongst our party for the purpose of precureing some roots &c. of the nativs to each mans part amounted to about an awl knitting pin a little paint and some thread & needles which is but a scanty dependance for roots to take us over those great snowey barriers (rocky mountains) which is and will be the cause of our detention in this neighbourhood probably untill the or of june. they are at this time covered deep with snow. the plains on the high country above us is also covered with snow. serjt. ordway, goodrich, & willard went to the village to day to precure a fiew roots. we eate the last of our meat for dinner to day, and our only certain dependance is the roots we can precure from the nativs for the fiew articles we have left those roots with what game we can precure from the wods will probably last us untill the arival of the salmon. if they should not; we have a horse in store ready to be killed which the indians have offered to us. willard returned from the village. sergt. ordway and goodrich continued all night. one of the men brought me a young sandhill crain which was about or days old it was of a yellowish brown colour, about the size of a partridge. those crains are very abundant in every part of this country in pars of two, and sometimes three together. the party had gathered roots with leaves still attached they probably could have been sorted with indian assistance. however, the parsley family (apiaceae) is one of the most diverse and confusing plant families in the region, and lewis could not be sure that the men would not bring back some other poisonous species not well known to the indians. the decision to purchase roots was probably prudent. [lewis, may , ] thursday may ed . a fine morning we exposed all our baggage to air and dry as well as our store of roots and bread purchased from the natives. permited windsor and mcneal to go to the indian village. sergt. ordway and goodrich returned this morning with a good store of roots and bread. about noon indian men came down the river on a raft and continued at our camp about hours and returned to their village. we.sent out shannon and colter to hunt towards the mountains. we sent sergt. pryor down to the entrance of collins's creek to examine the country and look out for a good position for an encampment on the river below that creek, having determined to remove our camp below that crek if it continues high, as soon as we have completed our canoe, as the country to which we are confined to hunt at present is limited by this creek and river to a very narrow tract, and game have already become scarce. if we can obtain a good situation below the entrance of this creek it will be much more eligible as the hunting country is more extensive and game more abundant than above. the horse which the indians have given us to kill was driven away yesterday by the natives with a gang of their horses i presume in mistake; being without meat at noon we directed one of the largest of our colts to be killed. we found the flesh of this animal fat tender and by no means illy flavoured. we have three others which we mean to reserve for the rocky mountains if we can subsist here without them. my horse which was castrated the day before yesterday wounded his thigh on the inner side with the rope by which he was confined that evening and is now so much swolen with the wound the castraiting and the collection of vermen that he cannot walk, in short he is the most wretched specticle; i had his wounds clensed of the vermen by washing them well with a strong decoction of the bark of the roots & leaves of elder but think the chances are against his recovery. at p.m. we observed a large party of indians on horseback in pursuit of a deer which they ran into the river opposite to our camp; capt. c. myself & three of our men shot and killed the deer in the water; the indians pursued it on a raft and caught it. it is astonishing to see these people ride down those steep hills which they do at full speed. on our return to camp we found drewyer the two feildses gibson and sheilds just arrived with five deer which they had killed at a considerable distance towards the mountains. they also brought with them two red salmon trout which they had purchased from some indians whom they had met with on their return to camp.--two indians who were just arrived at our camp informed us that these salmon trout remained in this river the greater part of the winter, that they were not good at this season which we readily discovered, they were very meagre. these indians also informed us that there were at this time a great number of salmon at no great distance from hence in lewis's river which had just arrived and were very fat and fine, they said it would be some yet before they would ascend this river as high as this place. a party of the natives on the opposite shore informed those with us that a party of the shoshones had two nights past surrounded a lodge of their nation on the south side of lewis's river, that the inhabitants having timely discovered the enimy effected their retreat in the course of the night and escaped. charbono's child is very ill this evening; he is cuting teeth, and for several days past has had a violent lax, which having suddonly stoped he was attacked with a high fever and his neck and throat are much swolen this evening. we gave him a doze of creem of tartar and flour of sulpher and applyed a poltice of boiled onions to his neck as warm as he could well bear it. sergt. pryor returned late in the evening and informed us that he had been down the river eight miles and that the clifts set in so abruptly to the river he could get no further without returning several miles back and ascending the hills and that he had thought it best to return and ride down tomorrow on the high plain as he believed the mouth of the creek was a considerable distance. drewyer who has been at the place informs us that it is about ms. and that there is no situation on the river for some distance below this creek which can possibly answer our purposes.--we dryed our baggage &c perfectly and put it up.- [clark, may , ] thursday nd may a fine day we exposed all our baggage to the sun to air and dry, also our roots which we have precured of the nativs. gave promission to windser & mcneal to go to the indian villages. sergt. ordway and goodrich returned at a.m. soon after indian men came down on a raft and continued with us about hours and then returned to their village. shannon & colter went out to day to hunt towards the mountains. sergt. pryor went out to hunt down the river, and examine the mouth of collins creek, if a good situation was below that creek for a camp. this creek which cannot be passed owing to it's debth & rapidity is a great beariore in our way to the best hunting country. it confines us to a narrow scope between this creek and the river on which we are camped. if a situation can be found imedeately below the creek it will answer us better than our present one as from thence we can get out to some distance to hunt, and be convenient also to the fish should they pass up &c. the horse the indian's left with us to kill has been drove to their village with a gang of horses which i suppose belonged to another man. as the greater part of our men have not had any meat to eate for days, and the roots they complain of, not being accustiomed to live on them altogether we derected a large coalt which was given to us by a young man with an elegant mare on the ____ instant. this coalt was fat and was handsom looking meat. late in the evening we were informed that the horse which capt l. rode over the rocky mountains and which was cut day before yesterday had his hip out of place since that time, and could not walk. capt. lewis examined him and thought he could not recover. at p.m. we observed a number of indians in chase of a deer on their horses on the opposit hill sides. soon after the deer took the water i capt l. and men run down on this side, and killed the deer in the water, the deer floated down and the indians took it by means of a raft which they had ready. on my return to camp found drewyer jos. & reuben fields, shields and gibson just arrived from the chass with deer which they had killed on the high lands toward the mountains. they also brought with them two salmon trout which they had purchased of indians which they saw on their return to camp. at p. m. two young men highly decurated in their way came to our camp and informed us that the fat fish were in great numbers in lewis's river. that those salmon trout which our hunters brought were pore and such as were cought in the winter in this river and were not the kind which comes up in the spring of the year. great number of indians come to the opposit bank and inform those on this side that the snake indians had come to a lodge on lewis's river at night. the inhabitents previously discovering them abandened the house. shabonoes son a small child is, dangerously ill. his jaw and throat is much swelled. we apply a poltice of onions. after giveing him some creem of tarter &c. this day proved to be fine fair which afforded us an oppertunety of drying our baggage which had got a little wet. [lewis, may , ] friday may rd . sergt. pryor wounded a deer early this morning in a lick near camp; my dog pursud it into the river; the two young indian men who had remained with us all night mounted their horses swam the river and drove the deer into the water again; sergt. pryor killed it as it reached the shore on this side, the indians returned as they had passed over. we directed half this deer to be given to the indians, they immediately made a fire and cooked their meat, others joined them from the village with the assistance of whom they consumed their portion of the spoil in less than hours and took their leave of our camp. the creem of tartar and sulpher operated several times on the child in the course of the last night, he is considerably better this morning, tho the swelling of the neck has abated but little; we still apply polices of onions which we renew frequently in the course of the day and night. at noon we were visited by indians who informed us they cad come from their village on lewis's river at the distance of two days ride in order to see us and obtain a little eyewater, capt. c. washed their eyes and they set out on their return to their village. our skill as phisicans and the virture of our medecines have been spread it seems to a great distance. i sincerely wish it was in our power to give releif to these poor afficted wretches. at p.m. shannon, colter, labuish, cruzatte, collins, and lapage returned from hunting without having killed anything except a few pheasants of the dark brown kind, which they brought with them.these hunters informed us that they had hunted the country deligently between the river and creek for some distance above and below our camp and that there was no game to be found. all the horses which have been castrated except my poor unfortunate horse appear as if they would do very well. i am convinced that those cut by the indians will get well much soonest and they do not swell nor appear to suffer as much as those cut in the common way. [clark, may , ] friday rd may a fair morning. sergt. pryor wounded a deer at a lick near our camp and our dog prosued it into the river. two indians which happened to be at our camp mounted their horses and swam across the river chased the deer into the water again and pursued it across to the side on which we were, and as the deer came out of the water sgt. pryor killed it. we derected half of this deer to be given to those two indians. they imediately made a fire and cooked the meat. others joined them from the village and they soon consumed their portion. the child is something better this morning than it was last night. we apply a fresh poltice of the wild onion which we repeeted twice in the course of the day. the swelling does not appear to increas any since yesterday. the indians who visited us to day informed us that they came from their village on lewis's river two days ride from this place for the purpose of seeing of us and getting a little eye water i washed their eyes with some eyewater and they all left us at p.m. and returned to the villages on the opposit side of this river. at oclock shannon, colter, labiech, crusatt lapage and collins all returned from hunting without haveing killed any thing except a fiew heath hens & black pheasants two of which they brought with them. labiech also brought a whisteling squerel which he had killed on it's hole in the high plains. this squerel differs from those on the missouri in their colour, size, food and the length tal and from those found near the falls of columbia our hunters brought us a large hooting owl which differ from those of the atlantic states. the plumage of this owl is an uniform mixture of dark yellowish brown and white, in which the dark brown prodominates. it's colour may be properly termed a dark iron gray. the plumage is very long and remarkably silky and soft. those have not the long feathers on the head which give it the appearance of ears, or horns, remarkable large eyes the hunters informed us that they had hunted with great industry all the country between the river and for some distance above and below without the smallest chance of killing any game. they inform us that the high lands are very cold with snow which has fallen for every day or night for several past. our horses which was cut is like to doe well. [lewis, may , ] saturday may th . the child was very wrestless last night; it's jaw and the back of it's neck are much more swolen than they were yesterday tho his fever has abated considerably. we gave it a doze of creem of tartar and applyed a fresh poltice of onions. we ordered some of the hunters out this morning and directed them to pass collins's creek if possible and hunt towards the quawmash feilds. william bratton still continues very unwell; he eats heartily digests his food well, and his recovered his flesh almost perfectly yet is so weak in the loins that he is scarcely able to walk nor can he set upwright but with the greatest pain. we have tryed every remidy which our engenuity could devise, or with which our stock of medicines furnished us, without effect. john sheilds observed that he had seen men in a similar situation restored by violent sweats. bratton requested that he might be sweated in the manner proposed by sheilds to which we consented. sheilds sunk a circular hole of feet diamiter and four feet deep in the earth. he kindled a large fire in the hole and heated well, after which the fire was taken out a seat placed in the center of the hole for the patient with a board at bottom for his feet to rest on; some hoops of willow poles were bent in an arch crossing each other over the hole, on these several blankets were thrown forming a secure and thick orning of about feet high. the patient being striped naked was seated under this orning in the hole and the blankets well secured on every side. the patient was furnished with a vessell of water which he sprinkles on the bottom and sides of the hole and by that means creates as much steam or vapor as he could possibly bear, in this situation he was kept about minutes after which he was taken out and suddonly plunged in cold water twise and was then immediately returned to the sweat hole where he was continued three quarters of an hour longer then taken out covered up in several blankets and suffered to cool gradually. during the time of his being in the sweat hole, he drank copious draughts of a strong tea of horse mint. sheilds says that he had previously seen the tea of sinnecca snake root used in stead of the mint which was now employed for the want of the other which is not be found in this country.--this experiment was made yesterday; bratton feels himself much better and is walking about today and says he is nearly free from pain.--at a.m. a canoe arrived with of the natives one of them the sick man of whom i have before made mentions as having lost the power of his limbs. he is a cheif of considerable note among them and they seem extreemly anxious for his recovery. as he complains of no pain in any particular part we conceive it cannot be the rheumatism, nor do we suppose that it can be a parelitic attack or his limbs would have been more deminished. we have supposed that it was some disorder which owed it's origine to a diet of particular roots perhaps and such as we have never before witnessed. while at the village of the broken arm we had recommended a diet of fish or flesh for this man and the cold bath every morning. we had also given him a few dozes of creem of tarter and flour of sulpher to be repeated every rd day. this poor wretch thinks that he feels himself of somewhat better but to me there appears to be no visible alteration. we are at a loss what to do for this unfortunate man. we gave him a few drops of laudanum and a little portable soup. of our party pased the river and visited the lodge of the broken arm for the purpose of traiding some awls which they had made of the links of small chain belonging to one of their steel traps, for some roots. they returned in the evening having been very successfull, they had obtained a good supply of roots and bread of cows.--this day has proved warmer than any of the preceeding since we have arrived here. [clark, may , ] saturday th may a fine morning the child was very restless last night its jaw and back of its neck is much more swelled than it was yesterday. i gave it a dost of creme of tarter and a fresh poltice of onions. ordered shields, gibson, drewyer, crusat, collins, and jo. & rubin fields to turn out hunting and if possible cross collins creek and hunt towards the quar mash fields. w. brattin is yet very low he eats hartily but he is so weak in the small of his back that he can't walk. we have made use of every remidy to restore him without it's haveing the desired effect. one of our party, john shields observed that he had seen men in similar situations restored by violent swets. and bratten requested that he might be swetted in the way sheilds purposed which we agreed to. shields dug a round hole feet deep & feet diamuter in which he made a large fire so as to beet the hole after which the fire was taken out a seet placed in the hole. the patent was then set on the seat with a board under his feet and a can of water handed him to throw on the bottom & sides of the hole so as to create as greate a heat as he could bear. and the hole covered with blankets supported by hoops. after about minits the patient was taken out and put in cold water a few minits, & returned to the hole in which he was kept about hour. then taken out and covered with several blankets, which was taken off by degrees untill he became cool. this remedy took place yesterday and bratten is walking about to day and is much better than he has been. at a.m. a canoe came down with the indian man who had applyed for medical assistance while we lay at the broken arms village. this man i had given a fiew doses of flower of sulpher & creme of tarter and derected that he should take the cold bath every morning. he conceited himself a little better than he was at that time. he had lost the use of all his limbs and his fingers are contracted. we are at a loss to deturmine what to do for this unfortunate man. i gave him a few drops of lodman and some portable supe as medisine. of our men crossed the river and went to the broken arms village and returned in the evening with a supply of bread and roots which they precured in exchange for awls which were made of pieces of a chane--we were visited to day by the young men who gave capt. l. and my self a horse each at the village. those men stayed about two hours and returned to their village. this day proved to be very worm. [lewis, may , ] sunday may th . it rained the greater part of last night and continued untill a.m. our grass tent is impervious to the rain. the child is more unwell than yesterday. we gave it a doze of creem of tartar which did not operate, we therefore gave it a clyster in the evening. we caused a sweat to be prepared for the indian cheif in the same manner in which bratton had been sweated, this we attempted but were unable to succeed, as he was unable to set up or be supported in the place. we informed the indians that we knew of no releif for him except sweating him in their sweat houses and giving him a plenty of the tea of the horsemint which we shewed them. and that this would probably nos succeed as he had been so long in his present situation. i am confident that this would be an excellent subject for electricity and much regret that i have it not in my power to supply it.--drewyer labuish and cruzatte set out this morning to hunt towards the quawmash grounds if they can possibly pass collins's creek. joseph and reuben feilds passed the river in order to hunt on the opposite side some miles above where the natives inform us that there is an abundance of bear and some deer. goodrich visited a village about ms. above on the opposite side of the river and returned in the evening; he procured but few roots, he informed us that there were but persons at home; the others were either hunting, diging roots or fishing on lewis's river. he saw several salmon in their lodges which they informed him came from that river these fish were remarkably fat and fine. gibson and shields returned this evening having killed a sandhill crain only. they had wounded a female bear and a deer but got neither of them. gibson informed me that the bear had two cubbs one of which was white and other as black as jett. four indians remained with us this evening.- [clark, may , ] sunday th may rained moderately the greater part of last night and this morning untill a.m. the child is not so well to day as yesterday. i repeeted the creem of tarter and the onion poltice. i caused a swet to be prepared for the indn. in the same hole which bratten had been sweeten in two days past drewyer labiech and peter crusatt set out hunting towards the quarmash grounds if they can cross the creek which is between this and that place, which has been the bearrer as yet to our hunters. jos. & r fields crossed the river to hunt on the opposit side. goodrich went to the d village to purchase roots a fiew of which he precured. he informed us that only persons remained in the village. the men were either hunting on lewis's river fishing, & the women out digging roots. he saw several fresh salmon which the nativs informed him came from lewis's river and were fat and fine. one of our men purchased a bear skin of the nativs which was nearly of a cream coloured white. this skin which was the skin of an animal of the middle size of bears together with the defferent sizes colours &c. of those which have been killed by our hunters give me a stronger evidence of the various coloured bear of this country being one species only, than any i have heretofore had. the poil of these bear were infinately longer finer & thicker than the black bear their tallons also longer & more blunt as worn by digging roots. the white redish brown and bey coloured bear i saw together on the missouri; the bey & grizly have been seen and killed together here. for these were the colours of those which collins killed on the th inst. in short it is not common to find two bear here of this species presisely of the same colour, and if we were to attempt to distinguish them by their colours and to denomonate each colour a distinct species we should soon find at least twenty. the most strikeing difference between this species of bear and the common black bear are that the former are large and have longer tallens, hair, and tushes, prey more on other animals, do not lie so long or so closely in winter quarters, and will not climb a tree, tho ever so hardly pursued. the varigated bear i believe to be the same here with those of the missouri but these are not so ferocious as those on the missouri perhaps from the circumstance of their being compeled from the scercity of game in this quarter to live more on roots and of course not so much in the habit of seizing and debowering liveing animals. the bear here is far from being as passive as the common black bear, they have atacked and fought our hunters already but not so feircely as those of the missouri. there are also some of the common black bear in this neghbourhood tho no so common as the other species. we attempted to swet the sick indian but could not suckceed. he was not able either to set up or be supported in the place prepared for him. i therefore deturmined to inform the nativs that nothing but sefere swetts would restore this disabled man, and even that doubtfull in his present situation. in the evening shields & gibson returned haveing killed a sandhill crane only. they saw a female bear, & cubs & several deer. they shot the bear and a deer both of which made their escape. gibson told me that the cubs were of different colours one jut black and the other of a whiteish colour-. indians continue with us, one return to their village to daey [lewis, may , ] monday may th . had frequent showers in the course of the last night. collins, shannon and colter set out to hunt on the high lands some distance up on the n. e. side of collins's creek. the clyster given the child last evening operated very well. it is clear of fever this evening and is much better, the swelling is considerably abated and appears as if it would pass off without coming to a head. we still continue fresh poltices of onions to the swolen part. we directed the indians in what manner to treat the dieased cheif, gave him a few dozes of flour of sulpher and creem of tartar & some portable soupe and directed them to take him home. they seemed unwilling to comply with the latter part of the injunction for they consumed the day and remained with us all night. at p.m. joseph and r. feilds returned, accompanyed by hohastillpilp several other inferior cheifs and some young men. these hunters informed us they were unable to reach the grounds to which they had been directed in consequence of the debth and rapidity of a large creek which falls in about ms. above. they passed commearp creek at about / ms. and a second creek reather larger at ms. further. at the distance of ms. up this last creek on their return they called at a village which our traders have never yet visited, here they obtained a large quantity of bread and roots of cows on very moderate terms. we permitted sergt. pryor and four men to pass the river tomorrow morning with a view to visit this village we also directed charbono york and lepage to set out early for the same place and procure us some roots. our meat is again exhausted, we therefore directed r. fields to hunt the horse in the morning which the indians have given us to kill. one of our men saw a salmon in the river today. in the afternoon we compleated our canoe and put her in the water; she appears to answer very well and will carry about persons.--the river still rising fast and snows of the mountains visibly diminish [clark, may , ] monday th may some small showers of rain last night, and continued cloudy this morning untill a. m when it cleared away and became fair and worm. collins shannon & colter set out to hunt on the high lands to the n e of us towards collins creek. the child something better this morning tho the swelling yet continues. we still apply the onion poltice. i detected what should be done for the disabled man, gave him a fiew doses of creem of tarter & flour sulphur, and some portable supe and directed that he should be taken home & swetted &c. at p.m. joseph & r. fields returned accompanied by hoh hast ill pilt and an second chief and men several young men also rode down on this side. jo & r fields informed us that they were at a village miles up the nd creek from this place on the opposit side above at which place on the opposit side above at which place they precured roots on very reasonable terms. they could not proceed higher up to hunt as the creeks were too high for them to cross, &c. we gave permission to serjt. pryor and men to cross the river and trade with nativs of the village the field's were at yesterday for roots &c. we also directed shabono & york to proceed on to the same village and precure some roots for our selves if possible. one of our men saw a salmon in the river to day. and two others eat of salmon at the near village which was brought from lewis's river. our canoe finished and put into the water. it will carry men. the riseing very fast and snow appear to melt on the mountains. [lewis, may , ] tuesday may th . early this morning we sent reubin fields in surch of the horse which the indians had given us to kill. at in the morning he returned with the horse and we killed and butchered him; he was large and in good order. hohastillpilp told us that most of the horses we saw runing at large in this neighbourhood belonged to himself and his people, and whenever we were in want of meat he requested that we would kill any of them we wished; this is a peice of liberallity which would do honour to such as host of civilization; indeed i doubt whether there are not a great number of our countrymen who would see us fast many days before their compassion would excite them to a similar act of liberallity. sergt. pryor and the party ordered to the indian village set out early this morning. in the evening he returned with gibson and sheilds. the others remained at the village all night; they brought a good store of roots and bread. we also sent sergt. ordway and men this morning over to lewis's river for salmon, which the indians inform us may be procured in abundance at that place, and that it is but half a days ride, nearly south.--drewyer, cruzatte, and labuish returned at p.m. with five deer which they had killed at some distance up collins's creek on this side; that stream still continues so high that they could not pass it.--charbono's son is much better today, tho the swelling on the side of his neck i beleive will terminate in an ugly imposthume a little below the ear. the indians were so anxious that the sick cheif should be sweated under our inspection that they requested we would make a second attept today; accordingly the hole was somewhat enlarged and his father a very good looking old man, went into the hole with him and sustained him in a proper position during the operation; we could not make him sweat as copiously as we wished. after the operation he complained of considerable pain, we gave him drops of laudanum which soon composed him and he rested very well.--this is at least a strong mark of parental affection. they all appear extreemly attentive to this sick man nor do they appear to relax in their asceduity towards him notwithstand he has been sick and helpless upwards of three years. the chopunnish appear to be very attentive and kind to their aged people and treat their women with more rispect than the nations of the missouri.--there is a speceis of burrowing squirrel common in these plains which in their habits somewhat resemble those of the missouri but are a distinct speceis. this little animal measures one fot five and / inches from the nose to the extremity of the tail, of which the tail occupys / inches only; in the girth it is in. the body is proportionably long, the neck and legs short; the ears are short, obtusely pointed, and lie close to the head; the aperture of the ear is larger proportionably than most animals which burrow. the eyes are of moderate size, the puple black and iris of a dark sooty brown. the teeth are like those of the squirrel as is it's whole contour. the whiskers are full, long and black; it also has some long black hairs above the eyes. it has five toes on each foot; the two inner toes of the fore feet are remarkably short, and have short blont nails. the remaining toes on those feet are long, black, slightly curved, and sharply pointed. the outer and inner toes of the hind feet are not short yet they are by no means as long as the three toes in the center of the foot which are remarkably long but the nails are not as long as those of the fore feet tho of the same form and colour. the hair of the tail tho of the same form and colour. the hair of the tail tho thickly inserted on every part rispects the two sides only. this gives it a flat appearance and a long ovol form. the tips of the hair which form the outer edges of the tail are white. the base of the hairs are either black or a fox red. the under disk of the tail is an iron grey, the upper a redish brown. the lower part of the jaws, under part of the neck, legs and feet from the body down and belley are of a light brick red. the nose as high as the eyes is of a darker brick red. the upper part of the head neck and body are of a curious brownish grey colour with a cast of the brick red. the longer hair of these parts being of a redish white colour at their extremities, fall together in such manner as to give it the appearance of being speckled at a little distance. these animals form large ascociations as those of the missouri, occupying with their burroughs one or sometimes acres of land. the burrows are seperate and are each occupyed perhaps by ten or of those animals. there is a little mound in front of the hole formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow and frequently there are three or four distinct holes forming what i term one burrow with their mouths arround the base of this little mound which seems to be occupyed as a watch-tower in common by the inhabitants of those several holes. these mounds are sometimes as much as feet high and feet in diameter, and are irregularly distributed over the tract they occupy at the distance of from ten to thirty or yds. when you approach a burrow the squirrels, one or more, usually set erect on these mounds and make a kind of shrill whistleing nois, something like tweet, tweet, tweet, &c. they do not live on grass as those of the missouri but on roots. one which i examined had in his mouth two small bulbs of a speceis of grass, which resemble very much what is sometimes called the grassnut. the intestins of those little animals are remarkably large for it's size. fur short and very fine.--the grass in their villages is not cut down as in those of the plains of the missouri. i preserved the skins of several of these animals with the heads feet and legs entire. the black woodpecker which i have frequently mentioned and which is found in most parts of the roky mountains as well as the western and s. w. mountains. i had never an opportunity of examining untill a few days since when we killed and preserved several of them. this bird is about the size of the lark woodpecker of the turtle dove, tho it's wings are longer than either of those birds. the beak is black, one inch long, reather wide at the base, somewhat curved, and sharply pointed; the chaps are of equal length. arround the base of the beak including the eye and a small part of the throat is of a fine crimson red. the neck and as low as the croop in front is of an iron grey. the belly and breast is a curious mixture of white and blood reed which has much the appearance of having been artifically painted or stained of that colour. the red reather predominates. the top of the head back, sides, upper surface of the wings and tail are black, with a gossey tint of green in a certain exposure to the light. the under side of the wings and tail are of a sooty black. it has ten feathers in the tail, sharply pointed, and those in the center reather longest, being / inches in length. the tongue is barbed, pointed, and of an elastic cartelaginous substance. the eye is moderately large, puple black and iris of a dark yellowish brown. this bird in it's actions when flying resembles the small redheaded woodpecke common to the atlantic states; it's note also somewhat resembles that bird. the pointed tail seems to assist it in seting with more eas or retaining it its resting position against the perpendicular side of a tree. the legs and feet are black and covered with wide imbricated scales. it has four toes on each foot of which two are in rear and two in front; the nails are much curved long and remarkably keen or sharply pointed. it feeds on bugs worms and a variety of insects. [clark, may , ] tuesday th may a cloudy morning serjt. pryor and party set out at a.m. serjt. ordway and two men are ordered to cross this river and proceed on through the plains to lewis's and precure some salmon on that river, and return tomorrow if possible he set out at a.m. we sent rub. field in serch of the horse which the indians had given us to kill. at a. m he returned with the horse and he was killed and butchered; he was large and in good order. hohastillpilp told us that most of the horses which we saw running in those plains in this neighbourhood at large belonged to himself and his people, and whenever we were in want of meet, he requested that would kill any of them we wished; this is a piece of liberallity which would do honour to such as host of civilization. serjt. pryor, gibson & shields returned from the village with a good stock of roots and bread. shabono lapage & yourk whome we had sent to purchase roots for ourselves remained at the village all night. drewyer, labiech & crusat return at p.m. with deer which they had killed at some distance up collin's creek on this side, that stream still continue so high that they could not pass it. shabono's child is much better to day; tho the swelling on the side of his neck i believe will termonate in an ugly imposthume a little below the ear. the indians were so anxious that the sick chief (who has lost the use of his limbs) should be sweted under our inspection they requested me to make a d attempt to day; accordingly the hole was enlargened and his father a very good looking old man performed all the drugery &c. we could not make him swet as copously as we wished. being compelled to keep him erect in the hole by means of cords. after the oppiration he complained of considerable pain, i gave him drops of laudnom which soon composed him and he rested very well-. i observe the strongest marks of parental affection. they all appear extreemly attentive to this sick man, no do they appear to relax in their ascituity towards him not withstanding he has been sick and helpless for near years. the chopunnish appeare to be very attentive & kind to their aged people and treat their women with more respect than the nativs on the missouri. there is a species of whistleing squirel common in these plains which in their habit somewhat resembles those of the missouri but are a distinct species. this little animale measures foot inches & a half from the nose to the extremity of the tail, of which the tail occupies / inches only; in the girth it is inches the body is perpotionably long, the neck and legs short; the ears are short, obtusely pointed, and lye close to the head; the aperture of the ear is larger proportionably than most animals which burrow. the eyes are of moderate size, the puple black and iris of a dark dusky brown. the teeth are like those of the squirel as is it's whole contour. the whiskers are full, long and black; it has also some long black hars above the eye-. it has five toes on each foot; the iner toes of the fore feet are remarkably short, and have short blunt nails. the remaining toes on these feet are long slightly curved, black and sharply pointed. the outer and inner toes of the hind feet are not short yet they are by no means as long as the three toes in the center of the foot which are remarkably long but the nails are not as long as those of the fore feet tho of the same form and colour. the bars of the tail tho thickly inserted on every part respects the two sides only. this givs it a flat appearance and a long oval form. the tips of the hair which forms the outer edges of the tail are white. the bace of the hair are either black or a fox red. the under disk of the tail is an iron gray, the upper a redish brown. the lower part of the jaws, under part of the neck, legs and feet from the body down and belly are of a light brick red. the nose as high as the eyes is of a darker brick red. the upper part of the head neck and body are of a curious brownish gray colour with a cast of the brick red. the longer hairs of these parts being of a redish white colour at their extremities fall together in such a manner as to give it to the appearance of being spekled at a little distance. these animals form large ascoations as those of the missouri, occupying with their burroughs one or sometimes acres of land. the burrows are seperate and are each occupyed perhaps by or of those animals. there is a little mound in front of the hole formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow and frequently there are three or four distinct holes forming what i call one burrow, around the base of the mound, which seams to be occupied as a watch tower in common by the inhabitents of those several holes. these mounds are sometimes as much as feet high, and feet in diameter, and are irregularly distributed over the tract they occupy at the distance of from ten to or forty yards. when you approach a burrow the squirels one, or more, usially set erect on these mounds and make a kind of shrill whistleing nois, something like tweet, tweet, tweet &c. they do not live on grass as those of the missouri but on roots. one which i examoned had in his mouth two small bulbs of a species of grass, which resembles very much what is sometimes called the grass nut. the intestins of these little animals are remarkably large for it's size; fur short and very fine. the grass in their village is not cut down as in these of the plains of the missouri. i preserved the skins of several of these animals with the heads feet and legs entire-.-. the black wood pecker which is found in most parts of the rocky mountains as will as the western and s w. mountains, i had never an oppertunity of examineing, untill a fiew days since when we killed and preserved several of them. this bird is about the size of the lark woodpecker or the turtle dove, tho it's wings are longer than either of these birds. the beak is black, one inch long reather wide at the base, somewhat cirved, and sharply pointed; the chaps are of equal length. around the bace of the beak including the eye and a small part of the throat is of a crimson red. the neck and as low as the croop in front is of an iron gray. the belly and breast is of a curious mixture of white and blood red which has much the appearance of haveing been artifically painted or stained of that colour, the red reather predominates. the top of the head, back, sides, upper surface of the wings and tail are black, the under side of the wings and tail are black. it has ten feathers in the tail, sharply pointed, and those in the center reather longest, being / inches in length. the tongue is barbed, pointed, and of an elastic cartalaginous substance. the eye is moderately large, puple black and iris of a dark yellowish brown. this bird in it's actions when flying resemble the small redish woodpecker common to the altantic states; it's note also somewhat resembles that bird. the pointed tail seems to assist it in sitting with more ease or retaining it, in it's resting position against the perpendicular side of a tree. the legs and feet are black, and covered with imbricated scales. it has four toes on each foot, of which two are in rear and two in front; the nails are much curved long and remarkably keen or sharply pointed. it feeds on bugs, worms and a variety of insects.-. [lewis, may , ] wednesday may th . we sent goodrich to the village of the broken arm this morning he returned in the evening with some roots bread and a parsel of goats-hair for making our saddle pads. reubin and joseph feilds set out this morning to hunt high up on a creek which discharges itself into this river about miles above us. at noon charbono, york and lapage returned; they had obtained four bags of the dryed roots of cows and some bread. in the evening collins shannon and colter returned with eight deer. they had fortunately discovered a ford on collins's creek where they were enabled to pass it with their horses and had hunted at the quawmash ground where we first met with the chopunnish last fall. deer were very abundant they informed us, but there were not many bear. the sick cheif was much better this morning he can use his hands and arms and seems much pleased with the prospect of recovering, he says he feels much better than he has for a great number of months. i sincerely wish these sweats may restore him; we have consented that he should still remain with us and repeat these sweats. he set up a great proportion of the day.--the child is also better, he is free of fever, the imposthume is not so large but seems to be advancing to maturity.- since my arrival here i have killed several birds of the corvus genus of a kind found only in the rocky mountains and their neighbourhood. i first met with this bird above the three forks of the missouri and saw them on the hights of the rocky mountains but never before had an opportunity of examining them closely. the small corvus discribed at fort clatsop is a different speceis, tho untill now i had taken it to be the same, this is much larger and has a loud squawling note something like the mewing of a cat. the beak of this bird is / inches long, is proportionably large, black and of the form which characterizes this genus. the upper exceeds the under chap a little. the head and neck are also proportionably large. the eye full and reather prominent, the iris dark brown and puple black. it is about the size and somewhat the form of the jaybird tho reather rounder or more full in the body. the tail is four and a half inches in length, composed of feathers nearly of the same length. the head neck and body of this bird are of a dove colour. the wings are black except the extremities of six large fathers ocupying the middle joint of the wing which are white. the under disk of the wing is not of the shining or grossy black which marks it's upper surface. the two feathers in the center of the tail are black as are the two adjacent feathers for half their width the ballance are of a pure white. the feet and legs are black and imbricated with wide scales. the nails are black and remarkably long and sharp, also much curved. it has four toes on each foot of which one is in the rear and three in front. the toes are long particularly that in the rear. this bird feeds on the seed of the pine and also on insects. it resides in the rocky mountains at all seasons of the year, and in many parts is the only bird to be found.--our hunters brought us a large hooting owl which differs considerably from those of the atlantic states which are also common here. the plumage of this owl is an uniform mixture of dark yellowish brown and white, in which the dark brown predominates. it's colour may be properly termed a dark iron grey. the plumage is very long and remarkably silky and soft. these have not the long feathers on the head which give it the appearance of ears or horns. the leathers of the head are long narrow and closely set, they rise upwright nearly to the extremity and then are bent back sudonly as iff curled. a kind of ruff of these feathers incircle the thoat. the head has a flat appearance being broadest before and behind and is foot is. in circumference. incircling the eyes and extending from them like rays from the center a tissue of open hairy long feathers are placed of a light grey colour, these conceal the ears which are very large and are placed close to the eyes behind and extending below them. these feathers meet over the beak which they nearly conceal and form the face of the owl. they eyes are remarkably large and prominant, the iris of a pale goald colour and iris circular and of a deep sea green. the beak is short and wide at it's base. the upper chap is much curved at the extremity and comes down over and in front of the under chap. this bird is about the size of the largest hooting owl. the tail is composed of eleven feathers, of which those in the center are reather the longest. it is booted to the extremity of the toes, of which it has four on each foot, one in the rear one on the outer side and two in front. the toes are short particularly that in rear, but are all armed with long keen curved nails of a dark brown colour. the beak is white and nostrils circular large and unconnected. the habits and the note of this owl is much that of the common large hooting owl. [clark, may , ] wednesday may th we sent goodrich to the village of the broken arm for hair to stuff saddle pads. jo. & r. fields set out this morning to hunt towards the mountains. at noon shabono york and lapage returned. they had obtained bags of the dried roots of cowse and some bread. in the evening collins, shannon & cotter returned with deer. they fortunately discovered a ford on collin's creek where they were enable to pass it with there horses and had hunted at the quawmash grounds where we first met with the chopunnish last fall. deer were verry abundant they informed us, but there was not many bear. the sick chief is much better this morning he can use his hands and arms and seems much pleased with the prospects of recovering, he says he feels much better than he has done for a great number of months. i sincerly wish that the swetts may restore him. i have consented to repeet the sweets. the country along the rocky mountains for several hundred miles in length and about in width is leavel extremely fertile and in many parts covered with a tall and opult. growth of the long leafed pine. near the watercourses the hills are lofty tho are covered with a good soil and not remarkably stoney and possess more timber than the leavel country. the bottom lands on the water courses are reather narrow and confined tho fertile and seldom inundated. this country would form an extensive settlement; the climate appears quit as mild as that of a similar latitude on the atlantic coast; & it cannot be otherwise than healthy; it possesses a fine dry pure air. the grass and maney plants are now upwards of knee high. i have no doubt that this tract of country if cultivated would produce in great abundance every article esentially necessary to the comfort and subsistence of civillized man. to it's present inhabitents nature seems to have dealt with a liberal hand, for she has distributed a great variety of esculent plants over the face of the country which furnish them a plentiful store of provisions; those are acquired but little toil; and when prepared after the method of the nativs afford not only a nutricious but an agreeable food. among other roots those called by them the quawmash and cows are esteemd. the most agreeable and valuable as they are also the most abundant in those high plains. the cows is a knobbed root of an erregularly rounded form not unlike the gensang in form and consistence; this root they collect, rub off a thin black rhind which covers it and pounding it exposes it in cakes to the sun. these cakes are about an inch and / thick and by in wedth, when dry they either eat this bread alone without any further preperation, or boil it and make a thick musilage; the latter is most common & much the most agreeable. the flower of this root is not very unlike the gensang-. this root they collect as early as the snow disappears in the spring, and continues to collect it untill the quawmash supplies it's place which happins about the middle of june. the quawmash is also collected for a fiew weeks after it first makes it's appearance in the spring, but when the scape appears it is no longer fit for use untill the seed are ripe which happens about the time just mentioned. and then the cows declines. the cows is also frequently dried in the sun and pounded afterwards and used in thickening supe and makeing mush. the chopunnish held a council in the morning of the th among themselves in respect to the subject on which we had spoken to them the day before, the result as we learnt was favourable, they placed confidence in the information they had recived and resolved to pursue our advise. after this council was over the principal chief or the broken arm, took the flour of the roots of cows and thickened the soup in the kitiles and baskets of all his people, this being ended he made a harangue the purpote of which was makeing known the deliberations of their councils and impressing the necessity of unanimity among them, and a strict attention to the resolution which had been agreed on in councell; he concluded by enviting all such men as had resolved to abide by the decree of the councill to come and eat, and requested such as would not be so bound to show themselves by not partakeing of the feast. i was told by one of our men who was present in the house, that there was not a decenting voice on this great national question, but all swallowed their objections if any they had, very cheerfully with their mush-. dureing the time of this loud animated harangue of the chief the women cryed wrung their hands, tore their hair and appeared to be in the utmost distress. after this cerimoney was over, the chiefs and considerate men came in a body to where we were seated at a little distance from our tent, and two young men at the instance of the nation presented capt l. and myself each a fine horse. and informed us that they had listened with attentioned to what we had said and were resolved to pursue our counsels &c.--that as we had not seen the black foot indians and the minetarries of fort deprarie they did not think it safe to venter over to the plains of the missouri, where they would fondly go provided those nations would not kill them. that when we had established a tradeing house on the missouri as we had promised they would come over and trade for arms amunition &c. and live about us. that it would give them much pleasure to be at peace with those nations altho they had shed much of their blood-. they said that they were pore but their hearts were good. we might be assured of their sincerety. some of their brave men would go over with us to the missouri and bring them the news as we wished, and if we could make a peace between them and their enimies on the other side of the mountains their nation would go over to the missouri in the latter end of the summer. on the subject of one of their chiefs accompanying us to the land of the white men they could not yet determine, but that they would let us know before we left them. that the snow was yet so deep in the mountains that if we attempted to pass, we would certainly perish, and advised us to remain untill after the next full moon when the snow would disappear on the south hill sides and we would find grass for our horses.-. shabonos child is better this day that he was yesterday. he is free from fever. the imposthume is not so large but seems to be advanceing to meturity-. [lewis, may , ] thursday may th . no movement of the party today worthy of notice. we have once more a good stock of meat and roots. bratton is recovering his strength very fast; the child and the indian cheif are also on the recovery. the cheif has much more uce of his hands and arms. he washed his face himself today which he has been unable to do previously for more than twelvemonths. we would have repeated the sweat today had not been cloudy and frequently raining. a speceis of lizzard called by the french engages prarie buffaloe are native of these plains as well as of those of the missouri. i have called them the horned lizzard. they are about the size and a good deel the figure of the common black lizzard. but their bellies are broader, the tail shorter and their action much slower; they crawl much like the toad. they are of brown colour with yellowish and yellowishbrown spots. it is covered with minute scales intermixed with little horny prosesses like blont prickles on the upper surface of the body. the belley and throat is more like the frog and are of a light yelowish brown colour. arround the edge of the belley is regularly set with little horney projections which give to those edges a serrate figure the eye is small and of a dark colour. above and behind the eyes there are several projections of the bone which being armed at their extremities with a firm black substance has the appearance of horns sprouting out from the head. this part has induced me to distinguish it by the apppellation of the horned lizzard. i cannot conceive how the engages ever assimilated this animal with the buffaloe for there is not greater analogy than between the horse and the frog. this animal is found in greatest numbers in the sandy open parts of the plains, and appear in great abundance after a shower of rain; they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine but conceal themselves in little holes in the earth much the greater preportion of their time. they are numerous about the falls of the missouri and in the plains through which we past lately above the wallahwallahs.--the choke cherry has been in blume since the th inst. it is a simple branching ascending stem. the cortex smooth and of a dark brown with a redish cast. the leaf is scattered petiolate oval accute at its apex finely serrate smooth and of an ordinary green. from / to inches in length and / to in width. the peduncles are common, cilindric, and from to inches in length and are inserted promiscuously on the twigs of the preceeding years growth. on the lower portion of the common peduncle are frequently from to small leaves being the same in form as those last discribed. other peduncles / of an inch in length are thickly scattered and inserted on all sides of the common peduncle at wright angles with it each elivating a single flower, which has five obtuse short patent white petals with short claws inserted on the upper edge of the calyx. the calyx is a perianth including both stamens and germ, one leafed fine cleft entire simiglobular, infrior, deciduous. the stamens are upwards of twenty and are seated on the margin of the flower cup or what i have called the perianth. the filaments are unequal in length subulate inflected and superior membranous. the anthers are equal in number with the filaments, they are very short oblong & flat, naked and situated at the extremity of the filaments, is of a yelow colour as is also the pollen. one pistillum. the germen is ovate, smooth, superior, sessile, very small; the style is very short, simple, erect, on the top of the germen, deciduous. the stigma is simple, flat very short.- [clark, may , ] thursday th of may no movement of the party to day worthy of notice. we have once more a good stock of meat and roots. bratten is recovering his strength very fast. the child, and the indian cheaf are also on the recovery. the chief has much more use of his hands and arms. he washed his face himself today. which he has not been able to do previously for more than twelve months past. i would have repeeted the sweat to day had it not been cloudy and frequently raining.-. sence my arrival here i have killed several birds of the corvus genus of a kind found only in the rocky mountains and their neighbourhood. i first met with bird on jeffersons river. and saw them on the hights of the rocky mountains. but never before had an oppertunity of examineing them closely. the small corvus discribed at fort clatsop is a different species, tho untill now i had taken it to be the same, this is much larger and has a loud squaling note something like the newing of a cat. the beak of this bird is / inches long, is proportionably large, black and of the form which characterize this genus. the upper exeeds the under chap a little. the head and neck are also propotionably large, the eyes full and reather prominant, the iris dark brown and purple black. it is about the size and some what the form of the jay bird, tho reather rounder and more full in the body. the tail is four and a half inches in length, composed of feathers nearly of the same length. the head, neck and body of this bird is of a dove colour. the wings are black except the extremities of six large feathers occupying the middle joint of the wings which are white. the under disk of the wings are not of the shineing or glossy black which mark it's upper surface. the two feathers in the center of the tail are black as are the two adjacent feathers for half their wedth, the ballance are of a pure white. the feet and legs are black, and imbricated with wide scales, the nails are black and remarkably long and sharp, also much curved, it has four toes on each foot of which one is in the rear and in front. the toes are long particular that in the rear. this bird feeds on the seeds of the pine and also on insects. it resides in the rocky mountains at all seasons of the year, and in many parts is the only bird to be found. a species of lizzard called by the french engages, prarie buffaloe are nativs of these plains as well as those of the missouri. i have called them the horned lizzard. they are about the size and a good deel the figure of the common black lizzard. but their bellies are broader, the tail shorter and their action much slower; they crawl much like the toad. they are of a brown colour with yellowish and yellowish brown spots. it is covered with minute scales intermixed with little horney like blunt prickkles on the upper surface of the body. the belly and throat is more like the frog and are of a light yellowish brown colour. around the edge of the belly is regularly set with little horney prejections which give to those edges a serrate figure, the eye is small and of a dark colour. above and behind the eyes there are several projections of the bone which being armed at their extremities with a firm black substance has the appearance of horns sprouting out from the head. this part has induced me to distinguish it by the appellation of the horned lizard. i cannot conceive how the engagees ever assimilated this animal withe buffalow for there is not grater anology than between the horse and the frog. this animal is found in greatest numbers in the sandy open parts of the plains, and appear in great abundance after a rain; they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine but conceal themselves in little holes under the tufts of grass or herbs much the greater proportion of their time. they are noumerous about the falls of missouri, and in the plains through which we passed lately above the falls of columbia the choke cherry has been in blume since the th inst. it is a simple branching ascending stem. the cortex smooth and of a dark brown with a redish cast. the leaf is scattered petiolate oval accute at it's apex finely serated smooth and of an ordinary green, from / to inches in length and from / to in width. the peduncles cilindric and common from to inches in length and are inserted promiscuisly on the twigs of the proceeding years growth. on the lower portion of the common peduncle are frequently from to small leaves, being the same in form as those last discribed. other peduncles / of an inch in length are scattered and thickly inserted on all sides of the common peduncle at right-angles with it, each elivateing a single flower, which has five obtuse short patent white petals with short claws incerted on the upper edge of the calyx. the calyx is a perianth including both stemes & germ, one leafed five cleft entire, semi globular. the stamons are upwards of twenty and are seated on the margin of the flower cup or what i have called the perianth. the filaments are unequal in length subulate inflected and superior membranous. the anthers are equal in number with the filaments, they are very short oblong and flat, naked and situated at the extremity of the filaments. is of a yellowish colour asis also the pollen. one pistillum. the germin is ovate, smooth, superior, sessile, very small; the style is very short, simple, erect, on the top of the germen deciduous. the stigma is simple, flat very short. this shrub rises to the hight of from to feet generally but sometimes rich situations much higher. it is not confined to any particular situation capt. l-s met with a singular plant in blume of which we preserved a specimene. it grows on the steep fertile hill sides near this place the radix is fibrous, not much branched, annual, woody, white and nearly smooth. the stem is simple branching ascending / feet high. celindric, villose and of a pale red colour. the branches are but fiew and those near it's upper extremity. the extremities of the branches are flexable and are bent down near their extremities with the weight of the flowers. the leaf is sessile, scattered thinly, nearly lineor tho somewhat widest in the middle, two inches in length, absolutely entire, villose, obtusely pointed and of an ordinary green. above each leaf a small short branch protrudes, supporting a tissue of four or five small leaves of the same appearance of those discribed. a leaf is placed under neath each branch and each flower. the calyx is one flowered spatha. the corolla superior, consists of four pale perple petals which are tripartite, the centeral lobe largest and all terminate obtusely; they are inserted with a long and narrow claw on the top of the germ, are long, smooth and deciduous. there are two distinct sets of stamens the first or principal consists of four, the filaments which are capillary, erect, inserted on the top of the germ alternately with the petals, equal short, membranus; the anthers are also four each being elivated with it's fillaments; they are reather flat, erect sessile, cohering to the base, membranous, longitudinally furrowed, twise as long as the fillament naked, and of a pale purple colour, the second set of stamens are very minute, are also four and placed within and opposit to the petals, those are scercely precptable while the first are large & conspicious, the fillaments are capillary equal, very short white and smooth. the anthers are four, oblong, beaked, erect cohering at the base, membanous, shorter than the fillaments, white naked and appear not to form pollen, there is one pistillum; the germ of which is also one, celindric, villous, inferior, sessile, as long as the first stamuns, and grooved. the single style and stigma form a perfect mono petallous corolla only with this difference that the style which elivates the stigma or limb is not a tube but solid tho it's outer appearance is that of a tube of a monopetallous corolla swelling as it ascends and gliding in such manner into the limb that it cannot be said where the style ends or the stigma begins, jointly they are as long as the gorilla, while the limb is four cleft, sauser shaped, and the margin of the lobes entire and rounded. this has the appearance of a monopetallous flower growing from the center of the four petalled corollar which is rendered more conspicuous in consequence of the first being white and the latter of a pale purple. i regret very much that the seed of this plant are not ripe as yet and it is probable will not be so dureing our residence in this neighbourhood-. our horses maney of them have become so wild that we cannot take them without the assistance of the indians who are extreemly dextrous in throwing a rope and takeing them with a noose about the neck; as we frequently want the use of our horses when we cannot get the use of the indians to take them, we had a strong pound formed to day in order to take them at pleasure- [lewis, may , ] friday may th . lapage and charbono set out to the indian vilages early this morning for the purpose of trading with them for roots; sergt. gass was sent this morning to obtain some goats hair to stuff the padds of our saddles. he ascended the river on this side and being unable to pass the river opposite to the village he wished to visit, returned in the evening unsuccessfull. shannon and collins were permitted to pass the river in order to trade with the natives and lay in a store of roots and bread for themselves with their proportion of the merchandize as the others had done; in landing on the opposite shore the canoe was driven broad side with the full forse of a very strong current against some standing trees and instantly filled with water and sunk. potts who was with them is an indifferent swimer, it was with much difficulty he made the land. they lost three blankets a blanket coat and their pittance of merchandize. in our bear state of clootheing this was a serious loss. i sent sergt. pryor and a party over with the indian canoe in order to raise and secure ours but the debth of the water and the strength of the current baffled every effort. i fear that we have also lost our canoe. all our invalides are on the recovery. we gave the sick cheif a severe sweat today, shortly after which he could move one of his legs and thyes and work his toes pretty well, the other leg he can move a little; his fingers and arms seem to be almost entirely restored. he seems highly delighted with his recovery. i begin to entertain strong hope of his restoration by these sweats. in the evening joseph feild returned in surch of his horses which had left them last evening and returned to camp. feilds informed us that himself and his brother whom he had left at their camp ms. distant on collin's creek, had killed deer. the reptiles which i have observed in this quarter are the rattlesnake of the speceis discribed on the missouri, they are abundant in every part of the country and are the only poisonous snake which we have yet met with since we left st. louis. the speceis of snakes of an inosent kind already discribed. the common black lizzard, the horned lizzard, a smal green tree frog, the smal frog which is common to our country which sings in the spring of the year, a large speceis of frog which resorts the water considerably larger than our bull frog, it's shape seems to be a medium between the delicate and lengthy form of our bull frog and that of our land frog or toad as they are sometimes called in the u states. like the latter their bodies are covered with little pustles or lumps, elivated above the ordinary surface of the body; i never heard them make any sound or nois. the mockerson snake or coperhead, a number of vipers a variety of lizzards, the toad bullfrog &c common to the u states are not to be found in this country. most of the insects common to the u states are found here. the butterflies, common house and blowing flies, the horse flies, except the goald coloured ear fly, tho in stead of this fly we have a brown coloured fly about the same size which attatches itself to that part of the horse and is equally as troublesome. the silkworm is also found here. a great variety of beatles common to the atlantic states are found here likewise. except from this order the large cow beatle and the black beatle usually alled the tumble bug which are not found here. the hornet, the wasp and yellow wasp or yellow jacket as they are frequently called are not met with in this quarter. there is an insect which much resembles the latter only a vast deel larger which are very numerous particularly in the rocky mountains on the waters of the columbia; these build in the ground where they form a nest like the hornet with an outer covering to the comb in which they deposit their eggs and raise their young. the sheets of this comb are attatched to each other as those of the hornets are. their wings are four of a dark brown colour. the head is black, the body and abdomen are yellow incircled with transverse rings of black, they are ferce and sting very severely, we found them troublesome in frightening our horses as we passed those mountains. the honey bee is not found here. the bumble bee is. one of the men brought me today some onions from the high plain of a different speceis from those near the borders of the river as they are also from the shive or small onion noticed below the falls of the columbia. these onions were as large as a nutmeg, they generally grow double or two bulbs connected by the same tissue of radicles; each bulb has two long liniar flat solid leaves. the peduncle is solid celindric and crowned with an umbal of from to flowers. this onion is exceedingly crisp and delicately flavoured indeed i think more sweet and less strong than any i ever taisted. it is not yet perfectly in blow, the parts of the flower are not distinct. [clark, may , ] friday may th . lapage and shabono set out early this morning to the indian village in order to trade with them for roots; serjt. gass was sent this morning to obtain some goats hair to stuf the pads of our saddles; he assended the river on this side and being unable to pass the river to the village he wished to visit returned in the evening unsucksessfull. shannon and collins were permited to pass the river in order to trade with the nativs and lay in a store of roots and bread for themselves with their proportion of the merchendize as others had done; on landing on the opposit shore the canoe was driven broad side with the full force of a very strong current against some standing trees and instantly filled with water and sunk. potts who was with them is an indifferent swimer, it was with dificuelty he made the land. they lost three blankets and a blanket cappo and their pittance of merchindize. in our bear state of clothing this was a serious loss. i sent serjt. pryor and a party over in the indian canoe in order to raise and secure ours but the debth of the water and the strength of the current baffled every effort. i fear that we have also lost our canoe.all our involedes are on the recovery. we gave the sick chief a severe swet to day, shortly after which he could move one of his legs and thy's and work his toes pritty well, the other leg he can move a little; his fingers and arms seem to be almost entirely restored. he seems highly delighted with his recovery. i begin to entertain strong hope of his recovering by these sweats in the evening joseph fields returned in serch of his horses which had left them last evening and returned to camp. field informed us that himself and his brother whome he had left at their camp ms. distant on collins creek had killed deer.--the reptiles which i have observed in this quarter are the rattle snake of the species discribed on the missouri, they are abundant in every part of the country and are the only poisonous snake which we have met with since we left st. louis. the second species of snake of an inosent kind already discribd. the common black lizzard, the horned lizzard, a small green tree-frog; the same frog which is common to our country which sings in the spring of the year. a large species of frog which resorts the water considerably larger than our bull-frog, it's shape seems to be a medium between the delicate and lengthy form of our bullfrogs and that of our land frog or toad as they are sometimes called in the united states. like the latter their bodies are covered with little pustles or lumps, elevated above the ordinary surface of the body; i never heard them make any sound or noise, the mockerson snake or copper head, a number of vipers, a variety of lizzards, the toad bullfrog &c. common to the u. states are not to be found in this country. most of the insects common to the u states are found here. the butterfly, common house and blowing flies, the horse flies, except the gold coloured ear fly. tho in stead of this fly we have a brown coloured fly about the same size which attatches itself to that part of the horse and is equally as troublesom. the silk worm is also found here. a great variety of beatles common to the atlantic states are seen here likewise. except from this order the large cow beatle and the black beatle usially termed tumble bug which are not found here. the hornet, the wasp and yellow wasp or yellow jacket as they are frequently called are not met with in this quarter. there is an insect which much resembles the latter only a vast deel larger which are very noumerous particular in the rocky mountains on the waters of the columbia, those build in the ground where they form a nest like the hornet with an outer covering to the comb in which they deposit their eggs and raise their young. the sheets of this comb are attatched to each other as those of the hornets are. their wings are four of a dark brown colour--the head is black, the body and abdomin are yellow insercled with transverce rings of black, they are firce and sting very severely; we found them troublesom in frightening our horses as we passed through mountains. the honey bee is not found here. the bumblebee is. one of the men brought me to day some onions from the high plains of a different species from those near the borders of the river as they are also from the shive or small onion noticed below the falls of columbia. these onions were as large as an nutmeg, they generally grow double or two bulbs connected by the same tissue of radicles; each bulb has two long liner flat solid leaves. the pedencle is solid celindric and cround with an umble of from to flowers. this onion is exceedingly crisp and delicately flavoured indeed. i think more sweet and less strong than any i ever tasted, it is not yet perfectly in blume, the parts of the flower are not distinct [lewis, may , ] saturday may st . goodrich and willard visited the indian villages this morning and returned in the evening. willard brought with him the dressed skin of a bear which he had purchased for capt. c. this skin was an uniform pale redish brown colour, the indians informed us that it was not the hoh-host or white bear, that it was the yack-kah. this distinction of the indians induced us to make further enquiry relative to their opinons of the several speceis of bear in this country. we produced the several skins of the bear which we had killed at this place and one very nearly white which i had purchased. the white, the deep and plale red grizzle, the dark bron grizzle, and all those which had the extremities of the hair of a white or frosty colour without regard to the colour of the ground of the poil, they designated hoh-host and assured us that they were the same with the white bear, that they ascosiated together, were very vicisious, never climbed the trees, and had much longer nails than the others. the black skins, those which were black with a number of intire white hairs intermixed, the black with a white breast, the uniform bey, brown and light redish brown, they designated the yack-kah;-said that they climbed the trees, had short nails and were not vicious, that they could pursue them and kill them with safety, they also affirmed that they were much smaller than the white bear. i am disposed to adopt the indian distinction with rispect to these bear and consider them two distinct speceis. the white and the grizzly of this neighbourhood are the same of those found on the upper portion of the missouri where the other speceis are not, and that the uniform redish brown black &c of this neighbourhood are a speceis distinct from our black bear and from the black bear of the pacific coast which i believe to be the same with those of the atlantic coast, and that the common black bear do not exist here. i had previously observed that the claws of some of the bear which we had killed here had much shorter tallons than the variagated or white bear usually have but supposed that they had woarn them out by scratching up roots, and these were those which the indians called yak-kah. on enquiry i found also that a cub of an uniform redish brown colour, pup to a female black bear intermixed with entire white hairs had climbed a tree. i think this a distinct speceis from the common black bear, because we never find the latter of any other colour than an uniform black, and also that the poil of this bear is much finer thicker and longer with a greater proportion of fur mixed with the hair, in other ispects they are much the same.--this evening joseph and r. feilds returned with the three deer which they had killed. the indians brought us another of our origional stock of horses; there are only two absent now of those horses, and these the indians inform us that our shoshone guide rode back when he returned. we have sixty five horses at this time, most of them in excellent order and fine strong active horses.- the indians pursued a mule deer to the river opposite to our camp this evening; the deer swam over and one of our hunters killed it. there being a large party of indians assembled on this occasion on the opposite side, hohast-ill-pilp desired them to raise our canoe which was sunk on that side of the river yesterday; they made the attempt but were unable to effect it. [clark, may , ] saturday may st goodrich and willard visited the indian village this morning and returned in the evening willard brought with him the dressed skin of a bear which he had purchased for me. this skin was of a uniform pale redish brown colour, the indians inform us that it was not the hoh-host or white bear, that it was the yack-kah this distinction of the indians induced us to make further enquiry relitive to their oppinions of the defferent species of bear in this country. we produced the several skins of the bear which our hunters had killed at this place and one very nearly white which capt lewis had purchased. the white, the deep and pale red grizzle, the dark brown grizzle, and all those that had the extremities of the hair of a white or frosty colour without reguard to the colour of the ground of the poil, they disignated hoh-host and assured us that they were the same with the white bear, that they associated together, were very vicisious, never climb the trees, and had much longer nails than the others. the black skins, those which were black with a number of entire white hairs intermixed, the black with a white breast, the uniform bey, brown and light redish brown, they disignated the yack-kah-; said that they climb the trees had short nails and were not viscisious, that they could prosue them and kill them in safty, they also affirmed that they were much smaller than the white bear. i am disposed to adopt the indians distinction with respect to these bear and consider them two distinct species. the white and the grizzly of this neighbourhood are the same as those found on the upper part of the missouri where the other species are not, and that the uniform redish brown black &c. of this neighbourhood are a species distinct from both species of our black bear and from the black bear of the pacific coast which i believe to be the same with those of the atlantic coast, and that the common black bear do not exist here. i had previously observed that the claws of some of the bear which we had killed here had much shorter tallons than the varigated or white bear usially have but supposed that they had worn them out by scratching out roots, and these were those which the indians call yahkah. on enquiry i found also that a cub of a uniform redish brown colour pup to a female black bear intermixed with entire white hairs, had climbed a tree. i think this a distinct species from the common black bear becaus we never find the latter of any other colour than a uniform black, and also that the poil of this bear is much finer thicker and longer with a greater proportion of fur mixed with the hair, in other respects they are much the same this evening, joseph and reuben fields returned with the three deer they had killed. the indians brought us another of our original stock of horses; there are only two absent now of these horses, and these the indians inform us that our sho-sho-ne guide rode back when he returned. we have sixty five horses at this time, most of them in excellent order and fine strong active horses the indians pursued a mule deer to the river opposit to our camp this evening; the deer swam over and one of our hunters killed it. there being a large party of indians assembled on this occasion on the opposit side with tin-nach-e-moo-tolt they attempted to rais our canoe which was sunk on that side of the river yesterday; they made the attempt but were unable to effect it-. [lewis, june , ] sunday june st . yesterday evening charbono an lapage returned, having made a broken voyage. they ascended the river on this side nearly opposite to a village eight miles above us, here their led horse which had on him their merchandize, feell into the river from the side of a steep clift and swam over; they saw an indian on the opposite side whom they prevailed on to drive their horse back again to them; in swiming the river the horse lost a dressed elkskin of lapages and several small articles, & their paint was destroyed by the water. here they remained and dryed their articles the evening of the th ult. the indians at the village learning their errand and not having a canoe, made an attempt esterday morning to pass the river to them on a raft with a parsel of roots and bread in order to trade with them; the indian raft struck a rock, upset and lost thir cargo; the river having fallen heir to both merchandize and roots, our traders returned with empty bags. this morning drewyer accompanyed by hohastillpilp set out in surch of two tomahawks of ours which we have understood were in the possession of certain indians residing at a distance in the plains on the south side of the kooskoske; the one is a tomahawk which capt. c. left at our camp on musquetoe creek and the other was stolen from us while we lay at the forks of this and the chopunnish rivers last fall. colter and willard set out this morning on a hunting excurtion towards the quamash grounds beyond collins's creek. we begin to feel some anxiety with rispect to sergt. ordway and party who were sent to lewis's river for salmon; we have received no inteligence of them since they set out. we desired drewyer to make some enquiry after the twisted hair; the old man has not been as good as his word with rispect to encamping near us, and we fear we shall be at a loss to procure guides to conduct us by the different routs we wish to pursue from traveller's rest to the waters of the missouri.--i met with a singular plant today in blume of which i preserved a specemine; it grows on the steep sides of the fertile hills near this place, the radix is fibrous, not much branched, annual, woody, white and nearly smooth. the stem is simple branching ascending, / feet high celindric, villose and of a pale red colour. the branches are but few and those near it's upper extremity. the extremities of the branches are flexable and are bent down near their extremities with the weight of the flowers. the leaf is sissile, scattered thinly, nearly linear tho somewhat widest in the middle, two inches in length, absolutely entire, villose, obtusely pointed and of an ordinary green. above each leaf a small short branch protrudes, supporting a tissue of four or five smaller leaves of the same appearance with those discribed. a leaf is placed underneath eah branch, and each flower. the calyx is a one flowered spathe. the corolla superior consists of four pale perple petals which are tripartite, the central lobe largest and all terminate obtusely; they are inserted with a long and narrow claw on the top of the germ, are long, smooth, & deciduous. there are two distinct sets of stamens the st or principal consist of four, the filaments of which are capillary, erect, inserted on the top of the germ alternately with the petals, equal short, membranous; the anthers are also four each being elivated with it's fillament, they are linear and reather flat, erect sessile, cohering at the base, membranous, longitudinally furrowed, twise as long as the fillament naked, and of a pale perple colour. the second set of stamens are very minute are also four and placed within and opposite to the petals, these are scarcely persceptable while the st are large and conspicuous; the filaments are capillary equal, very short, white and smooth. the anthers are four, oblong, beaked, erect, cohering at the base, membranous, shorter than the fillaments, white naked and appear not to form pollen. there is one pistillum; the germ of which is also one, cilindric, villous, inferior, sessile, as long as the st stamens, and marked with longitudinal furrows. the single style and stigma form a perfict monapetallous corolla only with this difference, that the style which elivates the stigma or limb is not a tube but solid tho it's outer appearance is that of the tube of a monopetallous corolla swelling as it ascends and gliding in such manner into the limb that it cannot be said where the style ends, or the stigma begins; jointly they are as long as the corolla, white, the limb is four cleft, sauser shaped, and the margins of the lobes entire and rounded. this has the appearance of a monopetallous flower growing from the center of a four petalled corollar, which is rendered more conspicuous in consequence of the st being white and the latter of a pale perple. i regret very much that the seed of this plant are not yet ripe and it is proble will not be so during my residence in this neighbourhood. [clark, june , ] sunday june st . late last evening shabono & lapage returnd. haveing made a broken voyage. they assended the river on this side nearly opposit to the village eight miles above us, here their led horse who had on him their stock of merchindize fell into the river from the side of a steep clift and swam over, they saw an indian on the opposit side whome they provailed on to drive their horse back again to them; in swiming the horse lost a dressed elk skin of lapages and several small articles, and their paint was distroyed by the water. here they remained and dryed their articles the evening of the th ulto. the indians at the village learned their errand and not haveing a canoe, made an attempt yesterday morning made an attempt to pass the river to them on a raft with a parcel of roots and bread in order to trade with them; the indian raft struck a rock upset and lost their cargo; the river haveing swallowed both merchindize & roots, our traders returned with empty bags. this morning geo. drewyer accompanied by hohastillpilp set out in serch of two tomahawks of ours which we have understood were in the possession of certain indians resideing at a distance in the plains on the south side of flat head river; one is a pipe tomahawk which capt l. left at our camp on musquetor creek and the other was stolen from me whilst we lay at the forks of this and chopunnish rivers last fall. colter and willard set out this morning on a hunting excurtion towards the quawmash grounds beyond colins creek. we begin to feel some anxiety with respect to sergt. ordway and party who were sent to lewis's river for salmon; we have receved no intillegence of them sence they set out. we desired drewyer to make some enquiry after the twisted hair; the old man has not been as good as his word with respect to encamping near us, and we fear we shall be at a loss to procure guides to conduct us by the different routs we wish to pursue from travillers rest to the waters of the missouri [lewis, june , ] monday june cd . mcneal and york were sent on a trading voyage over the river this morning. having exhausted all our merchandize we are obliged to have recourse to every subterfuge in order to prepare in the most ample manner in our power to meet that wretched portion of our journy, the rocky mountain, where hungar and cold in their most rigorous forms assail the waried traveller; not any of us have yet forgotten our sufferings in those mountains in september last, and i think it probable we never shall. our traders mcneal and york were furnished with the buttons which capt. c. and myself cut off our coats, some eye water and basilicon which we made for that purpose and some phials and small tin boxes which i had brought out with phosphorus. in the evening they returned with about bushels of roots and some bread having made a successful) voyage, not much less pleasing to us than the return of a good cargo to an east india merchant.--collins, sheilds, r & j. feilds and shannon set out on a hunting excurtion to the quawmash grounds on the lower side of collins's creek. our horses many of them have become so wild that we cannot take them without the assistance of the indians who are extreemly dextrous in throwing a rope and taking them with a noose about the neck; as we frequently want the use of our horses when we cannot get the assistance of the indians to take them, we had a strong pound formed today in order to take them at pleasure. drewyer arrived this evening with neeshneparkkeeook and hohastillpilp who had accompanyed him to the lodges of the persons who had our tomahawks. he obtained both the tomahawks principally by the influence of the former of these cheifs. the one which had been stolen we prized most as it was the private property of the late sergt. floyd and capt. c. was desireous of returning it to his friends. the man who had this tomahawk had purchased it from the indian that had stolen it, and was himself at the moment of their arrival just expiring. his relations were unwilling to give up the tomehawk as they intended to bury it with the disceased owner, but were at length induced to do so for the consideration of a hadkerchief, two strands of beads, which drewyer gave them and two horses given by the cheifs to be killed agreeably to their custom at the grave of the disceased. the bands of the chopunnish who reside above the junction of lewis's river and the kooskooske bury their dead in the earth and place stones on the grave. they also stick little splinters of wood in betwen the interstices of the irregular mass of stone piled on the grave and afterwards cover the whole with a roof of board or split timber. the custom of sacreficing horses to the disceased appears to be common to all the nations of the plains of columbia. a wife of neeshneeparkkeeook died some short time since, himself and hir relations saceficed horses to her. the indians inform us that there are a plenty of moos to the s. e. of them on the east branch of lewis's river which they call tommanamah r. about noon sergt. ordway frazier and wizer returned with salmon and some roots of cows; the distance was so great from which they had brought the fish that most of them were nearly spoiled. these fish were as fat as any i ever saw; sufficiently so to cook themselves without the addition of grease; those which were sound were extreemly delicious; their flesh is of a fine rose colour with a small admixture of yellow. these men set out on the th ult. and in stead of finding the fishing shore at the distance of half a days ride as we had been informed, they did not reach the place at which they obtained their fish untill the evening of the th having travelled by their estimate near miles. the rout they had taken however was not a direct one; the indians conducted them in the first instance to the east branch of lewis's river about miles above it's junction with the south branch, a distance of about ms. where they informed them they might obtain fish; but on their arrival at that place finding that the salmon had not yet arrived or were not taken, they were conducted down that river to a fishery a few miles below the junction of the forks of lewis's river about ms. further, here with some difficulty and remaining one day they purchased the salmon which they brought with them. the first ms. of their rout was up commeap creek and through a plain open country, the hills of the creek continued high and broken with some timber near it's borders. the ballance of their rout was though a high broken mountanous country generally well timbered with pine the soil fertile in this quarter they met with an abundance of deer and some bighorned animals. the east fork of lewis's river they discribe as one continued rapid about yds. wide it's banks are in most places solid and perpendicular rocks, which rise to a great hight; it's hills are mountains high. on the tops of some of those hills over which they passed, the snow had not entirely disappeared, and the grass was just springing up. at the fishery on lewis's river below the forks there is a very considerable rapid nearly as great from the information of segt. ordway as the great falls of the columbia the river yds. wide. their common house at this fishery is built of split timber feet long and feet wide flat at top. the general course from hence to the forks of lewis's river is a little to the west of south about ms.--the men at this season resort their fisheries while the women are employed in collecting roots. both forks of lewis's river above their junction appear to enter a high mountainous country.--my sick horse being much reduced and apearing to be in such an agoni of pain that there was no hope of his recovery i ordered him shot this evening. the other horses which we casterated are all nearly recovered, and i have no hesitation in declaring my beleif that the indian method of gelding is preferable to that practiced by ourselves. [clark, june , ] monday june nd mcneal and york were sent on a tradeing voyage over the river this morning. having exhosted all our merchendize we were obliged to have recourse to every subterfuge in order to prepare in the most ample manner in our power to meet that wretched portion of our journy, the rocky mountains, where hungar and cold in their most regorous form assail the waried traveller; not any of us have yet forgotten our those mountains in september last, i think it probable we never shall. our traders mcneal and york are furnished with the buttons which capt l-. and my self cut off of our coats, some eye water and basilicon which we made for that purpose and some phials of eye water and some tin boxes which capt l. had brought from philadelphia. in the evening they returned with about bushels of roots and some bread haveing made a suckcessfull voyage, not much less pleasing to us than the return of a good cargo to an east india merchant. shields, collins, reuben & joseph field & shannon set out on a hunting excurtion to the quaw mash the lower side of collins creek & towards the mountains. drewyer arived this evening with neeshneparkkeeook and hohashillpilp who had accompanied him to the lodge of the person who had our tomahawks. he obtained both the tomahawks principally by the influence of the former of those chiefs. the one which had been stolen we prized most as it was the private property of the late serjt. floyd and i was desireous of returning it to his friends. the man who had this tomahawk had purchased it from the man who had stolen it, and was himself at the moment of their arival just expireing. his relations were unwilling to give up the tomahawk as they intended to bury it with the deceased owner, but were at length to do so for the consideration of a handkerchief, two strands of heeds, which drewyer gave them and two horses given by the chiefs to be killed agreeable to their custom at the grave of the deceased. the custom of sacrificeing horses to the disceased appears to be common to all the nations of the plains of the columbia. a wife of neeshneeparkkeeook died some short time sence, himself and her relations sacrificed horses to her. the indians inform us that there is a plenty of moos to the s. e. of them on the east branch of lewis's river which they call tommawamah river. about noon sergt. ordway frazier and wiser returnd. with salmon and some roots of the cows; the distance was so great from whence they brought the fish, that most of them were nearly spoiled. those fish were as fat as any i ever saw; sufficiently so to cook themselves without the addition of grease or butter; those which were sound were extreemly delicious; their flesh is of a fine rose colour with a small admixture of yellow. these men set out on the th ulto. and in sted of finding the fishing shore at the distance of half a days ride as we had been informed, they did not reach the place at which they obtained their fish untill the evening of the th haveing traveled near miles. the rout they had taken however was not a direct one; the indians conducted them in the first instance to the east fork of lewis's river about miles above it's junction with the south branch, a distance of about miles where they informed them they might obtain fish; but on their arival at that place finding that the salmon had not arived or were not taken, they were conducted down that river to a fishery a fiew miles below the junction of the forks of lewis's river about miles further, here they remained one day and with some dificuelty, they purchased the salmon which they brought with them. the first ms. of their rout was up commeap creek and through a plain open country, the hills of the creek continued high and broken with some timber near it's borders, the ballance of their rout was through a high broken mountanious country. generally well timbered with pine the soil fertile. in this quarter the meet with abundance of deer and some big-horned animals. the east fork of lewis's river they discribe as one continued rapid of about yards wide, it's banks are in most places solid and perpindicular rocks, which rise to a great hight; it's hills are mountanious high. on the top of some of those hills over which they passed, the snow had not entirely disappeared, and the grass was just springing up. at the fishery on lewis's river below the forks there is a very considerable rapid, nearly as great from the information of sergt. ordway as the great falls of the columbia the river yards wide. their common house at this fishery is built of split timber feet long and feet in width, flat at top. the general course from here to the forks of lewis's river is a little to the west of south about ms. the men at this season resort their fisheries while the womin are employed in collecting roots-. both forks above the junction of lewis's river appear to enter a high mountainious country. our horses are all recovering & i have no hesitation in declareing that i believe that the indian method of guilding preferable to that practised by ourselves. [lewis, june , ] tuesday june rd . our invalids are all on the recovery; bratton is much stronger and can walk about with considerable ease. the indian cheif appears to be gradually recovering the uce of his limbs, and the child is nearly well; the imposthume on his neck has in a great measure subsided and left a hard lump underneath his left ear; we still continue the application of the onion poltice. at p.m. the broken arm and of his wariars visited us and remained all night. colter, jo. fields and willard returned this evening with five deer and one bear of the brown speceis; the hair of this was black with a large white spot on the breast containing a small circular black spot. today the indians dispatched an express over the mountains to travellers rest or the neighbourhood of that creek on clark's river in order to learn from the oote-lash-shoots a band of the flatheads who have wintered there, the occurrences that have taken place on the east side of the mountains during that season. this is the band which we first met with on that river. the mountains being practicable for this express we thought it probable that we could also pass, but the indians informed us that several of the creeks would yet swim our horses, that there was no grass and that the roads were extreemly deep and slipery; they inform us that we may pass conveniently in twelve or fourteen days. we have come to a resolution to remove from hence to the quawmash grounds beyond collins's creek on the th to hunt in that neighbourhood a few days, if possible lay in a stock of meat and then attempt the mountains about the middle of this month. i begin to lose all hope of any dependance on the salmon as this river will not fall sufficiently to take them before we shall leave it, and as yet i see no appearance of their runing near the shores as the indians informed us they would in the course of a few days. i find that all the salmon which they procure themselves they obtain on lewis's river, and the distance thither is too great for us to think of sending after them even had we merchandize with which to purchase. [clark, june , ] tuesday june rd our invalids are all on the recovery; bratten is much stronger and can walk about with considerable ease. the indian chief appears to be gradually recovering the use of his limbs, and the child is nearly well; the inflomation on his neck continus but the swelling appears to subside. we still continue the application of the onion poltice. at p.m. the broken arm and three wariors visited us and remained all night. colter, jos. fields and willard returned this evening with five deer and one bear of the brown species; the hair of this was black with a large white spot on the breast containing a small circular black spot. (this species of bear is smaller than our common black bear) this was a female bear and as our hunters informed us had cubs last year, this they judged from the length and size of her tits &c. this bear i am confident is not larger than the yerlin cubs of our country. to day the indians dispatched an express over the mountains to travellers rest or to the neighbourhood of that creek on clark's river in order to learn from a band of flat-heads who inhabit that river and who have probably wintered on clarks river near the enterance of travellers rest creek, the occurences which have taken place on the east side of the mountains dureing the last winter. this is the band which we first met with on that river. the mountains being practicable for this express we thought it probable that we could also pass, but the chiefs informs us that several of the creek's would yet swim our horses, that there was no grass and that the road was extreemly deep and slipery; they inform us that we may pass conveniently in twelve or fourteen days. we have come to a resolution to remove from hence to the quawmash grounds beyond colins creek on the th to hunt in that neighbourhood a fiew days, if possible lay in a stock of meat, and then attempt the mountains about the middle of this month. i begin to lose all hope of any dependance on the salmon as this river will not fall sufficiently to take them before we shall leave it, and as yet i see no appearance of their running near the shore as the indians informed us they would in the course of a fiew days. i find that all the salmon which they precure themselves they obtain on lewis's river, and the distance thither is too great for us to think of sending after them, even had we merchendize with which to purchase the salmon.-. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . about noon the cheifs left us and returned to their vilages. while they were with us we repeated the promises we had formerly made them and invited them to the missouri with us, they declined going untill the latter end of the summer and said it was there intention to spend the ensuing winter on the east side of the rocky mountains. they gave us no positive answer to a request which we made, that two or three of their young men should accompany me to the falls of the missouri and there wait my return from the upper part of maria's river where it was probable i should meet with some of the bands of the minnetares from fort de prarie; that in such case i should indeavor to bring about a good understanding between those indians and themselves, which when effected they would be informed of it though the young men thus sent with me, and that on the contrary should i not be fortunate enough to meet with these people nor to prevail on them to be at peace they would equally be informed through those young men, and they might still remain on their guard with rispect to them untill the whites had it in their power to give them more effectual releif. the broken arm invited us to his village and said he wished to speak to us before we set out, and that he had some roots to give us for our journey over the mountains; capt. c. promised to visit him as he wished the day after tomorrow.--sheilds returned this evening from the quawmash grounds with deer which he had killed. [clark, june , ] wednesday june th about noon the chiefs left us and returned to their villages. while they were with us we repeeted the promisces we had formerly made them and envited them to the missouri with us, they declined going untill the latter end of the summer, and said it was their intintion to spend the insiewing winter on the east side of the rocky mountains, they gave us no positive answer to a request which we made, that two or three of their young men should accompany capt l. to the falls of missouri and there wait his return from the upper part of maria's river where it was probable he should meet with some of the bands of the blakfoot indians and minitarres of fort deprarie, that in such case capt l. would indeavor to bring about a good understanding between those indians and themselves, which when effected they would be informed of it through the young men thus sent with him. and that on the contrary should he not be fortunate enough to meet with those people, nor to provaile on them to be at peace they would equally be informed through those young men, and they might still remain on their guard with respect to them, untill the whites had it more in their power to give them more effectual relief. i also urged the necessaty of sending one or two of their considerate men to accompany me by way of the shoshonees on the head of jeffersons river and about the three forks of the missouri which whome there is most probably some of the chiefs of those bands of shoshones with whome they are at war, and by which means a message sent to that nation & good understanding brought about between the shoshones and the chopunnish nations which appears to be the wish of both nations. the broken arm envited us to his village and said he wished to speak to us before we set out, and that he had some roots to give us for our journey over the mountains; i promised to visit him as he wished the day after tomorrow-. shields returned this evining from the quawmash grounds with two deer which he had killed [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . colter and bratton were permitted to visit the indian villages today for the purpose of trading for roots and bread, they were fortunate and made a good return. we gave the indian cheif another sweat today, continuing it as long as he could possibly bear it; in the evening he was very languid but appeared still to improve in the use of his limbs. the child is recovering fast the inflamation has subsided intirely, we discontinued the poltice, and applyed a plaster of basilicon; the part is still considerably swolen and hard. in the evening r. feilds shannon and labuish return from the chaise and brought with them five deer and a brown bear. among the grasses of this country i observe a large speceis which grows in moist situations; it rises to the hight of eight or ten feet, the culm is jointed, hollow, smooth, as large as a goos quill and more firm than ordinary grasses; the leaf is linnear broad and rough; it has much the appearance of the maden cain as it is called in the state of gergia, and retains it's virdure untill late in the fall. this grass propegates principally by the root which is horizontal and perennial. a second speceis grows in tussucks and rises to the hight of six or eight feet; it seems to delight in the soil of the river bottoms which possess a greater mixture of sand than the hills in this neighbourhood. this is also a harsh course grass; it appears to be the same which is called the corn grass in the southern states, and the foxtail in virginia. a third speceis resembles the cheet, tho the horses feed on it very freely. a fourth and most prevalent speceis is a grass which appears to be the same called the blue grass common to many parts of the united states; it is common to the bottom as well as the uplands, is now seeding and is from inches to feet high; it affords an excellent pasture for horses and appears to bear the frosts and snow better than any grass in our country; i therefore regret very much that the seed will not be ripe before our probable departure. this is a fine soft grass and would no doubt make excellent hay if cultivated. i do not find the greenswoard here which we met with on the lower part of the columbia. there are also several speceis of the wild rye to be met with in the praries. among the plants and shrubs common to our contry i observe here the seven bark, wild rose, vining honeysickle, sweet willow, red willow, longleafed pine, cattail or cooper's flag, lamsquarter, strawberry, raspberry, tonge grass, musterd, tanzy, sinquefield, horsemint, coltsfoot, green plantin, cansar weed, elder, shoemate and several of the pea blume flowering plants.- [clark, june , ] thursday june th colter and bratten were permitted to visit the indian village to day for the purpose of tradeing for roots and bread, they were fortunate and made a good return. we gave the indian cheif another sweat to-day, continuing it as long as he could bear it. in the evening he was very languid but still to improve in the use of his limbs. the child is revovereing fast. i applied a plaster of sarve made of the rozen of the long leafed pine, beas wax and beare oil mixed, which has subsided the inflomation entirely, the part is considerably swelled and hard-. in the evening reuben fields, g. shannon, labiech, & collins returned from the chaise and brought with them five deer and a brown bear. among the grasses of this country i observe a large species which grows in moist situations; it rises to the hight of eight or ten feet, the culm is jointed, hollow, smooth, as large as a goose quill, and more firm than ordinary grass; the leaf is linner broad and rough; it has much the appearance of the meadin cain as it is called in the southern parts of the u states, and retains it's virdue untill late in the fall. this grass propegates principally by the root which is horozontal and perennial.-. a second species grows in tussucks and rises to the hight of six or eight feet; it seams to delight in the soil of the river bottoms which possess agreater mixture of sand than the hills in this neighbourhood. this is also a harsh course grass; it appears to be the same which is called the corn grass in the southern states, and the foxtail in virginia. a third species resembles the cheet, tho the horses feed on it very freely. a fouth and most prevalent species is a grass which appears to be the same called the blue grass common to maney parts of the united states; it is common to the bottoms as well as the uplands, is now seeding and is from inches to feet high; it affords an excellent paterage for horses and appears to bear the frost and snow better than any grass in our country; i therefore regrete very much that the seed will not be ripe before our probable departure. this is a fine soft grass and would no doubt make excellent hay if cultivated. i do not find the green sword here which we met with on the lower part of the columbia. there are also several species of the wild rye to be met with in the praries. among the plants and shrubs common to our country i observe here the seven bark, wild rose, vineing honey suckle, sweet willow, red willow, long leafed pine, cattail or coopers flag. lambs quarter, strawberries, raspberries, goose berries, tongue grass, mustard, tanzy, sinquefield, horse mint, water penerial, elder, coalts foot, green plantin, canser weed, shoemate, and several of the pea blume flowering plants.-. frazier who had permission to visit the twisted hairs lodge at the distance of ten or twelve miles did not return this evening-. the river falls in course of the day and rises some at night as will be seen by the remarks in the diary of the weather. this most probably is the melding of the snows dureing the day &c. [lewis, june , ] friday june th . this morning frazier returned having been in quest of some roots and bread which had left at the lodg of the twisted hair when on his way to the fishery on lewis's river. the twisted hair came with him but i was unable to converse with him for the want of an interpreter, drewyer being absent with capt. c. this cheif left me in the evening and returned to his village. capt c. visited the broken arm today agreeably to his promise; he took with him drewyer and several others. they were received in a friendly manner. the broken arm informed capt. c. that the nation would not pass the mountain untill the latter end of the summer, and that with rispect to the young men whom we had requested should accompany us to the falls of the missouri, were not yet scelected for that purpose nor could they be so untill there was a meeting of the nation in counsil. that this would happen in the course of ten or twelve days as the whole of the lodges were about to remove to the head of the commeap creek in the plain near lewis's river, that when they had assembled themselves they would hold a council and scelect the young men. that if we set out previously to that period the men would follow us. we therefore do not calculate on any assistance from them as guides, but depend more upon engageing some of the ootlashshoots in the neighborhood of travellers rest c. for that purpose. the broken arm gave capt. c. a few dryed quawmas roots as a great present, but in our estimation those of cows are much better, i am confident they are much more healthy. the men who were with capt. c. obtained a good store of roots and bread in exchange for a number of little notions, using the yanke phrase, with which their own enginuity had principally furnished them. on examination we find that our whole party have an ample store of bread and roots for our voyage, a circumstance not unpleasing. they retuned at p.m. shortly after which we were visited by hohastillpilp the two young cheifs who gave us the horses in behalf of the nation some time since and several others, who remained all night. the kooskooske is about yds. wide at this place and discharges a vast body of water; notwithstanding it high state the water remains nearly transparent, and it's temperature appeas to be quite as cold as that of our best springs. we meet with a beautifull little bird in this neighbourhood about the size and somewhat the shape of the large spar-row. it is reather longer in proportion to it's bulk than the sparrow. it measures inches from the extremity of the beek to that of the tail, the latter occupying / inches. the beak is reather more than half an inch in length, and is formed much like the virginia nitingale; it is thick and large for a bird of it's size; wide at the base, both chaps convex, and pointed, the uper exceeds the under chap a little is somewhat curved and of a brown colour; the lower chap of a greenish yellow. the eye full reather large and of a black colour both puple and iris. the plumage is remarkably delicate; that of the neck and head is of a fine orrange yellow and red, the latter predominates on the top of the head and arround the base of the beak from whence it graduly deminishes & towards the lower part of the neck, the orrange yellow prevails most; the red has the appearance of being laid over a ground of yellow. the breast, the sides, rump and some long feathers which lie between the legs and extend underneath the tail are of a fine orrange yellow. the tail, back and wings are black, ecept a small stripe of yellow on the outer part of the middle joint of the wing, / of an inch wide and an inch in length. the tail is composed of twelve feathers of which those in the center are reather shortest, and the plumage of all the feathers of the tail is longest on that side of the quill next the center of the tail. the legs and feet are black, nails long and sharp; it has four toes on each foot, of which three are forward and one behind; that behind is as long as the two outer of the three toes in front. [clark, june , ] friday june th i visited the broken arm to day agreeable to my promis of the th inst. and took with me drewyer & three other men i was receved in a friendly manner. the broken arm informed me that maney of the small chiefs of the different bands of his nation had not heard our word from our own mouths, several of them were present and was glad to see me &c. i repeeted in part what had been said in council before. the broken arm told me that the nation would not pass the mountains untill the latter part of the summer, and with respect to the young men who we had requested to accompany us to the falls of missouri, were not yet selected for that purpose nor could they be so untill they had a meeting of the nation in council. that this would happen in the course of ten or days as the whole of the lodges were about to move to the head of commeap creek in the plain of lewis's river, that when they held a council they would select two young men. that if we set out previously to that time the men would follow us. we therefore do not calculate any assistance from them as guides, but depend more upon engageing some of the oatlash-shoots on clarks river in the neighbouringhood of travellers rest c. for that purpose. the broken arm gave me a fiew quawmash roots as a great preasent, but in my estimation those of cows is much better. i am confident they are much more healthy. the broken arm informed me that they had latterly been informed that a party of the shoshones had arived at the ye-e-al-po nation who reside to the south of the enterance of kooskooske into lewis's river. and had informed that people that their nation (the shoshones) had received the talk which was given their relations on the head of the east fork of lewis's river last fall, and were resolved to pursue our councils, and had came foward for the purpose of makeing peace with them, and allso with the chopunnish &c. that they had sent several men in serch of those people with a view to bring them to lewis's river at which place the broken arm informed me he should meet them and smoke the pipe of peace. which he should afterwards send by with some of his chiefs in company with those shoshones to their nation and confirm a piece which never should be broken on his part. he produced two pipes one of which he said was as a present to me the other he intended to send to the shoshones &c. and requested me to take one, i receved the one made in the fascion of the country, the other which was of stone curiously inlaid with silver in the common form which he got from the shoshones. i deckorated the stem of this pipe with blue ribon and white wampom and informed the chief this was the emblem of peace with us. the men who accompanied me obtained a good store of roots and bread in exchange for a number of little notions, useing the yanke phrase, with which their own enginuiety had principally furnished them. on examonation we find our whole party have a sufficient store of bread and roots for our voyage. a circumstance not unpleasing-. i returned at p. m followed by hohastillpilp the young chiefs who gave us the horses in behalf of the nation some time sence, the young man who gave us the horse at collins creek to kill as we came up, and several others. i met the twisted hair and two other indians with frazier on the opposit bank from our camp this morning & sent him over to our camp. i met him this evening on his return home. he informed me he could not accompany us across the mountains as his brother was sick &c.-. [clark, june , ] the chopunnish call the crow indians up-shar-look-kar chopunnish name for sin-sho-cal dearbourne r ditto--do--cal la mar-sha mosh meddesons ditto--do--co-ma win-nim maria river ditto ditto- ta-ki-a-ki-a mescle shell r ditto--ditto wah-wo-ko-ye-o-cose is th ____ ditto do--rockejhone--elk river ditto do--koos-koos-an-nim-a the little missouri ditto--do- walch-nim-mah--knife r ditto--do ni-hi-sir-te--c. r [lewis, june , ] saturday june th . the two young cheifs who visited last evening returned to their village on commeap c. with some others of the natives. sergt. gass, mcneal, whitehouse and goodrich accompanyed them with a view to procure some pack or lash ropes in exchange for parts of an old sain, fish giggs, peices of old iron, old files and some bullets. they were also directed to procure some bags for the purpose of containing our roots & bread. in the evening they all returned except whitehouse and goodrich who remained all night. they procured a few strings but no bags. hohastillpilp passed the river today and brought over a horse which he gave frazier one of our party who had previously made him a present of a pair of cannadian shoes or shoe-packs. drewyer set out on a hunting excurtion up collins's creek this evening. we wish to leave the deer in the neighbourhood of the quawmash plains undisturbed untill the th when we intend removing thither to lay in some meat for our voyage over the mountains. our party are much engaged in preparing their saddles arranging their loads provisions &c for our departure. there is a speceis of cherry which grows in this neighbourhood in sitations like the choke cherry or near the little rivulets and wartercouses. it seldom grows in clumps or from the same cluster of roots as the choke cherry dose. the stem is simple branching reather diffuse stem the cortex is of a redish dark brown and reather smooth. the leaf is of the ordinary dexture and colour of those of most cherries, it is petiolate; a long oval / inhes in length and / an inch in width, obtuse, margin so finely serrate that it is scarcely perseptable & smooth. the peduncle is common inch in length, branch proceeding from the extremities as well as the sides of the branches, celindric gradually tapering; the secondary peduncles are about / an inch in length scattered tho proceeding more from the extremity of the common peduncle and are each furnished with a small bracted. the parts of fructification are much like those discribed of the choke cherry except that the petals are reather longer as is the calix reather deeper. the cherry appears to be half grown, the stone is begining to be hard and is in shape somewhat like that of the plumb; it appears that when ripe it would be as large as the kentish cherry, which indeed the growth of the bush somewhat resembles; it rises about or feet high [clark, june , ] saurday june th . the two young cheafs and other indians who accompanied them crossed the river and returned to their village this morning after brackfast; shabono sergt gass mcneal, whitehouse & goodrich accompanied them for the purpose of purchaseing or exchangeing old peces of sane, fish gig, peces of iron, bullets, and old files and such articles as they could raise for ropes and strings for to lash their loads, and bags to cary their roots in sergt. gass, shabono & mcneal returned at p m haveing precured a string each only. whitehouse and goodrich continued at the village all night. hohastillpilp crossed the river to day and brought over a horse and gave it to frazier one of our party who had made him a present previously of a par of canidian shoes. one of our men informed me one of the young chiefs who had given us two horses already was in serch of one which he intended to give to me. george drewyer set out on a hunting excurtion up collins's creek alone. our party are all much engaged in prepareing sadles and packing up their stores of provisions &c.--the flat head river is about yards wide at this place and discharges a vast body of water; notwithstanding it's high state the water remains nearly transparent, and it's temperature appears to be quit as cold as that of our best springs. we met with a butifull little bird in this neighbourhood about the size and somewhat the shape of the large sparrow. it measures inches from the extremity of the beak to that of the tail, the latter occupying / inches. the beak is reather more than half an inch in length, and is formed much like the virginia nightingal; red bd. it is thick and large for a bird of it's size, wide at the base, both chaps convex, and pointed, the upper exceeds the under chap a little is somewhat cirved and of a brown colour; the lower chap of a greenish yellow. the eye full reather large and of a black colour both puple and iris. the plumage is remarkably delicate; that of the neck and head is of a fine orrange yellow and red. the latter predomonates on the top of the head and around the base of the beak from whence it gradually diminishes towards the lower part of the neck, the orring yellow prevails most, the red has the appearance of haveing been laid over a ground of yellow. the breast, the sides, rump and some long feathers which lie between the legs extend underneath the tail is of a fine orrange yellow. the tail, back and wings are black, except a small strip of yellow on the outer part of the middle joint of the wing, / of an inch wide and an inch in length. the tail is composed of feathers of which those in the center are reather shortest, and the plumage of all the feathers of the tail is longest on that side of the quill next to the center of the tail. the legs and feet are black, nails long and sharp; it has four toes on each foot, of which three are forward and one behind; that behind is as long as the two outer of the three toes in front [lewis, june , ] sunday june th . drewyer returned this morning from the chase without having killed anything. his hose left him last night, he pursued him but did not overtake him untill he had nearly reached our camp. the sick cheif is fast on the recovery, he can bear his weight on his legs, and has acquired a considerable portion of strength. the child is nearly well; bratton has so far recovered that we cannot well consider him an invalid any longer, he has had a tedious illness which he boar with much fortitude and firmness.--the cutnose visited us today with ten or twelve warriors; two of the latter were y-e-let-pos a band of the chopunnish nation residing on the south side of lewis's river whom we have not previously seen. the band with which we have been most conversent call themselves pel-late-pal-ler. one of the yeletpos exchanged his horse for an indifferent one of ours and received a tomahawk to boot; this tomahawk was one for which capt. c. had given another in exchange with the clahclel-lah chief at the rapids of the columbia. we also exchanged two other of our indifferent horses with unsound backs for much better horses in fine order without any consideration but the horse itself. several foot rarces were run this evening between the indians and our men. the indians are very active; one of them proved as fleet as drewer and r. fields, our swiftest runners. when the racing was over the men divided themselves into two parties and played prison base, by way of exercise which we wish the men to take previously to entering the mountain; in short those who are not hunters have had so little to do that they are geting reather lazy and slouthfull.--after dark we had the violin played and danced for the amusement of ourselves and the indians.--one of the indians informed us that we could not pass the mountains untill the full of the next moon or about the first of july, that if we attempted it sooner our horses would be at least three days travel without food on the top of the mountain; this information is disagreable inasmuch as it causes some doubt as to the time at which it will be most proper for us to set out. however as we have no time to loose we will wrisk the chanches and set out as early as the indians generally think it practicable or the middle of this month. [clark, june , ] sunday june th drewyer returned this morning from the chase without killing any thing. his horse left him last night and he prosued him near our camp before he cought him. the sick chief is much mended, he can bear his weight on his legs and recovers strength. the child has nearly recovered. the cut nose and ten or came over today to visit us, two of those were of the tribes from the plains of lewis's river whome we had not before seen; one of those men brought a horse which i gave a tomahawk which i had exchanged for with the chief of the clahclahlah's nation below the great rapids of columbia, and broken-down horse which was not able to cross the mountains. we also exchanged of our indeferent horses for sound back horses. in the evening several foot races were run by the men of our party and the indians; after which our party divided and played at prisoners base untill night. after dark the fiddle was played and the party amused themselves in danceing. one of those indians informed us that we could not cross the mountains untill the full of the next moon, or about the st of july. if we attempted it sooner our horses would be three days without eateing, on the top of the mountns. this information is disagreeable to us, in as much as it admits of some doubt, as to the time most proper for us to set out. at all events we shall set out at or about the time which the indians seem to be generally agreed would be the most proper. about the middle of this month [lewis, june , ] monday june th . this morning we had all our horses brought up and indeavoured to exchange five or shix with the indians in consequence of their having unsound backs but succeeded in exchanging one only. hohastillpilp with several of the natives who visited us yesterday took leave of us and set out for the plains near lewis's river where the nation are about to assemble themselves. the broken arm made us a short visit this morning and took leave of us, being about to set out with his village today in order to join the nation at their rendezvouz on lewis's r. the cutnose or neeshneeparkkeeook borrowed a horse and rode down the kooskooske river a few miles this morning in quest of some young eagles which he intends raising for the benifit of their feathers; he returned soon after with a pair of young eagles of the grey kind; they were nearly grown and prety well feathered. in the evening the young chief who gave both capt. c. and myself a horse some time since, came to our camp with a party of young men and remained all night. this evening one of our party obtained a very good horse for an indifferent one by giving the indian an old leather shirt in addition. we eat the last of our meat yesterday evening and have lived on roots today. our party seem much elated with the idea of moving on towards their friends and country, they all seem allirt in their movements today; they have every thing in readiness for a move, and notwithstanding the want of provision have been amusing themselves very merrily today in runing footraces pitching quites, prison basse &c. the river has been falling for several days and is now lower by near six feet than it has been; this we view as a strong evidence that the great body of snow has left the mountains, though i do not conceive that we are as yet loosing any time as the roads is in many parts extreemly steep rocky and must be dangerous if wet and slippry; a few days will dry the roads and will also improve the grass. [clark, june , ] moday june th we had all of our horses brought up and attempted to exchange our sore back and most indifferent horses with the indians for sound back horses, we exchanged one only. hohasillpilp took his leave of us and set out for the plains of lewises river, with several of the nativs who visited us yesterday. the broken arm came over and continued a fiew minits with us this morning, and also took his leave of us & set out with his village for the plains of lewis's river. the cut nose borrowed a horse and rode down the flathead river a fiew miles to take some young eagles, which he intends to raise for their feathers. in the evening one of the young cheifs who had given both capt lewis and my self a horse came to our camp accompanied by of his people and continued with us all night. one of our men exchanged a very indefferent horse for a very good one. our party exolted with the idea of once more proceeding on towards thier friends and country are elert in all their movements and amuse themselves by pitching quates, prisoners bast running races &c-. the flat head river is still falling fast and nearly as low as it was at the time we arrived at this place. this fall of water is what the nativs have informed us was a proper token for us. when this river fell the snows would be sufficiently melted for us to cross the mountains. the greater length of time we delayed after that time, the higher the grass would grow on th mountains-. [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th . this morning we arrose early and had our horses collected except one of cruzatt's and one of whitehouse's, which were not to be found; after a surch of some hours cruzatt's horse was obtained and the indians promised to find the other and bring it to us at the quawmash flatts where we purpose encamping a few days. at a.m. we set out with the party each man being well mounted and a light load on a second horse, beside which we have several supenemary horses in case of accedent or the want of provision, we therefore feel ourselves perfectly equiped for the mountains. we ascended the river hills which are very high and about three miles in extent our sourse being n. ° e. thence n. w. m to collins's creek. thence due north m. to the eastern border of the quawmash flatts where we encamped near the place we first met with the chopunnish last fall. the pass of collins's creek was deep and extreemly difficult tho we passed without sustaining further injury than weting some of our roots and bread. the country through which we passed is extreemly fertile and generally free of stone, is well timbered with several speceis of fir, long leafed pine and larch. the undergrowth is chooke cherry near the water courses, black alder, a large speceis of redroot now in blume, a growth which resembles the pappaw in it's leaf and which bears a burry with five valves of a deep perple colour, two speceis of shoemate sevenbark, perple haw, service berry, goosburry, a wild rose honeysuckle which bears a white berry, and a species of dwarf pine which grows about ten or twelve feet high. bears a globular formed cone with small scales, the leaves are about the length and much the appearance of the common pitch pine having it's leaves in fassicles of two; in other rispects they would at a little distance be taken for the young plants of the long leafed pine. there are two speceis of the wild rose both quinqui petallous and of a damask red but the one is as large as the common red rose of our gardens. i observed the apples of this speceis last fall to be more than triple the size of those of the ordinary wild rose; the stem of this rose is the same with the other tho the leaf is somewhat larger. after we encamped this evening we sent out our hunters; collins killed a doe on which we suped much to our satisfaction. we had scarcely reached collins's creek before we were overtaken by a party of indians who informed us that they were going to the quawmash flatts to hunt; their object i beleive is the expectation of bing fed by us in which how ever kind as they have been we must disappoint them at this moment as it is necessary that we should use all frugallaty as well as employ every exertion to provide meat for our journey. they have encamped with us. we find a great number of burrowing squirels about our camp of which we killed several; i eat of them and found them quite as tender and well flavored as our grey squirel. saw many sand hill crains and some ducks in the slashey glades about this place. [clark, june , ] tuesday june th . rose early this morning and had all the horses collected except one of whitehouses horses which could not be found, an indian promised to find the horse and bring him on to us at the quawmash fields at which place we intend to delay a fiew days for the laying in some meat by which time we calculate that the snows will have melted more off the mountains and the grass raised to a sufficient hight for our horses to live. we packed up and set out at a m we set out with the party each man being well mounted and a light load on a d horse, besides which we have several supernumary horses in case of accident or the want of provisions, we therefore feel ourselves perfectly equiped for the mountains. we assended the hills which are very high and about three miles in extent our course being n. ° e, thence n. ° w ms. to collins creek. thence north miles to the eastern boarders of the quawmash flatts where we encamped near the place i first met with the chopunnish nation last fall. the pass of collins creek was deep and extreemly difficult tho we passed without sustaining further injury than wetting some of our roots and bread. the country through which we passed is extreemly fertile and generally free from stone, is well timbered with several species of fir, long leafed pine and larch. the undergrowth is choke cherry near the watercourses, black alder, a large species of red root now in blume, a growth which resembles the poppaw in it's leaf and which bears a berry with five valves of a deep purple colour, two species of shoemate, seven bark, perple haw, service berry, goose berry, wildrose, honey suckle which bears a white berry, and a species of dwarf pine which grows about or feet high, bears a globarlar formed cone with small scales, the leaf is about the length and much the appearance of the pitch pine haveing it's leaves in fassicles of two; in other respects they would at a little distance be taken for the young plants of the long leafed pine. there are two species of the wild rose both quinque petallous and of a damask red, but the one is as large as the common red rose of our guardens. i observed the apples of these species last fall to be more than triple the size of those of the ordinary wild rose; the stem of this rose is the same with the other tho the leaf is somewhat larger. after we encamped this evening we sent out our hunters; collins killed a doe on which we suped much to our satisfaction, we had not reached the top of the river hills before we were overtaken by a party of indians who informed me that they were gowing to the quawmash flatts to hunt; their object i belive is the expectation of being fed by us in which however kind as they have been we must disappoint them at this moment as it is necessary that we should use all frugallaty as well as employ every exertion to provide meat for our journey. they have encamped with us. we find a great number of burrowing squirels about our camp of which we killed several; i eate of them and found them quit as tender and well flavd. as our grey squirel. saw many sand hill crains and some ducks in the slashey glades about this place-. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . all our hunters were out this morning by daylight; labuish and gibson only proved successfull, the former killed a black bear of the brown speceis and a very large buck, the latter also killed a fine fat buck. five of the indians also turned out and hunted untill noon, when they returned without having killed anything; at three p.m. the left us on their return to ther villages. previous to their departure one of our men exchanged an indifferent horse with one of them for a very good one. in the evening our hunters resumed the chase; as game has become scarce and shye near our camp they were directed to hunt at a greater distance and therefore set out prepared to remain all night and make a mornings hunt in grounds not recently frequented. whitehouse returned this morning to our camp on the kooskooske in surch of his horse.--as i have had frequent occasion to mention the plant which the chopunnish call quawmash i shall here give a more particular discription of that plant and the mode of preparing it for food as practiced by the chopunnish and others in the vicinity of the rocky mountains with whom it forms much the greatest portion of their subsistence. we have never met with this plant but in or adjacent to a piny or fir timbered country, and there always in the open grounds and glades; in the columbian vally and near the coast it is to be found in small quantities and inferior in size to that found in this neighbourhood and in the high rich flatts and vallees within the rocky mountains. it delights in a black rich moist soil, and even grows most luxuriantly where the land remains from to nine inches under water untill the seed are nearly perfect which in this neighbourhood or on these flats is about the last of this month. neare the river where i had an opportunity of observing it the seed were begining to ripen on the th inst. and the soil was nearly dry. it seems devoted to it's particular soil and situation, and you will seldom find it more than a few feet from the inundated soil tho within it's limits it grows very closely in short almost as much so as the bulbs will permit; the radix is a tunicated bulb, much the consistence shape and appearance of the onion, glutanous or somewhat slymy when chewed and almost tasteless and without smell in it's unprepared state; it is white except the thin or outer tunicated scales which are few black and not succulent; this bulb is from the size of a nutmeg to that of a hens egg and most commonly of an intermediate size or about as large as an onion of one years growth from the seed. the radicles are numerous, reather large, white, flexable, succulent and diverging. the foliage consists of from one to four seldom five radicale, linear sessile and revolute pointed leaves; they are from to inches in length and from to / of an inch in widest part which is near the middle; the uper disk is somewhat groved of a pale green and marked it's whole length with a number of small longitudinal channels; the under disk is a deep glossy green and smooth. the leaves sheath the peduncle and each other as high as the surface of the earth or about inches; they are more succulent than the grasses and less so than most of the fillies hyesinths &c.--the peduncle is soletary, proceeds from the root, is columner, smooth leafless and rises to the hight of or / feet. it supports from to forty flowers which are each supported by seperate footstalk of / an inch in length scattered without order on the upper portion of the peduncle. the calix is a partial involucret situated at the base of the footstalk of each flower on the peduncle; it is long thin and begins to decline as soon as the corolla expands. the corolla consists of six long oval, obtusly pointed skye blue or water coloured petals, each about inch in length; the corolla is regular as to the form and size of the petals but irregular as to their position, five of them are placed near ech other pointing upward while one stands horizantally or pointing downwards, they are inserted with a short claw on the extremity of the footstalk at the base of the germ; the corolla is of course inferior; it is also shriveling, and continues untill the seeds are perfect. the stamens are perfect, six in number; the filaments each elivate an anther, near their base are flat on the inside and rounded on the outer terminate in a subulate point, are bowed or bent upwards, inserted on the inner side and on the base of the claws of the petals, below the germ, are equal both with rispect to themselves and the corolla, smooth & membraneous. the anther is oblong, obtusely pointed, horned or forked at one end and furrowed longitudinally with four channels, the upper and lower of which seem almost to divide it into two loabs, incumbent patent, membranous, very short, naked, two valved and fertile with pollen, which last is of a yellow colour---the anther in a few hours after the corolla unfoalds, bursts, discharges it's pollen and becomes very minute and shrivled; the above discription of the anther is therefore to be understood of it at the moment of it's first appearance. the pistillum is only one, of which, the germ is triangular reather swolen on the sides, smooth superior, sessile, pedicelled, short in proportion to the corolla atho wide or bulky; the style is very long or longer than the stamens, simple, cilindrical, bowed or bent upwards, placed on the top of the germ, membranous shrivels and falls off when the pericarp has obtained its full size. the stigma is three cleft very minute, & pubescent. the pericarp is a capsule, triangular, oblong, obtuse, and trilocular with three longitudinal valves. the seed so far as i could judge are numerous not very minute and globelar.--soon after the seeds are mature the peduncle and foliage of this plant perishes, the grownd becomes dry or nearly so and the root encreases in size and shortly becomes fit for use; this happens about the middle of july when the natives begin to collect it for use which they continue untill the leaves of the plant attain some size in the spring of the year. when they have collected a considerable quantity of these roots or bushels which they readily do by means of stick sharpened at one end, they dig away the surface of the earth forming a circular concavity of / feet in the center and feet in diameter; they next collect a parsel of split dry wood with which they cover this bason in the grown perhaps a foot thick, they next collect a large parsel of stones of about or lbs. weight which are placed on the dry wood; fire is then set to the wood which birning heats the stones; when the fire has subsided and the stones are sufficiently heated which are nearly a red heat, they are adjusted in such manner in the whole as to form as level a surface as pissible, a small quantity of earth is sprinkled over the stones and a layer of grass about an inch thick is put over the stones; the roots, which have been previously devested of the black or outer coat and radicles which rub off easily with the fingers, are now laid on in a conical pile, are then covered with a layer of grass about or inches thick; water is now thrown on the summit of the pile and passes through the roots and to the hot stones at bottom; some water is allso poared arround the edges of the hole and also finds its way to the hot stones; as soon as they discover from the quantity of steem which issues that the water has found its way generally to the hot stones, they cover the roots and grass over with earth to the debth of four inches and then build a fire of dry wood all over the connical mound which they continue to renew through the course of the night or for ten or hours after which it is suffered to cool two or three hours when the earth and grass are removed and the roots thus sweated and cooked with steam are taken out, and most commonly exposed to the sun on scaffoalds untill they become dry, when they are black and of a sweet agreeable flavor. these roots are fit for use when first taken from the pitt, are soft of a sweetish tast and much the consistency of a roasted onion; but if they are suffered to remain in bulk hour after being cooked they spoil. if the design is to make bread or cakes of these roots they undergo a second process of baking being previously pounded after the fist baking between two stones untill they are reduced to the consistency of dough and then rolled in grass in cakes of eight or ten lbs are returned to the sweat intermixed with fresh roots in order that the steam may get freely to these loaves of bread. when taken out the second time the women make up this dough into cakes of various shapes and sizes usually from / to / of an inch thick and expose it on sticks to dry in the sun, or place it over the smoke of their fires.--the bread this prepared if kept free from moisture will keep sound for a great length of time. this bread or the dryed roots are frequently eaten alone by the natives without further preparation, and when they have them in abundance they form an ingredient in almost every dish they prepare. this root is pallateable but disagrees with me in every shape i have ever used it. [clark, june , ] wednesday june th all of our hunters were out by daylight this morning. labeech and shann was the only suckcessull hunters, labeech killed a black bear and a large buck, and gibson killed a very fat buck. five of the indians also turned out and hunted untill near meridn. without having killed any thing. at p m they all packed up and returned to their village. one of our men exchanged an indifferent horse for a verey good one with those people before they left us. in the evening all our hunters turned out in different directions with a view to find some probable spot of killing deer and were directed to lay out all night and hunt in the morning early. whitehouse returned this morning to our camp on the kooskooske in serch of his horse. as i have had frequent occasion to mention the plant which the chopunnish and other nations of the columbia call quawmash i shall here give a more particular discription of that plant and the mode of prepareing it for food as practiced by the chopinnish and others in the vicinity of the rocky mountains with whome it forms much the greatest portion of their subsistence. we have never met with this plant but in or adjacent to a piney or fir timbered country, and there always in the open grounds and glades; in the columbian vally and near the coast it is to be found in small quantities and inferior in size to that found in this neighbourhood or on those high rich flatts and vallies within the rocky moun-tains. it delights in a black rich moist soil, and even grows most luxuriently where the lands remain from to inches under water untill the seed are nearly perfect, which in this neighbourhood or on those flatts is about the last of this month. near the river where i had an oppertunity of observing it, the seed were beginning to ripen on the th inst. and the soil was nearly dry. it seems devoted to it's particular soil and situation, and you will seldom find more than a fiew feet from an inundated soil tho within it's limits it grows very closely. in short almost as much so as the bulbs will permit. the radix is a tumicated bulb, much the consistence shape and appearance of the onion, glutinous or somewhat slymey when chewed and almost tasteless and without smell in it's unprepared state; it is white except the thin or outer tumicated scales which are flew black and not suculent; this bulb is from the size of a nutmeg to that of a hen egg and most commonly of an intermediate size or about as large as a common onion of one years growth from the seed. the radicles are noumerous, reather large, white, flexeable, succulent and deviding the foliage consists of from one to four seldom five radicals, liner sessile and revolute pointed leaves; they are from to inches in length and from to / of an inch in widest part which is nearest the middle; the upper disk is somewhat groved of a pale green and marked it's whole length with a number of small longitudinal channels; the under disk is of a deep glossy green and smooth. the leaves sheath the peduncle and each other as high as the surface of the earth or about inches; they are more succulent than the grasses and less so than most of the lillies hyisinths &c.--the peduncle is soletary, proceeds from the root, is columner, smooth and leafless and rises to the hight of or / feet. it supports from to flowers which are each surported by a seperate footstalk of / an inch in length scattered without order on the upper portion of the peduncle. the calix is a partial involucre or involucret situated at the base of the footstalk of each flower on the peduncle; it is long thin and begins to decline as soon as the corrolla expands. the corolla consists of five long oval obtusely pointed skye blue or water coloured petals, each about inch in length; the corolla is regular as to the form and size of the petals but irregular as to their position, five of them are placed near each other pointing upwards while one stands horozontially, or pointing downwards, they are inserted with a short claw on the extremity of the footstalk at the base of the germ; the corolla is of course inferior; it is also shriveling, and continues untill the seed are perfect. the stamens are perfect, six in number; the falaments each elivate an anther, near their base are flat on the inner side and rounded on the outer, termonate in a subulate point, and bowed or bent upwards inserted on the inner side and on the base of the claws of the petals, below the germ, are equal both with respect to themselves and the corolla, smooth membranous. the anther is oblong obtusely pointed, horned or forked at one end and furrowed longitudinally with four channels, the upper and lower of which seem almost to divide it into two loabs, incumbent, patent, membranous, very short, necked, two valved and fertile with pollen, which last is of a yellow colour. the anther in a fiew hours after the corolla unfoalds, bursts discharges it's pollen and becomes very manute and chrivled; the above discription of the anther is therefore to be understood of it, at the moment of it's first appearance. the pistillum is only one, of which the germ is triangular reather swolen on the sides, smooth, superior, sessile, pedicelled, short in proportion to the corolla tho wide or bulky; the style is very long or longer than the stamens, simple, cilindrical, bowed or bent upwards, placed on the top of the germ, membranous shrivels and falls off when the pericarp has obtained it's full size. the stigma is three clefts very manute and pubescent. the pericarp is a capsule, triangular, oblong, obtuse, and trilocular with three longitudinal valves. the seed so far as i could judge are noumerous not very manute and globilar.--soon after the seed are mature the peduncle and foliage of this plant perishes, the ground becoms dry or nearly so and the root increases in size and shortly become fit for use; this happens about the middle of july when the nativs begin to collect it for use which they continue untill the leaves of the plant obtain some size in the spring of the year. when they have collected a considerable quantity of these roots or or bushels which they readily do by means of sticks sharpened at one end, they dig away the surface of the earth forming a cercular concavity of / feet in the center and feet in diameter; they next collect a parcel of dry split wood with which they cover this bason from the bottom perhaps a foot thick, they next collect a parcel of stones from to lb. weight which are placed on the dry wood; fire is then set to the wood which burning heats the stones; when the fire has subsided and the stones are sufficiently heated which are nearly a red heat, they are adjusted in such manner in the hole as to form as leavel a surface as possible, a small quantity of earth is sprinkled over the stones, and a layer of grass about an inch thick is laid over the stone; the roots which have been previously devested of the black or outer coat and radicles which rub off easily with the fingers, are now laid on in a circular pile, are then covered with a layer of grass about or inches thick; water is then thrown on the summit of the pile and passes through the roots and to the hot stones at bottom; some water is also pored around the edges of the hole, and also find it's way to the hot stones. they cover the roots and grass over with earth to the debth of four inches and then build a fire of dry wood all over the connical mound which they continue to renew through the course of the night or for or hours, after which it is suffered to cool, or three hours, when the earth and grass are removed. and the roots thus sweated are cooled with steam or taken out, and most commonly exposed to the sun on scaffolds untill they become dry. when they are black and of a sweet agreeable flavor. these roots are fit for use when first taken from the pitt, are soft of a sweetish taste and much the consistancy of a roasted onion; but if they are suffered to remain in bulk hours after being cooked they spoil. if the design is to make bread or cakes of those roots they undergo a second preperation of baking being previously pounded after the first baking between two stones untill they are reduced to the consistancy of dough and then rolled in grass in cakes of or pounds, are returned to the sweat intermixes with fresh roots in order that the steam may get freely to those loaves of bread. when taken out the second time the indn. woman make up this dough into cakes of various shapes and sizes, usually from / to / of an inch thick and expose it on sticks to dry in the sun, or place it over the smoke of their fires.--the bread thus prepared if kept free from moisture will sound for a great length of time. this bread or the dryed roots are frequently eaten alone by the nativs without further preperation, and when they have them in abundance they form an ingrediant in almost every dish they prepare. this root is palateable but disagrees with us in every shape we have ever used it. the nativs are extreemly fond of this root and present it their visiters as a great treat. when we first arrived at the chopunnish last fall at this place our men who were half starved made so free a use of this root that it made them all sick for several days after. [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . all our hunters except gibson returned about noon; none of them had killed anything except sheilds who brought with him two deer. in the evening they resumed their hunt and remained out all night. an indian visited us this evening and spent the night at our camp. whitehouse returned with his horse at p.m. the days are now very warm and the musquetoes our old companions have become very troublesome. the cutnose informed us on the th before we left him that two young men would overtake us with a view to accompany me to the falls of the missouri. nothing interesting occurred in the course of this day. our camp is agreeably situated in a point of timbered land on the eastern border of an extensive level and beautiful) prarie which is intersected by several small branches near the bank of one of which our camp is placed. the quawmash is now in blume and from the colour of its bloom at a short distance it resembles lakes of fine clear water, so complete is this deseption that on first sight i could have swoarn it was water. [clark, june , ] thursday june th . all our hunters except gibson returned about noon; none of them had killed any thing except shields who brought with him two deer. in the evening they resumed their hunt and remained out all night. an indian visited us this evening and spent the night at our camp. whitehouse returned with his horse at p.m. the days are very worm and the musquetors our old companions have become very troublesom. the cutnose informed us on the th before we left him that two young chiefs would overtake us with a view to accompany us to the falls of the missouri and probably to the seat of our governmt. nothing interesting occured in the course of this day. our camp is agreeably situated in a point of timbered land on the eastern borders of an extensive leave) and butifull prarie which is intersected by several small branches near the bank of one of which our camp is placed. the quawmash is now in blume at a short distance it resembles a lake of fine clear water, so complete is this deseption that on first sight i could have sworn it was water. [lewis, june , ] friday june th . reubin feilds and willard were ordered to proceed on our road to a small prarie miles distant on this side of collins's creek and there hunt until our arrival; they departed at a.m. about noon seven of our hunters returned with deer; they had wounded several others and a bear but did not get them. in the evening labuish and cruzatte returned and reported that the buzzards had eaten up a deer which they had killed butchered and hung up this morning. the indian who visited us yesterday exchanged his horse for one of ours which had not perfectly recovered from the operation of castration and received a small ax and a knife to boot, he seemed much pleased with his exchange and set out immediately to his village, as if fearfull that we would cansel the bargain which is customary among themselves and deemed only fair. we directed the meat to be cut thin and exposed to dry in the sun. we made a digest of the indian nations west of the rocky mountains which we have seen and of whom we have been repeated informed by those with whom we were conversent. they amount by our estimate to , [clark, june , ] friday june th . ordered rubin fields and willard to proceed on to a small prarie in the mountains about miles and there hunt untill we arrive the set out at a.m. soon after they set out all of our hunters returned each with a deer except shields who brought two in all deer. labeech and p. crusatt went out this morning killed a deer & reported that the buzzds. had eate up the deer in their absence after haveing butchered and hung it up. the indian who visited us yesterday exchanged his horse with one of our party for a very indiferant one in which exchange he rcived a small ax a knife &c. soon after he had exchanged he returned to his village well satisfied. we caused the meat to be cut thin and dried in the sun. i make a list of the indian nations their place of residence, and probable number of soles of each nation from estimation and indian information &c. [lewis, june , ] saturday june th . sent our hunters out early this morning. colter killed a deer and brought it in by a.m. the other hunters except drewyer returned early without having killed anything. drewyer returned. we had all our articles packed up and made ready for an early departure in the morning. our horses were caught and most of them hubbled and otherwise confined in order that we might not be detained. from hence to traveller's rest we shall make a forsed march; at that place we shal probably remain one or two days to rest ourselves and horses and procure some meat. we have now been detained near five weeks in consequence of the snows; a serious loss of time at this delightfull season for traveling. i am still apprehensive that the snow and the want of food for our horses will prove a serious imbarrassment to us as at least four days journey of our rout in these mountains lies over hights and along a ledge of mountains never intirely destitute of snow. every body seems anxious to be in motion, convinced that we have not now any time to delay if the calculation is to reach the united states this season; this i am detirmined to accomplish if within the compass of human power. [clark, june , ] saturday june th sent out hunters this morning colter killed a deer and brought it in by a m drewyer did not return untill night he wounded deer but could get none &c ____ neither of the other hunters killed nothing. we had our articles packed up ready for a start in the morning, our horses collected and hobble that they may not detain us in the morning. we expect to set out early, and shall proceed with as much expedition as possible over those snowey tremendious mountains which has detained us near five weeks in this neighbourhood waiting for the snows to melt sufficent for us to pass over them. and even now i shudder with the expectation with great dificuelties in passing those mountains, from the debth of snow and the want of grass sufficient to subsist our horses as about days we shall be on the top of the mountain which we have every reason to beleive is covered with snow the greater part of the year. [lewis, june , ] sunday june th . we had some little difficulty in collecting our horses this morning they had straggled off to a greater distance than usual. it rained very hard in the morning and after collecting our horses we waited for it to abait, but as it had every appearance of a settled rain we set out at a.m. we passed a little prarie at the distance of / me. to which we had previously sent r. feilds and willard. we found two deer which they had killed and hung up. at the distance of / miles further we arrived at collins's creek where we found our hunters; they had killed another deer, and had seen two large bear together the one black and the other white. we halted at the creek, dined and graized our horses. the rains have rendered the road very slippery insomuch that it is with much difficulty our horses can get on several of them fell but sustained no injury. after dinner we proceeded up the creek about / a mile, passing it three times, thence through a high broken country to an easterly fork of the same creek about / miles and incamped near a small prarie in the bottom land the fallen timber in addition to the slippry roads made our march slow and extreemly laborious on our horses. the country is exceedingly thickly timbered with long leafed pine, some pitch pine, larch, white pine, white cedar or arborvita of large size, and a variety of firs. the undergrowth principally reed root from to feet high with all the other speceis enumerated the other day. the soil is good; in some plaices it is of a red cast like our lands in virginia about the s. w. mountains. saw the speckled woodpecker, bee martin and log cock or large woodpecker. found the nest of a humming bird, it had just began to lay its eggs.--came miles today. [clark, june , ] sunday june th collected our horses early with the intention of makeing an early start. some hard showers of rain detained us untill ____ a m at which time we took our final departure from the quawmash fields and proceeded with much dificuelty owing to the situation of the road which was very sliprey, and it was with great dificulty that the loaded horses could assend the hills and mountains they frequently sliped down both assending and decending those steep hills. at g miles we passed through a small prarie in which was quawmash in this prarie reubin fields & willard had killed and hung up two deer at miles further we arrived at the camp of r. fields & willard on collin's creek, they arrived at this creek last evening and had killed another deer near the creek. here we let our horses graze in a small glade and took dinner. the rain seased and sun shown out. after detaining about hours we proceeded on passing the creek three times and passing over some ruged hills or spurs of the rocky mountain, passing the creek on which i encamped on the th septr. last to a small glade of about acres thickly covered with grass and quawmash, near a large creek and encamped. we passed through bad fallen timber and a high mountain this evening. from the top of this mountain i had an extensive view of the rocky mountains to the south and the columbian plains for great extent also the s w. mountains and a range of high mountains which divides the waters of lewis's & clarks rivers and seems to termonate nearly a west cours. several high pts. to the n & n. e. covered with snow. a remarkable high rugd mountain in the forks of lewis's river nearly south and covered with snow. the vally up the chopunnish river appears extensive tolerably leavel and covered with timber. the s w. mountain is very high in a s s w. derection. [lewis, june , ] monday june th . we collected our horses very readily this morning, took breakfast and set out at a.m.; proceeded up the creek about miles through some handsom meadows of fine grass abounding with quawmash, here we passed the creek & ascended a ridge which led us to the n. e. about seven miles when we arrived at a small branch of hungry creek. the difficulty we met with from the fallen timber detained us untill oc before we reached this place. here is a handsome little glade in which we found some grass for our horses we therefore halted to let them graize and took dinner knowing that there was no other convenient situation for that purpose short of the glaids on hungry creek where we intended to encamp, as the last probable place, at which we shall find a sufficient quantity of grass for many days. this morning windsor busted his rifle near the muzzle. before we reached this little branch on which we dined we saw in the hollows and n. hillsides large quatities of snow yet undisolved; in some places it was from two to three feet deep. vegetation is proportionably backward; the dogtooth violet is just in blume, the honeysuckle, huckburry and a small speceis of white maple are begining to put fourth their leaves; these appearances in this comparatively low region augers but unfavourably with rispect to the practibility of passing the mountains, however we determined to proceed, accordingly after taking a haisty meal we set out and continued our rout though a thick wood much obstructed with fallen timber, and intersepted by many steep ravines and high hills. the snow has increased in quantity so much that the greater part of our rout this evening was over the snow which has become sufficiently firm to bear our horshes, otherwise it would have been impossible for us to proceed as it lay in immence masses in some places or ten feet deep. we found much difficulty in pursuing the road as it was so frequently covered with snow. we arrived early in the evening at the place that capt. c. had killed and left the flesh of a horse for us last september. here is a small glade in which there was some grass, not a sufficiency for our horses but we thought it most advisable to remain here all night as we apprehended if we proceeded further we should find less grass. the air is pleasent in the course of the day but becomes very cold before morning notwithstanding the shortness of the nights. hungry creek is but small at this place but is deep and runs a perfect torrent; the water is perfectly transparent and as cold as ice. the pitch pine, white pine some larch and firs constite the timber; the long leafed pine extends a little distance on this side of the main branch of collins's creek, and the white cedar not further than the branch of hungry creek on which we dined. i killed a small brown pheasant today, it feeds on the tender leaves and buds of the fir and pitch pine. in the fore part of the day i observed the cullumbine the blue bells and the yelow flowering pea in blume. there is an abundance of a speceis of anjelico in these mountains, much stonger to the taist and more highly scented than that speceis common to the u states. know of no particular virtue or property it possesses; the natives dry it cut it in small peices which they string on a small cord and place about their necks; it smells very pleasantly. we came miles today. [clark, june , ] monday june th collected our horses early and set out a m proceeded on up the creek through a gladey swompy bottom with grass and quawmash crossed the creek to the east and proceeded on through most intolerable bad fallen timber over a high mountain on which great quantity of snow is yet lying premisquissly through the thick wood, and in maney places the banks of snow is feet deep. we noned it or dined on a small creek in a small open vally where we found some grass for our horses to eate, altho serounded by snow no other convenient situation short of the glades on hungery creek where we intended to encamp, as the last probable place, at which we shall find a sufficent quantity of grass for maney days. this morning windsor bursted his rifle near the muzzle. vigitation is propotionable backward; the dog tooth violet is just in blume, the honeysuckle, huckleberry and a small species of white maple are beginning to put foth their leaves, where they are clear of the snow, those appearances in this comparratively low region augers but unfavourably with respect to the practibility of passing the mountains, however we deturmine to proceed, accordingly after takeing a hasty meal we set out and continued our rout through a thick wood much obstructed with fallen timber, and interupted by maney steep reveins and hills which wer very high. the snow has increased in quantity so much that the great part of our rout this evening was over the snow which has become sufficently firm to bear our horses, otherwise it would have been impossible for us to proceed as it lay in emince masses in some places or ten feet deep. we found much dificulty in finding the road, as it was so frequently covered with snow. we arived early in the evening at the place i had killed and left the flesh of a horse for the party in my rear last septr. here is a small glade in which there is some grass, not a sufficency of our horses, but we thought it adviseable to remain here all night as we apprehended if we proceeded further we should find less grass. the air is pleasant in the course of the day, but becomes very cold before morning not withstanding the shortness of the night. hungary creek is but small at this place but is deep and runs a perfect torrent; the water is perfectly transparent and as cold as ice. the titch pine, white pine some larch and firs consists the timber, the long leafed pine extends but a short distance on the mts. capt. l. killed a small brown pheasant today, it feeds on the tender leaves and buds of the fir and pitch pine. in the forepart of the day i observed the cullumbine the blue bells and the yellow flowering pea in blume. there is an abundance of a species of anjelico in the mountains much stronger to the taiste, and more highly scented than that species common to the u states. i know of no particular virtue or property it possesses the nativs dry it cut it in small pieces which they string on a small cord and place about the necks; it smells pleasently. we come ms. today. [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th . we collected our horses and set out early; we proceeded down hungry creek about seven miles passing it twice; we found it difficult and dangerous to pass the creek in consequence of its debth and rapidity; we avoided two other passes of the creek by ascending a very steep rocky and difficult hill. beyond this creek the road ascends the mountain to the hight of the main leading ridges which divides the waters of the chopunnish and kooskooske rivers. this hill or reather mountain we ascended about miles when we found ourselves invelloped in snow from to feet deep even on the south sides of the hills with the fairest exposure to the sun; here was winter with all it's rigors; the air was cold, my hands and feet were benumbed. we knew that it would require five days to reach the fish wears at the entrance of colt creek, provided we were so fortunate as to be enabled to follow the proper ridges of the mountains to lead us to that place; short of that point we could not hope for any food for our horses not even underwood itself as the whole was covered many feet deep in snow. if we proceeded and should get bewildered in these mountains the certainty was that we should loose all our horses and consequently our baggage instruments perhaps our papers and thus eminently wrisk the loss of the discoveries which we had already made if we should be so fortunate as to escape with life. the snow boar our horses very well and the travelling was therefore infinitely better that the obstruction of rocks and fallen timber which we met with in our passage over last fall when the snow lay on this part of the ridge in detached spots only. under these circumstances we conceived it madnes in this stage of the expedition to proceed without a guide who could certainly conduct us to the fish wears on the kooskooske, as our horses could not possibly sustain a journey of more than five days without food. we therefore came to the resolution to return with our horses while they were yet strong and in good order and indevour to keep them so untill we could procure an indian to conduct us over the snowey mountains, and again to proceed as soon as we could procure such a guide, knowing from the appearance of the snows that if we remained untill it had desolved sufficiently for us to follow the road that we should not be enabled to return to the united states within this season. having come to this resolution, we ordered the party to make a deposit for all the baggage which we had not immediate use for, and also all the roots and bread of cows which they had except an allowance for a few days to enable them to return to some place at which we could subsist by hunting untill we procured a guide. we left our instruments papers &c beleiving them safer here than to wrisk them on horseback over the roads and creeks which we had passed. our baggage being laid on scaffoalds and well covered we began our retrograde march at p.m. having remained about hours on this snowey mountain. we returned by the rout we had come to hungry creek, which we ascended about miles and encamped. we had here more grass for our horses than the preceeding evening yet it was but scant. the party were a good deel dejected tho not so as i had apprehended they would have been. this is the first time since we have been on this long tour that we have ever been compelled to retreat or make a retrograde march. it rained on us most of this evening. [clark, june , ] tuesday june th we collected our horses and set out early; we proceeded down hungary creek about miles passing it twice; we found it dificuelt and dangerous to pass the creek in consequence of it's debth and rapidity; we avoided two other passes of the creek, by assending a steep rockey and difficuelt hill. beyond this creek the road assends the mountain to the hight of the main leading ridges, which divides the waters of the kooskooske and chopunnish riv's. this mountain we ascended about miles when we found ourselves invelloped in snow from to feet deep even on the south side of the mountain. i was in front and could only prosue the derection of the road by the trees which had been peeled by the nativs for the iner bark of which they scraped and eate, as those pealed trees were only to be found scattered promisquisley, i with great difficulty prosued the direction of the road one mile further to the top of the mountain where i found the snow from to feet deep, but fiew trees with the fairest exposure to the sun; here was winter with all it's rigors; the air was cold my hands and feet were benumed. we knew that it would require four days to reach the fish weare at the enterance of colt creek, provided we were so fortunate as to be enabled to follow the poper ridge of the mountains to lead us to that place; of this all of our most expert woodsmen and principal guides were extreemly doubtfull; short of that point we could not hope for any food for our horses not even under wood itself as the whole was covered many feet deep in snow. if we proceeded and should git bewildered in those mountains the certainty was that we should lose all of our horses and consequencely our baggage enstrements perhaps our papers and thus eventially resque the loss of our discoveries which we had already made if we should be so fortunate as to escape with life. the snow bore our horses very well and the traveling was therefore infinately better than the obstruction of rocks and fallen timber which we met with in our passage over last fall when the snow lay on this part of the ridge in detached spops only. under these circumstances we conceived it madness in this stage of the expedition to proceed without a guide who could certainly conduct us to the fishwears on the kooskooske, as our horses could not possibly sustain a journey of more than or days without food. we therefore come to the resolution to return with our horses while they were yet strong and in good order, and indeaver to keep them so untill we could precure an indian to conduct us over the snowey mountains, and again to proceed as soon as we could precure such a guide, knowing from the appearance of the snows that if we remained untill it had disolved sufficiently for us to follow the road that we should not be enabled to return to the united states within this season. having come to this resolution, we ordered the party to make a deposit of all the baggage which we had not imediate use for, and also all the roots and bread of cows which they had except an allowance for a fiew days to enable them to return to some place at which we could subsist by hunting untill we precured a guide. we left our instrements, and i even left the most of my papers believing them safer here than to wrisk them on horseback over the road, rocks and water which we had passed. our baggage being laid on scaffolds and well covered, we began our retragrade march at p.m. haveing remain'd about three hours on this snowey mountain. we returned by the rout we had advanced to hungary creek, which we assended about miles and encamped. we had here more grass for our horses than the proceeding evening, yet it was but scant. the party were a good deel dejected, tho not as much so as i had apprehended they would have been. this is the first time since we have been on this long tour that we have ever been compelled to retreat or make a retragrade march. it rained on us the most of this evening. on the top of the mountain the weather was very fluctiating and uncertain snowed cloudy & fair in a few minets. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . this morning we had considerable difficulty in collecting our horses they having straggled off to a considerable distance in surch of food on the sides of the mountains among the thick timber; at ock. we collected them all except one of drewyers and one of sheildes; we set out leaving sheilds and lapage to collect the two lost horses and follow us. we dispatched drewyer and shannon to the chopunnish indians in the plains beyond the kooskooske in order to hasten the arrival of the indians who had promised to accompany us or to procure a gude at all events and rejoin us as soon as possible. we sent by them a rifle which we offered as a reward to any of them who would engage to conduct us to traveller's rest; we also dirrected them if they found difficulty in induciny any of them to accompany us to offer the reward of two other guns to be given them immediately and ten horses at the falls of missouri. we had not proceeded far this morning before potts cut his leg very badly with one of the large knives; he cut one of the large veigns on the inner side of the leg; i found much difficulty in stoping the blood which i could not effect untill i applyed a tight bandage with a little cushon of wood and tow on the veign below the wound. colter's horse fel with him in passing hungry creek and himself and horse were driven down the creek a considerable distance rolling over each other among the rocks. he fortunately escaped without injury or the loss of his gun. by p.m. we returned to the glade on the branch of hungry creek where we had dined on the th inst. here we again halted and dined. as there was much appearance of deer about this place we left r. and j. feilds with directions to hunt this evening and tomorrow morning at this place and to join us in the evening at the meadows of collin's creek where we intend remaining tomorrow in order to rest our horses and hunt. after dinner we proceeded on to collin's creek and encamped in a pleasant situation at the upper part of the meadows about ms. above our encampment of the th inst. we sent out several hunters but they returned without having killed anything. they saw a number of salmon in the creek and shot at them several times without success. we directed colter and gibson to fix each of them a gigg in the morning and indevour to take some of the salmon. the hunters saw much fresh appearance of bear but very little of deer. we hope by means of the fish together with what deer and bear we can kill to be enabled to subsist untill our guide arrives without the necessity of returning to the quawmash flats. there is a great abundance of good food here to sustain our horses. [clark, june , ] wednesday june th this morning we had considerable dificuelty in collecting our horses they haveing strageled of to a considerable distance in serch of food on the sides of the mountains among the thick timber, at oclock we collected them all except one of shields & one of drewyer's. we set out leaving shields and lepage to collect the two lost horses and follow us. we dispatched drewyer and shannon to the chopunnish indians in the plains beyond the kooskooske in order to hasten the arrival of the indians who promised to accompany us, or to precure a guide at all events and rejoin us as soon as possible. we sent by them a riffle which we offered as a reward to any of them who would engage to conduct us to clarks river at the entrance of travellers rest creek; we also directed them if they found difficuelty in induceing any of them to accompany us to offer the reward of two other guns to be given them immediately and ten horses at the falls of missouri. we had not proceeded far this morning before j. potts cut his leg very badly with one of the large knives; he cut one of the large veins on the iner side of the leg; colters horse fell with him in passing hungary creek and himself and horse were driven down the creek a considerable distance roleing over each other among the rocks. he fortunately escaped without much injurey or the loss of his gun. he lost his blanket. at p. m we returned to the glade on a branch of hungary creek where we had dined on the th instant. here we again halted and dined. as there was some appearance of deer about this place we left j. & r field with directions to hunt this evening and tomorrow morning at this place and join us in the evening in the meadows on collin's creek where we intended to remain tomorrow in order to restour horses and hunt. after dinner we proceeded on to the near fork of collins creek and encamped in a pleasant situation at the upper part of the meadows about miles above our encampment of the th inst. we sent out several hunters but they returned without having killed any thing-. they saw a number of large fish in the creek and shot at them several times without suckcess. we gibson and colter to fix each of themselves a gigg in the morning and indeaver to take some of those fish. the hunters saw much fresh appearance of bear, but very little deer sign. we hope by the means of the fish together with what deer and bear we can kill to been abled to subsist untill our guide arives without the necessaty of returning to the quawmash flats. there is great abundance of good food here to sustain our horses. we are in flattering expectations of the arrival of two young chiefs who informed us that they intended to accompany us to the u. states, and should set out from their village in nights after we left them on the th inst. if they set out at that time drewyer & shannon will meet them, and probably join us on the th or st-. musquetors troublesome. [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . our hunters were out very early this morning, they returned before noon with one deer only. the fishermen had been more unsuccessfull, they returned without a single fish and reported they could find but few and those they had tryed to take in vain. they had broke both their giggs which were of indian fabrication made of bone. i happened to have a pointed peice of iron in my pouch which answered by cuting in two peices to renew boath giggs. they took one fish this evening which proved to be a salmon trout much to our mortification, for we had hoped that they were the salmon of this spring arrival and of course fat and fine. these trout are of the red kind they remain all winter in the upper parts of the rivers and creeks and are generally poor at this season. at p.m. j & r feilds arived with two deer; john sheilds and lapage came with them, they had not succeeded in finding their horses. late in the evening frazier reported that my riding horse that of capt clark and his mule had gone on towards the quawmash flatts and that he had pursued their tracks on the road about / miles. we determined to send out all the hunters in the morning in order to make a fair experiment of the pactability of our being able to subsist at this place and if not we shall move the day after to the quawmash flatts. the musquetoes have been excessively troublesome to us since our arrival at this place particularly in the evening. cruzatte brought me several large morells which i roasted and eat without salt pepper or grease in this way i had for the first time the true taist of the morell which is truly an insippid taistless food. our stock of salt is now exhausted except two quarts which i have reserved for my tour up maria's river and that i left the other day on the mountain.- [clark, june , ] thursday june th this morning early collins labeesh & crusat turned out to hunt, and gibson & colter fixed two indian giggs and went in serch of fish in the creek. i took my gun and walked up the creek about miles saw some bear sign and one fish only. gibson killed only one fish which we found to be the salmon trout of the dark species. this fish was of the common size pore, and indifferently flavoured. labeesh killed one deer neither of the others killed any thing. about p.m. jo. & r fields shields & lapage came up. reubin &joseph fields brought two deer which r. had killed in the small glade on a branch of hungary creek where we had left them yesterday. shields & lapage did not find the two horses which we lost yesterday morning. they report that they hunted with great diligence in the vicinity of our camp of the th without suckcess. in my walk of this day up the creek i observed a great abundance of fine grass sufficient to sustain our horses any length of time we chose to stay at this place. several glades of quawmash. the s w. sides of the hills is fallen timber and burnt woods, the n. e. sides of the hills is thickly timbered with lofty pine, and thick under growth this evening several salmon trout were seen in the creek, they hid themselves under the banks of the creek which jutted over in such a manner as to secure them from the stroke of our giggs nets and spears which were made for the purpose of taking those salmon trout. we concluded to delay at this place another day with a view to give time to the two young chiefs to arrive in case they set out on the th inst. as they informed us they should they will have sufficient time to join us tomorrow or early the next day. should we get a guide from this place it will save us two days march through some of the worst road through those mountains, crouded with fallin timber mud holes and steep hills &c. we directed all the hunters to turn out early and kill something for us to live on &c. musquetors troublesom [lewis, june , ] friday june th . our hunters set out early this morning; most of them returned before noon. r. feilds killed a brown bear the tallons of which were remarkably short broad at their base and sharply pointed this was of the speceis which the chopunnish call yah-kar. it was in very low order and the flesh of the bear in this situation is much inferior to lean venison or the flesh of poor elk. labush and cruzatte returned late in the evening with one deer which the former had killed. we also caught seven salmon trout in the course of the day. the hunters assured us that their greatest exertions would not enable them to support us here more than one or two days longer from the great scarcity of game and the difficult access of the country, the under brush being very thick and great quantities of fallen timber. as we shall necessarily be compelled to remain more than two days for the return of drewyer and shannon we determined to return in the morning as far as the quawmash flatts and indeavour to lay in another stock of meat for the mountains, our former stock being now nearly exhausted as well as what we have killed on our return. by returning to the quawmash flatts we shall sooner be informed whether or not we can procure a guide to conduct us through the mountains; should we fail in procuring one, we have determined to wrisk a passage on the following plan immediately, because should we wait much longer or untill the snow desolves in such manner as to enable us to follow the road we cannot hope to reach the united states this winter; this is that capt. c. or myself shall take four of our most expert woodsmen with three or four of our best horses and proceed two days in advance taking a plentiful) supply of provision. for this party to follow the road by the marks which the baggage of the indians has made in many places on the sides of the trees by rubing against them, and to blaize the trees with a tomahawk as they proceeded. that after proceeding two days in advance of hungary creek two of those men would be sent back to the main party who by the time of their return to hungary creek would have reached that place. the men so returning would be enabled to inform the main party of the probable success of the preceeding party in finding the road and of their probable progress, in order that should it be necessary, the main party by the delay of a day or two at hungary creek, should give the advance time to mark the road through before the main party could overtake them, and thus prevent delay on the part of the rout where no food is to be obtained for our horses. should it so happen that the advance could not find the road by the marks on the trees after attempting it for two days, the whole of then would return to the main party. in which case we wold bring back our baggage and attempt a passage over these mountains through the country of the shoshones further to the south by way of the main s. westerly fork of lewis's river and madison or gallatin's rivers, where from the information of the chopunnish there is a passage which at this season of the year is not obstructed by snow, though the round is very distant and would require at least a month in it's performance. the shoshones informed us when we first met with them that there was a passage across the mountains in that quarter but represented the difficulties arrising from steep high and rugged mountains and also an extensive and barren plain which was to be passed without game, as infinitely more difficult than the rout by which we came. from the circumstance of the chopunnish being at war with that part of the shoshones who inhabit the country on this side of the mountains through which the road passes i think it is highly probable that they cannot be well informed with rispect to the road, and further, had there been a better road in that quarter the shoshones on the east fork of lewis's river who knew them both would not have recommended that by which we came to this country. the travelling in the mountains on the snow at present is very good, the snow bears the horses perfictly; it is a firm coase snow without a crust, and the horses have good foot hold without sliping much; the only dificulty is finding the road, and i think the plan we have devised will succeed even should we not be enabled to obtain a guide. although the snow may be stated on an average at feet deep yet arround the bodies of the trees it has desolved much more than in other parts not being generally more than one or two feet deep immediately at the roots of the trees, and; of course the marks left by the rubing of the indian baggage against them is not concealed. the reason why the snow is comparitively so shallow about the roots of the trees i presume proceeds as well from the snow in falling being thrown off from their bodies by their thick and spreading branches as from the reflection of the sun against the trees and the warmth which they in some measure acquire from the earth which is never frozen underneath these masses of snow. bratton's horse was also discovered to be absent this evening. i presume he has also returned to the flatts. [clark, june , ] friday june th the hunters turned out early in different directions, our guiggers also turned out with guigs a bayonet fixed on a pole, a scooping nett and a snar made of horse. near the ford of the creek in a deep hole we killed six salmon trout & others were killed in the creek above in the evening. reubin field killed a redish brown bear which was very meagure. the tallons of this bear was remarkably short broad at their base and sharply pointed, this was of the species the chopunnish call yahkar. as it was in very low order the flesh was indifferent. labiesh & crusat returned late in the evening with one deer which the former had killed. the hunters assured us that, their greatest exertions would not enable them to support us here more than one or two days longer, from the great scercity of game and the dificuelt access of the country, the under brush being very thick and great quantities of fallen timber. as we shall necessarily be compelled to remain more than two days for the return of drewyer & shannon we determine to return in the morning as far as the quawmash flatts, and endeaver to lay in another stock of meat for the mountains, our former stock now being nearly exhosted as well as what we have killed on our rout. by returning to the quawmash flatts we shall sooner be informed wheather or not we can precure a guide to conduct us through the mountains; should we fail in precureing one, we are deturmined to wrisk a passage on the following plan immediately, because should we wait much longer, or untill the snow disolves in such manner as to enable us to follow the road we cannot expect to reach the u states this winter; this is that capt. l. or myself shall take four of our most expert woods men with or four of our best horses and proceed two days in advance takeing a plentiful supply of provisions. for this party to follow the road by the mark the indins have made in many places with their baggage on the sides of the trees by rubbing against them, and to blaize the trees with a tomahawk as they proceed. that after proceeding two days in advance of hungary creek, two of those men would be sent back to the party who by the time of their return to hungary creek would have reached that place. the men so returning would be enabled to inform the main party of the probable suckcess of the proceeding party in finding the road and of their probable progress, in order that should it be necessary, the main party by a delay of a day or two a hungary creek, should give the advance time to make the road through before the main party could overtake them, and thus prevent delay on that part of the rout where no food is to be obtained for our horses. should it so happen that the advance should not find the road by the marks of the trees after attempting it for two days, the whole of them would return to the main party. in which case we would bring back our baggage and attempt a passage over the mountains through the country of the shoshones further to the south, by way of the main s westerly fork of lewis's river and madisons or gallitins river's, where from the information of the chopunnish, there is a passage where at this season of the year is not obstructed by snow, though the round is very distant and would require at least a month in it's preformance. the shoshones informed us when we first met with them that there was a passage across the mountains in that quarter but represented the difficuelties arriseing from steep ruggid high mountains, and also an extensive and barren plain which was to be passed without game, as infinitely more difficuelt than the rout by which we came. from the circumstance of the chopunnish being at war with that part of the shoshones who inhabit the country on this side of the mountains through which the road passes, i think it is highly probable they cannot be well informed with respect to the road, and further, had there been a better road in that quarter the shoshones on the east fork of lewis's river who knew them boath would not have recommend'd that by which we came to this country. the travelling in the mountains on the snow, at present is very good, the snow bears the horses perfectly; it is a firm coase snow without a crust, and the horses have good foot hold without slipping much; the only dificuelty is finding the road, and i think the plan we have devised will suckceed even should we not be enabled to obtain a guide. altho the snow may be stated on an average at feet deep, yet arround the body of the trees it has disolved much more than in other parts, not being generally more than one or two feet deep imediately at the roots of the trees, and of course the marks made by the rubbing of the indian baggage against them is not concealed. the reason why the snow is comparitively so shallow about the roots of the trees, prosume proceeds as well from the snow in falling being thrown off from their bodies by the thick and spreading branches, as from the reflection of the sun against the trees and the warmth which they in some measure acquire from the earth which is never frozen underneath those masses of snow. of our horses are absent. [lewis, june , ] saturday june st . we collected our horses early set out on our return to the flatts. we all felt some mortification in being thus compelled to retrace our steps through this tedious and difficult part of our rout, obstructed with brush and innumerable logs of fallen timber which renders the traveling distressing and even dangerous to our horses. one of thompson's horses is either choked this morning or has the distemper very badly i fear he is to be of no further service to us. an excellent horse of cruzatte's snagged himself so badly in the groin in jumping over a parsel of fallen timber that he will evidently be of no further service to us. at the pass of collin's creek we met two indians who were on their way over the mountain; they had brought with them the three horses and the mule that had left us and returned to the quawmash grounds. these indians returned with us about / a mile down the creek where we halted to dine and graize our horses at the same place i had halted and remained all night with the party on the ____ of septembr last. as well as we could understand the indians they informed us that they had seen drewyer and shannon and that they would not return untill the expiration of two days; the cause why drewyer and shannon had not returned with these men we are at a loss to account for. we pressed these indians to remain with us and to conduct us over the mountain on the return of drewyer and shannon. they consented to remain two nights for us and accordingly deposited their store of roots and bread in the bushes at no great distance and after dinner returned with us, as far as the little prarie about miles distant from the creek, here they halted with their horses and informed us they would remain untill we overtook them or at least two nights. they had four supenumery horses with them. we sent on four hunters a head to the quawmash flatts to take an evenings hunt; they so far succeeded as to kill one deer. we left reubin and j. feilds at the creek where we dined together with sergt gass in order to hunt about that place untill our return. at seven in the evening we found ourselves once more at our old encampment where we shall anxiously await the return of drewyer and shannon. [clark, june , ] saturday june st we collected our horses early and set out on our return to the flatts. we all felt some mortification in being thus compelled to retrace our steps through this tedious and difficuelt part of our rout, obstructed with brush and innumerable logs and fallen timber which renders the traveling distressing and even dangerous to our horses. one of thompsons horses is either choked this morning or has the distemper badly. i fear he is to be of no further survice to us. an excellent horse of cruzatt's snagged himself so badly in the groin in jumping over a parcel of fallen timber that he will eventually be of no further survice to us. at the pass of collin's creek we met two indians who were on their way over the mountains, they had brought with them the three horses and the mule which had left us and returned to the quawmash ground. those indians returned with us about / a mile down the creek where we halted to dine and graze our horses. as well as we could understand the indians they informed us they had seen geo drewyer & shannon, and that they would not return untill the expiration of two days. the cause why drewyer & shannon did not return with these men we are at a loss to account for. we pressed those indians to remain with us and conduct us over the mountains on the return of drewyer & shannon. they consented to remain two nights for us and accordingly deposited their stores of roots & bread in the bushes at no great distance and after dinner returned with us, as far as the little prarie about miles distance from the creek, here they halted with their horses and informed us they would remain untill we overtook them or at least nights. they had four supernoumery horses with them. we sent on four hunters a head to the quawmash flatts to make an evening hunt; they so far suckceeded as to kill one deer. we left r. and jo. fields at the creek where we dined, and sergt. gass in order to hunt about that place untill our return. at in the evening we found ourselves once more at our old encampment where we shall anxiously await the return of drewyer & shannon. [lewis, june , ] sunday june nd . this morning by light all hands who could hunt were sent out; the result of this days perfomance was greater than we had even hoped for. we killed eight deer and three bear. we dispatched whitehouse to the kooskooske near our old encampment above collins's creek in order to procure some salmon which we have understood the natives are now taking in considerable quantities near that place. we gave whitehouse a few beads which capt. c. had unexpectedly found in one of his waistcoat pockets to purchase the fish. nothing further worthy of notice occurred in the course of this day. the last evening was cool but the day was remarkably pleasent with a fine breize from the n. w. neither drewyer shannon nor whitehouse returned this evening.--potts's legg is inflamed and very painfull to him. we apply a poltice of the roots of cows.- [clark, june , ] sunday june nd this morning by light all hands who could hunt were sent out, the result of the days performance was greater than we had even hopes for. we killed eight deer and three bear. we despatched whitehouse to the kooskooke near our old encampment above collins creek in order to precure some salmon which we understood the nativs are now takeing in considerable quantities near that place. we gave whitehouse a fiew beeds which i unexpectedly found in one of my waistcoat pockets to purchase the fish. nothing further occured in the course of this day. the last evening was cool but the day was remarkably pleasant with a fine breeze from the n. w. neither shannon drewyer nor whitehouse returned this evening.--potts legg is inflamed and very painfull to him. we apply a poltice of the root of cowes [lewis, june , ] monday june rd . apprehensive from drewyer's delay that he had met with some difficulty in procuring a guide, and also that the two indians who had promised to wait two nights for us would set out today, we thought it most advisable to dispatch frazier and wiser to them this morning with a vew if possible to detain them a day or two longer; and directed that in the event of their not being able to detain the indians, that sergt. gass, r & j. feilds and wiser should accompany the indians by whatever rout they might take to travellers rest and blaize the trees well as they proceeded and wait at that place untill our arrivall with the party. the hunters as usual wer dispatched early this morning. the does now having their fawns the hunters can bleat them up and in that manner kill them with more facility and ease. the indians pursue the game so much on horseback in this neighbourhood that it is very shye. our hunters killed deer and a bear today. at p.m. drewyer shannon and whitehouse returned. drewyer brought with him three indians who had consented to accompany us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of two guns. one of those men is the brother of the cutnose and the other two are the same who presented capt. clark and myself each with a horse on a former occasion at the lodge of the broken arm. these are all young men of good character and much respected by their nation. we directed the horses to be brought near camp this evening and secured in such manner that they may be readily obtained in the morning being determined to make an early start if possible.--colter one of our hunters did not return this evening. [clark, june , ] monday june rd apprehensive from drewyer & shannons delay that they had met with some dif icuelty in precureing a guide, and also that the two indians who had promised to wait two nights for us would set out today, we thought it most adviseable to dispatch wizer & frazier to them this morning with a view if possible to detain them a day or two longer; and directed that in the event of their not being able to detain the indians, that sergt. gass, jo. & r. field & wiser should accompany the indians by whatever rout they might take to travellers rest and blaize the trees well as they proceeded, and wait at that place untill our arival with the party. the hunters as usial were dispatched early this morning. the does now haveing their young the hunters can blait them up, and in that manner kill them with more facillity and ease. the indians pursue the game so much on horse back in this neighbourhood that it is very shye. our hunters killed ____ deer today. at p.m. shannon drewyer & whitehouse returned. shannon & drewyer brought with them three indians who had consented to accompany us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of guns. one of those men is the brother of the cutnose and the other two are the same who presented capt l. and myself with a horse on a former occasion at the lodge of the broken arm, and the two who promised to pursue us in nine nights after we left the river, or on the th inst. those are all young men of good charrector and much respected by their nation. those men infor us that thir nation as well as the wallar-wallars have made peace with the shoshones agreeable to our late advice to them. they also inform us that they have heard by means of the skeetsomis nation & clarks river that the big bellies of fort de prarie killed great numbers of the shoshons and otte lee shoots which we met with last fall on the east fork of lewis's river and high up the west fork of clarks river &c. we directed the horses to be brought near camp and secured in such a manner that they may be readily obtained in the morning being deturmined to make an early start if possible-.--colter one of our hunters did not return this evening [lewis, june , ] tuesday june th . we collected our horses early this morning and set out accompanyed by our three guides. colter joined us this morning having killed a bear, which from his discription of it's poverty and distance we did not think proper to send after. we nooned it as usual at collins's creek where we found frazier, solus; the other four men having gone in pursuit of the two indian men who had set out from collins's creek two hours before frazier and wizer arrived. after dinner we continued our rout to fish creek a branch of collins's creek where we had lain on the th & th inst. here we found sergt. gass wiser and the two indians whom they had prevailed on to remain at that place untill our arrival; r. & j. feilds had only killed one small deer only while they lay at collins's creek and of this they had been liberal to the indians insomuch that they had no provision; they had gone on to the branch of hungary creek at which we shall noon it tomorrow in order to hunt. we had fine grass for our horses this evening. [clark, june , ] tuesday june th we collected our horses early this morning and set out accompanied by our guides. colter joined us this morning haveing killed a bear, which from his discription of it's poverty and distance we did not think proper to send after. we nooned it as usial at collins's creek where we found frazier, solus; the other four men haveing born in pursute of the two indians who had set out from collin's creek two hours before fraziers arrival wiser arrived there. after dinner we continued our rout to fish creek a branch of collin's creek where we had lain the th th th & th inst. here we found sargt. gass, wiser and the two indian men whome they had prevaild on to remain at that place untill our arival; jos. & r. field had killed one small deer only while they lay at collins creek, and of this they had been liberal to the indians insomuch that they had no provisions; they had gone on to the branch of hungary creek at which we shall noon it tomorrow in order to hunt. we had fine grass for our horses this evening. [lewis, june , ] wednesday june th . last evening the indians entertained us with seting the fir trees on fire. they have a great number of dry lims near their bodies which when set on fire creates a very suddon and immence blaze from bottom to top of those tall trees. they are a beatifull object in this situation at night. this exhibition reminded me of a display of fireworks. the natives told us that their object in seting those trees on fire was to bring fair weather for our journey.--we collected our horses readily and set out at an early hour this morning. one of our guides complained of being unwell, a symptom which i did not much like as such complaints with an indian is generally the prelude to his abandoning any enterprize with which he is not well pleased. we left them at our encampment and they promised to pursue us in a few hours. at a.m. we arrived at the branch of hungary creek where we found r. & j. feilds. they had not killed anything. here we halted and dined and our guides overtook us. at this place i met with a plant the root of which the shoshones eat. it is a small knob root a good deel in flavor an consistency like the jerusalem artichoke. it has two small oval smooth leaves placed opposite on either side of the peduncle just above the root. the scape is only about inches long is round and smooth. the roots of this plant formed one of those collections of roots which drewyer took from the shoshones last summer on the head of jefferson's river. after dinner we continued our rout to hungary creek and encamped about one and a half miles below our encampment of the th inst.--the indians continued with us and i beleive are disposed to be faithfull to their engagement. i gave the sik indian a buffaloe robe he having no other covering except his mockersons and a dressed elkskin without the hair. drewyer and sheilds were sent on this morning to hungry creek in surch of their horses which they fortunately recovered. [clark, june , ] wednesday june th last evening the indians entertained us with setting the fir trees on fire. they have a great number of dry limbs near their bodies which when set on fire create a very sudden and eminence blaize from bottom to top of those tail trees. they are a boutifull object in this situation at night. this exhibition remide me of a display of firewoks. the nativs told us that their object in setting those trees on fire was to bring fair weather for our journey-. we collected our horses and set out at an early hour this morning. one of our guides complained of being unwell, a symptom which i did not much like as such complaints with an indian is generally the prelude to his abandoning any enterprize with which he is not well pleased. we left of those indians at our encampment they promised to pursue us in a fiew hours. at a.m. we arrived at the branch of hungary creek where we found jo. & r. fields. they had not killed anything. here we halted and dined and our guides overtook us. at this place the squaw collected a parcel of roots of which the shoshones eat. it is a small knob root a good deel in flavour and consistency like the jerusolem artichoke. it has two small smooth oval leaves placed opposit on either side of the peduncle just above the root. the scope is only about inches long is round and smooth. the roots of this plant forms one of the colection of roots which d-. took from the shoshones last fall on the head of jefferson river. after dinner we continued our rout to hungary creek and encamped about one and a half miles below our encampment of the th inst.--the indians all continue with us and i beleive are disposed to be faithfull to their engagements. capt. l. gave the sick indian a small buffalow robe which he brought from the missouri, this indian having no other covering except his mockersons and a dressed elk skin without the hair-. drewyer & shields were sent on this morning to hungary creek in serch of their horses which they fortunately recovered.---came ____ miles to daye. [lewis, june , ] thursday june th . this morning we collected our horses and set out after an early breakfast or at a.m. we passed by the same rout we had travelled on the th inst. to our deposit on the top of the snowey mountain to the n. e. of hungary creek. here we necessarily halted about hours to arrange our baggage and prepare our loads. we cooked and made a haisty meal of boiled venison and mush of cows. the snow has subsided near four feet since the th inst. we now measured it accurately and found from a mark which we had made on a tree when we were last here on the th that it was then feet inches which appeared to be about the common debth though it is deeper still in some places. it is now generally about feet. on our way up this mountain about the border of the snowey region we killed of the small black pheasant and a female of the large dommanicker or speckled pheasant, the former have fathers in their tail and the latter while the common pheasant have only . the indians informed us that neither of these speceis drumed; they appear to be very silent birds for i never heared either of them make a noise in any situation. the indians haistened to be off and informed us that it was a considerable distance to the place which they wished to reach this evening where there was grass for our horses. accordingly we set out with our guides who lead us over and along the steep sides of tremendious mountains entirely covered with snow except about the roots of the trees where the snow had sometimes melted and exposed a few square feet of the earth. we ascended and decended severall lofty and steep hights but keeping on the dividing ridge between the chopunnish and kooskooske rivers we passed no stream of water. late in the evening much to the satisfaction of ourselves and the comfort of our horses we arrived at the desired spot and encamped on the steep side of a mountain convenient to a good spring. having passed a few miles our camp of sepr here we found an abundance of fine grass for our horses. this situation was the side of an untimbered mountain with a fair southern aspect where the snows from appearance had been desolved about days. the grass was young and tender of course and had much the appearance of the greenswoard. there is a great abundance of a speceis of bear-grass which grows on every part of these mountains it's growth is luxouriant and continues green all winter but the horses will not eat it. soon after we had encamped we were overtaken by a chopunnish man who had pursued us with a view to accompany me to the falls of the missouri. we were now informed that the two young men whom we met on the st and detained several days are going on a party of pleasure mearly to the oote-lash-shoots or as they call them sha-lees a band of the tush-she-pah nation who reside on clark's river in the neighbourhood of traveller's rest. one of our guides lost of his horses, which he returned in surch of; he found them and rejoined us a little before dark. [clark, june , ] thursday june th we collected our horses and set out early and proceeded on down hungary creek a fiew miles and assended to the summit of the mountain where we deposited our baggage on the th inst. found every thing safe and as we had left them. the snow which was feet inches deep on the top of the mountain, had sunk to feet tho perfectly hard and firm. we made some fire cooked dinner and dined, while our horses stood on snow feet deep at least. after dinner we packed up and proceeded on. about the borders of the snowey region we killed small black pheasents and a female of the large dommanicker or speckled pheasent, the former have feathers in the tail and the latter while the common pheasent have . the indians informed us that neither of these speces drumed; they appear to be very silent birds for i never heard any of them make any noise. the indians hastened us off and informed us that it was a considerable distance to the place they wished to reach this evening where there was grass for our horses. accordingly we set out with our guides who led us over and along the steep sides of tremendious mountains entirely covered with snow except about the roots of the trees where the snow was partially melted and exposed a small spot of earth. we assended and decended several steep lofty hights but keeping on the dividing ridge of the chopunnish & kooskooske river we passed no stream of water. late in the evening much to the satisfaction of ourselves and the comfort of the horses we arived at the desired spot and encamped on the steep side of a mountain convenient to a good spring. here we found an abundance of fine grass for our horses. this situation was the side of an untimbered mountain with a fair southern aspect where the snow from appearance had been disolved about days, the grass was young and tender of course and had much the appearance of the green swoard. there is a great abundance of species of bear grass which grows on every part of those mountains, its growth is luxurient and continues green all winter but the horses will not eate it. soon after we had encamped we were over taken by a chopunnish man who had pursued us with a view to accompany capt lewis to the falls of missouri. we were now informed that the two young men we met on the st and detained several days were going on a party of pleasure mearly to the oat-lash-shoots or as they call them sha-lees a band of the tush-she-pah nation who reside on clarks river in the neighbourhood of the mouth of travelers rest. one of our guides lost of his horses, he returned in serch of them he found them & rejoined us at dark. all of the indians with us have two & horses each. i was taken yesterday with a violent pain in my head which has tormented me ever since, most violently [lewis, june , ] friday june th . we collected our horses early and set out. the road still continued on the heights of the same dividing ridge on which we had traveled yesterday for nine miles or to our encampment of the th of september last. about one mile short of this encampment on an elivated point we halted by the request of the indians a few minutes and smoked the pipe. on this eminence the natives have raised a conic mound of stones of or eight feet high and on it's summit erected a pine pole of feet long from hence they informed us that when passing over with their familes some of the men were usually sent on foot by the fishery at the entrance of colt creek in order to take fish and again met the main party at the quawmash glade on the head of the kooskooske river. from this place we had an extensive view of these stupendous mountains principally covered with snow like that on which we stood; we were entirely surrounded by those mountains from which to one unacquainted with them it would have seemed impossible ever to have escaped; in short without the assistance of our guides i doubt much whether we who had once passed them could find our way to travellers rest in their present situation for the marked trees on which we had placed considerable reliance are much fewer and more difficult to find than we had apprehended. these fellows are most admireable pilots; we find the road wherever the snow has disappeared though it be only for a few hundred paces. after smoking the pipe and contemplating this seene sufficient to have damp the sperits of any except such hardy travellers as we have become, we continued our march and at the distance of ms. decended a steep mountain and passed two small branches of the chopunnish river just above their forks and again ascended the ridge on which we passed several miles and at a distance of ms. arrived at our encampment of september near which we passed small branches of the chopunnish river and again ascended to the dividing ridge on which we continued nine miles when the ridge became lower and we arrived at a situation very similar to our encampment of the last evening tho the ridge was somewhat higher and the snow had not been so long desolved of course there was but little grass. here we encamped for the night having traveled miles over these mountains without releiving the horses from their packs or their having any food. the indians inform us that there is an abundance of the mountain sheep or what they call white buffaloe. we saw three black-tailed or mule deer this evening but were unable to get a shoot at them. we also saw several tracks of those animals in the snow. the indians inform that there is great abundance of elk in the vally about the fishery on the kooskooske river. our meat being exhausted we issued a pint of bears oil to a mess which with their boiled roots made an agreeable dish. potts's legg which has been much swolen and inflamed for several days is much better this evening and gives him but little pain. we applyed the pounded roots and leaves of the wild ginger & from which he found great relief.--neare our encampment we saw a great number of the yellow lilly with reflected petals in blume; this plant was just as forward here at this time as it was in the plains on the th of may. [clark, june , ] friday june th we collected our horses early and set out. the road still continue on the hights of the dividing ridge on which we had traveled yesterday for ms. or to our encampment of the th septr. last. about m. short of the encampment we halted by the request of the guides a fiew minits on an ellevated point and smoked a pipe on this eminance the nativs have raised a conic mound of stons of or feet high and erected a pine pole of feet long. from hence they informed us that when passing over with their families some of the men were usually sent on foot by the fishery at the enterance of colt creek in order to take fish and again meet the party at the quawmash glade on the head of kooskoske river. from this place we had an extencive view of these stupendeous mountains principally covered with snow like that on which we stood; we were entirely serounded by those mountains from which to one unacquainted with them it would have seemed impossible ever to have escaped, in short without the assistance of our guides, i doubt much whether we who had once passed them could find our way to travellers rest in their present situation for the marked trees on which we had placed considerable reliance are much fewer and more difficuelt to find than we had apprehended. those indians are most admireable pilots; we find the road wherever the snow has disappeared tho it be only for a fiew paces. after haveing smoked the pipe and contemplating this scene sufficient to have dampened the spirits of any except such hardy travellers as we have become, we continued our march and at the dist. of m. decended a steep mountain and passed two small branches of the chopunnish river just above their fok, and again assend the ridge on which we passed. at the distance of m. arived at our encampment of th septr. last passed small branches passed on a dividing ridge rugid and we arived at a situation very similar to our situation of last night tho the ridge was somewhat higher and the snow had not been so long disolved of course there was but little grass. here we encamped for the night haveing traveled ms. over these mountains without releiveing the horses from their packs or their haveing any food. the indians inform us that there is an abundance of the mountain sheep, or what they call white buffalow on those mountains. we saw black tail or mule deer this evening but were unable to get a shoot at them. we also saw several tracks of those animals in the snow. our meat being exhosted we issued a point of bears oil to a mess which with their boiled roots made an agreeable dish. jo. potts leg which had been much swelled and inflaimed for several days is much better this evening and givs him but little pain. we applied the poundd root & leaves of wild ginger from which he found great relief. near our encampment we saw great numbers of the yellow lilly with reflected petals in blume; this plant was just as foward here at this time as it was in the plains on the th of may. my head has not pained me so much to day as yesterday and last night. [lewis, june , ] saturday june th . this morning we collected our horses and set out as usual after an early breakfast. several of our horses had straggled to a considersble distance in surch of food but we were fortunate enough to find them in good time they look extreemly gant this morning, however the indians informed us that at noon we would arrive at a place where there was good food for them. we continued our rout along the dividing ridge passing one very deep hollow and at the distance of six miles passed our encampment of the of september last, one and a half miles further we passed the road which leads by the fishery falling in on the wright immediately on the dividing ridge about eleven o'clock we arrived at an untimbered side of a mountain with a southern aspect just above the fishery here we found an abundance of grass for our horses as the indians had informed us. as our horses were very hungary and much fatiegued and from information no other place where we could obtain grass for them within the reach of this evening's travel we determined to remain at this place all night having come miles only. the water was distant from our encampment we therefore melted snow and used the water principally. the whole of the rout of this day was over deep snows. we find the traveling on the snow not worse than without it, as the easy passage it gives us over rocks and fallen timber fully compensate for the inconvenience of sliping, certain it is that we travel considerably faster on the snow than without it. the snow sinks from to inches with a hors, is coarse and firm and seems to be formed of the larger and more dense particles of the snow; the surface of the snow is reather harder in the morning than after the sun shines on it a few hours, but it is not in that situation so dense as to prevent the horse from obtaining good foothold. we killed a small black pheasant; this bird is generally found in the snowey region of the mountains and feeds on the leaves of the pine and fir. there is a speceis of small whortleburry common to the hights of the mountains, and a speceis of grass with a broad succulent leaf which looks not unlike a flag; of the latter the horses are very fond, but as yet it is generally under the snow or mearly making it's appearance as it confined to the upper parts of the highest mountains. [clark, june , ] saturday june th this morning we colected our horses and set out as usial after an early brackfast. we continued our rout along the dividig ridge over knobs & through deep hollows passed our encampmt of the sept. last near the forks of the road leaving the one on which we had came one leading to the fishery to our right imediately on the dividing ridge. at oclock we arived at an untimberd side of a mountain with a southern aspect just above the fishery here we found an abundance of grass for our horses as the guids had informed us. as our horses were hungary and much fatiegued and from information no other place where we could obtain grass for them within the reach of this evening's travel we deturmined to remain at this place all night haveing come m. only. the water was distant from our encampment we therefore melted snow and used the water. the whole of the rout of this day was over deep snow. we find the travelling on the snow not worse than without it, as easy passage it givs us over rocks and fallen timber fully compensates for the inconvenience of sliping, certain it is that we travel considerably faster on the snow than without it. the snow sinks from to inches with a horse, is course and firm and seems to be formed of the larger particles the surface of the snow sees to be rather harder in the morning than after the sun shines on it a fiew hours, but it is not in that situation so dense as to prevent the horses from obtaining good foothold. i killed a small black pheasant; this bird is generally found in the snowey region of the mountains and feeds on the leaves of the pine & fir. there is a species of small huckleberry common to the hights of the mountains, and a species of grass with a broad succulent leaf which looks not unlike a flag; of the latter the horses are very fond, but as yet it is generally under the snow, or mearly makeing it's appearance as it confined to the upper part of the highest mountains. [lewis, june , ] sunday june th . we collected our horses early this morning and set out, having previously dispatched drewyer and r. fields to the warm springs to hunt. we pursued the hights of the ridge on which we have been passing for several days; it terminated at the distance of ms. from our encampment and we decended to, and passed the main branch of the kooskooske / ms. above the entrance of quawmash creek wid falls in on the n. e. side. when we decended from this ridge we bid adieu to the snow. near the river we fund a deer which the hunters had killed and left us. this was a fortunate supply as all our oil was now exhausted and we were reduced to our roots alone without salt. the kooskooske at this place is about yds. wide and runs with great volocity. the bed as all the mountain streams is composed of smooth stones. beyond the river we ascended a very steep acclivity of a mountain about miles and arrived at it's summit where we found the old road which we had pased as we went out, coming in on our wright. the road was now much plainer and more beaten, which we were informed happened from the circumstance of the ootslashshoots visiting the fishery frequently from the vally of clark's river; tho there was no appearance of there having been here this spring. at noon we arrived at the quawmas flatts on the creek of the same name and halted to graize our horses and dine having traveled miles. we passed our encampment of the th of september at ms. where we halted there is a pretty little plain of about acres plentifully stocked with quawmash and from apperances this fromes one of the principal stages or encampments of the indians who pass the mountains on this road. we found after we had halted that one of our packhorses with his load and one of my riding horses were left behind. we dispatched j. feilds and colter in surch of the lost horses. after dinner we continued our march seven miles further to the warm springs where we arrived early in the evening and sent out several hunters, who as well as r fields and drewyer returned unsuccessful; late in the evening colter and j. fields joined us with the lost horses and brought with them a deer which they had killed, this furnished us with supper. these warm springs are situated at the base of a hill of no considerable hight on the n side and near the bank of travellers rest creek which at that place is about yards wide. these springs issue from the bottoms and through the interstices of a grey freestone rock, the rock rises in iregular masy clifts in a circular range arround the springs on their lower side. immediately above the springs on the creek there is a handsome little quamas plain of about acres. the prinsipal spring is about the temperature of the warmest baths used at the hot springs in virginia. in this bath which had been prepared by the indians by stoping the run with stone and gravel, i bathed and remained in minutes, it was with dificulty i could remain thus long and it caused a profuse sweat two other bold springs adjacent to this are much warmer, their heat being so great as to make the hand of a person smart extreemly when immerced. i think the temperature of these springs about the same as the hotest of the hot springs in virginia. both the men and indians amused themselves with the use of a bath this evening. i observed that the indians after remaining in the hot bath as long as they could bear it ran and plunged themselves into the creek the water of which is now as cold as ice can make it; after remaining here a few minutes they returned again to the warm bath, repeating this transision several times but always ending with the warm bath. i killed a small black pheasant near the quamash grounds this evening which is the first i have seen below the snowy region. i also saw some young pheasants which were about the size of chickens of days old. saw the track of two bearfoot indians who were supposed to be distressed rufugees who had fled from the minnetares. [clark, june , ] sunday june th we colected our horses and set out haveing previously dispatched drewyer & r. field to the warm springs to hunt. we prosued the hights of the ridge on which we have been passing for several days; it termonated at the distance of m. from our encampment, and we decended to & passed the main branch of kooskooke / ms. above the enterance of glade creek which falls in on the n. e. side. we bid adew to the snow. near the river we found a deer which the hunters had killed and left us. this was a fortunate supply as all our bears oil was now exhosted, and we were reduced to our roots alone without salt. the river is yds wide and runs with great velossity. the bead as all the mountain streams is composed of smooth stone. beyond this river we assended a steep mountain about miles to it's sumit where we found the old road which we had passed on as we went out. comeing in on our right, the road was now much plainer and much beaten. at noon we arived at the quawmash flatts on vally creek and halted to graize our horses and dined haveing traveled miles here is a pretty little plain of about acres plentifully stocked with quawmash and from appearance this forms one of the principal stages of the indians who pass the mountains on this road. we found that one of our pack horss with his load and one of capt. l.s. horses were missing we dispatched jo. field & colter in serch of the lost horse's. after dinner we continued our march ms further to the worm springs where we arrived early in the evening, and sent out several hunters, who as well as r. field & drewyer returned unsuksessfull; late in the evening jo. field & colter joined us with the lost horses and brought with them a deer which j. f. had killed, this furnished us with a supper. those worm or hot springs are situated at the base of a a hill of no considerable hight, on the n. side and near the bank of travellers rest creek which is at that place about yds wide. these springs issue from the bottom and through the interstices of a grey freestone rock, the rock rises in irregular masy clifts in a circular range, arround the springs on their lower side. imediately above the springs on the creek there is a handsom little quawmash plain of about acres. the principal spring is about the temperature of the warmest baths used at the hot springs in virginia. in this bath which had been prepared by the indians by stopping the river with stone and mud, i bathed and remained in minits it was with dificuelty i could remain this long and it causd a profuse swet. two other bold springs adjacent to this are much warmer, their heat being so great as to make the hand of a person smart extreemly when immerced. we think the temperature of those springs about the same as that of the hotest of the hot springs of virginia. both the men and the indians amused themselves with the use of the bath this evening. i observe after the indians remaining in the hot bath as long as they could bear it run and plunge themselves into the creek the water of which is now as cold as ice can make it; after remaining here a fiew minits they return again to the worm bath repeeting this transision several times but always ending with the worm bath. saw the tracks of bearfooted indians-. [lewis, june , ] monday june th . we dispatched drewyer and j. fields early this morning to hunt on the road and indeavour to obtain some meat for us. just as we had prepared to set out at an early hour a deer came in to lick at these springs and one of our hunters killed it; this secured us our dinners, and we proceeded down the creek sometimes in the bottoms and at other times on the top or along the steep sides of the ridge to the n. of the creek. at one mile from the springs we passed a stout branch of the creek on the north side and at noon having travelled ms. we arrived at the entrance of a second northen branch of the creek where we had nooned it on the th of septr. last. here we halted, dined and graized our horses. while here sheilds took a small tern and killed a deer. at this place a road turns off to the wright which the indians informed us leads to clarks river some distance below where there is a fine extensive vally in which the shalees or ootslashshoots sometimes reside. in descending the creek this morning on the steep side of a high hill my horse sliped with both his hinder feet out of the road and fell, i also fell off backwards and slid near feet down the hill before i could stop myself such was the steepness of the declivity; the horse was near falling on me in the first instance but fortunately recovers and we both escaped unhirt. i saw a small grey squirrel today much like those of the pacific coast only that the belly of this was white. i also met with the plant in blume which is sometimes called the lady's slipper or mockerson flower. it is in shape and appearance like ours only that the corolla is white, marked with small veigns of pale red longitudinally on the inner side. after dinner we resumed our march. soon after seting out sheilds killed another deer and in the course of the evening we picked up three others which drewyer had killed along the road making a total of today. deer are very abundant in the neighbourhood of travellers rest of both speceis, also some bighorns and elk. a little before sunset we arrived at our old encampment on the south side of the creek a little above it's entrance into clark's river. here we encamped with a view to remain two days in order to rest ourselves and horses & make our final arrangements for seperation. we came ms. after dinner the road being much better than it has been since we entered the mountains we found no appearance of the ootslashshoots having been here lately. the indians express much concern for them and apprehend that the minnetares of fort de prarie have distroyed them in the course of the last winter and spring, and mention the tracks of the bearfoot indians which we saw yesterday as an evidence of their being much distressed.--our horses have stood the journey supprisingly well, most of them are yet in fine order, and only want a few days rest to restore them perfectly.- [clark, june , ] monday june th we dispatched drewyer & jo. field early this morning ahead to hunt. just as we had prepard. to set out at an early hour, a deer came in to lick at the springs and one of our hunters killed it; this secired to us our dinner. and we proceeded down the creek, sometimes in the bottoms and at other times on the tops or along the steep sides of the ridge to the n of the creek. at / m. we passd our encampment of the th of septr. last. we noon'd it at the place we had on the of septr. last whiles here shields killed a deer on the n. fork near the road. here a rode leads up the n. fork and passed over to an extensive vally on clarks river at some distance down that river as our guids inform us. after dinner we resumed our march. soon after setting out shields killed another deer, and we picked up others which g drewyer had killed along the road. deer are very abundant in the neighbourhood of travellers rest of boath specis, also some big horn and elk. a little before sunset we arrived at our old encampment on the s. side of the creek a little above its enterance into clarks river. here we encamped with a view to remain days in order to rest ourselves and horses and make our final arrangements for seperation. we found no signs of the oatlashshots haveing been here lately. the indians express much concern for them and apprehend that the menetarries of fort d prar have destroyed them in the course of the last winter and spring, and mention the tracts of the bearfooted indians which we saw yesterday as an evidence of their being much distressed-. our horses have stood the journey supirisinly well and only want a fiew days rest to restore them. [clark, june , ] descended the mountain to travellers rest leaveing those tremendious mountanes behind us-in passing of which we have experiensed cold and hunger of which i shall ever remember. in passing over this part of the rocky mountains from clarks river, to the quawmash flats from the th to the th of septr. we marched through snow, which fell on us on the night of the th and nearly all the day of the in addition to the cold rendered the air cool and the way difficuelt. our food was horses of which we eate three.--on our return we set out from the quawmash flats on the th of june and commenes the assent of the rocky mountains; the air became cool and vigitation backward--on the th we met with banks of snow and in the hollars and maney of the hill sides the snow was from to feet deep and scercely any grass vegitation just commencing where the snow had melted--on the th at meridian, the snow became so deep in every derection from to feet deep we could not prosue the road there being no grass for our horses we were obliged to return to the quawmash flatts to precure meat to live on as well as grass for our horses--leaveing our baggage on the mountains we precured indians as pilots and on the th of june we again under took those snowey regn. on the th we with our baggage arived at an open plain serounded with snow where there was grass for horses on the th & th also passing over snow or feet deep all the way on th passed over but little snow--but saw great masses of it lying in different directions [lewis, july , ] tuesday july st . this morning early we sent out all our hunters. set sheilds at work to repair some of our guns which were out of order capt. clark & my self consurted the following plan viz. from this place i determined to go with a small party by the most direct rout to the falls of the missouri, there to leave thompson mcneal and goodrich to prepare carriages and geer for the purpose of transporting the canoes and baggage over the portage, and myself and six volunteers to ascend maria's river with a view to explore the country and ascertain whether any branch of that river lies as far north as latd. and again return and join the party who are to decend the missouri, at the entrance of maria's river. i now called for the volunteers to accompany me on this rout, many turned out, from whom i scelected drewyer the two feildses, werner, frazier and sergt gass accompanied me the other part of the men are to proceed with capt clark to the head of jefferson's river where we deposited sundry articles and left our canoes. from hence sergt ordway with a party of men are to decend the river with the canoes; capt c. with the remaining ten including charbono and york will proceed to the yellowstone river at it's nearest approach to the three forks of the missouri, here he will build a canoe and decend the yellowstone river with charbono the indian woman, his servant york and five others to the missouri where should he arrive first he will wait my arrival. sergt pryor with two other men are to proceed with the horses by land to the mandans and thence to the british posts on the assinniboin with a letter to mr. heney whom we wish to engage to prevail on the sioux chefs to join us on the missouri, and accompany them with us to the seat of the general government. these arrangements being made the party were informed of our design and prepared themselves accordingly. our hunters killed deer in the course of this day of which were fine bucks, deer are large and in fine order. the indians inform us that there are a great number of white buffaloe or mountain sheep of the snowey hights of the mountains west of this river; they state that they inhabit the most rocky and inaccessible parts, and run but badly, that they kill them with great ease with their arrows when they can find them. the indian warrior who overtook us on the th ult. made me a present of an excellent horse which he said he gave for the good council we had given himself and nation and also to assure us of his attatchment to the white men and his desire to be at peace with the minnetares of fort de prarie. we had our venison fleeced and exposed in the sun on pole to dry. the dove the black woodpecker, the lark woodpecker, the logcock, the prarie lark, sandhill crain, prarie hen with the short and pointed tail, the robin, a speceis of brown plover, a few curloos, small black birds, ravens hawks and a variety of sparrows as well as the bee martin and the several speceis of corvus genus are found in this vally. windsor birst his gun near the muzzle a few days since; this sheilds cut off and i then exchanged it with the cheif for the one we had given him for conducting us over the mountains. he was much pleased with the exchange and shot his gun several times; he shoots very well for an inexperienced person. the little animal found in the plains of the missouri which i have called the barking squirrel weighs from to / pounds. it's form is that of the squirrel. it's colour is an uniform light brick red grey, the red reather predominating. the under side of the neck and bely are lighter coloured than the other parts of the body. the legs are short, and it is wide across the breast and sholders in propotion to it's size, appears strongly formed in that part; the head is also bony muscular and stout, reather more blontly terminated wider and flatter than the common squirrel. the upper lip is split or divided to the nose. the ears are short and lie close to the head, having the appearance of being cut off, in this particular they resemble the guinea pig. the teeth are like those of the squrrel rat &c. they have a false jaw or pocket between the skin and the mustle of the jaw like that of the common ground squrrel but not so large in proportion to their size. they have large and full whiskers on each side of the nose, a few long hairs of the same kind on each jaw and over the eyes. the eye is small and black. they have five toes on each foot of which the two outer toes on each foot are much shoter than those in the center particularly the two inner toes of the fore feet, the toes of the fore feet are remarkably long and sharp and seem well adapted to cratching or burrowing those of the hind feet are neither as long or sharp as the former; the nails are black. the hair of this animal is about as long and equally as course as that of the common grey squrrel of our country, and the hair of the tail is not longer than that of the body except immediately at the extremity where it is somewhat longer and frequently of a dark brown colour. the part of generation in the female is placed on the lower region of the belly between the hinder legs so far forward that she must lie on her back to copolate. the whole length of this animal is one foot five inches from the extremity of the nose to that of the tail of which the tail occupyes inches. it is nearly double the size of the whistleing squirrel of the columbia. it is much more quick active and fleet than it's form would indicate. these squirrels burrow in the ground in the open plains usually at a considerable distance from the water yet are never seen at any distance from their burrows. six or eight usually reside in one burrow to which there is never more than one entrance. these burrows are of great debth. i once dug and pursued a burrow to the debth of ten feet and did not reach it's greatest debth. they generally associate in large societies placing their burrows near each other and frequently occupy in this manner several hundred acres of land. when at rest above ground their position is generally erect on their hinder feet and rump; thus they will generally set and bark at you as you approach them, their note being much that of the little toy dogs, their yelps are in quick succession and at each they a motion to their tails upwards. they feed on the grass and weeds within the limits of their village which they never appear to exceed on any occasion. as they are usually numerous they keep the grass and weeds within their district very closely graized and as clean as if it had been swept. the earth which they throw out of their burrows is usually formed into a conic mound around the entrance. this little animal is frequently very fat and it's flesh is not unpleasant. as soon as the hard frosts commence it shuts up it's burrow and continues within untill spring. it will eat grain or meat. [clark, july , ] tuesday july st on clark's river we sent out all the hunters very early this morning by oclock they all returned haveing killd. deer six of them large fat bucks, this is like once more returning to the land of liveing a plenty of meat and that very good. as capt. lewis and myself part at this place we make a division of our party and such baggage and provisions as is souteable. the party who will accompany capt l. is g. drewyer, sergt. gass, jo. & r. fields, frazier & werner, and thompson goodrich & mcnear as far as the falls of missouri at which place the latter will remain untill i send down the canoes from the head of jeffersons river. they will then join that party and after passing the portage around the falls, proceed on down to the enterance of maria where capt. lewis will join them after haveing assended that river as high up as laid. ° north. from the head of jeffersons river i shall proceed on to the head of the rockejhone with a party of or men and desend that river. from the r rockejhone i shall dispatch sergt. pryor with the horses to the mandans and from thence to the tradeing establishments of the n. w. co on the assinniboin river with a letter which we have written for the purpose to engage mr. h. haney to endeaver to get some of the principal chiefs of the scioux to accompany us to the seat of our government &. we divide the loading and apportion the horses. capt l. only takes horses with him, only of which he intends to take up the maria &c. one of the indians who accompaned us swam clarks river and examined the country around, on his return he informed us that he had discovered where a band of the tushepaws had encamped this spring passed of lodges, & that they had passed down clarks river and that it was probable that they were near the quawmash flatts on a easterly branch of that river. those guides expressed a desire to return to their nation and not accompany us further, we informed them that if they was deturmined to return we would kill some meat for them, but wished that they would accompy capt. lewis on the rout to the falls of missouri only nights and show him the right road to cross the mountains. this they agreed to do. we gave a medal of the small size to the young man son to the late great chief of the chopunnish nation who had been remarkably kind to us in every instance, to all the others we tied a bunch of blue ribon about the hair, which pleased them very much. the indian man who overtook us in the mountain, presented capt. lewis with a horse and said that he opened his ears to what we had said, and hoped that cap lewis would see the crovanters of fort de prarie and make a good peace that it was their desire to be at peace. shew them the horse as a token of their wishes &c. [lewis, july , ] wednesday july ed . we sent out the hunters early this morning, they returned not so succesfull as yesterday having killed deer only. sheilds continued repairing the gunns which he compleated by evening. all arrangements being now compleat we determined to set out in the morning. in the course of the day we had much conversation with the indians by signs, our only mode of communicating our ideas. they informed us that they wished to go in surch of the ootslashshoots their friends and intended leaving us tomorrow morning, i prevailed on them to go with me as far as the east branch of clark's river and put me on the road to the missouri. i gave the cheif a medal of the small size; he insisted on exchanging names with me according to their custom which was accordingly done and i was called yo-me-kol-lick which interpreted is the white bearskin foalded. in the evening the indians run their horses, and we had several foot races betwen the natives and our party with various success. these are a race of hardy strong athletic active men. nothin worthy of notice transpired in the course of the day. goodrich and mcneal are both very unwell with the pox which they contracted last winter with the chinnook women this forms my inducement principally for taking them to the falls of the missouri where during an intervail of rest they can use the murcury freely. i found two speceis of native clover here, the one with a very narrow small leaf and a pale red flower, the other nearly as luxouriant as our red clover with a white flower the leaf and blume of the latter are proportionably large. i found several other uncommon plants specemines of which i preserved. the leaf of the cottonwood on this river is like that common to the columbia narrower than that common to the lower part of the missouri and mississippi and wider than that on the upper part of the missouri. the wild rose, servise berry, white berryed honeysuckle, seven bark, elder, alder aspin, choke cherry and the broad and narrow leafed willow are natives of this valley. the long leafed pine forms the principal timber of the neighbourhood, and grows as well in the river bottoms as on the hills. the firs and larch are confined to the higher parts of the hills and mountains. the tops of the high mountains on either side of this river are covered with snow. the musquetoes have been excessively troublesome to us since our arrival at this place. [clark, july , ] wednesday july nd sent out hunters this morning and they killed deer. the musquetors has been so troublesom day and night since our arrival in this vally that we are tormented very much by them and cant write except under our bears. we gave the second gun to our guides agreeable to our promis, and to each we gave powder & ball i had the greater part of the meat dried for to subsist my party in the mountains between the head of jeffersons & clarks rivers where i do not expect to find any game to kill. had all of our arms put in the most prime order two of the rifles have unfortunately bursted near the muscle, shields cut them off and they shute tolerable well one which is very short we exchanged with the indian whoe we had given a longer gun to induc them to pilot us across the mountains. we caused every man to fill his horn with powder & have a sufficincy of balls &c. the last day in passing down travellers rest creek capt lewis fell down the side of a steep mountain near feet but fortunately receved no dammage. his hors was near falling on him but fortunately recovered and they both escaped unhurt. i killed a small grey squurel and a common pheasant. capt l. showed me a plant in blume which is sometimes called the ladies slipper or mockerson flower. it is in shape and appearance like ours only that the corolla is white marked with small veigns of pale red longitudinally on the inner side, and much smaller. the indians and some of our men amused themselves in running races on foot as well as with their horses. [lewis, july , ] thursday july rd . all arrangements being now compleated for carrying into effect the several scheemes we had planed for execution on our return, we saddled our horses and set out i took leave of my worthy friend and companion capt. clark and the party that accompanyed him. i could not avoid feeling much concern on this occasion although i hoped this seperation was only momentary. i proceeded down clark's river seven miles with my party of nine men and five indians. here the indians recommended our passing the river which was rapid and yds. wide. miles above this place i passed the entrance of the east branch of clark's river which discharges itself by two channels; the water of this river is more terbid than the main stream and is from to yds. wide. as we had no other means of passing the river we busied ourselves collecting dry timber for the purpose of constructing rafts; timber being scarce we found considerable difficulty in procuring as much as made three small rafts. we arrived at a.m. and had our rafts completed by p.m. when we dined and began to take over our baggage which we effected in the course of hours the rafts being obliged to return several times. the indians swam over their horses and drew over their baggage in little basons of deer skins which they constructed in a very few minutes for that purpose. we drove our horses in after them and they followed to the opposite shore. i remained myself with two men who could scarcely swim untill the last; by this time the raft by passing so frequently had fallen a considerable distance down the river to a rapid and difficult part of it crouded with several small islands and willow bars which were now overflown; with these men i set out on the raft and was soon hurried down with the current a mile and a half before we made shore, on our approach to the shore the raft sunk and i was drawn off the raft by a bush and swam on shore the two men remained on the raft and fortunately effected a landing at some little distance below. i wet the chronometer by this accedent which i had placed in my fob as i conceived for greater security. i now joined the party and we proceeded with the indians about ms. to a small creek and encamped at sunset. i sent out the hunters who soon returned with three very fine deer of which i gave the indians half these people now informed me that the road which they shewed me at no great distance from our camp would lead us up the east branch of clark's river and a river they called cokahlarishkit or the river of the road to buffaloe and thence to medicine river and the falls of the missouri where we wished to go. they alledged that as the road was a well beaten track we could not now miss our way and as they were affraid of meeting with their enimies the minnetares they could not think of continuing with us any longer, that they wished now to proceed down clark's river in surch of their friends the shalees. they informed us that not far from the dividing ridge between the waters of this and the missouri rivers the roads forked they recommended the left hand as the best rout but said they would both lead us to the falls of the missouri. i directed the hunters to turn out early in the morning and indeavour to kill some more meat for these people whom i was unwilling to leave without giving them a good supply of provision after their having been so obliging as to conduct us through those tremendious mountains. the musquetoes were so excessively troublesome this evening that we were obliged to kindle large fires for our horses these insects tortured them in such manner untill they placed themselves in the smoke of the fires that i realy thought they would become frantic. about an hour after dark the air become so coald that the musquetoes disappeared. we saw the fresh track of a horse this evening in the road near our camp which the indians supposed to be a shale spye. we killed a prarie hen with the short and pointed tail she had a number of young which could just fly. [lewis, july , ] july th . an indian arrived alone from the west side of the mountains. he had pursued and overtook us here. sent out the hunters early to kill some meat to give the indians as they would not go with us further and i was unwilling after they service they had rendered to send them away without a good store of provision. they are going down clark's river in surch of the shalees their friends, and from thence intend returning by this rout home again, they fleesed their meat informed us that they should dry it and leave it for their homeward journey.--set out at . had killed no deer. [lewis, july , ] friday july th . i arrose early this morning and sent out drewyer and the fieldses to hunt. at . a.m. a man of the pallote pellows arrived from the west side of the rocky mountains; he had pursued us a few days after our departure and overtook us at this place; he proved to be the same young man who had first attempted to pass the rocky mountains early in june last when we lay on the kooskooske and was obliged to relinquish the enterprize in consequence of the debth and softness of the snow. i gave a shirt a handkercheif and a small quantity of ammunition to the indians. at half after eleven the hunters returned from the chase unsuccessfull. i now ordered the horses saddled smoked a pipe with these friendly people and at noon bid them adieu. they had cut the meat which i gave them last evening thin and exposed it in the sun to dry informing me that they should leave it in this neighbourhood untill they returned as a store for their homeward journey. it is worthy of remark that these people were about to return by the same pass by which they had conducted us through the difficult part of the rocky mountains, altho they were about to decend clark's river several days journey in surch of the shale's their relations, a circumstance which to my mind furnishes sufficient evidence that there is not so near or so good a rout to the plains of columbia by land along that river as that which we came. the several war routs of the minetarees which fall into this vally of clark's river concenter at traveller's rest beyond which point they have never yet dared to venture in pursuit of the nations beyond the mountains. all the nations also on the west side of the mountain with whom we are acquainted inhabiting the waters of lewis's river & who visit the plains of the missouri pass by this rout. these affectionate people our guides betrayed every emmotion of unfeigned regret at seperating from us; they said that they were confidint that the pahkees, (the appellation they give the minnetares) would cut us off. the first miles of our rout was through a part of the extensive plain in which we were encamped, we then entered the mountains with the east fork of clark's river through a narrow confined pass on it's n. side continuing up that river five ms. further to the entrance of the cokahlahishkit r which falls in on the n. e. side, is yds. wide deep and rapid. the banks bold not very high but never overflow. the east fork below its junction with this stream is yds. wide and above it about . the water of boath are terbid but the east branch much the most so; their beds are composed of sand and gravel; the east fork possesses a large portion of the former. neither of those streams are navigable in consequence of the rapids and shoals which obstruct their currents. thus far a plain or untimbered country bordered the river which near the junction of these streams spread into a handsome level plain of no great extent; the hills were covered with long leafed pine and fir. i now continued my rout up the n. side of the cokahlahishkit river through a timbered country for miles and encamped in a handsom bottom on the river where there was an abundance of excelence grass for our horses. the evening was fine, air pleasent and no musquetoes. a few miles before we encamped i killed a squirrel of the speceis common to the rocky mountains and a ground squirrel of a speceis which i had never before seen, i preserved the skins of both of these animals. [lewis, july , ] july th . set out at a.m.--steered n. e. / m. passed a stout c. n side at / m. another just above saw an old indian encampment of lodges of bark and leather on s. side at / m. killed a deer. n. e. m. passing a small creek at one m. on s side on which there is a handsom and extensive valley and plain for or ms. also another creek yd. wide at / a mile further on n. sides and another yds. wide on n. side at ms further one & / m. short of the extremity of this course arrive at a high prarie on n. side from one to three miles in width extending up the river. halted and dined in the mouth of a little drane on the left of the plain where there was a considerable quantity of quawmash. saw a gang of antelopes here of which we killed one the does at this season herd with each other and have their young. the bucks are alone there are many wild horses on clarkes river about the place we passed it we saw some of them at a distance. there are said to be many of them about the head of the yellowstone river. east m. to the entrance of werner's creek yds. wide through a high extensive prairie on n. side. hills low and timbered with the long leafed pine, larch, and some fir. the road passes at some distance to the left of the river and this couses is with the river. n. w. miles to a high insulated knob just above the entrance of a creek yards wide which discharges itself into werners creek. n. e. / m. to the river passing through an extensive and handsom plain on werner's creek, crossing that creek at m. and leaving a high prarie hill to the right seperating the plain from the river. saw two swan in this beautiful creek. east m. to the entrance of a large creek yds. wide called m. seamans creek passing a creek at m. yds. wide. this course with the river, the road passing through an extensive high prarie rendered very uneven by a vast number of little hillucks and sinkholes at the heads of these two creeks high broken mountains stand at the distance of m. forming a kind of cove generally of open untimbered country.--we encamped on the lower side of the last creek just above it's entrance. here a war party had encamped about months since and conceald their fires.- [lewis, july , ] july th . set out a little after sunrise passed the creek a little above our encampment. east m. to the point at which the river leaves the extensive plains and enters the mountains these plains i called the prarie of the knobs from a number of knobs being irregularly scattered through it. passed the n. fork of the cokahlarishkit rivers at m. it is yds. wide deep and rapid. had some difficulty in passing it. passed a large crooked pond at ms. further. great number of the burrowing squirrls in this prarie of the speceis common to the plains of columbia. saw some goats and deer. the hunters killed one of the latter. the trail which we take to be a returning war-party of the minnetares of fort de prarie becomes much fresher. they have a large pasel of horses. saw some curloos, bee martains woodpeckers plover robins, doves, ravens, hawks and a variety of sparrows common to the plains also some ducks. the north fork is terbid as is also the main branch which is about yds. wide the other streams are clear. these plains continue their course s e. and are wide where the river leaves them. up this valley and creek a road passes to dearbourn's river and thence to the missouri. n. e / up the river. here we halted and dine and our hunters overtook us with a deer which they had killed. river bottoms narrow and country thickly timbered. cottonwood and pine grow intermixed in the river bottoms musquitoes extreemely troublesome. we expect to meet with the minnetares and are therefore much on our guard both day and night. the bois rague in blume.--saw the common small blue flag and peppergrass. the southern wood and two other speceis of shrub are common in the prarie of knobs. preserved specemines of them. passed several old indian encampments of brush lodges.- s e m. to two nearly equal forks of the river here the road forks also one leading up each branch these are the forks of which i presume the indians made mention. passed a creek on n. side yds. wide shallow and clear. n e. m. to our encampment of this evening over a steep high ms. balld toped hill for m. thence through and to the left of a large low bottom m. thence three miles through a thick wood along the hill side bottoms narrow. thence m. to our encampment on a large creek some little distance above it's mouth through a beatifull plain on the border of which we passed the remains of old lodges. they appear to be those of the minnetares as are all those we have seen today. killed five deer and a beaver today. encamped on the creek much sign of beaver in this extensive bottom. [lewis, july , ] july . set out at a.m. n. e. m. with the road through a level beatifull plain on the north side of the river much timber in the bottoms hills also timbered with pitch pine. no longleafed pine since we left the praries of the knobs. crossed a branch of the creek yds. wid. on which we encamped at / m. also passed a creek yd. wide at / further. north ms.--passed the main creek at a mile / and kept up it on the wright hand side through handsom plain bottoms to the foot of a ridge which we ascended the main stream boar n w & w. as far as i could see it a wright hand fork falls into this creek at m. above the commencement of this course. n. e. m. over two ridges and again striking the wrighthand fork at ms. then continued up it on the left hand side much appearance of beaver many dams. bottoms not wide and covered with low willow and grass. halted to dine at a large beaver dam the hunters killed deer and a fawn. deer are remarkably plenty and in good order. reubin fields wounded a moos deer this morning near our camp. my dog much worried. n. e. m. up the same creek on the east side through a handsome narrow plain. n e. m. passing the dividing ridge betwen the waters of the columbia and missouri rivers at / of a mile from this gap which is low and an easy ascent on the w. side the fort mountain bears north eaast, and appears to be distant about miles. the road for one and / miles desends the hill and continues down a branch. n. w. ms. over several hills and hollows along the foot of the mountain hights passing five small rivulets running to the wright. saw some sighn of buffaloe early this morning in the valley where we encamped last evening from which it appears that the buffaloe do sometimes penetrate these mountains a few miles. we saw no buffaloe this evening. but much old appearance of dung, tracks &c. encamped on a small run under the foot of the mountain. after we encamped drewyer killed two beaver and shot third which bit his knee very badly and escaped [lewis, july , ] july th . set out at a.m. n w. / m. to the top of a hill from whence we saw the shishequaw mountain about m. distant, immediately before us. passed dearborne's river at m. this stream comes form the s. w. out of the mountains which are about ms. to our left. the bed of the river is about yds. wide tho the water occupys only about yds. it appears to spread over it's bottoms at certain seasons of the year and runs a mear torrant tearing up the trees by the roots which stand in it's bottom the shishiquaw mountain is a high insulated conic mountain standing several miles in advance of the eastern range of the rocky mountains. country broken and mountanous to our wright. north-- / ms. through an open plain to shishequaw creek yds. wide bottoms and considerable gantity of timber it leaves the mountain to the s e and enters the mountains. we struck it about miles below the mountain which boar s. w. from us. the road continued along the foot of the mountain to the west of north which not being anything like our course and the country becoming tolerably level at the commencement of this course we steered through the plains leaving the road with a view to strike medicine river and hunt down it to it's mouth in order to procure the necessary skins to make geer, and meat for the three men whom we mean to leave at the falls as none of them are hunters. we halted and dined on shishequaw creek r. fields killed a fine buck and a goat; josh. fields saw two buffaloe below us some distance which are the first that have been seen. we saw a great number of deer goats and wolves as we passed through the plains this morning but no elk or buffaloe. saw some barking squirrils much rejoiced at finding ourselves in the plains of the missouri which abound with game. n. e m. to the discharge of shishequaw creek into the medicine rivers through an extensive beautiful) and level bottom. n. ° e. m. to our encampment of this evening on a large island the bottoms continue level low and extensive plains level and not very elivated partcularly on the n. e. side of the river. the land of neither the plains nor bottoms is fertile. it is of a light colour intermixed with a considerable proportion of gravel the grass generally about inghes high. the hunters were unsuccessful this evening. i killed a very large and the whitest woolf i have seen- [lewis, july , ] july th . set out early and had not proceeded far before it began to rain. the air extreemly cold. halted a few minutes in some old lodges until it cased to rain in some measure. we then proceeded and it rained without intermission wet us to the skin. n. ° e. ms. through a handsome level wide bottom in which there is a considerable quanty of narrow leafed cottonwood timber. the river is generally about yds. wide rapid yet i think it migt be navigated. it's bed is loose gravel and pebbles. the banks low but seldom overflow. water clear. s e ms still on the s w. side of the river through wide and level bottoms some timber. joseph feilds killed a very fat buffaloe bull and we halted to dine. we took the best of the meat as much as we could possibly carry on our horses. the day continuing rainy and cold i concluded to remain all day. we feasted on the buffaloe. saw a number of deer wolves and antelopes. killed two deer. [lewis, july , ] july th . set out early and continued down the s w bank of the river n e m. to our encampment in a grove of cottonwood timber. the latter part of this course for miles there is no timber in the river bottom, the other parts of the river possesses bottoms of the wide leafed cottonwood. much the greater part of the bottom is untimbered. the bottoms are wide and level the high praries or plains are also beautiful level and smooth. great quantities of prickly pear of two kinds on the plains. the ground is renderd so miry by the rain which fell yesterday that it is excessively fatiegueing to the horses to travel. we came miles and halted for dinner the wind blowing down the river in the fore part of the day was unfavourable to the hunters they saw several gangs of elk but they having the wind of them ran off. in the evening the wind set from the west and we fell in with a few elk of which r. fields and myself killed one of which swam the river and fell on the opposite so we therefore lost it's skin i sent the packhorses on with sergt. gass directing them to halt and encamp at the first timber which proved to be about ms. i retained frazier to assist in skining the elk. we wer about this time joined by drewer. a large brown bear swam the river near where we were and drewyer shot and killed it. by the time we butchered thes elk and bar it was nearly dark we loaded our horses with the best of the meat and pursud the party and found them encamped as they had been directed in the first timber. we did not reach them until p.m. they informed us that they had seen a very large bear in the plains which had pursued sergt. gass and thomson some distance but their horses enabled them to keep out of it's reach. they were affraid to fire on the bear least their horses should throw them as they were unaccustomed to the gun. we killed five deer elk and a bear today saw vast herds of buffaloe in the evening below us on the river. we hered them bellowing about us all night. vast assemblages of wolves. saw a large herd of elk making down the river. passed a considerable rapid in medicine river after dark. the river about a hundred yards wide is deep and in many parts rappid and today has been much crouded with islands. from our encampment down we know the river and there is no rapids and scarcely any courant. goosberries are very abundant of the common red kind and are begining to ripen. no currants on this river. both species of the prickly pears just in blume. [lewis, july , ] july th . the morning was fair and the plains looked beatifull the grass much improved by the late rain. the air was pleasant and a vast assemblage of little birds which croud to the groves on the river sung most enchantingly. we set out early. i sent the hunters down medicine river to hunt elk and proceeded with the party across the plain to the white bear islands which i found to be ms. distant my course s. e.- through a level beautiful) and extensive high plain covered with immence birds of buffaloe.--it is now the season at which the buffaloe begin to coppelate and the bulls keep a tremendious roaring we could hear them for many miles and there are such numbers of them that there is one continual roar. our horses had not been acquainted with the buffaloe they appeared much allarmed at their appearance and bellowing. when i arrived in sight of the whitebear islands the missouri bottoms on both sides of the river were crouded with buffaloe i sincerely belief that there were not less than thousand buffaloe within a circle of miles arround that place. i met with the hunters at a little grove of timber opposite to the island where they had killed a cowl and were waiting our arrival. they had met with no elk. i directed the hunters to kill some buffaloe as well for the benifit of their skins to enable us to pass the river as for their meat for the men i meant to leave at this place. we unloaded our horses and encamped opposite to the islands. had the cow skined and some willows sticks collected to make canoes of the hides by ock. they killed eleven buffaloe most of them in fine order. the bulls are now generally much fatter than the cows and are fine beef. i sent out all hands with the horses to assist in buthering and bringing in the meat by in the evening we had brought in a large quantity of fine beef and as many hides as we wanted for canoes shelters and geer. i then set all hands to prepare two canoes the one we made after the mandan fassion with a single skin in the form of a bason and the other we constructed of two skins on a plan of our own. we were unable to compleat our canoes this evening. the wind blew very hard. we continued our operations untill dark and then retired to rest. i intend giving my horses a couple of days rest at this place and deposit all my baggage which is not necessary to my voyage up medicine river. [lewis, july , ] july th . we arrose early and resumed our operations in compleating our canoes which we completed by a.m. about this time two of the men whom i had dispatched this morning in quest of the horses returned with seven of them only. the remaining ten of our best horses were absent and not to be found. i fear that they are stolen. i dispatch two men on horseback in surch of them. the wind blew so violently that i did not think it prudent to attempt passing the river.--at noon werner returned having found three others of the horses near fort mountain. sergt. gass did not return untill p.m. not having found the horses. he had been about ms. up medecine river. i now dispatched joseph fields and drewyer in quest of them. the former returned at dark unsuccessfull and the latter continued absent all night. at p.m. the wind abated and we transported our baggage and meat to the opposite shore in our canoes which we found answered even beyond our expectations. we swam our horses over also and encamped at sunset. quetoes extreemly troublesome. i think the river is somewhat higher than when we were here last summer. the present season has been much more moist than the preceeding one. the grass and weeds are much more luxouriant than they were when i left this place on the th of july saw the brown thrush, pigeons, doves &c. the yellow currants begining to ripen. [lewis, july , ] th july. removed above to my old station opposite the upper point of the white bear island. formed our camp and set thompson &c at work to complete the geer for the horses. had the cash opened found my bearskins entirly destroyed by the water, the river having risen so high that the water had penitrated. all my specimens of plants also lost. the chart of the missouri fortunately escaped. opened my trunks and boxes and exposed the articles to dry. found my papers damp and several articles damp. the stoper had come out of a phial of laudinum and the contents had run into the drawer and distroyed a gret part of my medicine in such manner that it was past recovery. waited very impatiently for the return of drewyer he did not arrive. musquetoes excessively troublesome insomuch that without the protection of my musquetoe bier i should have found it impossible to wright a moment. the buffaloe are leaving us fast and passing on to the s. east. killed a buffaloe picker a beatifull bird. [lewis, july , ] th july had the carriage wheels dug up found them in good order. the iron frame of the boat had not suffered materially. had the meat cut thiner and exposed to dry in the sun. and some roots of cows of which i have yet a small stock pounded into meal for my journey. i find the fat buffaloe meat a great improvement to the mush of these roots. the old cash being too damp to venture to deposit my trunks &c in i sent them over to the large island and had them put on a high scaffold among some thick brush and covered with skins. i take this precaution lest some indians may visit the men i leave here before the arrival of the main party and rob them. the hunters killed a couple of wolves, the buffaloe have almost entirely disappeared. saw the bee martin. the wolves are in great numbers howling arround us and loling about in the plains in view at the distance of two or three hundred yards. i counted about the carcase of a buffaloe which lies in the water at the upper point of the large island. these are generally of the large kind. drewyer did not return this evening.- [lewis, july , ] july . sent mcneal down this morning to the lower part of the portage to see whether the large perogue and cash were safe.--drewyer returned without the horses and reported that he had tracked them to beyond our camp of the [lewis, july , ] tuesday july th . dispatched mcneal early this morning to the lower part of portage in order to learn whether the cash and white perogue remained untouched or in what state they were. the men employed in drying the meat, dressing deerskins and preparing for the reception of the canoes. at p.m. drewyer returned without the horses and reported that after a diligent surch of days he had discovered where the horses had passed dearborn's river at which place there were lodges that had been abandoned about the time our horses were taken; he pursued the tracks of a number of horses from these lodges to the road which we had traveled over the mountains which they struck about ms. south of our encampment of the th inst. and had pursued this road westwardly; i have no doubt but they are a party of the tushapahs who have been on a buffaloe hunt. drewyer informed that there camp was in a small bottom on the river of about acres inclosed by the steep and rocky and lofty clifts of the river and that so closely had they kept themselves and horses within this little spot that there was not a track to be seen of them within a quarter of a mile of that place. every spire of grass was eaten up by their horses near their camp which had the appearance of their having remained here some time. his horse being much fatiegued with the ride he had given him and finding that the indians had at least days the start of him thought it best to return. his safe return has releived me from great anxiety. i had already settled it in my mind that a whitebear had killed him and should have set out tomorrow in surch of him, and if i could not find him to continue my rout to maria's river. i knew that if he met with a bear in the plains even he would attack him. and that if any accedent should happen to seperate him from his horse in that situation the chances in favour of his being killed would be as to . i felt so perfectly satisfyed that he had returned in safety that i thought but little of the horses although they were seven of the best i had. this loss great as it is, is not intirely irreparable, or at least dose not defeat my design of exploring maria's river. i have yet horses remaining, two of the best and two of the worst of which i leave to assist the party in taking the canoes and baggage over the portage and take the remaining with me; these are but indifferent horses most of them but i hope they may answer our purposes. i shall leave three of my intended party, (viz ) gass, frazier and werner, and take the two feildses and drewyer. by having two spare horses we can releive those we ride. having made this arrangement i gave orders for an early departure in the morning, indeed i should have set out instantly but mcneal road one of the horses which i intend to take and has not yet returned. a little before dark mcneal returned with his musquet broken off at the breech, and informed me that on his arrival at willow run he had approached a white bear within ten feet without discover him the bear being in the thick brush, the horse took the allarm and turning short threw him immediately under the bear; this animal raised himself on his hinder feet for battle, and gave him time to recover from his fall which he did in an instant and with his clubbed musquet he struck the bear over the head and cut him with the guard of the guns and broke off the breech, the bear stunned with the stroke fell to the ground and began to scratch his head with his feet; this gave mcneal time to climb a willow tree which was near at hand and thus fortunately made his escape. the bear waited at the foot of the tree untill late in the evening before he left him, when mcneal ventured down and caught his horse which had by this time strayed off to the distance of ms. and returned to camp. these bear are a most tremenduous animal; it seems that the hand of providence has been most wonderfully in our favor with rispect to them, or some of us would long since have fallen a sacrifice to their farosity. there seems to be a sertain fatality attatched to the neighbourhood of these falls, for there is always a chapter of accedents prepared for us during our residence at them. the musquetoes continue to infest us in such manner that we can scarcely exist; for my own part i am confined by them to my bier at least / ths of my time. my dog even howls with the torture he experiences from them, they are almost insupportable, they are so numerous that we frequently get them in our thrats as we breath. [lewis, july , ] wednesday july th . i dispatched a man early this morning to drive up the horses as usual, he returned at a.m. with one of them only. allarmed at this occurrence i dispatched one of my best hands on horseback in surch of them he returned at a.m. with them and i immediately set out. sent drewyer and r. fields with the horses to the lower side of medecine river, and proceeded myself with all our baggage and j. fields down the missouri to the mouth of medecine river in our canoe of buffaloe skins. we were compelled to swim the horses above the whitebear island and again across medicine river as the missouri is of great width below the mouth of that river. having arrived safely below medicine river we immediatly sadled our horses and proceeded down the river to the handsom fall of feet where i halted about hours and took a haisty sketch of these falls; in the mean time we had some meat cooked and took dinner after which we proceeded to the grand falls where we arrived at sunset. on our way we saw two very large bear on the opposite side of the river. as we arrived in sight of the little wood below the falls we saw two other bear enter it; this being the only wood in the neighbourhood we were compelled of course to contend with the bear for possession, and therefore left our horses in a place of security and entered the wood which we surched in vain for the bear, they had fled. here we encamped and the evening having the appearance of rain made our beds and slept under a shelving rock. these falls have abated much of their grandure since i first arrived at them in june , the water being much lower at preset than it was at that moment, however they are still a sublimely grand object. i determined to take a second drawing of it in the morning. we saw a few buffaloe as we passed today, the immence hirds which were about this place on our arrival have principally passed the river and directed their course downwards. we see a number of goats or antilopes always in passing through the plains of the missouri above the mandans. at this season they are thinly scattered over the plains but seem universally distributed in every part; they appear very inquisitive usually to learn what we are as we pass, and frequently accompany us at no great distance for miles, frequently halting and giving a loud whistle through their nostrils, they are a very pretty animal and astonishingly fleet and active. we spent this evening free from the torture of the musquetoes. there are a great number of geese which usually raise their young above these falls about the entrance of medicine river we saw them in large flocks of several hundred as we passed today. i saw both yesterday and today the cookkoo or as it is sometimes called the rain craw. this bird is not met with west of the rocky mountains nor within them. [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . i arrose early this morning and made a drawing of the falls. after which we took breakfast and departed. it being my design to strike maria's river about the place at which i left it on my return to it's mouth in the begining of june . i steered my course through the wide and level plains which have somewhat the appearance of an ocean, not a tree nor a shrub to be seen. the land is not fertile, at least far less so, than the plains of the columbia or those lower down this river, it is a light coloured soil intermixed with a considerable proportion of coarse gravel without sand, when dry it cracks and appears thursty and is very hard, in it's wet state, it is as soft and slipry as so much soft soap the grass is naturally but short and at present has been rendered much more so by the graizing of the buffaloe, the whole face of the country as far as the eye can reach looks like a well shaved bowlinggreen, in which immence and numerous herds of buffaloe were seen feeding attended by their scarcely less numerous sheepherds the wolves. we saw a number of goats as usual today, also the party coloured plover with the brick red head and neck; this bird remains about the little ponds which are distributed over the face of these plains and here raise their young. we killed a buffaloe cow as we passed throug the plains and took the hump and tonge which furnish ample rations for four men one day. at p.m. we arrived at rose rivers where i purposed remaining all night as i could not reach maria's river this evening and unless i did there would be but little probability of our finding any wood and very probably no water either. on our arrival at the river we saw where a wounded and bleading buffaloe had just passed and concluded it was probable that the indians had been runing them and were near at hand. the minnetares of fort de prarie and the blackfoot indians rove through this quarter of the country and as they are a vicious lawless and reather an abandoned set of wretches i wish to avoid an interview with them if possible. i have no doubt but they would steel our horses if they have it in their power and finding us weak should they happen to be numerous wil most probably attempt to rob us of our arms and baggage; at all events i am determined to take every possible precaution to avoid them if possible. i hurried over the river to a thick wood and turned out the horses to graize; sent drewyer to pursue and kill the wounded buffaloe in order to determine whether it had been wounded by the indians or not, and proceeded myself to reconnoitre the adjacent country having sent r. fields for the same purpose a different rout. i ascended the river hills and by the help of my glass examined the plains but could make no discovery, in about an hour i returned to camp, where i met with the others who had been as unsuccessfull as myself. drewyer could not find the wounded buffaloe. j. fields whom i had left at camp had already roasted some of the buffaloe meat and we took dinner after which i sent drewyer and r. fields to resume their resurches for the indians; and set myself down to record the transactions of the day. rose river is at this place fifty yards wide, the water which is only about feet deep occupys about yds. and is very terbid of a white colour. the general course of this river is from east to west so far as i can discover it's track through the plains, it's bottoms are wide and well timbered with cottonwood both the broad and narrow leafed speceis. the bed of this stream is small gravel and mud; it's banks are low but never overflow, the hills are about or feet high; it possesses bluffs of earth like the lower part of the missouri; except the debth and valocity of it's stream and it is the missouri in miniture. from the size of rose river at this place and it's direction i have no doubt but it takes it's source within the first range of the rocky mountains. the bush which bears the red berry is here in great plenty in the river bottoms the spies returned having killed beaver and a deer. they reported that they saw no appearance of indians.- [lewis, july , ] friday july th . we set out this morning a little before sunrise ascended the river hills and continued our rout as yesterday through the open plains at about miles we reached the top of an elivated plain which divides the waters of the rose river from those of maria's river. from hence the north mountains, the south mountains, the falls mountains and the tower mountain and those arround and to the east of the latter were visible. our course led us nearly parrallel with a creek of maria's river which takes it's rise in these high plains at the place we passed them; at noon we struck this creek about ms. from its junction with maria's river where we found some cottonwood timber; here we halted to dine and graize our horses. the bed of this creek is about yds. wide at this place but is nearly dry at present, the water being confined to little pools in the deeper parts of it's bed. from hence downwards there is a considerable quantity of timber in it's bottom. we passed immence herds of buffaloe on our way in short for about miles it appeared as one herd only the whole plains and vally of this creek being covered with them; saw a number of wolves of both speceis, also antelopes and some horses. after dinner we proceeded about miles across the plain to maria's river where we arrived at p.m. we killed a couple of buffaloe in the bottom of this river and encamped on it's west side in a grove of cottonwood some miles above the entrance of the creek. being now convinced that we were above the point to which i had formerly ascended this river and faring that a fork of this stream might fall in on the northside between this place and the point to which i had ascended it, i directed drewyer who was with me on my former excurtion, and joseph fields to decend the river early in the morning to the place from whence i had returned, and examine whether any stream fell inn or not. i keep a strict lookout every night, i take my tour of watch with the men. [lewis, july , ] saturday july th . drewyer and j. fields set out early this morning in conformity to my instructions last evening. they returned at / after ock. and informed me that they had proceeded down the river to the place from which i had returned on the ____ of june last and that it was miles distant. they passed the entrance of buffaloe creek at ms. the course of the river from hence downwards as far as they were is n. e. they killed deer and two antelopes on their way; most of the deer were large fat mule bucks. having completed my observation of the sun's meridian altitude we set out, ascended the river hills having passed the river and proceeded through the open plains up the n. side of the river miles and encamped. at miles we passed a large creek on n. side a little above it's entrance; there is but little running water in this creek at present, it's bed is about yds. wide and appears to come from the broken mountains so called from their raggid and irregular shape there are three of them extending from east to west almost unconnected, the center mountain terminates in a conic spire and is that which i have called the tower mountain they are destitute of timber. from the entrance of this creek they bore n. ° w. the river bottoms are usually about / a mile wide and possess a considerable quantity of timber entirely cottonwood; the underbrush is honeysuckle rose bushes the narrow leafed willow and the bush which bears the acid red berry called by the french engages grease de buff. just as we halted to encamp r. fields killed a mule doe. the plains are beautifull and level but the soil is but thin. in many parts of the plains there are great quantities of prickly pears. saw some herds of buffaloe today but not in such quantities as yesterday, also antelopes, wolves, gees, pigeons, doves, hawks, ravens crows larks sparrows &c. the curlooe has disappeared. [lewis, july , ] sunday july th we set at sunrise and proceed through the open plain as yesterday up the north side of the river. the plains are more broken than they were yesterday and have become more inferior in point of soil; a great quanty of small gravel is every where distributed over the surface of the earth which renders travling extreemly painfull to our bearfoot horses. the soil is generally a white or whiteish blue clay, this where it has been trodden by the buffaloe when wet has now become as firm as a brickbat and stands in an inumerable little points quite as formidable to our horses feet as the gravel. the mineral salts common to the plains of the missouri has been more abundant today than usual. the bluffs of the river are about feet high, steep irregular and formed of earth which readily desolves with water, slips and precipitates itself into the river as before mentioned frequentlly of the bluffs of the missouri below which they resemble in every particular, differing essencially from those of the missouri above the entrance of this river, they being composed of firm red or yellow clay which dose not yeald readily to the rains and a large quantity of rock. the soil of the river bottom is fertile and well timbered, i saw some trees today which would make small canoes. the timber is generally low. the underbrush the same as before mentioned. we have seen fewer buffaloe today than usual, though more elk and not less wolves and antelopes also some mule deer; this speceis of deer seems most prevalent in this quarter. saw some gees ducks and other birds common to the country. there is much appearance of beaver on this river, but not any of otter. from the apparent decent of the country to the north and above the broken mountains i am induced to beleive that the south branch of the suskashawan receives a part of it's waters from the plain even to the borders of this river and from the brakes visible in the plains in a nothern direction think that a branch of that river decending from the rocky mountains passes at no great distance from maria's river and to the n. e. of the broken mountains. the day has proved excessively warm and we lay by four hours during the heat of it; we traveled miles and encamped as usual in the river bottom on it's n. side. there is scarcely any water at present in the plains and what there is, lies in small pools and is so strongly impregnated with the mineral salts that it is unfit for any purpose except the uce of the buffaloe. these animals appear to prefer this water to that of the river. the wild liquorice and sunflower are very abundant in the plains and river bottoms, the latter is now in full blume; the silkgrass and sand rush are also common to the bottom lands. the musquetoes have not been troublesome to us since we left the whitebear islands.- [lewis, july , ] monday july st . we set out at sunrise and proceeded a short distance up the north side of the river; we found the ravines which made in on this side were so steep and numerous that we passed the river in doing which the pack horse which carried my instruments missed the ford and wet the instruments. this accident detained us about half an hor. i took the instruments out wiped them and dryed their cases, they sustained no naterial injury. we continued on the s. side of the river about miles when we again passed over to the n. side and took our course through the plains at some distance from the river. we saw a large herd of elk this morning. the buffaloe still become more scarce. at p.m. we struck a northern branch of marias river about yds. wide at the distance of about miles from it's entrance. this stream is closely confined between clifts of freestone rocks the bottom narrow below us and above the rocks confine it on each side; some little timber below but not any above; the water of this stream is nearly clear. from the appearance of this rock and the apparent hight of the bed of the streem i am induced to beleive that there are falls in these rivers somewhere about their junction. being convinced that this stream came from the mountains i determined to pursue it as it will lead me to the most nothern point to which the waters of maria's river extend which i now fear will not be as far north as i wished and expected. after dinner we set out up the north branch keeping on it's s. side; we pursued it untill dark and not finding any timber halted and made a fire of the dung of the buffaloe. we lay on the south side in a narrow bottom under a clift. our provision is nearly out, we wounded a buffaloe this evening but could not get him. [lewis, july , ] tuesday july ed . we set out very early this morning as usual and proceeded up the river. for the first seven miles of our travel this morning the country was broken the land poor and intermixed with a greater quantity of gravel than usual; the ravines were steep and numerous and our horses feet have become extreemly soar in traveling over the gravel we therefore traveled but slow. we met with a doe elk which we wounded but did not get her. the river is confined closely between clifts of perpendicular rocks in most parts. after the distance of seven miles the country became more level les gravly and some bottoms to the river but not a particle of timber nor underbush of any discription is to be seen. we continued up the river on it's south side for miles when we halted to glaize our horses and eat; there being no wood we were compelled to make our fire with the buffaloe dung which i found answered the purpose very well. we cooked and eat all the meat we had except a small peice of buffaloe meat which was a little tainted. after dinner we passed the river and took our course through a level and beautifull plain on the n. side. the country has now become level, the river bottoms wide and the adjoining plains but little elivated above them; the banks of the river are not usually more than from to four feet yet it dose not appear ever to overflow them. we found no timber untill we had traveled miles further when we arrived at a clump of large cottonwood trees in a beautifull and extensive bottom of the river about miles below the foot of the rocky mountains where this river enters them; as i could see from hence very distinctly where the river entered the mountains and the bearing of this point being s of west i thought it unnecessary to proceed further and therefore encamped resolving to rest ourselves and horses a couple of days at this place and take the necessary observations. this plain on which we are is very high; the rocky mountains to the s. w. of us appear but low from their base up yet are partially covered with snow nearly to their bases. there is no timber on those mountains within our view; they are very irregular and broken in their form and seem to be composed principally of clay with but little rock or stone. the river appears to possess at least double the vollume of water which it had where we first arrived on it below; this no doubt proceeds from the avapparation caused by the sun and air and the absorbing of the earth in it's passage through these open plains. the course of the mountains still continues from s. e. to n. w. the front rang appears to terminate abrubtly about ms. to the n. w. of us. i believe that the waters of the suskashawan apporoach the borders of this river very nearly. i now have lost all hope of the waters of this river ever extending to n latitude ° though i still hope and think it more than probable that both white earth river and milk river extend as far north as latd. °--we have seen but few buffaloe today no deer and very few antelopes; gam of every discription is extreemly wild which induces me to beleive that the indians are now, or have been lately in this neighbourhood. we wounded a buffaloe this evening but our horses were so much fatiegued that we were unable to pursue it with success.- [lewis, july , ] wednesdy july rd i dispatched drewyer an joseph fields this morning to hunt. i directed drewyer who went up the river to observe it's bearings and the point at which it entered the mountains, this he did and on his return i observed the point at which the river entered to bear s ° w. distant about ten miles the river making a considerable bend to the west just above us. both these hunters returned unsuccessful and reported that there was no game nor the appearance of any in this quarter. we now rendered the grease from our tainted meat and made some mush of cows with a part of it, reserving as much meal of cows and grease as would afford us one more meal tomorrow. drewyer informed us that there was an indian camp of eleven leather lodges which appeared to have been abandoned about days, the poles only of the lodges remained. we are confident that these are the minnetares of fort de prarie and suspect that they are probably at this time somewhere on the main branch of maria's river on the borders of the buffaloe, under this impression i shall not strike that river on my return untill about the mouth of the north branch. near this place i observe a number of the whistleing squirrel of the speceis common to the plains and country watered by the columbia river, this is the first instance in which i have found this squirrel in the plains of the missouri. the cottonwood of this place is also of the speceis common to the columbia. we have a delightfull pasture for our horses where we are. the clouds obscured the moon and put an end to further observation. the rok which makes its appearance on this part of the river is of a white colour fine grit and makes excellet whetstones; it lies in horizontal stratas and makes it's appearance in the bluffs of the river near their base. we indeavoured to take some fish but took only one small trout. musquetoes uncommonly large and reather troublesome. [lewis, july , ] thursday july th . at a.m. the sun made it's appearance for a few minutes and i took it's altitude but it shortly after clouded up again and continued to rain the ballance of the day i was therefore unable to complete the observations i wished to take at this place. i determined to remain another day in the hope of it's being fair. we have still a little bread of cows remaining of which we made a kettle of mush which together with a few pigeons that we were fortunate enough to kill served us with food for this day. i sent the hunters out but they shortly returned without having killed anything and declared that it was useless to hunt within or miles of this place that there was no appearance of game within that distance. the air has become extreemly cold which in addition to the wind and rain renders our situation extreemly unpleasant. several wolves visited our camp today, i fired on and wounded one of them very badly. the small speceis of wolf barks like a dog, they frequently salute us with this note as we pass through the plains. [lewis, july , ] friday july th . the weather still continues cold cloudy and rainy, the wind also has blown all day with more than usual violence from the n. w. this morning we eat the last of our birds and cows, i therefore directed drewyer and j. fields to take a couple of the horses and proceed to the s. e. as far as the main branch of maria's river which i expected was at no great distance and indeavour to kill some meat; they set out immediately and i remained in camp with r. fields to avail myself of every opportunity to make my observations should any offer, but it continued to rain and i did not see the sun through the whole course of the day r. fields and myself killed nine pigeons which lit in the trees near our camp on these we dined. late in the evening drewyer and j. fields returned the former had killed a fine buck on which we now fared sumptuously. they informed me that it was about miles to the main branch of maria's river, that the vally formed by the river in that quarter was wide extensive and level with a considerable quantity timber; here they found some wintering camps of the natives and a great number of others of a more recent date or that had from appearance been evacuated about weeks; we consider ourselves extreemly fortunate in not having met with these people. i determined that if tomorrow continued cloudy to set out as i now begin to be apprehensive that i shall not reach the united states within this season unless i make every exertion in my power which i shall certainly not omit when once i leave this place which i shall do with much reluctance without having obtained the necessary data to establish it's longitude-as if the fates were against me my chronometer from some unknown cause stoped today, when i set her to going she went as usual. [lewis, july , ] saturday july th . the moring was cloudy and continued to rain as usual, tho the cloud seemed somewhat thiner. i therefore posponed seting out untill a.m. in the hope that it would clear off but finding the contrary result i had the horses caught and we set out biding a lasting adieu to this place which i now call camp disappointment. i took my rout through the open plains s. e. ms. passing a small creek at ms. from the mountains wher i changed my direction to s. e. for ms. further and struck a principal branch of maria's river yds. wide, not very deep, i passed this stream to it's south side and continued down it ms. on the last mentioned course when another branch of nearly the same dignity formed a junction with it, coming from the s. w. this last is shallow and rappid; has the appearance of overflowing it's banks frequently and discharging vast torrants of water at certain seasons of the year. the beds of both these streams are pebbly particularly the s. branch. the water of the n. branch is very terbid while that of the s. branch is nearly clear not withstanding the late rains. i passed the s. branch just above it's junction and continued down the river which runs a little to the n of e ms. and halted to dine and graize our horses here i found some indian lodges which appeared to have been inhabited last winter in a large and fertile bottom well stocked with cottonwood timber. the rose honeysuckle and redberry bushes constitute the undergrowth there being but little willow in this quarter both these rivers abov their junction appeared to be well stocked with timber or comparitively so with other parts of this country. here it is that we find the three species of cottonwood which i have remarked in my voyage assembled together that speceis common to the columbia i have never before seen on the waters of the missouri, also the narrow and broad leafed speceis. during our stay at this place r. fields killed a buck a part of the flesh of which we took with us. we saw a few antelopes some wolves and of the smallest speceis of fox of a redish brown colour with the extremity of the tail black. it is about the size of the common domestic cat and burrows in the plains. after dinner i continued my rout down the river to the north of eat about ms. when the hills putting in close on the s side i determined to ascend them to the high plain which i did accordingly, keeping the fields with me; drewyer passed the river and kept down the vally of the river. i had intended to decend this river with it's course to it's junction with the fork which i had ascended and from thence have taken across the country obliquely to rose river and decend that stream to it's confluence with maria's river. the country through which this portion of maria's river passes to the fork which i ascended appears much more broken than that above and between this and the mountains. i had scarcely ascended the hills before i discovered to my left at the distance of a mile an assembleage of about horses, i halted and used my spye glass by the help of which i discovered several indians on the top of an eminence just above them who appeared to be looking down towards the river i presumed at drewyer. about half the horses were saddled. this was a very unpleasant sight, however i resolved to make the best of our situation and to approach them in a friendly manner. i directed j. fields to display the flag which i had brought for that purpose and advanced slowly toward them, about this time they discovered us and appeared to run about in a very confused manner as if much allarmed, their attention had been previously so fixed on drewyer that they did not discover us untill we had began to advance upon them, some of them decended the hill on which they were and drove their horses within shot of it's summit and again returned to the hight as if to wate our arrival or to defend themselves. i calculated on their number being nearly or quite equal to that of their horses, that our runing would invite pursuit as it would convince them that we were their enimies and our horses were so indifferent that we could not hope to make our escape by flight; added to this drewyer was seperated from us and i feared that his not being apprized of the indians in the event of our attempting to escape he would most probably fall a sacrefice. under these considerations i still advanced towards them; when we had arrived within a quarter of a mile of them, one of them mounted his horse and rode full speed towards us, which when i discovered i halted and alighted from my horse; he came within a hundred paces halted looked at us and turned his horse about and returned as briskly to his party as he had advanced; while he halted near us i held out my hand and becconed to him to approach but he paid no attention to my overtures. on his return to his party they all decended the hill and mounted their horses and advanced towards us leaving their horses behind them, we also advanced to meet them. i counted eight of them but still supposed that there were others concealed as there were several other horses saddled. i told the two men with me that i apprehended that these were the minnetares of fort de prarie and from their known character i expected that we were to have some difficulty with them; that if they thought themselves sufficiently strong i was convinced they would attempt to rob us in which case be their numbers what they would i should resist to the last extremity prefering death to that of being deprived of my papers instruments and gun and desired that they would form the same resolution and be allert and on their guard. when we arrived within a hundred yards of each other the indians except one halted i directed the two men with me to do the same and advanced singly to meet the indian with whom i shook hands and passed on to those in his rear, as he did also to the two men in my rear; we now all assembled and alighted from our horses; the indians soon asked to smoke with us, but i told them that the man whom they had seen pass down the river had my pipe and we could not smoke untill he joined us. i requested as they had seen which way he went that they would one of them go with one of my men in surch of him, this they readily concented to and a young man set out with r. fields in surch of drewyer. i now asked them by sighns if they were the minnetares of the north which they answered in the affermative; i asked if there was any cheif among them and they pointed out i did not believe them however i thought it best to please them and gave to one a medal to a second a flag and to the third a handkercheif, with which they appeared well satisfyed. they appeared much agitated with our first interview from which they had scarcely yet recovered, in fact i beleive they were more allarmed at this accedental interview than we were. from no more of them appearing i now concluded they were only eight in number and became much better satisfyed with our situation as i was convinced that we could mannage that number should they attempt any hostile measures. as it was growing late in the evening i proposed that we should remove to the nearest part of the river and encamp together, i told them that i was glad to see them and had a great deel to say to them. we mounted our horses and rode towards the river which was at but a short distance, on our way we were joined by drewyer fields and the indian. we decended a very steep bluff about feet high to the river where there was a small bottom of nearly / a mile in length and about yards wide in the widest part, the river washed the bluffs both above and below us and through it's course in this part is very deep; the bluffs are so steep that there are but few places where they could be ascended, and are broken in several places by deep nitches which extend back from the river several hundred yards, their bluffs being so steep that it is impossible to ascend them; in this bottom there stand tree solitary trees near one of which the indians formed a large simicircular camp of dressed buffaloe skins and invited us to partake of their shelter which drewyer and myself accepted and the fieldses lay near the fire in front of the sheter. with the assistance of drewyer i had much conversation with these people in the course of the evening. i learned from them that they were a part of a large band which lay encamped at present near the foot of the rocky mountains on the main branch of maria's river one / days march from our present encampment; that there was a whiteman with their band; that there was another large band of their nation hunting buffaloe near the broken mountains and were on there way to the mouth of maria's river where they would probably be in the course of a few days. they also informed us that from hence to the establishment where they trade on the suskasawan river is only days easy march or such as they usually travel with their women and childred which may be estimated at about ms. that from these traders they obtain arm amunition sperituous liquor blankets &c in exchange for wolves and some beaver skins. i told these people that i had come a great way from the east up the large river which runs towards the rising sun, that i had been to the great waters where the sun sets and had seen a great many nations all of whom i had invited to come and trade with me on the rivers on this side of the mountains, that i had found most of them at war with their neighbours and had succeeded in restoring peace among them, that i was now on my way home and had left my party at the falls of the missouri with orders to decend that river to the entrance of maria's river and there wait my arrival and that i had come in surch of them in order to prevail on them to be at peace with their neighbours particularly those on the west side of the mountains and to engage them to come and trade with me when the establishment is made at the entrance of this river to all which they readily gave their assent and declared it to be their wish to be at peace with the tushepahs whom they said had killed a number of their relations lately and pointed to several of those present who had cut their hair as an evidince of the truth of what they had asserted. i found them extreemly fond of smoking and plyed them with the pipe untill late at night. i told them that if they intended to do as i wished them they would send some of their young men to their band with an invitation to their chiefs and warriors to bring the whiteman with them and come down and council with me at the entrance of maria's river and that the ballance of them would accompany me to that place, where i was anxious now to meet my men as i had been absent from them some time and knew that they would be uneasy untill they saw me. that if they would go with me i would give them horses and some tobacco. to this proposition they made no reply, i took the first watch tonight and set up untill half after eleven; the indians by this time were all asleep, i roused up r. fields and laid down myself; i directed fields to watch the movements of the indians and if any of them left the camp to awake us all as i apprehended they would attampt to seal steal our horses. this being done i fell into a profound sleep and did not wake untill the noise of the men and indians awoke me a little after light in the morning.- [lewis, july , ] july th sunday. this morning at day light the indians got up and crouded around the fire, j. fields who was on post had carelessly laid his gun down behid him near where his brother was sleeping, one of the indians the fellow to whom i had given the medal last evening sliped behind him and took his gun and that of his brothers unperceived by him, at the same instant two others advanced and seized the guns of drewyer and myself, j. fields seing this turned about to look for his gun and saw the fellow just runing off with her and his brothers he called to his brother who instantly jumped up and pursued the indian with him whom they overtook at the distance of or paces from the camp sized their guns and rested them from him and r fields as he seized his gun stabed the indian to the heart with his knife the fellow ran about steps and fell dead; of this i did not know untill afterwards, having recovered their guns they ran back instantly to the camp; drewyer who was awake saw the indian take hold of his gun and instantly jumped up and sized her and rested her from him but the indian still retained his pouch, his jumping up and crying damn you let go my gun awakened me i jumped up and asked what was the matter which i quickly learned when i saw drewyer in a scuffle with the indian for his gun. i reached to seize my gun but found her gone, i then drew a pistol from my holster and terning myself about saw the indian making off with my gun i ran at him with my pistol and bid him lay down my gun which he was in the act of doing when the fieldses returned and drew up their guns to shoot him which i forbid as he did not appear to be about to make any resistance or commit any offensive act, he droped the gun and walked slowly off, i picked her up instantly, drewyer having about this time recovered his gun and pouch asked me if he might not kill the fellow which i also forbid as the indian did not appear to wish to kill us, as soon as they found us all in possession of our arms they ran and indeavored to drive off all the horses i now hollowed to the men and told them to fire on them if they attempted to drive off our horses, they accordingly pursued the main party who were drying the horses up the river and i pursued the man who had taken my gun who with another was driving off a part of the horses which were to the left of the camp, i pursued them so closely that they could not take twelve of their own horses but continued to drive one of mine with some others; at the distance of three hundred paces they entered one of those steep nitches in the bluff with the horses before them being nearly out of breath i could pursue no further, i called to them as i had done several times before that i would shoot them if they did not give me my horse and raised my gun, one of them jumped behind a rock and spoke to the other who turned arround and stoped at the distance of steps from me and i shot him through the belly, he fell to his knees and on his wright elbow from which position he partly raised himself up and fired at me, and turning himself about crawled in behind a rock which was a few feet from him. he overshot me, being bearheaded i felt the wind of his bullet very distinctly. not having my shotpouch i could not reload my peice and as there were two of them behind good shelters from me i did not think it prudent to rush on them with my pistol which had i discharged i had not the means of reloading untill i reached camp; i therefore returned leasurely towards camp, on my way i met with drewyer who having heared the report of the guns had returned in surch of me and left the fieldes to pursue the indians, i desired him to haisten to the camp with me and assist in catching as many of the indian horses as were necessary and to call to the fieldes if he could make them hear to come back that we still had a sufficient number of horses, this he did but they were too far to hear him. we reached the camp and began to catch the horses and saddle them and put on the packs. the reason i had not my pouch with me was that i had not time to return about yards to camp after geting my gun before i was obliged to pursue the indians or suffer them to collect and drive off all the horses. we had caught and saddled the horses and began to arrange the packs when the fieldses returned with four of our horses; we left one of our horses and took four of the best of those of the indian's; while the men were preparing the horses i put four sheilds and two bows and quivers of arrows which had been left on the fire, with sundry other articles; they left all their baggage at our mercy. they had but guns and one of them they left the others were armed with bows and arrows and eyedaggs. the gun we took with us. i also retook the flagg but left the medal about the neck of the dead man that they might be informed who we were. we took some of their buffaloe meat and set out ascending the bluffs by the same rout we had decended last evening leaving the ballance of nine of their horses which we did not want. the feildses told me that three of the indians whom they pursued swam the river one of them on my horse. and that two others ascended the hill and escaped from them with a part of their horses, two i had pursued into the nitch one lay dead near the camp and the eighth we could not account for but suppose that he ran off early in the contest. having ascended the hill we took our course through a beatiful level plain a little to the s of east. my design was to hasten to the entrance of maria's river as quick as possible in the hope of meeting with the canoes and party at that place having no doubt but that they would pursue us with a large party and as there was a band near the broken mountains or probably between them and the mouth of that river we might expect them to receive inteligence from us and arrive at that place nearly as soon as we could, no time was therefore to be lost and we pushed our horses as hard as they would bear. at miles we passed a large branch yds. wide which i called battle river. at p.m. we arrived at rose river about miles above where we h ad passed it as we went out, having traveled by my estimate compared with our former distances and couses about ms. here we halted an hour and a half took some refreshment and suffered our horses to graize; the day proved warm but the late rains had supplyed the little reservors in the plains with water and had put them in fine order for traveling, our whole rout so far was as level as a bowling green with but little stone and few prickly pears. after dinner we pursued the bottoms of rose river but finding inconvenient to pass the river so often we again ascended the hills on the s. w. side and took the open plains; by dark we had traveled about miles further, we now halted to rest ourselves and horses about hours, we killed a buffaloe cow and took a small quantity of the meat. after refreshing ourselves we again set out by moon light and traveled leasurely, heavy thunderclouds lowered arround us on every quarter but that from which the moon gave us light. we continued to pass immence herds of buffaloe all night as we had done in the latter part of the day. we traveled untill ock in the morning having come by my estimate after dark about ms. we now turned out our horses and laid ourselves down to rest in the plain very much fatiegued as may be readily conceived. my indian horse carried me very well in short much better than my own would have done and leaves me with but little reason to complain of the robery. [lewis, july , ] july th monday. the morning proved fair, i slept sound but fortunately awoke as day appeared, i awaked the men and directed the horses to be saddled, i was so soar from my ride yesterday that i could scarcely stand, and the men complained of being in a similar situation however i encourged them by telling them that our own lives as well as those of our friends and fellow travellers depended on our exertions at this moment; they were allert soon prepared the horses and we again resumed our march; the men proposed to pass the missouri at the grog spring where rose river approaches it so nearly and pass down on the s. w. side, to this i objected as it would delay us almost all day to reach the point by this circuetous rout and would give the enemy time to surprise and cut off the party at the point if they had arrived there, i told them that we owed much to the safety of our friends and that we must wrisk our lives on this occasion, that i should proceed immediately to the point and if the party had not arrived that i would raft the missouri a small distance above, hide our baggage and march on foot up the river through the timber untill i met the canoes or joined them at the falls; i now told them that it was my determination that if we were attacked in the plains on our way to the point that the bridles of the horses should be tied together and we would stand and defend them, or sell our lives as dear as we could. we had proceeded about miles on an east course when we found ourselves near the missouri; we heared a report which we took to be that of a gun but were not certain; still continuing down the n. e. bank of the missouri about miles further, being then within five miles of the grog spring we heared the report of several rifles very distinctly on the river to our right, we quickly repared to this joyfull sound and on arriving at the bank of the river had the unspeakable satisfaction to see our canoes coming down. we hurried down from the bluff on which we were and joined them striped our horses and gave them a final discharge imbrarking without loss of time with our baggage. i now learned that they had brought all things safe having sustaned no loss nor met with any accident of importance. wiser had cut his leg badly with a knife and was unable in consequence to work. we decended the river opposite to our principal cash which we proceeded to open after reconnoitering the adjacent country. we found that the cash had caved in and most of the articles burried therin were injured; i sustained the loss of two very large bear skins which i much regret; most of the fur and baggage belonging to the men were injured. the gunpowder corn flour poark and salt had sustained but little injury the parched meal was spoiled or nearly so. having no time to air these things which they much wanted we droped down to the point to take in the several articles which had been buried at that place in several small cashes; these we found in good order, and recovered every article except traps belonging to drewyer which could not be found. here as good fortune would have it sergt. gass and willard who brought the horses from the falls joined us at p.m. i had ordered them to bring down the horses to this place in order to assist them in collecting meat which i had directed them to kill and dry here for our voyage, presuming that they would have arrived with the perogue and canoes at this place several days before my return. having now nothing to detain us we passed over immediately to the island in the entrance of maria's river to launch the red perogue, but found her so much decayed that it was impossible with the means we had to repare her and therefore mearly took the nails and other ironwork's about her which might be of service to us and left her. we now reimbarked on board the white peroge and five small canoes and decended the river about ms. and encamped on the s. w. side near a few cottonwood trees, one of them being of the narrow leafed speceis and was the first of that kind which we had remarked on our passage up the river. we encamped late but having little meat i sent out a couple of hunters who soon returned with a sufficient quantity of the flesh of a fat cow. there are immence quantities of buffaloe and elk about the junction of the missouri and maria's rivers.--during the time we halted at the er.crance of maria's river we experienced a very heavy shower of rain and hail attended with violent thunder and lightning. [lewis, july , ] tuesday july th . shortly after dark last evening a violent storm came on from n. w. attended with rain hail thunder and lightning which continued the greater part of the night. no having the means of making a shelter i lay in the water all night. the rain continued with but little intermission all day. i intend halting as soon as the weather proves fair in order to dry our baggage which much wants it. i placed the two fieldses and colter and collins in the two smallest canoes with orderes to hunt, and kill meat for the party and obtain as many elkskins as are necessary to cover our canoes and furnish us with shelters from the rain. we set out early and the currant being strong we proceeded with great rapidity. at a.m. we passed that very interesting part of the missouri where the natural walls appear, particularly discribed in my outward bound journey. we continued our rout untill late in the evening and encamped on the n. e. side of the river at the same place we had encamped on the th of may . on our way today we killed bighorns of which i preserved the skins and skeletons of females and one male; the flesh of this aninmal is extreemly delicate tender and well flavored, they are now in fine order. their flesh both in colour and flavor much resembles mutton though it is not so strong as our mutton. the eye is large and prominant, the puple of a pale sea green and iris of a light yellowish brown colour. these animals abound in this quarter keeping themselves principally confined to the steep clifts and bluffs of the river. we saw immence hirds of buffaloe in the high plains today on either hand of the river. saw but few elk. the brown curloo has left the plains i presume it has raised it's young and retired to some other climate and country. as i have been very particular in my discription of the country as i ascended this river i presume it is unnecesssesary here to add any-thing further on that subject. the river is now nearly as high as it has been this season and is so thick with mud and sand that it is with difficulty i can drink it. every little rivulet now discharges a torrant of water bringing down immece boddies of mud sand and filth from the plains and broken bluffs.- [lewis, july , ] wednesday july th . the rain still continued this morning it was therefore unnecessary to remain as we could not dry our baggage i consequently set out early as usual and pursued my rout downwards. the currant being strong and the men anxious to get on they plyed their oars faithfully and we went at the rate of about seven miles an hour. we halted several times in the course of the day to kill some bighorns being anxious to procure a few more skins and skeletons of this animal; i was fortunate enough to procure one other malle and female for this purpose which i had prepared accordingly. seven others were killed by the party also buffaloe one elk beaver with & a female brown bear with tallons / inches in length. i preserved the skin of this bear also with the tallons; it was not large and in but low order. we arrived this evening at an island about ms. above goodriches island and encamped on it's n. e. side. the rain continued with but little intermission all day; the air is cold and extreemly disagreeable. nothing extraordinary happened today [lewis, july , ] thursday july st . the rain still continuing i set out early and proceeded on as fast as possible. at a.m. we fell in with a large herd of elk of which we killed and took their skins. the bottoms in the latter part of the day became wider better timbered and abound in game. the party killed deer in the course of the day without attempting to hunt but little for them. we also killed bighorns and beaver; saw but few buffaloe. the river is still rising and excessively muddy more so i think than i ever saw it. we experienced some very heavy showers of rain today. we have been passing high pine hills all day. late in the evening we came too on the n. e. side of the river and took sheter in some indian lodges built of sticks, about ms. below the entrance of north mountain creek. these lodges appeared to have been built in the course of the last winter. these lodges with the addition of some elk skins afforded us a good shelter from the rain which continued to fall powerfully all night. i think it probable that the minnetares of fort de prarie visit this part of the river; we meet with their old lodges in every bottom.- [lewis, august , ] friday august st . the rain still continuing i set out early as usual and proceeded on at a good rate. at a.m. we saw a large brown bear swiming from an island to the main shore we pursued him and as he landed drewyer and myself shot and killed him; we took him on board the perogue and continued our rout. at a.m. we passed the entrance of mussel shell river. at in the evening we arrived at a bottom on s. w. side where there were several spacious indian lodges built of sticks and an excellent landing. as the rain still continued with but little intermission and appearances seemed unfavorable to it's becomeing fair shortly, i determined to halt at this place at least for this evening and indeavour to dry my skins of the bighorn which had every appearance of spoiling, an event which i would not should happen on any consideration as we have now passed the country in which they are found and i therefore could not supply the deficiency were i to loose these i have. i halted at this place being about ms. below missel shell river, had fires built in the lodges and my skins exposed to dry. shortly after we landed the rain ceased tho it still continued cloudy all this evening. a white bear came within paces of our camp before we perceived it; it stood erect on it's hinder feet and looked at us with much apparent unconsern, we seized our guns which are always by us and several of us fired at it and killed it. it was a female in fine order, we fleesed it and extracted several gallons of oil. this speceis of bar are rearly as poor at this season of the year as the common black bear nor are they ever as fat as the black bear is found in winter; as they feed principally on flesh, like the wolf, they are most fatt when they can procure a sufficiency of food without rispect to the season of the year. the oil of this bear is much harder than that of the black bear being nearly as much so as the lard of a hog. the flesh is by no means as agreeable as that of the black bear, or yahkah or partycoloured bear of the west side of the rocky mountains. on our way today we killed a buck elk in fine order the skins and a part of the flesh of which we preserved. after encamping this evening the hunters killed deer and a beaver. the elk are now in fine order particularly the males. their horns have obtained their full growth but have not yet shed the velvet or skin which covers them. the does are found in large herds with their young and a few young bucks with them. the old bucks yet herd together in parties of two to or .- [lewis, august , ] saturday august cd . the morning proved fair and i determined to remain all day and dry the baggage and give the men an opportunity to dry and air their skins and furr. had the powder parched meal and every article which wanted drying exposed to the sun. the day proved warm fair and favourable for our purpose. i permitted the fieldses to go on a few miles to hunt. by evening we had dryed our baggage and repacked it in readiness to load and set out early in the morning. the river fell inches since yesterday evening. the hunters killed several deer in the course of the day. nothing remarkable took place today. we are all extreemly anxious to reach the entrance of the yellowstone river where we expect to join capt. clark and party. [lewis, august , ] saturday august rd . i arrose early this morning and had the perogue and canoes loaded and set out at half after a.m. we soon passed the canoe of colter and collins who were on shore hunting, the men hailed them but received no answer we proceeded, and shortly after overtook j. and r. fields who had killed deer since they left us yesterday; deer are very abundant in the timbered bottoms of the river and extreemly gentle. we did not halt today to cook and dine as usual having directed that in future the party should cook as much meat in the evening after encamping as would be sufficient to serve them the next day; by this means we forward our journey at least or miles pr. day. we saw but few buffaloe in the course of this day, tho a great number of elk, deer, wolves, some bear, beaver, geese a few ducks, the party coloured covus, one callamet eagle, a number of bald eagles, redheaded woodpeckers &c. we encamped this evening on n. e. side of the river ms. above our encampment of the th of may soon after we encamp drewyer killed a fat doe. the fieldses arrived at dark with the flesh of two fine bucks, besides which they had killed two does since we passed them making in all deer since yesterday morning. collins and colter did not overtake us this evening. [lewis, august , ] monday august th . set out at a.m. this morning. permited willard and sergt. ordway to exchange with the feildses and take their small canoe to hunt to-day. at / after eleven o'ck. passed the entrance of big dry river; found the water in this river about yds. wide tho shallow. it runs with a boald even currant. at p.m. we arrived at the entrance of milk river where we halted a few minutes. this stream is full at present and it's water is much the colour of that of the missouri; it affords as much water at present as maria's river and i have no doubt extends itself to a considerable distance north. during our halt we killed a very large rattlesnake of the speceis common to our country. it had scuta on the abdomen and on the tail, it's length feet. the scutae on the tail fully formed. after passing this river we saw several large herds of buffaloe and elk we killed one of each of these animals and took as much of the flesh as we wished. we encamped this evening two miles below the gulph on the n. e. side of the river. tonight for the first time this season i heard the small whippoorwill or goatsucker of the missouri cry. colter and collins have not yet overtaken us. ordway and willard delayed so much time in hunting today that they did not overtake us untill about midnight. they killed one bear and deer. in passing a bend just below the gulph it being dark they were drawn by the currant in among a parsel of sawyers, under one of which the canoe was driven and throwed willard who was steering overboard; he caught the sawyer and held by it; ordway with the canoe drifted down about half a mile among the sawyers under a falling bank, the canoe struck frequently but did not overset; he at length gained the shore and returned by land to learn the fate of willard whom he found was yet on the sawyer; it was impossible for him to take the canoe to his relief willard at length tied a couple of sticks together which had lodged against the sawyer on which he was and set himself a drift among the sawyers which he fortunately escaped and was taken up about a mile below by ordway with the canoe; they sustained no loss on this occasion. it was fortunate for willard that he could swim tolerably well. [lewis, august , ] tuesday august th . colter and collins not having arrived induced me to remain this morning for them. the hunters killed four deer this morning near our encampment. i remained untill noon when i again reimbarked and set out concluding that as colter and collins had not arrived by that time that they had passed us after dark the night of the rd inst. as sergt ordway informed me he should have done last evening had not the centinel hailed him. we continued our rout untill late in the evening when i came too and encamped on the south side about miles below little dry river. on our way we killed a fat cow and took as much of the flesh as was necessary for us. the feildses killed large bear this evening one of them measured nine feet from the extremity of the nose to that of his tail, this is the largest bear except one that i have seen. we saw several bear today as we passed but did not kill any of them. we also saw on our way immence herds of buffaloe & elk, many deer antelopes, wolves, geese eagles &c. but few ducks or prarie hens. the geese cannot fly at present; i saw a solitary pillacon the other day in the same situation. this happens from their sheding or casting the fathers of the wings at this season. [lewis, august , ] wednesday august th . a little after dark last evening a violent storm arrose to the n. e. and shortly after came on attended with violent thunder lightning and some hail; the rain fell in a mere torrant and the wind blew so violently that it was with difficulty i could have the small canoes unloaded before they filled with water; they sustained no injury. our situation was open and exposed to the storm. in attending to the canoes i got wet to the skin and having no shelter on land i betook myself to the orning of the perogue which i had, formed of elkskin, here i obtained a few hours of broken rest; the wind and rain continued almost all night and the air became very cold. we set out early this morning and decended the river about miles below porcupine river when the wind became so violent that i laid by untill p.m. the wind then abaiting in some measure we again resumed our voyage, and decended the river about miles below our encampment of the st of may where we halted for the night on the s. w. side of the river. after halting we killed three fat cows and a buck. we had previously killed today deer a buck elk and a fat cow. in short game is so abundant and gentle that we kill it when we please. the feildses went on ahead this evening and we did not overtake them. we saw several bear in the course of the day. [lewis, august , ] thursday august th . it began to rain about midnight and continued with but little intermission until a.m. today. the air was cold and extreemly unpleasant. we set out early resolving if possible to reach the yelowstone river today which was at the distance of ms. from our encampment of the last evening; the currant favoured our progress being more rapid than yesterday, the men plyed their oars faithfully and we went at a good rate. at a.m. we passed the entrance of marthy's river which has changed it's entrance since we passed it last year, falling in at preasent about a quarter of a mile lower down. at or just below the entrance of this river we meet with the first appearance of coal birnt hills and pumicestone, these appearances seem to be coextensive. here it is also that we find the first elm and dwarf cedar on the bluffs, the ash first appears in the instance of one solletary tree at the ash rapid, about the elk rapid and from thence down we occasionly meet with it scattered through the bottoms but it is generally small. from marthy's river to milk river on the n. e. side there is a most beautifull level plain country; the soil is much more fertile here than above. we overtook the feildses at noon. they had killed bear and seen others, we saw and fired on two from our perogue but killed neither of them. these bear resort the river where they lie in wate at the crossing places of the game for the elk and weak cattle; when they procure a subject of either they lie by the carcase and keep the wolves off untill they devour it. the bear appear to be very abundant on this part of the river. we saw a number of buffaloe elk &c as we passed but did not detain to kill any of them. we also saw an unusual flight of white gulls about the size of a pigeon with the top of their heads black. at p.m. we arrived at the entrance of the yellowstone river. i landed at the point and found that capt. clark had been encamped at this place and from appearances had left it about or days. i found a paper on a pole at the point which mearly contained my name in the hand wrighting of capt. c. we also found the remnant of a note which had been attatched to a peace of elk's horns in the camp; from this fragment i learned that game was scarce at the point and musquetoes troublesome which were the reasons given for his going on; i also learnt that he intended halting a few miles below where he intended waiting my arrival. i now wrote a note directed to colter and collins provided they were behind, ordering them to come on without loss of time; this note i wraped in leather and attatced onto the same pole which capt. c. had planted at the point; this being done i instantly reimbarked and decended the river in the hope of reaching capt. c's camp before night. about miles below the point on the s. w. shore i saw some meat that had been lately fleased and hung on a pole; i directed sergt. ordway to go on shore examine the place; on his return he reported that he saw the tracks of two men which appeared so resent that he beleived they had been there today, the fire he found at the plce was blaizing and appeared to have been mended up afresh or within the course of an hour past. he found at this place a part of a chinnook hat which my men recognized as the hat of gibson; from these circumstances we included that capt. c's camp could not be distant and pursued our rout untill dark with the hope of reaching his camp in this however we were disappointed and night coming on compelled us to encamp on the n. e. shore in the next bottom above our encampment of the rd and th of april . as we came too a herd of buffaloe assembled on the shore of which we killed a fat cow.- [lewis, august , ] friday august th . beleiving from the recent appearances about the fire which we past last evening that capt clark could be at no great distance below i set out early; the wind heard from the n. e. but by the force of the oars and currant we traveled at a good rate untill a.m. by which time we reached the center of the beaver bends about ms. by water and by land above the entrance of white earth river. not finding capt. clark i knew not what calculation to make with rispect to his halting and therefore determined to proceed as tho he was not before me and leave the rest to the chapter of accedents. at this place i found a good beach for the purpose of drawing out the perogue and one of the canoes which wanted corking and reparing. the men with me have not had leasure since we left the west side of the rocky mountains to dress any skins or make themselves cloaths and most of them are therefore extreemly bare. i therefore determined to halt at this place untill the perogue and canoe could be repared and the men dress skins and make themselves the necessary cloathing. we encamped on the n. e. side of the river; we found the musquetoes extreemly troublesome but in this rispect there is but little choise of camps from hence down to st. louis. from this place to the little missouri there is an abundance of game i shall therefore when i leave this place travel at my leasure and avail myself of every opportunity to collect and dry meat untill i provide a sufficient quantity for our voyage not knowing what provision capt c. has made in this rispect. i formed a camp unloaded the canoes and perogue, had the latter and one of the canoes drawn out to dry, fleased what meat we had collected and hung it on poles in the sun, after which the men busied themselves in dressing skins and making themselves cloaths. drewyer killed elk and a deer this evening. the air is cold yet the musquetoes continue to be troublesome.- [lewis, august , ] saturday august th . the day proved fair and favourable for our purposes. the men were all engaged dressing skins and making themselves cloathes except r & j. fields whom i sent this morning over the river with orders to proceed to the entrance of the white earth river in surch of capt. c. and to hunt and kill elk or buffaloe should they find any convenient to the river. in the evening these men returned and informed me that they saw no appearance of capt. clark or party. they found no game nor was there a buffaloe.to be seen in the plains as far as the eye could reach. nothing remarkable took place in the course of the day. colter and collins have not yet overtaken us i fear some missfortune has happened them for their previous fidelity and orderly deportment induces me to beleive that they would not thus intentionally delay. the perogue is not yet sufficiently dry for reparing. we have no pitch and will therefore be compelled to use coal and tallow. [lewis, august , ] sunday august th . the morning was somewhat cloudy i therefore apprehended rain however it shortly after became fair. i hastened the repairs which were necessary to the perogue and canoe which were compleated by p.m. those not engaged about this business employed themselves as yester-day. at in the evening it clouded up and began to rain which puting a stop to the opperation of skindressing we had nothing further to detain us, i therefore directed the vessels to be loaded and at p.m. got under way the wind has blown very hard all day but did not prove so much so this evening as absolutely to detain us. we decended this evening as low nearly as the entrance of white earth river and encamped on the s. w. side. the musquetoes more than usually troublesome this evening. [lewis, august , ] monday august th . we set out very early this morning. it being my wish to arrive at the birnt hills by noon in order to take the latitude of that place as it is the most northern point of the missouri, enformed the party of my design and requested that they would exert themselves to reach the place in time as it would save us the delay of nearly one day; being as anxious to get forward as i was they plyed their oars faithfully and we proceeded rapidly. i had instructed the small canoes that if they saw any game on the river to halt and kill it and follow on; however we saw but little game untill about a.m. when we came up with a buffaloe swiming the river which i shot and killed; leaving the small canoes to dress it and bring on the meat i proceeded. we had gone but little way before i saw a very large grizzly bear and put too in order to kill it, but it took wind of us and ran off. the small canoes overtook us and informed that the flesh of the buffaloe was unfit for uce and that they had therefore left it half after a.m. we saw a large herd of elk on the n. e. shore and i directed the men in the small canoes to halt and kill some of them and continued on in the perogue to the birnt hills; when i arrived here it was about minutes after noon and of course the observation for the o's meridian altitude was lost; jus opposite to the birnt hills there happened to be a herd of elk on a thick willow bar and finding that my observation was lost for the present i determined to land and kill some of them accordingly we put too and i went out with cruzatte only. we fired on the elk i killed one and he wounded another, we reloaded our guns and took different routs through the thick willows in pursuit of the elk; i was in the act of firing on the elk a second time when a ball struck my left thye about an inch below my hip joint, missing the bone it passed through the left thye and cut the thickness of the bullet across the hinder part of the right thye; the stroke was very severe; i instantly supposed that cruzatte had shot me in mistake for an elk as i was dressed in brown leather and he cannot see very well; under this impression i called out to him damn you, you have shot me, and looked towards the place from whence the ball had come, seeing nothing i called cruzatte several times as loud as i could but received no answer; i was now preswaded that it was an indian that had shot me as the report of the gun did not appear to be more than paces from me and cruzatte appeared to be out of hearing of me; in this situation not knowing how many indians there might be concealed in the bushes i thought best to make good my retreat to the perogue, calling out as i ran for the first hundred paces as loud as i could to cruzatte to retreat that there were indians hoping to allarm him in time to make his escape also; i still retained the charge in my gun which i was about to discharge at the moment the ball struck me. when i arrived in sight of the perogue i called the men to their arms to which they flew in an instant, i told them that i was wounded but i hoped not mortally, by an indian i beleived and directed them to follow me that i would return & give them battle and releive cruzatte if possible who i feared had fallen into their hands; the men followed me as they were bid and i returned about a hundred paces when my wounds became so painfull and my thye so stiff that i could scarcely get on; in short i was compelled to halt and ordered the men to proceed and if they found themselves overpowered by numbers to retreat in order keeping up a fire. i now got back to the perogue as well as i could and prepared my self with a pistol my rifle and air-gun being determined as a retreat was impracticable to sell my life as deerly as possible. in this state of anxiety and suspense remained about minutes when the party returned with cruzatte and reported that there were no indians nor the appearance of any; cruzatte seemed much allarmed and declared if he had shot me it was not his intention, that he had shot an elk in the willows after he left or seperated from me. i asked him whether he did not hear me when i called to him so frequently which he absolutely denied. i do not beleive that the fellow did it intentionally but after finding that he had shot me was anxious to conceal his knowledge of having done so. the ball had lodged in my breeches which i knew to be the ball of the short rifles such as that he had, and there being no person out with me but him and no indians that we could discover i have no doubt in my own mind of his having shot me. with the assistance of sergt. gass i took off my cloaths and dressed my wounds myself as well as i could, introducing tents of patent lint into the ball holes, the wounds blead considerably but i was hapy to find that it had touched neither bone nor artery. i sent the men to dress the two elk which cruzatte and myself had killed which they did in a few minutes and brought the meat to the river. the small canoes came up shortly after with the flesh of one elk. my wounds being so situated that i could not without infinite pain make an observation i determined to relinquish it and proceeded on. we came within eight miles of our encampment of the th of april and encamped on n. e. side. as it was painfull to me to be removed i slept on board the perogue; the pain i experienced excited a high fever and i had a very uncomfortable night. at p.m. we passed an encampment which had been evacuated this morning by capt. clark, here i found a note from capt. c. informing me that he had left a letter for me at the entrance of the yelow stone river, but that sergt. pryor who had passed that place since he left it had taken the letter; that sergt. pryor having been robed of all his horses had decended the yelowstone river in skin canoes and had over taken him at this encampment. this i fear puts an end to our prospects of obtaining the sioux cheifs to accompany us as we have not now leasure to send and enjage mr. heney on this service, or at least he would not have time to engage them to go as early as it is absolutely necessary we should decend the river. [lewis, august , ] thursday august th . being anxious to overtake capt. clark who from the appearance of his camps could be at no great distance before me, we set out early and proceeded with all possible expedition at a.m. the bowsman informed me that there was a canoe and a camp he beleived of whitemen on the n. e. shore. i directed the perogue and canoes to come too at this place and found it to be the camp of two hunters from the illinois by name joseph dickson and forest hancock. these men informed me that capt. c. had passed them about noon the day before. they also informed me that they had left the illinois in the summer since which time they had been ascended the missouri, hunting and traping beaver; that they had been robed by the indians and the former wounded last winter by the tetons of the birnt woods; that they had hitherto been unsuccessfull in their voyage having as yet caught but little beaver, but were still determined to proceed. i gave them a short discription of the missouri, a list of distances to the most conspicuous streams and remarkable places on the river above and pointed out to them the places where the beaver most abounded. i also gave them a file and a couple of pounds of powder with some lead. these were articles which they assured me they were in great want of. i remained with these men an hour and a half when i took leave of them and proceeded. while i halted with these men colter and collins who seperated from us on the rd ist. rejoined us. they were well no accedent having happened. they informed me that after proceeding the first day and not overtaking us that they had concluded that we were behind and had delayed several days in waiting for us and had thus been unable to join us untill the present momet. my wounds felt very stiff and soar this morning but gave me no considerable pain. there was much less inflamation than i had reason to apprehend there would be. i had last evening applyed a poltice of peruvian barks at p.m. i overtook capt. clark and party and had the pleasure of finding them all well. as wrighting in my present situation is extreemly painfull to me i shall desist untill i recover and leave to my frind capt. c. the continuation of our journal. however i must notice a singular cherry which is found on the missouri in the bottom lands about the beaverbends and some little distance below the white earth river. this production is not very abundant even in the small tract of country to which it seems to be confined. the stem is compound erect and subdivided or branching without any regular order it rises to the hight of eight or ten feet seldom puting up more than one stem from the same root not growing in cops as the choke cherry dose. the bark is smooth and of a dark brown colour. the leaf is peteolate, oval accutely pointed at it's apex, from one and a / to / inches in length and from / to / of an inch in width, finely or minutely serrate, pale green and free from bubessence. the fruit is a globular berry about the size of a buck-shot of a fine scarlet red; like the cherries cultivated in the u states each is supported by a seperate celindric flexable branch peduncle which issue from the extremities of the boughs the peduncle of this cherry swells as it approahes the fruit being largest at the point of insertion. the pulp of this fruit is of an agreeable ascid flavour and is now ripe. the style and stigma are permanent. i have never seen it in blume. [clark, july , ] thursday july rd we colected our horses and after brackfast i took my leave of capt lewis and the indians and at a m set out with ____ men interpreter shabono & his wife & child (as an interpreter & interpretess for the crow inds and the latter for the shoshoni) with horses. we proceeded on through the vally of clarks river on the west side of the river nearly south miles and halted on the upper side of a large creek, haveing crossed streams of which were small. this vally is from to ms. in width tolerably leavel and partially timberd with long leaf & pitch pine, some cotton wood, birch, and sweet willow on the borders of the streams. i observed species of clover in this vally one the white clover common in the western parts of the u. states, the other species which is much smaller than either the red or white both it's leaf & blossom the horses are excessively fond of this species. after letting our horses graze a sufficient length of time to fill themselves, and taking dinner of venison we again resumed our journey up the vally which we found more boutifully versified with small open plains covered with a great variety of sweet cented plants, flowers & grass. this evening we crossed streams of which were large creeks which comes roleing their currents with velocity into the river. those creeks take their rise in the mountains to the west which mountains is at this time covered with snow for about / of the way from their tops downwards. some snow is also to be seen on the high points and hollows of the mountains to the east of us. our course this evening was nearly south ms. makeing a total of miles today. we encamped on the n. side of a large creek where we found tolerable food for our horses. labeish killed a deer this evening. we saw great numbers of deer and bear today. i also observed the burring squirel of the species common about the quawmarsh flatts west of the rocky mountains. musquetors very troublesom.--one man jo. potts very unwell this evening owing to rideing a hard trotting horse; i give him a pill of opiom which soon releve him. [clark, july , ] friday july th i order three hunters to set out early this morning to hunt & kill some meat and by a.m. we collected our horses took braekfast and set out proceeded on up the vally on the west side of clarks river crossing three large deep and rapid creeks, and two of a smaller size to a small branch in the spurs of the mountain and dined. the last creek or river which we pass'd was so deep and the water so rapid that several of the horses were sweped down some distance and the water run over several others which wet several articles. after crossing this little river, i observed in the road the tracks of two men whome i prosume is of the shoshone nation. our hunters joined us with deer in tolerable order. on the side of the hill near the place we dined saw a gange of ibex or big horn animals i shot at them running and missed. this being the day of the decleration of independence of the united states and a day commonly scelebrated by my country i had every disposition to selebrate this day and therefore halted early and partook of a sumptious dinner of a fat saddle of venison and mush of cows (roots) after dinner we proceeded on about one mile to a very large creek which we assended some distance to find a foard to cross in crossing this creek several articles got wet, the water was so strong, alto the debth was not much above the horses belly, the water passed over the backs and loads of the horses. those creeks are emensely rapid has great decnt the bottoms of the creek as well as the low lands on each side is thickly covered with large stone after passing this creek i inclined to the left and fell into the road on which we had passed down last fall near the place we had dined on the th of sept. and continued on the road passing up on the w. side of clarks river miles to the west fork of sd. river and encamped on an arm of the same i sent out men to hunt, and in serch of a foard to pass the river. at dark they all returned and reported that they had found a place that the river might be passed but with some risque of the loads getting wet i order them to get up their horses and accompany me to those places &c. our hunters killed deer to day. we made ms. to day on a course nearly south vally from to mes. wide. contains a good portion of pitch pine. we passed three large deep rapid creeks this after noon [clark, july , ] saturday july th i rose at day light this morning despatched labeash after a buck which he killed late last evening; and i with the three men who i had sent in serch of a ford across the west fork of clarks river, and examined each ford neither of them i thought would answer to pass the fork without wetting all the loads. near one of those places pointed out by colter i found a practiable foard and returned to camp, ordered everything packed up and after brackfast we set out passed chanels of the river which is divided by small islands in passing the th & last chanel colter horse swam and with some dificuelty he made the opposite shore, shannon took a different derection from colter rained his horse up the stream and passed over very well i derected all to follow shannon and pass quartering up the river which they done and passed over tolerably well the water running over the back of the smaller horses only. unfortunately my trunk & portmantue containing sea otter skins flags some curiosites & necessary articles in them got wet, also an esortment of medicine, and my roots. about mile we struk the east fork which had fallen and was not higher than when we passed it last fall we had not proceeded up this fork more than mile eer we struck the road by which we passed down last fall and kept it at one mile we crossed the river at a very good foard and continued up on the east side to the foot of the mountain nearly opposite flour crek & halted to let our horses graze and dry our wet articles. i saw fresh sign of horses and a fire burning on the side of the road. i prosume that those indians are spies from the shoshones. shannon & crusat killed each a deer this morning and j. shields killed a female ibex or bighorn on the side of the mountain, this animal was very meager. shannon left his tomahawk at the place he killed his deer. i derect him to return for it and join me in the vally on the east side of this mountain. gave shields permission to proceed on over to the st vally and there hunt untill my arival this evening at that place, after drying every article which detained us untill / past p.m. we packed up and crossed the mountain into the vally where we first met with the flatheads here i overtook shields he had not killed any thing. i crossed the river which heads in a high peecked mountain covered with snow n. e. of the vally at about miles. shields informed me that the flat head indians passed up the small creek which we came down last fall about miles above our encampment of the th & th of, septr. i proceeded up this south branch miles and encamped on the e. side of the creek, and sent out several men to examine the road. shields returned at dark and informed me that the best road turned up the hill from the creek miles higher up, and appeared to be a plain beaten parth. as this rout of the oat lash shoots can be followed it will evidently shorten our rout at least days and as the indians informed me last fall a much better rout than the one we came out. at all events i am deturmined to make the attempt and follow their trail if possible if i can prosue it my rout will be nearer and much better than the one we came from the shoshones, & if i should not be able to follow their road; our rout can't possibly be much wors. the hunters killed two deer this evening. the after part of the day we only come miles makeing a total of miles-. shannon came up about sunset haveing found his tomahawk. [clark, july , ] sunday th july some frost this morning the last night was so cold that i could not sleep. we collected our horses which were much scattered which detained us untill a.m. at which time we set out and proceeded up the creek on which we camped miles and left the road which we came on last fall to our right and assended a ridge with a gentle slope to the dividing mountain which seperates the waters from the middle fork of clarks river from those and lewis's river and passed over prosueing the rout of the oat lash shute band which we met last fall to the head of a branch of wisdom r and down the said branch crossing it frequently on each side of this handsom glades in which i observe great quantities of quawmash just beginning to blume on each side of those glades the timber is small and a great propotion of it killed by the fires. i observe the appearance of old buffalow roads and some heads on this part of the mountain. the snow appears to lying in considerable masses on the mountain from which we decended on the th of septr. last. i observe great numbers of the whistleing squirel which burrows their holes scattered on each side of the glades through which we passed. shields killed a hare of the large mountain species. the after part of the day we passed on the hill side n of the creek for ms. creek and entered an extensive open leavel plain in which the indian trail scattered in such a manner that we could not pursue it. the indian woman wife to shabono informed me that she had been in this plain frequently and knew it well that the creek which we decended was a branch of wisdom river and when we assended the higher part of the plain we would discover a gap in the mountains in our direction to the canoes, and when we arived at that gap we would see a high point of a mountain covered with snow in our direction to the canoes. we proceeded on mile and crossd. a large creek from the right which heads in a snow mountain and fish creek over which there was a road thro a gap. we assended a small rise and beheld an open boutifull leavel vally or plain of about miles wide and near long extending n & s. in every direction around which i could see high points of mountains covered with snow. i discovered one at a distance very high covered with snow which bore s. ° e. the squar pointed to the gap through which she said we must pass which was s. ° e. she said we would pass the river before we reached the gap. we had not proceeded more than miles in the last creek, before a violent storm of wind accompand. with hard rain from the s w. imediately from off the snow mountains this rain was cold and lasted / hours. i discovd. the rain wind as it approached and halted and formd. a solid column to protect our selves from the violency of the gust. after it was over i proceeded on about miles to some small dry timber on a small creek and encampd. made large fires and dryed our selves. here i observed some fresh indian signs where they had been gathering quawmash. [clark, july , ] monday th july this morning our horses were very much scattered; i sent out men in every direction in serch of them. they brought all except by oclock and informed me that they could not find those . i then ordered men to take horses and go different directions and at a greater distance those men all returned by a.m. and informed me that they had circles in every direction to or miles around camp and could not see any signs of them, that they had reasons to believe that the indians had stolen them in the course of the night, and founded their reasons on the quallity of the horses, all being the most valuable horses we had, and several of them so attached to horses of inferior quallity which we have they could not be seperated from each other when driveing with their loads on in the course of the day. i thought it probable that they might be stolen by some skulking shoshones, but as it was yet possible that they may have taken our back rout or rambled to a greater distance i deturmined to leave a small party and hunt for them to day, and proceed on with the main party and all the baggage to the canoes, raise them out of the water and expose them to the sun to dry by the time this party should overtake me. i left sergt. ordway, shannon, gibson collins & labeech with directions to hunt this day for the horses without they should discover that the inds. had taken them into the mountains, and prosue our trail &c. at / past a m i set out and proceeded on through an open rich vally crossing four large creeks with extensive low and mirey bottoms, and a small river keeping the course i had set out on s. ° e after crossing the river i kept up on the n e. side, sometimes following an old road which frequently disappeared, at the distance of miles we arived at a boiling spring situated about paces from a large easterly fork of the small river in a leavel open vally plain and nearly opposit & e. of the forks of this little river which heads in the snowey mountains to the s e. & s w of the springs. this spring contains a very considerable quantity of water, and actually blubbers with heat for paces below where it rises. it has every appearance of boiling, too hot for a man to endure his hand in it seconds. i directt sergt. pryor and john shields to put each a peice of meat in the water of different sises. the one about the size of my fingers cooked dun in minits the other much thicker was minits before it became sufficiently dun. this water boils up through some loose hard gritty stone. a little sulferish after takeing dininer and letting our horses graize hour and a half we proceeded on crossed this easterly branch and up on the n. side of this middle fork miles crossed it near the head of an easterly branch and passed through a gap of a mountain on the easterly side of which we encamped near some butifull which fall into willards creek. i directed that the rambling horses should be hobbled, and the sentinal to examine the horses after the moon rose. emence beaver sign. this extensive vally surround with covered with snow is extreemly fertile covered esculent plants &c and the creeks which pass through it contains emence numbers of beaver &c. i now take my leave of this butifull extensive vally which i call the hot spring vally, and behold one less extensive and much more rugid on willards creek for near miles in length. remarkable cold night [clark, july , ] tuesday july th our horses being scattered we were detained unill a. m before we set out. we proceeded on down willards creek on the s.w. side about miles near which the creek passes through the mountain we then steared s. ° e. to the west branch of jeffersons river in snake indian cove about miles and halded two hours to let the horses graize. after dinner we proceeded on down the forke which is here but small miles to our encampment of augt. at which place we sunk our canoes & buried some articles, as before mentioned the most of the party with me being chewers of tobacco become so impatient to be chewing it that they scercely gave themselves time to take their saddles off their horses before they were off to the deposit. i found every article safe, except a little damp. i gave to each man who used tobacco about two feet off a part of a role took one third of the ballance myself and put up / in a box to send down with the most of the articles which had been left at this place, by the canoes to capt. lewis. as it was late nothing could be done with the canoes this evening. i examined them and found then all safe except one of the largest which had a large hole in one side & split in bow. the country through which we passed to day was diversified high dry and uneaven stoney open plains and low bottoms very boggy with high mountains on the tops and north sides of which there was snow, great quantities of the species of hysoop & shrubs common to the missouri plains are scattered in those vallys and hill sides. the road which we have traveled from travellers rest creek to this place an excellent road. and with only a few trees being cut out of the way would be an excellent waggon road one mountain of about miles over excepted which would require a little digging the distance is miles-. shields killed an antelope [clark, july , ] wednesday th july rose early had the horses brought up. after which i had the canoes raised washed, brough down and drawn up on shore to dry and repard. set several men to work digging for the tobacco capt. lewis informed me he had buried in the place the lodge stood when we lay here last summer, they serched diligently without finding anything. at a m sergt. ordway and party arrived with the horses we had lost. he reported that he found those horses near the head of the creek on which we encamped, makeing off as fast as they could and much scattered. nothing material took place with his party in their absence. i had the canoes repared men & lodes appotioned ready to embark tomorrow morning. i also formd. the party to accomp me to the river rejhone from applicants and apportioned what little baggage i intended to carry as also the spear horses. this day was windy and cold. the squar brought me a plant the root of which the nativs eat. this root most resembles a carrot in form and size and something of its colour, being of a pailer yellow than that of our carrot, the stem and leaf is much like the common carrot, and the taste not unlike. it is a native of moist land.--john sheilds and collins each killed a deer this morning. the wind dried our canoes very much they will be sufficiently dry by tomorrow morning to set out in them down the river. [clark, july , ] thursday july th last night was very cold and this morning everything was white with frost and the grass stiff frozend. i had some water exposed in a bason in which the ice was / of an inch thick this morning. i had all the canoes put into the water and every article which was intended to be sent down put on board, and the horses collected and packed with what fiew articles i intend takeing with me to the river rochejhone, and after brackfast we all set out at the same time & proceeded on down jeffersons river on the east side through sarviss vally and rattle snake mountain and into that butifull and extensive vally open and fertile which we call the beaver head vally which is the indian name in their language har na hap pap chah. from the no. of those animals in it & a pt. of land resembling the head of one this vally extends from the rattle snake mountain down jeffersons river as low as fraziers creek above the big horn mountain and is from to miles in width and ____ miles on a direct line in length and jeffersons river in passing through this vally reives mcneals creek, track creek, phalanthrophy river, wisdom river, fields river and fraziers creek each throw in a considerable quantity of water and have innoumerable beaver and otter on them; the bushes in their low bottoms are the resort for great numbers of deer, and in the higher parts of the vally we see antelopes scattered feeding. i saw also on the sides of the rock in rattle snake mountain big horn animals, those animals feed on the grass which grow on the sides of the mountn. and in the narrow bottoms on the water courses near the steep sides of the mountains on which they can make their escape from the pursute of wolves bear &c. at meridian i halted to let the horses graze having come miles i ordered the to land. sergt. ordway informed me that the party with him had come on very well, and he thought the canoes could go as farst as the horses &c. as the river now become wider and not so sholl, i deturmined to put all the baggage &c. which i intend takeing with me to the river rochejhone in the canoes and proceed on down with them myself to the forks or madisons & galletens rivers. leaveing the horses to be taken down by sergt. pryor and of the men of the party to accompany me to the river rochejhone and directed sergt. pryor to proceed on moderately and if possible encamp with us every night. after dinner had my baggage put on board and set out, and proceeded on tolerable well to the head of the mile island on which we had encamped on the th of augt last. the canoes passed six of my encampments assending, opposit this island i encamped on the east side. the musquetors were troublesom all day and untill one hour after sunset when it became cool and they disappeared. in passing down in the course of this day we saw great numbers of beaver lying on the shores in the sun. wild young gees and ducks are common in this river. we killed two young gees this evening. i saw several large rattle snakes in passing the rattle snake mountain they were fierce. [clark, july , ] friday th july sent on of the best hunters in canoes to proceed on a fiew miles a head and hunt untill i came up with them, after an early brackfast i proceeded on down a very crooked chanel, at a. m i overtook one canoe with a deer which collins had killed, at meridian passed sergt. pryors camp near a high point of land on the left side which the shoshones call the beavers head. the wind rose and blew with great violence from the s w imediately off some high mountains covered with snow. the violence of this wind retarded our progress very much and the river being emencly crooked we had it imediately in our face nearly every bend. at p m i passed phalanthrophy river which i proceved was very low. the wind shifted about to the n. e. and bley very hard tho much wormer than the forepart of the day. at p m i arrived at the enterance of wisdom river and encampd. in the spot we had encamped the th of august last. here we found a bayonet which had been left & the canoe quite safe. i directed that all the nails be taken out of this canoe and paddles to be made of her sides & here i came up with gibson & colter whome i had sent on a head for the purpose of hunting this morning, they had killed a fat buck and young gees nearly grown. wisdom river is very high and falling. i have seen great nos. of beaver on the banks and in the water as i passed down to day, also some deer and great numbers young gees, sand hill cranes &c. &c. sgt. pryor left a deer on the shore [clark, july , ] saturday th,july sergt. pryor did not join me last night he has proceeded on down. the beaver was flacking in the river about us all the last night. this morning i was detained untill a m makeing paddles and drawing the nails of the canoe to be left at this place and the one we had before left here. after completing the paddles &c and takeing some brackfast i set out the current i find much stronger below the forks than above and the river tolerably streight as low as panther creek when it became much more crooked the wind rose and blew hard off the snowey mountains to the n. w. and renderd it very difficuelt to keep the canoes from running against the shore at p.m. the canoe in which i was in was driven by a suden puff of wind under a log which projected over the water from the bank, and the man in the stern howard was caught in between the canoe and the log and a little hurt after disingaging our selves from this log the canoe was driven imediately under a drift which projected over and a little abov the water, here the canoe was very near turning over we with much exertion after takeing out some of the baggage hauled her out, and proceeded on without receving any damage. the men in the other canoes seeing our situation landed and come with as much speed as possible through the briers and thick brush to our assistance. but from the thickness of the brush did not get up to our assistance untill we had got clear. at p m we halted at the enterance of fields creek and dined here willard and collins over took us with two deer which they had killd. this morning and by takeing a different side of an island from which we came, we had passed them. after dinner i proceeded on and encamped a little below our encampmt. of the st of july last. the musquetoes very troublesome this evening some old buffalow signs. i killed young gees and collins killed bever this evening. [clark, july , ] sunday th july set out early this morning and proceded on very well to the enterance of madicines river at our old encampment of the th july last at where i found sergt. pryor and party with the horses, they had arived at this place one hour before us. his party had killed deer & a white bear i had all the horses driven across madicine & gallitines rivers and halted to dine and let the horses feed imediately below the enterance of gallitine. had all the baggage of the land party taken out of the canoes and after dinner the canoes and the party of men under the direction of sergt. ordway set out. previous to their departur i gave instructions how they were to proceed &c. i also wrote to capt lewis by sergt. ordway-. my party now consists of the following persons viz: serjeant n. pryor, jo. shields, g. shannon william bratton, labiech, windsor, h. hall, gibson, interpreter shabono his wife & child and my man york; with horses and a colt. the horses feet are very sore and several of them can scercely proceed on. at . p. m i set out from the head of missouri at the forks, and proceeded on nearly east miles and encamped on the bank of gallitines river which is a butifull navigable stream. saw a large gange of elk in the plains and deer in the river bottoms. i also observe beaver and several otter in galletines river as i passed along. gibson killed an otter the fur of which was much longer and whiter than any which i had seen. willard killed deer this morning. all the meat i had put into the canoes except a sufficiency for supper. the country in the forks between gallitins & madisens rivers is a butifull leavel plain covered with low grass.--on the lower or n e. side of gallitins river the country rises gradually to the foot of a mountain which runs nearly parrelal. those plains are indefferant or the soil of which is not very rich they are stoney & contain several stratas of white rock. the current of the river is rapid and near the mouth contains several islands, it is navigable for canoes. i saw several antelope common deer, wolves, beaver, otter, eagles, hawks, crows, wild gees both old and young, does &c. &c. i observe several leading roads which appear to pass to a gap of the mountain in a e. n e. direction about or miles distant. the indian woman who has been of great service to me as a pilot through this country recommends a gap in the mountain more south which i shall cross.-. [clark, july , ] monday th july sent sheilds a head to kill a deer for our brackfast and at an early hour set out with the party crossed gallitines river which makes a considerable bend to the n. e. and proceeded on nearly s. ° e through an open leavel plain at miles i struck the river and crossed a part of it and attemptd to proceed on through the river bottoms which was several miles wide at this place, i crossed several chanels of the river running through the bottom in defferent directions. i proceeded on about two miles crossing those defferent chanels all of which was damed with beaver in such a manner as to render the passage impracticable and after swamped as i may say in this bottom of beaver i was compelled to turn short about to the right and after some difficuelty made my way good to an open low but firm plain which was an island and extended nearly the course i wished to proceed. here the squar informed me that there was a large road passing through the upper part of this low plain from madicins river through the gap which i was stearing my course to. i proceeded up this plain miles and crossed the main chanel of the river, having passed through a skirt of cotton timber to an open low plain on the n e. side of the river and nooned it. the river is divided and on all the small streams inoumerable quantities of beaver dams, tho the river is yet navagable for canoes. i overtook shields soon after i set out; he had killed a large fat buck. i saw elk deer & antelopes, and great deel of old signs of buffalow. their roads is in every direction. the indian woman informs me that a fiew years ago buffalow was very plenty in those plains & vallies quit as high as the head of jeffersons river, but flew of them ever come into those vallys of late years owing to the shoshones who are fearfull of passing into the plains west of the mountains and subsist on what game they can catch in the mountains principally and the fish which they take in the e. fork of lewis's river. small parties of the shoshones do pass over to the plains for a few days at a time and kill buffalow for their skins and dried meat, and return imediately into the mountains. after dinner we proceeded on a little to the south of east through an open leavel plain to the three forks of the e branch of gallitines river at about miles, crossed the most southerly of those forks and struck an old buffalow road which i kept continuing nearly the same course up the middle fork crossed it and camped on a small branch of the middle fork on the n e. side at the commencement of the gap of the mountain--the road leading up this branch, several other roads all old come in from the right & left. emence quantities of beaver on this fork quit down, and their dams very much impeed the navigation of it from the forks down, tho i beleive it practicable for small canoes by unloading at a fiew of the worst of those dams. deer are plenty. shannon shields and sergt. pryor each killed one which were very fat much more so than they are commonly at this season of the year. the main fork of galletins river turn south and enter them mountains which are yet covered with snow. madisens river makes a great bend to the east and enters the same mountain. a leavel plain between the two rivers below the mountain. [clark, july , ] tuesday th july we collected our horses and after an early brackft at a m set out and proceeded up the branch to the head thence over a low gap in the mountain thence across the heads of the n e. branch of the fork of gallitins river which we camped near last night passing over a low dividing ridge to the head of a water course which runs into the rochejhone, prosueing an old buffalow road which enlargenes by one which joins it from the most easterly branch of the east fork of galetins r. proceeding down the branch a little to the n. of east keeping on the north side of the branch to the river rochejhone at which place i arrived at p m. the distance from the three forks of the easterly fork of galletines river (from whence it may be navigated down with small canoes) to the river rochejhone is miles on an excellent high dry firm road with very incoiderable hills. from this river to the nearest part of the main fork of gallitine is miles mostly through a leavel plain. from the head of the missouri at the forks miles through a leavel plain the most of the way as may be seen by the remarks in the evening after the usial delay of hours to give the horses time to feed and rest and allowing our selves time also to cook and eate dinner, i proceeded on down the river on an old buffalow road at the distance of miles below the mountains shield river discharges itself into the rochejhone on it's n w. side above a high rocky clift, this river is yards wide deep and affords a great quantity of water it heads in those snowey mountains to the n w with howards creek, it contains some timber such as cotton & willow in it's bottoms, and great numbers of beaver the river also abounds in those animals as far as i have seen. passed the creek and over a high rocky hill and encamped in the upper part of a large bottom. the horses feet are very sore many of them can scercely proceed on over the stone and gravel in every other respect they are sound and in good sperits. i saw two black bear on the side of the mountains this morning. several gangs of elk from to in a gangue on the river, great numbers of antelopes. one elk only killed to day. the roche passes out of a high rugid mountain covered with snow. the bottoms are narrow within the mountains but widen from / a m. to ms. in the vally below, those bottoms are subject to over flow, they contain some tall cotton wood, and willow rose bushes & rushes honey suckle &c. a second bottom on the n e. side which rises to about feet higher the first & is m. wide this bottom is coars gravel pebils & sand with some earth on which the grass grow very short and at this time is quit dry this d bottom over flows in high floods on the opposit side of the river the plain is much higher and extendes quite to the foot of the mountain. the mountains to the s. s. e on the east side of the river is rocky rugid and on them are great quantities of snow. a bold snow mountain which bears east & is imediately at & n w of the forks of the east fork of gallitins river may be seen, there is also a high rugid mtn. on which is snow bearing north or miles. but fiew flowers to be seen in those plains. low grass in the high plains, and the common corse grass, rushes and a species of rye is the growth of the low bottoms. the mountains have some scattering pine on them, and on the spurs and hill sides there is some scrubby pine. i can see no timber sufficient large for a canoe which will carry more than men and such a one would be too small to answer my purpose [clark, july , ] wednesday th july i gave labeech promission to proceed on early this morning a head and kill a fat elk or buffalow. our horses haveing rambled to a long distance down the river detained us much later than common. we did not set out untill a m. we had not proceeded on far before i saw a buffalow & sent shannon to kill it this buffalow provd. to be a very fat bull i had most of the flesh brought on an a part of the skin to make mockersons for some of our lame horses. proceeded on down the river without finding any trees sufficently large for a canoe about miles and halted having passed over to an island on which there was good food for our horses to let them graze & dine. i have not seen labeech as yet. saw a large gangue of about elk and nearly as many antilope also two white or grey bear in the plains, one of them i chased on horse back about miles to the rugid part of the plain where i was compelled to give up the chase two of the horses was so lame owing to their feet being worn quit smooth and to the quick, the hind feet was much the worst i had mockersons made of green buffalow skin and put on their feet which seams to releve them very much in passing over the stoney plains. after dinner i proceeded on soon after i had set out labeech joined us with part of a fat elk which he had killed. i passed over a stoney point at which place the river runs close to the high land on the n w. side crossed a small creek and encamped on the river a little below its enterance. saw emence heards of elk feeding on the opposit side of the river. i saw a great number of young gees in the river. one of the men brought me a fish of a species i am unacquainted; it was inches long formed like a trout. it's mouth was placed like that of the sturgeon a red streak passed down each side from the gills to the tail. the rocks which the high lands are faced with and which may also be seen in perpendicular straters in the high plains, is a dark freestone. the greater part of this rock is of an excellent grit for grindstones hard and sharp. observe the silkgrass sunflower & wild indigo all in blume. but fiew other flowers are to be seen in those plains. the river and creek bottoms abound in cotton wood trees, tho none of them sufficiently large for canoes. and the current of the rochejhone is too rapid to depend on skinn canoes. no other alternetive for me but to proceed on down untill i can find a tree sufficently large &c. to make a canoe.- [clark, july , ] thursday th july the rain of last night wet us all. i had the horses all collected early and set out, proceeded ove the point of a ridge and through an open low bottom crossed a large creek which heads in a high snow toped mountain to the n w. imediately opposit to the enterance of the creek one something larger falls in from the high snow mountains to the s w. & south those creeks i call rivers across they contain some timber in their vallys at the distance of ____ miles by water we arive at the enterance of two small rivers or large creeks which fall in nearly opposit to each other the one on the n e side is yards wide. i call it otter river the other beaver r below the enterance of this creek i halted as usial to let the horses graze &c. i saw a single pelicon which is the first which i have seen on this river. after dinner i proceeded on down the rochejhone passing over a low ridge through a small bottom and on the side of a stoney hill for miles and through a small bottom and again on the side of a high hill for / m. to a bottom in which we incamped opposit a small island. the high lands approach the river on either side much nearer than it does above and their sides are partially covered with low pine & cedar, none of which are sufficently large for canoes, nor have i seen a cotton tree in the low bottoms sufficently large for that purpose. buffalow is getting much more plenty than they were above. not so many elk & more deer shannon killed one deer. i saw in one of those small bottoms which i passed this evening an indian fort which appears to have been built last summer. this fort was built of logs and bark. the logs was put up very closely capping on each other about feet and closely chinked. around which bark was set up on end so as to cover the logs. the enterance was also guarded by a work on each side of it and faceing the river. this work is about feet diameter & nearly round. the squaw informs me that when the war parties find themselves pursued they make those forts to defend themselves in from the pursuers whose superior numbers might other wise over power them and cut them off without receiveing much injurey on hors back &c. [clark, july , ] friday th july as we were about setting out this morning two buffalow bulls came near our camp several of the men shot at one of them. their being near the river plunged in and swam across to the opposit side and there died. shabono was thrown from his horse to day in pursute of a buffaloe, the hose unfortunately steping into a braroe hole fell and threw him over his head. he is a good deel brused on his hip sholder & face. after brackfast i proceeded on as usial, passd. over points of ridges so as to cutoff bends of the river crossed a small muddy brook on which i found great quantities of the purple, yellow & black currents ripe. they were of an excellent flavour. i think the purple superior to any i have ever tasted. the river here is about yards wide rapid as usial and the water gliding over corse gravel and round stones of various sizes of an excellent grite for whetestones. the bottoms of the river are narrow. the hills are not exceeding feet in hight the sides of them are generally rocky and composed of rocks of the same texture of a dark colour of grit well calculated for grindstones &c. the high bottoms is composed of gravel and stone like those in the chanel of the river, with a mixture of earth of a dark brown colour the country back from the river on each side is generally open wavering plains. some pine is to be seen in every direction in those plains on the sides of hills &c. at a.m. i observed a smoke rise to the s. s. e in the plains towards the termonation of the rocky mountains in that direction (which is covered with snow) this smoke must be raisd. by the crow indians in that direction as a signal for us, or other bands. i think it most probable that they have discovered our trail and takeing us to be shoshone &c. in serch of them the crow indians to trade as is their custom, have made this smoke to shew where they are-or otherwise takeing us to be their enemy made this signal for other bands to be on their guard. i halted in a bottom of fine grass to let the horses graze. shields killed a fat buck on which we all dined. after dinner and a delay of hours to allow the horses time to feed, we set out at p.m. i set out and proceeded down the river through a butifull bottom, passing a indian fort on the head of a small island near the lard shore and encamped on a small island seperated from the lard shore by a very narrow chanel. shields killed a buffalow this evening which caused me to halt sooner than common to save some of the flesh which was so rank and strong that we took but very little. gibson in attempting to mount his horse after shooting a deer this evening fell and on a snag and sent it nearly two inches into the muskeler part of his thy. he informs me this snag was about inch in diamuter burnt at the end. this is a very bad wound and pains him exceedingly. i dressed the wound. [clark, july , ] saturday th july . i rose early and dressed gibsons wound. he slept but very little last night and complains of great pain in his knee and hip as well as his thy. there being no timber on this part of the rochjhone sufficintly large for a canoe and time is pracious as it is our wish to get to the u states this season, conclude to take gibson in a litter if he is not able to ride on down the river untill i can find a tree sufficently large for my purpose. i had the strongest and jentlesst horse saddled and placed skins & blankets in such a manner that when he was put on the horse he felt himself in as easy a position as when lying. this was a fortunate circunstance as he could go much more at his ease than in a litter. passed rose bud river on sd side i proceeded on about miles, and halted to let the horses graze and let gibson rest. his leg become so numed from remaining in one position, as to render extreemly painfull to him. i derected shields to keep through the thick timber and examine for a tree sufficently large & sound to make a canoe, and also hunt for some wild ginger for a poltice for gibsons wound. he joined me at dinner with fat bucks but found neither tree or ginger. he informed me that white bear chased him on horsback, each of which he shot from his horse &c. currents are ripe and abundant, i, e, the yellow, black & purple spcies. we passed over two high points of land from which i had a view of the rocky mounts. to the w. & s. s. e. all covered with snow. i also saw a low mountain in an easterly direction. the high lands is partially covered with pine and form purpendcular clifts on either side. afer dinner i proceeded on the high lands become lower on either side and those of the stard side form bluffs of a darkish yellow earth; the bottom widens to several ms. on the stard side. the timber which cotton wood principally scattered on the borders of the river is larger than above. i have seen some trees which would make very small canoes. gibsons thy became so painfull that he could not set on the horse after rideing about hours and a half i directed sergt pryor and one man to continue with him under the shade of a tree for an hour and then proceed on to the place i should encamp which would be in the first good timber for canoes for the below. it may be proper to observe that the emence sworms of grass hoppers have distroyed every sprig of grass for maney miles on this side of the river, and appear to be progressing upwards. about miles below the place i left sergt. pryor with gibson found some large timber near which the grass was tolerably good i encamped under a thick grove of those trees which was not sufficiently large for my purpose, tho two of them would mak small canoes. i took shields and proceeded on through a large timbered bottom imediately below in serch of better trees for canoes, found several about the same size with those at my camp. at dark i returned to camp sergt. pryor had arived with gibson. after my arival at this place the hunters killed seven elk, four deer, and i wounded a buffalow very badly near the camp imediately after i arived. in the forepart of the day the hunters killed two deer an antelope & shot two bear. shabono informed me that he saw an indian on the high lands on the opposit side of the river, in the time i was absent in the woods. i saw a smoke in the same direction with that which i had seen on the th inst. it appeared to be in the mountains. [clark, july , ] sunday th july i directed sergt. pryor and shields each of them good judges of timber to proceed on down the river six or miles and examine the bottoms if any larger trees than those near which we are encamped can be found and return before twelve oclock. they set out at daylight. i also sent labech shabono & hall to skin & some of the flesh of the elk labeech had killed last evening they returned with one skin the wolves haveing eaten the most of the other four elk. i also sent two men in serch of wood soutable for ax handles. they found some choke cherry which is the best wood which can be precured in this country. saw a bear on an island opposit and several elk. sergt. pryor and shields returned at half past a m. and informed me that they had proceeded down the timbered bottoms of the river for about miles without finding a tree better than those near my camp. i deturmined to have two canoes made out of the largest of those trees and lash them together which will cause them to be study and fully sufficient to take my small party & self with what little baggage we have down this river. had handles put in the axes and after sharpening them with a file fell the two trees which i intended for the two canoes. those trees appeared tolerably sound and will make canoes of feet in length and about or inches deep and from to inches wide. the men with the three axes set in and worked untill dark. sergt. pryor dressed some skins to make him clothes. gibsons wound looks very well. i dressed it. the horses being fatigued and their feet very sore, i shall let them rest a fiew days. dureing which time the party intended for to take them by land to the mandans will dress their skins and make themselves clothes to bare, as they are nearly naked. shields killed a deer & buffalow & shannon a faun and a buffalow & york an elk one of the buffalow was good meat. i had the best of him brought in and cut thin and spread out to dry. [clark, july , ] monday st july this morning i was informed that half of our horses were absent. sent out shannon bratten, and shabono to hunt them. shabono went up the river shanon down and bratten in the bottom near camp, shabono and bratten returned at a m and informed me that they saw no signs of the horses. shannon proceeded on down the river about miles and did not return untill late in the evening, he was equally unsuckcessfull. shannon informed me that he saw a remarkable large lodge about miles below, covered with bushes and the top deckorated with skins &c and had the appearance of haveing been built about years. i sent out two men on hors back to kill a fat cow which they did and returned in hours the men work very diligiently on the canoes one of them nearly finished ready to put in the water. gibsons wound is beginning to heal. i am in great hope that it will get well in time for him to accompany sgt. pryor with the horses to the mandans. this evening late a very black cloud from the s. e. accompanied with thunder and lightning with hard winds which shifted about and was worm and disagreeable. i am apprehensive that the indians have stolen our horses, and probably those who had made the smoke a fiew days passed towards the s. w. i deturmined to have the ballance of the horses guarded and for that purpose sent out men, on their approach near the horses were so alarmed that they ran away and entered the woods and the men returned- a great number of geese which raise their young on this river passed down frequently since my arival at this place. we appear to be in the beginning of the buffalow country. the plains are butifull and leavel but the soil is but thin stoney and in maney parts of the plains & bottoms there are great quantity of prickly pears. saw several herds of buffalow since i arived at this camp also antilops, wolves, pigions, dovs, hawks, ravins, crows, larks, sparrows, eagles & bank martins &c. &c. the wolves which are the constant attendants of the buffalow are in great numbers on the scerts of those large gangues which are to be seen in every direction in those praries [clark, july , ] tuesday nd of july . the wind continued to blow very hard from the n. e. and a little before day light was moderately cool. i sent sergt. pryor and shabono in serch of the horses with directions to proceed up the river as far as the st narrows and examine particularly for their tracks, they returned at p m and informed me that they had proceeded up the distance i derected them to go and could see neither horses nor tracks; the plains imediately out from camp is so dry and hard that the track of a horse cannot be seen without close examination. i therefore derected sergt. pryor shannon shabono & bratten to incircle the camp at some distance around and find the tracks of the horses and prosue them, they serched for tracks all the evening without finding which course the horses had taken, the plains being so remarkably hard and dry as to render it impossible to see a track of a horse passing through the hard parts of them. begin to suspect that they are taken by the indians and taken over the hard plains to prevent our following them. my suspicions is grounded on the improbibility of the horses leaveing the grass and rushes of the river bottoms of which they are very fond, and takeing imediately out into the open dry plains where the grass is but short and dry. if they had continued in the bottoms either up or down, their tracks could be followed very well. i directed labeech who understands traking very well to set out early in the morning and find what rout the horses had taken if possible [clark, july , ] wednesday rd july . last night the wolves or dogs came into our camp and eat the most of our dryed meat which was on a scaffold labeech went out early agreeable to my directions of last evening. sergt. pryor and windser also went out. sgt. pryor found an indian mockerson and a small piece of a roab, the mockerson worn out on the bottom & yet wet, and have every appearance of haveing been worn but a fiew hours before. those indian signs is conclusive with me that they have taken the horses which we lost on the night of the th instant, and that those who were about last night were in serch of the ballance of our horses which they could not find as they had fortunately got into a small prarie serounded with thick timber in the bottom. labeech returned haveing taken a great circle and informed me that he saw the tracks of the horses makeing off into the open plains and were by the tracks going very fast. the indians who took the horses bent their course reather down the river. the men finished both canoes by oclock to day, and i sent them to make oars & get poles after which i sent shields and labeech to kill a fat buffalow out of a gangue which has been in a fiew miles of us all day. i gave sergt pryor his instructions and a letter to mr. haney and directed that he g. shannon & windser take the remaining horses to the mandans, where he is to enquire for mr. h. heney if at the establishments on the assinniboin river to take or horses and proceed on to that place and deliver mr. heney the letter which is with a view to engage mr. heney to provale on some of the best informed and most influential chiefs of the different bands of sieoux to accompany us to the seat of our government with a view to let them see our population and resourses &c. which i believe is the surest garentee of savage fidelity to any nation that of a governmt. possessing the power of punishing promptly every aggression. sergt. pryor is directed to leave the ballance of the horses with the grand chief of the mandans untill our arival at his village also to keep a journal of the of his rout courses distances water courss soil production, & animals to be particularly noted. shields and labeech killed three buffalow two of them very fat i had as much of the meat saved as we could conveniently carry. in the evening had the two canoes put into the water and lashed together ores and everything fixed ready to set out early in the morning, at which time i have derected sergt. pryor to set out with the horses and proceed on to the enterance of the big horn river at which place the canoes will meat him and set him across the rochejhone below the enterance of that river. [clark, july , ] speech for yellowstone indians children. the great spirit has given a fair and bright day for us to meet together in his view that he may inspect us in this all we say and do. children i take you all by the hand as the children of your great father the president of the u. states of america who is the great chief of all the white people towards the riseing sun. children this great chief who is benevolent, just, wise & bountifull has sent me and one other of his chiefs (who is at this time in the country of the blackfoot indians) to all his read children on the missourei and its waters quite to the great lake of the west where the land ends and the sun sets on the face of the great water, to know their wants and inform him of them on our return. children we have been to the great lake of the west and are now on our return to my country. i have seen all my read children quite to that great lake and talked with them, and taken them by the hand in the name of their great father the great chief of all the white people. children we did not see the ____ or the nations to the north. i have come across over high mountains and bad road to this river to see the ____ natn. i have come down the river from the foot of the great snowey mountain to see you, and have looked in every detection for you, without seeing you untill now children i heard from some of your people ____ nights past by my horses who complained to me of your people haveing taken of their cummerads. children the object of my comeing to see you is not to do you injurey but to do you good the great chief of all the white people who has more goods at his command than could be piled up in the circle of your camp, wishing that all his read children should be happy has sent me here to know your wants that he may supply them. children your great father the chief of the white people intends to build a house and fill it with such things as you may want and exchange with you for your skins & furs at a very low price. & has derected me to enquire of you, at what place would be most convenient for to build this house. and what articles you are in want of that he might send them imediately on my return children the people in my country is like the grass in your plains noumerous they are also rich and bountifull. and love their read brethren who inhabit the waters of the missoure children i have been out from my country two winters, i am pore necked and nothing to keep of the rain. when i set out from my country i had a plenty but have given it all to my read children whome i have seen on my way to the great lake of the west. and have now nothing. children your great father will be very sorry to here of the ____ stealing the horses of his chiefs warrors whome he sent out to do good to his red children on the waters of missoure. _____ their ears to his good counsels he will shut them and not let any goods & guns be brought to the red people. but to those who open their ears to his counsels he will send every thing they want into their country. and build a house where they may come to and be supplyed whenever they wish. children your great father the chief of all the white people has derected me to inform his red children to be at peace with each other, and the white people who may come into your country under the protection of the flag of your great father which you. those people who may visit you under the protection of that flag are good people and will do you no harm children your great father has detected me to tell you not to suffer your young and thoughtless men to take the horses or property of your neighbours or the white people, but to trade with them fairly and honestly, as those of his red children below. children the red children of your great father who live near him and have opened their ears to his counsels are rich and hapy have plenty of horses cows & hogs fowls bread &c.&c. live in good houses, and sleep sound. and all those of his red children who inhabit the waters of the missouri who open their ears to what i say and follow the counsels of their great father the president of the united states, will in a fiew years be as hapy as those mentioned &c. children it is the wish of your great father the chief of all the white people that some of the principal chiefs of this ____ nation should visit him at his great city and receive from his own mouth. his good counsels, and from his own hands his abundant gifts, those of his red children who visit him do not return with empty hands, he send them to their nation loaded with presents children if any one two or of your great chiefs wishes to visit your great father and will go with me, he will send you back next summer loaded with presents and some goods for the nation. you will then see with your own eyes and here with your own years what the white people can do for you. they do not speak with two tongues nor promis what they can't perform children consult together and give me an answer as soon as possible your great father is anxious to here from (& see his red children who wish to visit him) i cannot stay but must proceed on & inform him &c. [clark, july , ] thursday th july . had all our baggage put on board of the two small canoes which when lashed together is very study and i am convinced will the party i intend takeing down with me. at a m. we set out and proceeded on very well to a riffle about mile above the enterance of clarks fork or big horn river at this riffle the small canoes took in a good deel of water which obliged us to land a little above the enterance of this river which the ____ has called clarks fork to dry our articles and bail the canoes. i also had buffalow skin tacked on so as to prevent the waters flacking in between the two canoes. this last river is yards wide at it's mouth and a short destance up the water of a light muddy colour and much colder than that of the rochejhone a small island is situated imediately in its mouth, the direction of this river is south and east of that part of the rocky mountains which can be seen from its enterance and which seem to termonate in that direction.--i thought it probable that this might be the big horn river, and as the rochejhone appeared to make a great bend to the n. i deturmined to set the horses across on s. side. one chanel of the river passes under a high black bluff from one mile below the place we built the canoes to within miles of the enterance of clarks fork when the bottoms widen on each side those on the stard side from / to a mile in width. river much divided by islands. at ms. below the fork i halted on a large island seperated from the stard. shore by a narrow channel, on this this being a good place to cross the river i deturmined to wait for sergt. pryor and put him across the river at this place. on this island i observd a large lodge the same which shannon informed me of a fiew days past. this lodge a council lodge, it is of a conocil form feet diamuter at its base built of poles each pole / feet in secumpheranc and feet long built in the form of a lodge & covered with bushes. in this lodge i observed a cedar bush sticking up on the opposit side of the lodge fronting the dore, on one side was a buffalow head, and on the other several sticks bent and stuck in the ground. a stuffed buffalow skin was suspended from the center with the back down. the top of those poles were deckerated with feathers of the eagle & calumet eagle also several curious pieces of wood bent in circleler form with sticks across them in form of a griddle hung on tops of the lodge poles others in form of a large sturrip. this lodge was errected last summer. it is situated in the center of a butifull island thinly covered with cotton wood under which the earth which is rich is covered with wild rye and a species of grass resembling the bluegrass, and a mixture of sweet grass which the indian plat and ware around their necks for its cent which is of a strong sent like that of the vinella after dinner i proceeded on passed the enterance of a small creek and some wood on the stard. side where i met with sergt. pryor, shannon & windser with the horses they had but just arived at that place. sergt. pryor informed me that it would be impossible for the two men with him to drive on the horses after him without tireing all the good ones in pursute of the more indifferent to keep them on the course. that in passing every gangue of buffalow several of which he had met with, the loos horses as soon as they saw the buffalow would imediately pursue them and run around them. all those that speed suffient would head the buffalow and those of less speed would pursue on as fast as they could. he at length found that the only practiacable method would be for one of them to proceed on and when ever they saw a gang of buffalow to scear them off before the horses got up. this disposition in the horses is no doubt owing to their being frequently exercised in chasing different animals by their former owners the indians as it is their custom to chase every speces of wild animal with horses, for which purpose they train all their horses. i had the horses drove across the river and set sergt. pryor and his party across. h. hall who cannot swim expressed a wiliness to proceed on with sergt. pryor by land, and as another man was necessary to assist in driveing on the horses, but observed he was necked, i gave him one of my two remaining shirts a par of leather legins and pr. of mockersons which equipt him completely and sent him on with the party by land to the mandans. i proceeded on the river much better than above the enterance of the clarks fork deep and the current regularly rapid from to yards in width where it is all together, much divided by islands maney of which are large and well supplyed with cotton wood trees, some of them large, saw emenc number of deer elk and buffalow on the banks. some beaver. i landed on the lard side walked out into the bottom and killd the fatest buck i every saw, shields killed a deer and my man york killed a buffalow bull, as he informed me for his tongue and marrow bones. for me to mention or give an estimate of the differant spcies of wild animals on this river particularly buffalow, elk antelopes & wolves would be increditable. i shall therefore be silent on the subject further. so it is we have a great abundance of the best of meat. we made ms. to day current rapid and much divided by islands. campd a little below pryers river of yds. on s e. [clark, july , ] friday th july . we set out at sunrise and proceeded on very well for three hours. saw a large gange of buffalow on the lard bank. i concluded to halt and kill a fat one, dureing which time some brackfast was ordered to be cooked. we killed buffalow and took as much of their flesh as i wished. shields killed two fat deer and after a delay of one hour and a half we again proceeded on. and had not proceeded far before a heavy shower of rain pored down upon us, and the wind blew hard from the s w. the wind increased and the rain continued to fall. i halted on the stard. side had some logs set up on end close together and covered with deerskins to keep off the rain, and a large fire made to dry ourselves. the rain continued moderately untill near twelve oclock when it cleared away and become fair. the wind contined high untill p m. i proceeded on after the rain lay a little and at p m arived at a remarkable rock situated in an extensive bottom on the stard. side of the river & paces from it. this rock i ascended and from it's top had a most extensive view in every direction. this rock which i shall call pompy's tower is feet high and paces in secumphrance and only axcessable on one side which is from the n. e the other parts of it being a perpendicular clift of lightish coloured gritty rock on the top there is a tolerable soil of about or feet thick covered with short grass. the indians have made piles of stone on the top of this tower. the nativs have ingraved on the face of this rock the figures of animals &c. near which i marked my name and the day of the month & year. from the top of this tower i could discover two low mountains & the rocky mts. covered with snow s w. one of them appeard to be extencive and bore s. ° e. about miles. the other i take to be what the indians call the little wolf mtn. i can only see the southern extremity of it which bears n ° w about miles. the plains to the south rise from the distance of about miles the width of the bottom gradually to the mountains in that derection. a large creek with an extencive vally the direction of which is s. ° e. meanders boutifully through this plain. a range of high land covered with pine appears to run in a n. & s. direction approaching the river below. on the northerly side of the river high romantic clifts approach &jut over the water for some distance both above and below. a large brooks which at this time has some running muddy water falls in to the rochejhone imediately opposit pompys tower. back from the river for some distance on that side the hills are ruged & some pine back the plains are open and extensive. after satisfying my self sufficiently in this delightfull prospect of the extensive country around, and the emence herds of buffalow, elk and wolves in which it abounded, i decended and proceeded on a fiew miles, saw a gang of about big horn animals fired at them and killed on the sides of the rocks which we did not get. i directed the canoes to land, and i walked up through a crevis in the rocks almost inaxcessiable and killed of those animals one a large doe and the other a yearlin buck. i wished very much to kill a large buck, had there been one with the gang i should have killd. him. dureing the time the men were getting the two big horns which i had killed to the river i employed my self in getting pieces of the rib of a fish which was semented within the face of the rock this rib is about inchs in secumpherance about the middle it is feet in length tho a part of the end appears to have been broken off i have several peces of this rib the bone is neither decayed nor petrified but very rotten. the part which i could not get out may be seen, it is about or miles below pompys tower in the face of the lard. clift about feet above the water. after getting the big horn on board &c i proceeded on a short distance and encamped, an earlyer than i intended on accout of a heavy cloud which was comeing up from the s. s w. and some appearance of a violent wind. i walked out and killed a small buck for his skin which the party are in want of for clothes. about sunset the wind blew hard from the w. and some little rain. i encamped on the stard. side imediately below the enteranc shannons river about yards wide, and at this time discharges a great portion of water which is very muddy. emence herds of buffalow about our as it is now running time with those animals the bulls keep such a grunting nois which is very loud and disagreeable sound that we are compelled to scear them away before we can sleep. the men fire several shot at them and scear them away. [clark, july , ] saturday th july . set out this morning very early proceeded on passed creeks very well. the current of the river reagulilarly swift much divided by stoney islands and bars also handsome islands covered with cotton wood the bottoms extensive on the stard. side on the lard. the clifts of high land border the river, those clifts are composed of a whitish rock of an excellent grit for grindstones. the country back on each side is wavering lands with scattering pine. passed small brooks on the stard. side and two large ones on the lard. side. i shot a buck from the canoe and killed one other on a small island. and late in the evening passed a part of the river which was rock under the lard. clifts fortunately for us we found an excellent chanel to pass down on the right of a stony island half a mile below this bad place, we arived at the enterance of big horn river on the stard. side here i landed imediately in the point which is a sof mud mixed with the sand and subject to overflow for some distance back in between the two rivers. i walked up the big horn / a mile and crossed over to the lower side, and formed a camp on a high point. i with one of my men labeech walked up the n e side of big horn river miles to th enterance of a creek which falls in on the n e. side and is yds wide some running water which is very muddy this creek i call muddy creek some fiew miles above this creek the river bent around to the east of south. the courses as i assended it as follows viz: the bottoms of the big horn river are extencive and covered with timber principally cotton. it's current is regularly swift, like the missouri, it washes away its banks on one side while it forms extensive sand bars on the other. contains much less portion of large gravel than the r. rochjhone and its water more mudy and of a brownish colour, while that of the rochejhone is of a lightish colour. the width of those two rivers are very nearly the same imediately at their enterances the river rochejhone much the deepest and contain most water. i measured the debth of the bighorn quit across a / a mile above its junction and found it from to feet only while that of the river is in the deepest part or feet water on the lower side of the bighorn is extencive boutifull and leavil bottom thinly covered with cotton wood under which there grows great quantities of rose bushes. i am informed by the menetarres indians and others that this river takes its rise in the rocky mountains with the heads of the river plate and at no great distance from the river rochejhone and passes between the coat nor or black mountains and the most easterly range of rocky mountains. it is very long and contains a great perpotion of timber on which there is a variety of wild animals, perticularly the big horn which are to be found in great numbers on this river. buffalow, elk, deer and antelopes are plenty and the river is said to abound in beaver. it is inhabited by a great number of roveing indians of the crow nation, the paunch nation and the castahanas all of those nations who are subdivided rove and prosue the buffalow of which they make their principal food, their skins together with those of the big horn and antilope serve them for clothes. this river is said to be navagable a long way for perogus without falls and waters a fine rich open country. it is yds water & / of a me. wd. i returned to camp a little after dark, haveing killed one deer, finding my self fatigued went to bead without my supper. shields killed bull & elk. [clark, july , ] sunday th july i marked my name with red paint on a cotton tree near my camp, and set out at an early hour and proceeded on very well the river is much wider from to yards much divided by islands and sand bars, passed a large dry creek at miles and halted at the enterance of river yards wide on the lard side i call r. labeech killed buffalow and saved as much of their flesh as we could carry took brackfast. the buffalow and elk is estonishingly noumerous on the banks of the river on each side, particularly the elk which lay on almost every point in large gang and are so jintle that we frequently pass within or paces of them without their being the least alarmd. the buffalow are generally at a greater distance from the river, and keep a continueing bellowing in every direction, much more beaver sign than above the bighorn. i saw several of those animals on the bank to day. the antilopes are scerce as also the bighorns and the deer by no means so plenty as they were near the rocky mountains. when we pass the big horn i take my leave of the view of the tremendious chain of rocky mountains white with snow in view of which i have been since the st of may last. about sunset i shot a very large fat buck elk from the canoe near which i encamped, and was near being bit by a rattle snake. shields killed a deer & a antilope to day for the skins which the party is in want of for clothes. this river below the big horn river resembles the missouri in almost every perticular except that it's islands are more noumerous & current more rapid, it's banks are generally low and falling in the bottoms on the stard. side low and exteneive and covered with timber near the river such as cotton wood willow of the different species rose bushes and grapevines together with the red berry or buffalow grees bushes & a species of shoemake with dark brown back of those bottoms the country rises gradually to about feet and has some pine. back is leavel plains. on the lard side the river runs under the clifts and bluffs of high which is from to feet in hight and near the river is some scattering low pine back the plains become leavel and extencive. the clifts are composed of a light gritty stone which is not very hard. and the round stone which is mixed with the sand and formes bars is much smaller than they appeared from above the bighorn, and may here be termed gravel. the colour of the water is a yellowish white and less muddy than the missouri below the mouth of this river. [clark, july , ] monday th july . set out this morning at day light and proceeded on glideing down this smooth stream passing maney isld. and several creeks and brooks at miles passed a creek or brook of yards wide on the n w. side containing but little water. miles lower passed a small creek yds wide on the stard side miles lower passed a large dry creek on the lard side miles lower passed a river yards wide containing but little water on the lard side which i call table creek from the tops of several mounds in the plains to the n w. resembling a table. four miles still lower i arived at the enterance of a river yards wide back of a small island on the south side. it contains some cotton wood timber and has a bold current, it's water like those of all other streams which i have passed in the canoes are muddy. i take this river to be the one the indians call the little big horn river. the clifts on the south side of the rochejhone are generally compd. of a yellowish gritty soft rock, whilest those of the n. is light coloured and much harder in the evening i passd. straters of coal in the banks on either side those on the stard. bluffs was about feet above the water and in vanes from to feet thick, in a horozontal position. the coal contained in the lard bluffs is in several vaines of different hights and thickness. this coal or carbonated wood is like that of the missouri of an inferior quallity. passed a large creek on the stard. side between the st and nd coal bluffs passed several brooks the chanel of them were wide and contained but little running water, and encamped on the upper point of a small island opposit the enterance of a creek yards wide on the stard. side with water. the elk on the banks of the river were so abundant that we have not been out of sight of them to day. j shields killed deer & labeech killed an antilope to day. the antilopes and deer are not abundant. beaver plenty [clark, july , ] tuesday th july a slight rain last night with hard thunder and sharp lightening accompanied with a violent n. e. wind. i set out early this morning wind so hard a head that w made but little way. in the fore part of the day, i saw great numbers of buffalow on the banks. the country on either side is like that of yesterday. passed three large dry brooks on the stard. side and four on the lard side. great quantities of coal in all the hills i passed this day. late in the evening i arived at the enterance of a river which i take to be the lazeka or tongue river it discharges itself on the stard. side and is yards wide of water the banks are much wider. i intended to encamp on an eligable spot imediately below this river, but finding that its water so muddy and worm as to render it very disagreeable to drink, i crossed the rochejhone and encamped on an island close to the lard. shore. the water of this river is nearly milk worm very muddy and of a lightish brown colour. the current rapid and the chanel contains great numbers of snags. near its enterance there is great quantities of wood such as is common in the low bottoms of the rochejhone and missouri. tho i believe that the country back thro which this river passes is an open one where the water is exposed to the sun which heats it in its passage. it is shallow and throws out great quantities of mud and some cors gravel. below this river and on the stard side at a fiew miles from the rochejhone the hills are high and ruged containing coal in great quantities. beaver is very plenty on this part of the rochejhone. the river widens i think it may be generally calculated at from " yards to half a mile in width more sand and gravelly bars than above. cought cat fish. they wer small and fat. also a soft shell turtle. [clark, july , ] friday th july set out early this morning at miles arived at the commencement of shoals the chanel on the stard side near a high bluff. passed a succession of those shoals for miles the lower of which was quit across the river and appeared to have a decent of about feet. here we were compeled to let the canoes down by hand for fear of their strikeing a rock under water and splitting. this is by far the wost place which i have seen on this river from the rocky mountains to this place a distance of miles by water. a perogu or large canoe would with safty pass through the worst of those shoals, which i call the buffalow sholes from the circumstance of one of those animals being in them. the rock which passes the river at those sholes appear hard and gritty of a dark brown colour. the clifts on the stard. side is about feet in hight, on the lard side the country is low and the bottom rises gradually back. here is the first appearance of birnt hills which i have seen on this river they are at a distance from the river on the lard side. i landed at the enterance of a dry creek on the lard side below the shoals and took brackfast. those dry rivers, creeks &c are like those of the missouri which take their rise in and are the conveyance of the water from those plains. they have the appearanc of dischargeing emence torrents of water. the late rains which has fallen in the plains raised sudenly those brooks which receive the water of those plains on which those suden & heavy showers of rain must have fallen, several of which i have seen dischargeing those waters, whiles those below heading or takeing their rise in the same neighbourhood, as i passed them appears to have latterly been high. those broods discharge emencely of mud also, which contributes much to the muddiness of the river. after brackfast proceeded on the river much narrower than above from to yards wide only and only a fiew scattering trees to be seen on the banks. at miles below the buffalow shoals passed a rapid which is by no means dangerous, it has a number of large rocks in different parts of the river which causes high waves a very good chanel on the lard. side. this rapid i call bear rapid from the circumstance of a bears being on a rock in the middle of this rapid when i arived at it. a violent storm from the n. w. obliged us to land imediately below this rapid, draw up the canoes and take shelter in an old indian lodge above the enterance of a river which is nearly dry it has laterly been very high and spread over nearly / a mile in width. its chanel is yards and in this there is not more water than could pass through an inch auger hole. i call it yorks dry r. after the rain and wind passed over i proceeded on at miles passed the enterance of a river the water of which is yds wide, the bead of this river nearly / of a mile this river is shallow and the water very muddy and of the colour of the banks a darkish brown. i observe great quantities of red stone thrown out of this river that from the appearance of the hills at a distance on its lower side induced me to call this red stone river. as the water was disagreeably muddy i could not camp on that side below its mouth. however i landed at its enteranc and sent out and killed two fat cows, and took as much of the flesh as the canoes would conveniently carry and crossed the river and encamped at the enterance of a brook on the lard. side under a large spredding cotton tree. the river on which we passed to day is not so wide as above containing but fiew islands with a small quantity of cotton timber. no timber of any kind to be seen on the high lands on either side. in the evening below the enterance of redstone river i observed great numbers of buffalow feeding on the plains, elk on the points and antilopes. i also saw some of the bighorn animals at a distance on the hills. gibson is now able to walk, he walked out this evening and killed an antilope. [clark, july , ] saturday st of july i was much disturbed last night by the noise of the buffalow which were about me. one gang swam the river near our camp which alarmed me a little for fear of their crossing our canoes and splitting them to pieces. set out as usial about sun rise passed a rapid which i call wolf rapid from the circumstance of one of those animals being at the rapid. here the river approaches the high mountanious country on the n w. side those hills appear to be composed of various coloured earth and coal without much rock i observe several conical mounds which appear to have been burnt. this high country is washed into curious formed mounds & hills and is cut much with reveens. the country again opens and at the distance of miles below the redston or war-har-sah river i landed in the enterance of a small river on the stard. side yards wid shallow and muddy. it has lately been very high. haveing passed the enterance of a river on the lard side yards wide which has running water this river i take to be the one the menetarries call little wolf or sa-a-shah river the high country is entirely bar of timber. great quantities of coal or carbonated wood is to be seen in every bluff and in the high hills at a distance on each side. saw more buffalow and elk and antilopes this evening than usial. miles below the last river on the stard. side, i passed one yards wide which had running water. this stream i call oak-tar-pon-er or coal river has very steep banks on each side of it. passed several large brooks some of them had a little running water, also several islands some high black looking bluffs and encamped on the stard. side on a low point. the country like that of yesterday is open extencive plains. as i was about landing this evening saw a white bear and the largest i ever saw eating a dead buffalow on a sand bar. we fired two shot into him, he swam to the main shore and walked down the bank. i landed and fired more shot into this tremendious animal without killing him. night comeing on we could not pursue him he bled profusely. showers all this day [clark, august , ] sunday st of august . we set out early as usial the wind was high and ahead which caused the water to be a little rough and delayed us very much aded to this we had showers of rain repeetedly all day at the intermition of only a fiew minits between them. my situation a very disagreeable one. in an open canoe wet and without a possibility of keeping my self dry. the country through which we passed is in every respect like that through which i passed yesterday. the brooks have all some water in them from the rains which has fallen. this water is excessively muddy. several of those brooks have some trees on their borders as far as i can see up them. i observe some low pine an cedar on the sides of the rugid hills on the stard. side, and some ash timber in the high bottoms. the river has more sand bars today than usial, and more soft mud. the current less rapid. at p.m. i was obliged to land to let the buffalow cross over. not withstanding an island of half a mile in width over which this gangue of buffalow had to pass and the chanel of the river on each side nearly / of a mile in width, this gangue of buffalow was entirely across and as thick as they could swim. the chanel on the side of the island the went into the river was crouded with those animals for / an hour. the other side of the island for more than / of an hour. i took of the men and killed fat cows for their fat and what portion of their flesh the small canoes could carry that which we had killed a few days ago being nearly spoiled from the wet weather. encamped on an island close to the lard shore two gangues of buffalow crossed a little below us, as noumerous as the first. [clark, august , ] monday august nd . musquetors very troublesom this morning i set out early river wide and very much divided by islands and sand and mud bars. the bottoms more extencive and contain more timber such as cotton wood ash willow &c. the country on the n w. side rises to a low plain and extends leavel for great extent. some high rugid hills in the forepart of this day on the s e. side on which i saw the big horns but could not get near them. saw emence numbers of elk buffalow and wolves to day. the wolves do catch the elk. i saw wolves in pursute of doe elk which i beleive they cought they very near her when she entered a small wood in which i expect they cought her as she did not pass out of the small wood during my remaining in view of it which was or minits &c. passed the enterance of several brooks on each side, a small river yds wide with steep banks on the stard. side, which i call ibex river the river in this days decent is less rapid crouded with islds and muddy bars and is generally about one mile in wedth. as the islands and bars frequently hide the enterance of brooks &c. from me as i pass'd maney of them i have not noticed. about a. m this morning a bear of the large vicious species being on a sand bar raised himself up on his hind feet and looked at us as we passed down near the middle of the river. he plunged into the water and swam towards us, either from a disposition to attack't or from the cent of the meat which was in the canoes. we shot him with three balls and he returned to shore badly wounded. in the evening i saw a very large bear take the water above us. i ordered the boat to land on the opposit side with a view to attack't him when he came within shot of the shore. when the bear was in a fiew paces of the shore i shot it in the head. the men hauled her on shore and proved to be an old shee which was so old that her tuskes had worn smooth, and much the largest feemale bear i ever saw. after taking off her skin, i proceeded on and encampd a little above the enterance of jo. feilds creek on stard. side in a high bottom covered with low ash and elm. the musquetors excessively troublesom. i have noticed a great preportion buck elks on this lower part of the river, and but very few above. those above which are emencely noumerous are feemales generally. shields killed a deer this morning dureing the time we were at brackfast. we were very near being detained by the buffalow today which were crossing the river we got through the line between gangues. [clark, august , ] tueday august rd, . last night the musquetors was so troublesom that no one of the party slept half the night. for my part i did not sleep one hour. those tormenting insects found their way into my beare and tormented me the whole night. they are not less noumerous or troublesom this morn-ing. at miles passed the enterance of jo. field's creek yds wide imediately above a high bluff which is falling into the river very fast. on the side of this bluff i saw some of the mountain bighorn animals. i assended the hill below the bluff. the musquetors were so noumerous that i could not shute with any certainty and therefore soon returned to the canoes. i had not proceeded far before i saw a large gangue of ewes & yearlins & fawns or lambs of the bighorn, and at a distance alone i saw a ram. landed and sent labeech to kill the ram, which he did kill and brought him on board. this ram is not near as large as maney i have seen. however he is sufficiently large for a sample i directed bratten to skin him with his head horns & feet to the skin and save all the bone. i have now the skin & bone of a ram a ewe & a yearlin ram of those big horn animals. at . a.m. i arived at the junction of the rochejhone with the missouri, and formed my camp imediately in the point between the two river at which place the party had all encamped the th of april- . at landing i observed several elk feeding on the young willows in the point among which was a large buck elk which i shot & had his flesh dryed in the sun for a store down the river. had the canoes unloaded and every article exposed to dry & sun. maney of our things were wet, and nearly all the store of meat which had been killed above spoiled. i ordered it to be thrown into the river. several skins are also spoiled which is a loss, as they are our principal dependance for clothes to last us to our homes &c. the distance from the rocky mountains at which place i struck the river rochejhone to its enterance into the missouri miles miles of this distance i decended in small canoes lashed together in which i had the following persons. john shields, george gibson, william bratten, w. labeech, toust. shabono his wife & child & my man york. the rochejhone or yellow stone river is large and navagable with but fiew obstructions quite into the rocky mountains. and probably near it's source. the country through which it passes from those mounts. to its junction is generaly fertile rich open plains the upper portion of which is roleing and the high hills and hill sides are partially covered with pine and stoney. the middle portion or from the enterance of clarks fork as low as the buffalow shoals the high lands contain some scattering pine on the lard. side. on the stard. or s. e. side is some hills thickly supplied with pine. the lower portion of the river but fiew pines are to be seen the country opens into extencive plains river widens and contains more islands and bars; of corse gravel sand and mud. the current of this river may be estimated at miles and / pr. hour from the rocky mts. as low as clarks fork, at / miles pr. hour from thence as low as the bighorn, at --miles pr. hour from thence as low as the tongue river, at / miles pr. hour from thence as low as wolf rapid and at / miles pr. hour from thence to its enterance into the missouri the colour of the water differs from that of the missouri it being of a yellowish brown, whilst that of the missouri is of a deep drab colour containing a greater portion of mud than the rochejhone. this delighfull river from indian information has it's extreem sources with the north river in the rocky mountains on the confines of new mexico. it also most probably has it's westerly sources connected with the multnomah and those the main southerly branch of lewis's river while it's easterly branches head with those of clark's r. the bighorn and river platte and may be said to water the middle portion of the rocky mountains from n w to s. e. for several hundred miles. the indians inform us, that a good road passes up this river to it's extreem source from whence it is buta short distance to the spanish settlements. there is also a considerable fall on this river within the mountains but at what distance from it's source we never could learn like all other branches of the missouri which penetrate the rocky mountains all that portion of it lying within those mountains abound in fine beaver and otter, it's streams also which issuing from the rocky mountain and discharging themselves above clark's fork inclusive also furnish an abundance of beaver and otter and possess considerable portions of small timber in their values. to an establishment on this river at clarks fork the shoshones both within and west of the rocky mountains would willingly resort for the purposes of trade as they would in a great measure be relived from the fear of being attacked by their enimies the blackfoot indians and minnetares of fort de prarie, which would most probably happen were they to visit any establishment which could be conveniently formed on the missouri. i have no doubt but the same regard to personal safety would also induce many numerous nations inhabiting the columbia and lewis's river west of the mountains to visit this establishment in preference to that at the entrance of maria's river, particularly during the first years of those western establishments. the crow indians, paunch indians castahanah's and others east of the mountains and south of this place would also visit this establishment; it may therefore be looked to as one of the most important establishments of the western fur trade. at the entrance of clark's fork there is a sufficiency of timber to support an establishment, an advantage that no position possesses from thence to the rocky mountains. the banks of the yellowstone river a bold not very high yet are not subject to be overflown, except for a few miles immediately below where the river issues from the mountain. the bed of this river is almost entirely composed of loose pebble, nor is it's bed interrupted by chains of rock except in one place and that even furnishes no considerable obstruction to it's navigation. as you decend with the river from the mountain the pebble becomes smaller and the quantity of mud increased untill you reah tongue river where the pebble ceases and the sand then increases and predominates near it's mouth. this river can be navigated to greater advantage in perogues than any other craft yet it possesses suficient debth of water for battauxs even to the mountains; nor is there any of those moving sand bars so formidable to the navigation of many parts of the missouri. the bighorn r and clark's fork may be navigated a considerable distance in perogues and canoes. tongue river is also navigable for canoes a considerable distance. [clark, august , ] wednesday th august musquetors excessively troublesom so much so that the men complained that they could not work at their skins for those troublesom insects. and i find it entirely impossible to hunt in the bottoms, those insects being so noumerous and tormenting as to render it imposseable for a man to continue in the timbered lands and our best retreat from those insects is on the sand bars in the river and even those situations are only clear of them when the wind should happen to blow which it did to day for a fiew hours in the middle of the day. the evenings nights and mornings they are almost indureable perticelarly by the party with me who have no bears to keep them off at night, and nothing to screen them but their blankets which are worn and have maney holes. the torments of those missquetors and the want of a sufficety of buffalow meat to dry, those animals not to be found in this neighbourhood induce me to deturmine to proceed on to a more eliagiable spot on the missouri below at which place the musquetors will be less troublesom and buffalow more plenty. (i will here obseve that elk is abundant but their flesh & fat is hard to dry in the sun, and when dry is much easirspoiled than either the buffalow or deer) i ordered the canoes to be reloaded with our baggage & dryed meat which had been saved on the rochejhone together with the elk killed at this place. wrote a note to capt lewis informing him of my intentions and tied it to a pole which i had stuck up in the point. at p. m set out and proceeded on down to the d point which appeared to be an eligable situation for my purpose killed a porcupine on this point the musquetors were so abundant that we were tormented much worst than at the point. the child of shabono has been so much bitten by the musquetor that his face is much puffed up & swelled. i encamped on this extensive sand bar which is on the n w. side. [clark, august , ] thursday th august . the musquetors was so troublesom to the men last night that they slept but very little. indeed they were excessive troublesom to me. my musquetor bear has a number of small holes worn through they pass in. i set out at an early hour intending to proceed to some other situation. i had not proceded on far before i saw a ram of the big horn animal near the top of a lard. bluff i assended the hill with a view to kill the ram. the misquetors was so noumerous that i could not keep them off my gun long enough to take sight and by thair means missed. at a.m. the wind rose with a gentle breeze from the n. w. which in some measure thinned the misquetors. i landed on a sand bar from the south point intending to form a camp at this place and continue untill capt lewis should arive. and killed two buck elks and a deer the best of their flesh & fat i had saved. had all the dryed meat & fat put out to sun and continued at this place untill late in the evening finding that there were no buffalow or fresh sign i deturmined to proceed on accordingly set out at p. m and proceeded on but a fiew miles eeir i saw a bear of the white species walking on a sand bear. i with one man went on the sand bear and killed the bear which proved to be a feemale very large and fat. much the fattest animale we have killed on the rout as this bear had got into the river before we killed her i had her toed across to the south side under a high bluff where formed a camp, had the bear skined and fleaced. our situation was exposed to a light breeze of wind which continued all the forepart of the night from the s w. and blew away the misquetors. [clark, august , ] friday th august i rose very wet. about p m last night the wind become very hard for a fiew minits suckceeded by sharp lightning and hard claps of thunder and rained for about hours very hard after which it continued cloudy the balance of the night. as we were about setting out a female big horn animal came on the bluff imediately above us and looked down. i derected labeech to shoot it which he did, after skinning this animal we set out and proceeded on to a sand bar on the s w. side below the enterance of white earth river where i landed and had the meat skins and bedding all put out to dry. wind hard from the n w. i halted on the n w. side of this river in the bend above the white earth river, where i saw where the indians had been digging a root which they eate and use in seup, not more than or days past. this morning a very large bear of white specis, discovered us floating in the water and takeing us, as i prosume to be buffalow imediately plunged into the river and prosued us. i directed the men to be still. this animal came within about yards of us, and tacked about. we all fired into him without killing him, and the wind so high that we could not pursue him, by which means he made his escape to the shore badly wounded. i have observed buffalow floating down which i suppose must have been drounded in crossing above. more or less of those animals drown or mire in passing this river. i observed several floating buffalow on the r. rochejhone imediately below where large gangues had crossed. the wind blew hard all the after part of the day. i derected the men to dress their skins except one which i took with me and walkd. through the bottom to the foot of the hills i killed five deer and the man with me killed . four others were killed in the course of the day by the party only of those deer were fat owing as i suppose to the musquetors which are so noumerous and troublesom to them that they cannot feed except under the torments of millions of those musquetors. [clark, august , ] saturday th august some hard rain this morning after daylight which wet us all. i formed a sort of camped and delayed untill a.m. when it stoped raining for a short time. i directed every thing put on board and proceeded on down. the rain continued at intervales all day tho not hard in the evenig saw a bear on the bank but could not get a shoot at it. at p m i landed on a sand bar on the south side and campd. soon after we landed the wind blew very hard for about hours, when it lulled a little. the air was exceedingly clear and cold and not a misquetor to be seen, which is a joyfull circumstance to the party. [clark, august , ] sunday th august a cool windey morning i derected shields and gibson to turn out and hunt this morning. at a.m. sergt. n. pryor shannon, hall & windsor came down the river in two canoes made of buffalow skins. sergt. pryor informed me that the second night after he parted with me on the river rochejhone he arived about p m on the banks of a large creek which contained no running water. he halted to let the horses graze dureing which time a heavy shower of rain raised the creek so high that several horses which had stragled across the chanel of this creek was obliged to swim back. here he deturmined to continue all night it being in good food for the horses. in the morning he could see no horses. in lookg about their camp they discovered several tracks within paces of their camp, which they pursued found where they had caught and drove off all the horses. they prosued on five miles the indians there divided into two parties. they continued in pursute of the largest party five miles further finding that there was not the smallest chance of overtakeing them, they returned to their camp and packed up their baggage on their backs and steared a n. e. course to the river rochejhone which they struck at pompys tower, there they killed a buffalow bull and made a canoe in the form and shape of the mandans & ricares (the form of a bason) and made in the following manner. viz: sticks of / inch diameter is tied together so as to form a round hoop of the size you wish the canoe, or as large as the skin will allow to cover, two of those hoops are made one for the top or brim and the for the bottom the deabth you wish the canoe, then sticks of the same size are crossed at right angles and fastened with a throng to each hoop and also where each stick crosses each other. then the skin when green is drawn tight over this fraim and fastened with throngs to the brim or outer hoop so as to form a perfect bason. one of those canoes will carry or men and their loads. those two canoes are nearly the same size feet inches diamieter & inchs deep ribs or cross sticks in each. sergt. pryor informs me that the cause of his building two canoes was for fear of ones meating with some accedent in passing down the rochejhone a river entirely unknown to either of them by which means they might loose their guns and amunition and be left entirely destitute of the means of precureing food. he informed me that they passed through the worst parts of the rapids & shoals in the river without takeing a drop of water, and waves raised from the hardest winds dose not effect them. on the night of the th ulto. the night after the horses had been stolen a wolf bit sergt. pryor through his hand when asleep, and this animal was so vicious as to make an attempt to seize windsor, when shannon fortunately shot him. sergt. pryers hand has nearly recovered. the country through which st. pryor passed after he parted with me is a broken open country. he passed one small river which i have called pryors river which rises in a mtn. to the south of pompys tower. the note i left on a pole at the mouth of the river rochejhone sergt. pryor concluding that capt. lewis had passed took the note and brought it with him. capt. lewis i expect will be certain of my passing by the sign which i have made and the encampment imediately in the point. sergt. pryor bing anxious to overtake me set out some time before day this morning and forgot his saddlebags which contains his papers &c. i sent bratten back with him in serch of them. i also sent shannon over to hunt the bottom on the opposit side. shields and gibson returned at a.m. with the skins and part of the flesh of three deer which they had killed in this bottom. i derected them to take one of the skin canoes and proceed down to the next bottom and untill my arival which will be this evening if sergt. pryor returns in time. my object is to precure as many skins as possible for the purpose of purchaseing corn and beans of the mandans. as we have now no article of merchindize nor horses to purchase with, our only resort is s kins which those people were very fond the winter we were stationed near them. after dark sergt. pryor returned with his saddlebeggs &c. they were much further up than he expected. [clark, august , ] monday th august a heavy dew this morning. loaded the canoes and proceeded on down about miles and landed at the camp of the hunters shields and gibson whome i had sent down to hunt last evening, they had killed five deer two of which were in good order which they brought in. here i took brackfast and proceeded on a fiew miles and i walked on shore across a point of near miles in extent in this bottom which was mostly open i saw some fiew deer and elk. i killed of the deer which were meagure the elk appeared fat. i did not kill any of them as the distance to the river was too great for the men to carry the meat at the lower part of this bottom a large creek of runnig water yds wide falls in which meanders through an open roleing plain of great extent. in the low bottoms of this creek i observed some timber such as cottonwood, ash & elm. on my arival at the lower part of the bottom found that the canoes had been in waiting for me nearly two hours. the squar brought me a large and well flavoured goose berry of a rich crimsin colour, and deep purple berry of the large cherry of the current speces which is common on this river as low as the mandans, the engagees call it the indian current. i landed opposit to a high plain on the s. e. side late in the evening and walked in a grove of timber where i met with an elk which i killed. this elk was the largest buck i ever saw and the fattest animal which have been killed on the rout. i had the flesh and fat of this elk brought to camp and cut thin ready to dry. the hunters killed nothing this evening. [clark, august , ] tuesday th august had the flesh of the elk hung on poles to dry, and sent out the the hunters. wind blew hard from the east all day. in the after part of the day it was cloudy & a fiew drops of rain. i finished a copy of my sketches of the river rochejhone. shields killed a black tail deer & an antilope. the other hunters killed nothing. deer are very scerce on this part of the river. i found a species of cherry in the bottom the srub or bush which are differant from any which i have ever seen and not very abundant even in this small tract of country to which it seems to be confined. the stem is compound erect and subdivided or branching without any regular order. it rises to the hight of or feet seldom putting out more than one stem from the same root not growing in cops as the choke cherry does. the bark is smooth and of a dark brown colour. the leaf is petialate, oval accutely pointed at it's apex, from and a / to one and a / inch in length and from a half to / of an inch in wedth, finely or manutely serrate, pale green and free from bubessance. the fruit is a globular berry about the size of a buck shot of a fine scarlet red; like the cherries cultivated in the u. states each is supported by a seperate celindric flexable branch peduncle which issues from the extremities of the boughs. the peduncle of this cherry swells as it approaches the fruit being largest at the point of insertion. the pulp of this fruit is of an agreeable ascid flavour and is now ripe. the style and stigma are permanent. i have never seen it in blume. it is found on the high stiff lands or hill sides-. the men dug great parcel of the root which the nativs call hankee and the engagees the white apple which they boiled and made use of with their meat. this is a large insipid root and very tasteless. the nativs use this root after it is dry and pounded in their seup. [clark, august , ] wednesday th august i set out early this morning. at a.m. landed on a sand bar and brackfast dureing brackfast and my delay at this place which was hours had the elk meat exposed to the sun. at meridian i set out and had not proceeded more than miles before i observed a canoe near the shore. i derected the canoes to land here i found two men from the illinoies jos. dixon, and ____ handcock those men are on a trapping expedition up the river rochejhone. they inform me that they left the illinois in the summer . the last winter they spent with the tetons in company with a mr. coartong who brought up goods to trade the tetons robed him of the greater part of the goods and wounded this dixon in the leg with a hard wad. the tetons gave mr. coartong some fiew robes for the articles they took from him. those men further informed me that they met the boat and party we sent down from fort mandan near the kanzas river on board of which was a chief of the ricaras, that he met the yankton chiefs with mr. deurion, mcclellen & several other traders on their way down. that the mandans and menitarrais wer at war with the ricaras and had killed two of the latter. the assinniboins were also at war with the mandans &c and had prohibited the n w. traders from comeing to the missouri to trade. they have latterly killed one trader near the mous river and are now in wait for mr. mckenzey one of the clerks who have been for a long time with menetarias. those dificulties if true will i fear be a bar to our expectations of having the mandan minetarra & ricara chief to acompany us to the u. states. tho we shall endeaver to bring abot a peace between mandans mennetaries & ricaras and provail on some of their cheifs to accompany us to the u. states. proceeded on to a point on the s w side nearly opposit the enterance of goat pen creek and encamped found the musquetors excessively troublesom. [clark, august , ] thursday th august i set out early this morning and had not proceeded on far before shannon discovered he had lost his tomahk. i derected him to land his skin canoe and go back to our camp of last night in serch of it, and proceeded on my self with the two wood and one skin canoe to a large hottom on the n. e side above the head of jins island and landed to take brackfast as well as to delay untill shannon & gibson should arive. sent out shields & labiech to hunt deer in the bottom, at p m. shannon and gibson arived having found the tomahawk at our camp they killed elk &c. one of the canoes of buffalow skin by accident got a hole peirced in her of about inches diamuter. i derected two of the men to patch the canoe with a piece of elk skin over the hole, which they did and it proved all sufficient, after which the canoe did not leak one drop. the two hunters returned without haveing killed any thing. at meridian capt lewis hove in sight with the party which went by way of the missouri as well as that which accompanied him from travellers rest on clarks river; i was alarmed on the landing of the canoes to be informed that capt. lewis was wounded by an accident-. i found him lying in the perogue, he informed me that his wound was slight and would be well in or days this information relieved me very much. i examined the wound and found it a very bad flesh wound the ball had passed through the fleshey part of his left thy below the hip bone and cut the cheek of the right buttock for inches in length and the debth of the ball. capt l. informed me the accident happened the day before by one of the men peter crusat misstakeig him in the thick bushes to be an elk. capt lewis with this crusat and several other men were out in the bottom shooting of elk, and had scattered in a thick part of the woods in pursute of the elk. crusat seeing capt l. passing through the bushes and takeing him to be an elk from the colour of his cloathes which were of leather and very nearly that of the elk fired and unfortunately the ball passed through the thy as aforesaid. capt lewis thinking it indians who had shot him hobbled to the canoes as fast as possible and was followered by crusat, the mistake was then discovered. this crusat is near sighted and has the use of but one eye, he is an attentive industerous man and one whome we both have placed the greatest confidence in dureing the whole rout.--after capt. lewis and my self parted at travellers rest, he with the indians proceeded down the west side of clarks river seven miles and crossed on rafts miles below the east fork yards wide, after crossing the river he proceeded up the north side of the east fork and encampd. here the indians left him and proceeded down clarks river in serch of the tushepaws. an indian man came up with cap l. from the w. of the mountains and proceeded on with those who had accompanied us. capt. l. proceeded up the e. fork of clarks river ms. to the enterance of cokahlarishkit river or the river to buffalow, he proceeded up on the north side of this river which is yards wide crossing several small streams and the n. fork, and passing over part of the dividing mountain onto the waters of deabourns river in the plains and in a derection to the n. extremity of easte range of rocky mountains which pass the missouri at the pine island rapid. from thence he bore his course to the n e untill he struck meadcin river near where that river enters the rocky mts. and proceeded down medicine river to the missouri at the white bear islands at the upper part of the portage. this rout is a very good one tho not the most derect rout, the most derect rout would be to proceed up the missouri above dearborns river and take a right hand road & fall on a south branch of the cokatlarishkit r. and proceed down that river to the main road but the best rout would be from the falls of the missouri by fort mountain and passing the n. extremity of that range of the rocky mountains which pass the missouri at the pine island rapid course nearly s. w. and to the gap through which the great road passeds the dividing mountain the distance from the falls to this gap about miles through a tolerable leavel plain on an old indian road. and the distance from thence to clarks river is miles. the total distance from the falls of the missouri to clarks river is only miles of a tolerable road--capt l. arived at the white bear islands and encampd. on the west side of the missouri and in the morning he discovered that the indians had taken of seven of his best horses, drewyer prosued the indians two day's on the rout towards clarks river. he saw their camp on dearborns river near the road on which capt. lewis & party come on a by place where they had left only one or two day at this encampment he saw great appearanc of horses--on the return of drewyer capt l. took drewyer & the fieldses & proceeded on his intended rout up marias river leaving sergt. gass, thompson, frazier, werner, mcneal & goodrich at the portage to prepare geer and repar the wheels & carrage against the arival of the canoes and he also left horses for the purpose of hauling the canoes across. the canoes arrived on the th, and on the th they had all except one across, the plains becom so muddy from the emence rains which had fallen, that they could not get her over the portage. on the th they joined capt lewis at the grog spring a fiew miles above the enterance of marias river from the falls of missouri capt. l. proceeded on with drewyer & the fieldses courss on the th of july capt lewis set out on his return to the enterance of marias river to meet with the party with, the canoes from the falls. his course was through the plains s. e. miles--passing a small creek from the mts s. ° e. miles to a principal branch of marias river yards wide not very deep at mile. this last branch is shallow and rapid about the size of the former from the s w. both of those streams contain a great preportion of timber--here we find the specis of cotton before mentioned n ° e. miles down marias river and met with indians of the blackfoot nation with about horses, those indians professed friendship and set out with him and encamped together the night of the th of july, thy informed him that there was two large bands of their nation in that quarter one of which would be at the enterance of marias river in a fiew days. they also informed that a french trader was with one of those bands, that they traded with the white people on the suskashwen river at easy days march or about miles distant from whome they precured guns powder lead blankets &c. in exchange for wolf and beaver skins. capt lewis gave them a flag meadel & handkerchief capt. l. informed those indians where he was from & where he had been and his objects & friendly views &c. of which they appeared to be well satisfied. "on the morning of the th at day light the indians got up and crouded around the fire, jo. field who was on post had carelessly laid his gun down behind him near where his brother was sleeping. one of the indians slipd. behind him and took his gun and that of his brother unperceived by him, at the same instant two others advanced and seized the guns of drewyer and capt lewis who were yet asleep. jo. fields seeing this turned about to take his gun and saw the fellow running off with his and his brothers, he called to his brother who instantly jumped up and prosued the indian with him whome they overtook at the distance of or paces siezed their guns and rested them from him and r. field as he seized his gun stabed the indian to the heart with his knif who fell dead; (this cap l. did not know untill some time after.) drewyer who awoke at the first alarm jumped up and seized & rested his gun from the indian &c. capt l. awoke and asked what was the matter seeing drewyer in a scuffle for his gun he turned to get his gun and found her gorn, he drew a pistol from his holsters and prosued the indian whom he saw in possession of his gun making off he presented the pistol and the indian lay down the gun. the two fields came up and drew up to shoot the indian which capt l. forbid the indians then attempted to drive off all the horses. capt l. derected the men to fire on them if they attempted to drive off the horses, and prosued two fellows who continued to drive of his horses he shot the indian who had taken his gun and then in possession of his horse through the belly, he fell and raised on his elbow and fired at capt l. the other made his escape into a nitch out of sight with his bow and arrows and as capt l. guns was empty and he without his shot pouch he returnd. to the camp where the fields and drewyer joind him having prosued the indians across the river the were now in possession of the most of their own as well as the indian horses and a gun several bows & arrows and all the indians baggage the gun & some feathers and flag they took and burnt all the other articles. and saddled up a many of the best horses as they wished with some spear horses, and set out for to intersept the party at marias river and proceded on a little to the s. of east miles to the missouri at the grog spring. here they met with canoes and party decending joined them leaving their horses on the river bank, and proceeded on to the enterance of marias river opened the deposits, found several articles damaged. beaver traps could not be found, the red perogue unfit for service, from thenc they proceeded without delay to the river rochejhone see cources of capt lewis rout in next book." at p.m. shannon & gibson arived in the skin canoe with the skins and the greater part of the flesh of elk which they had killed a fiew miles above. the two men dixon & handcock the two men we had met above came down intending to proceed on down with us to the manclans. at p m we proceded on all together having left the leather canoes on the bank. a little below the enterance of (jos) shabonos creek we came too on a large sand point from the s. e. side and encamped. the wind blew very hard from the s w. and some rain. i washed capt l. wound which has become sore and somewhat painfull to him. [clark, august , ] friday th august the last night was very cold with a stiff breeze from the n. w. all hands were on board and we set out at sunrize and proceeded on very well with a stiff breeze astern the greater part of the day. passed the enterance of the little missouri river at a.m. and arived at the enterance of myry river at sun set and encamped on the n e side haveing came by the assistance of the wind, the current and our oars miles. below the little bason i with drewyer walked through the n. e point. we saw an elk and several deer. drewyer wounded the elk but could not get him. i joined the perogus & party again in the bend below and proceeded on. some indians were seen in a skin canoe below, they were decending from an old camp of theirs on the s. w. side, those i suppose to be some of the minetaras who had been up on a hunting expedition, one canoe was left at their camp. we had not proceeded far before i discovered two indians on a high hill. nothing very remarkable took place. the misquetors are not so troublesom this evening as they have been. the air is cool &c. [clark, august , ] thursday th august set out at sunrise and proceeded on. when we were opposit the minetares grand village we saw a number of the nativs viewing of we derected the blunderbuses fired several times, soon after we came too at a croud of the nativs on the bank opposit the village of the shoe indians or mah-har-ha's at which place i saw the principal chief of the little village of the menitarre & the principal chief of the mah-har-has. those people were extreamly pleased to see us. the chief of the little village of the menetarias cried most imoderately, i enquired the cause and was informed it was for the loss of his son who had been killed latterly by the blackfoot indians. after a delay of a fiew minits i proceeded on to the black cats village on the n. e. side of the missouri where i intended to encamp but the sand blew in such a manner that we deturmined not to continu on that side but return to the side we had left. here we were visited by all the inhabitants of this village who appeared equally as well pleased to see us as those above. i walked up to the black cats village & eate some simnins with him, and smoked a pipe this village i discovered had been rebuilt since i left it and much smaller than it was; on enquirey into the cause was informed that a quarrel had taken place and lodges had removed to the opposd side. i had soon as i landed despatched shabono to the minetarras inviting the chiefs to visit us, & drewyer down to the lower village of the mandans to ask mr. jessomme to come and enterpret for us. mr. jessomme arived and i spoke to the chiefs of the village informing them that we spoke to them as we had done when we were with them last and we now repeeted our envitation to the principal chiefs of all the villages to accompany us and to the u states &c. &c. the black cat chief of the mandans, spoke and informed me that he wished to visit the united states and his great father but was afraid of the scioux who were yet at war with them and had killed several of their men since we had left them, and were on the river below and would certainly kill him if he attempted to go dow.i. i indeavered to do away with his objections by informig him that we would not suffer those indians to hurt any of our red children who should think proper to accompany us, and on their return they would be equally protected, and their presents which would be very liberal, with themselves, conveyed to their own country at the expence of the u. states &c. &c. the chief promised us some corn tomorrow. after the council i directed the canoes to cross the river to a brook opposit where we should be under the wind and in a plain where we would be clear of musquetors & after crossing the chief of the mah har has told me if i would send with him he would let me have some corn. i directed sergt gass & men to accompany him to his village, they soon returned loaded with corn. the chief and his wife also came down. i gave his wife a fiew needles &c.--the great chif of all the menitarres the one eye came to camp also several other chiefs of the different villages. i assembled all the chiefs on a leavel spot on the band and spoke to them & see next book. [clark, august , ] thursday august th continued mandans vilg after assembling the chiefs and smokeing one pipe, i informed them that i still spoke the same words which we had spoken to them when we first arived in their country in the fall of . we then envited them to visit their great father the president of the u. states and to hear his own councils and receive his gifts from his own hands as also see the population of a government which can at their pleasure protect and secur you from all your enimies, and chastize all those who will shut their years to his councils. we now offer to take you at the expense of our government and send you back to your country again with a considerable present in merchendize which you will recive of your great father. i urged the necessity of their going on with us as it would be the means of hastening those supples of merchindize which would be sent to their country and exchanged as before mentioned for a moderate price in pelteries and furs &c. the great chief of the menetaras spoke, he said he wished to go down and see his great father very much, but that the scioux were in the road and would most certainly kill him or any others who should go down they were bad people and would not listen to any thing which was told them. when he saw us last we told him that we had made peace with all the nations below, since that time the seioux had killed of their people and stole a number of their horses. he said that he had opened his ears and followed our councils, he had made peace with the chyennes and rocky mountains indians, and repieted the same objecctions as mentioned. that he went to war against none and was willing to receive all nations as friends. he said that the ricaras had stolen from his people a number of horses at different times and his people had killed ricaras. if the sieoux were at peace with them and could be depended on he as also other chiefs of the villages would be glad to go and see their great father, but as they were all afraid of the sieoux they should not go down &c. the black cat chief of the mandans village on the north side of the missouri sent over and requested me to go over to his village which envertation i axceptd and crossed over to his village. he had a parcel of corn about bushuls in a pile in his lodge. he told me that his people had but little corn part of which they had given me. after takeing a smoke he informed me that as the sieoux were very troublesom and the road to his great father dangerous none of this village would go down with us. i told the cheifs and wariers of the village who were there present that we were anxious that some of the village should go and see their great father and hear his good words & recve his bountifull gifts &c. and told them to pitch on some man on which they could rely on and send him to see their great father, they made the same objections which the chief had done before. a young man offered to go down, and they all agreeed for him to go down the charector of this young man i knew as a bad one and made an objection as to his age and chareckter at this time gibson who was with me informed me that this young man had stole his knife and had it then in his possession, this i informed the chief and directed him to give up the knife he delivered the knife with a very faint apology for his haveing it in his possession. i then reproached those people for wishing to send such a man to see and hear the words of so great a man as their great father; they hung their heads and said nothing for some time when the cheif spoke and said that they were afraid to send any one for fear of their being killed by the sieux. after smoking a pipe and relateing some passages i recrossed to our camp-. being informed by one of our enterpreters that the d chief of the mandans comonly called the little crow intended to accompany us down, i took charbono and walked to the village to see this chief and talk with him on the subject. he told me he had deturmined to go down, but wished to have a council first with his people which would be in the after part of the day. i smoked a pipe with the little crow and returned to the boat. colter one of our men expressed a desire to join some trappers who offered to become shearers with and furnish traps &c. the offer a very advantagious one, to him, his services could be dispenced with from this down and as we were disposed to be of service to any one of our party who had performed their duty as well as colter had done, we agreed to allow him the prvilage provided no one of the party would ask or expect a similar permission to which they all agreeed that they wished colter every suckcess and that as we did not wish any of them to seperate untill we should arive at st. louis they would not apply or expect it &c. the maharha chief brought us some corn, as did also the chief of the little village of the menetarras on mules of which they have several. the evening is cool and windy. great number of the nativs of the different villages came to view us and exchange robes with our men for their skins--we gave jo colter some small articles which we did not want and some powder & lead. the party also gave him several articles which will be usefull to him on his expedittion.--this evening charbono informed me that our back was scercely turned before a war party from the two menetarry villages followed on and attacked and killed the snake indians whome we had seen and in the engagement between them and the snake indians they had lost two men one of which was the son of the principal chief of the little village of the menitarras. that they had also went to war from the menetarras and killed two ricaras. he further informed me that a missunderstanding had taken place between the mandans & minetarras and had verry nearly come to blows about a woman, the menitarres at length presented a pipe and a reconsilliation took place between them [clark, august , ] friday th august a cool morning. sent up sergt. pryor to the mandan village, for some corn which they offered to give us. he informed that they had more corn collected for us than our canoes could carry six load of which he brought down. i thanked the chief for his kindness and informed him that our canoes would not carry any more corn than we had already brought down. at a. m the chiefs of the different villages came to see us and smoke a pipe &c. as our swivel could no longer be serveceable to us as it could not be fireed on board the largest perogue, we concluded to make a present of it to the great chief of the menetaras (the one eye) with a view to ingratiate him more strongly in our favour i had the swivel charged and collected the chiefs in a circle around it and adressed them with great ceremoney. told them i had listened with much attention to what the one eye had said yesterday and beleived that he was sincere & spoke from his heart. i reproached them very severely for not attending to what had been said to them by us in council in the fall of and at different times in the winter of & , and told them our backs were scercely turned befor a party followed and killed the pore defenceless snake indians whom we had taken by the hand & told them not to be afraid that you would never strike them again &c. also mentioned the ricers &c. the little cherry old chief of the menetarras spoke as follows viz: "father we wish to go down with you to see our great father, but we know the nations below and are afraid of the scioux who will be on the river and will kill us on our return home. the scioux has stolen our horses and killed of our men since you left us, and the ricaras have also struck us. we staid at home and listened to what you had told us. we at length went to war against the scioux and met with ricaras and killed two of them, they were on their way to strike us. we will attend to your word and not hurt any people all shall be welcom and we shall do as you direct-." the one eye said his ears would always be open to the word of his great father and shut against bad council &c. i then a good deel of ceremony made a preasent of the swivel to the one eye chief and told him when he fired this gun to remember the words of his great father which we had given him. this gun had anounced the words of his great father to all the nations which we had seen &c. &c. after the council was over the gun was fired & delivered, they chief appeared to be much pleased and conveyed it immediately to his village &c. we settled with and discharged colter. in the evening i walked to the village to see the little crow and know when he would be ready, took with me a flag intending to give him to leave at his lodge but to my astonishment he informed me he had declined going down the reason of which i found was through a jellousy between himself and the principal chief he refused a flag & we sent for mr. jessomme and told him to use his influn to provail on one of the chiefs to acompany us and we would employ him. he informed us soon after that the big white chief would go if we would take his wife & son & jessoms wife & children we wer obliged to agree to do [clark, august , ] saturday th of august a cool morning gave some powder & ball to big white chief settled with touisant chabono for his services as an enterpreter the pric of a horse and lodge purchased of him for public service in all amounting to $ / cents. derected two of the largest of the canoes be fastened together with poles tied across them so as to make them study for the purpose of conveying the indians and enterpreter and their families we were visited by all the principal chiefs of the menetarras to take their leave of us at oclock we left our encampment after takeing leave of colter who also set out up the river in company with messrs. dickson & handcock. we also took our leave of t. chabono, his snake indian wife and their son child who had accompanied us on our rout to the pacific ocean in the capacity of interpreter and interpretes. t. chabono wished much to accompany us in the said capacity if we could have provailed the menetarre chiefs to dcend the river with us to the u. states, but as none of those chiefs of whoes language he was conversent would accompany us, his services were no longer of use to the u states and he was therefore discharged and paid up. we offered to convey him down to the illinois if he chose to go, he declined proceeding on at present, observing that he had no acquaintance or prospects of makeing a liveing below, and must continue to live in the way that he had done. i offered to take his little son a butifull promising child who is months old to which they both himself & wife wer willing provided the child had been weened. they observed that in one year the boy would be sufficiently old to leave his mother & he would then take him to me if i would be so freindly as to raise the child for him in such a manner as i thought proper, to which i agreeed &c.--we droped down to the big white cheifs mandan village / a mile below on the south side, all the indians proceeded on down by land. and i walked to the lodge of the chief whome i found sorounded by his friends the men were setting in a circle smokeing and the womin crying. he sent his bagage with his wife & son, with the interpreter jessomme & his wife and children to the canoes provided for them. after smoking one pipe, and distributing some powder & lead which we had given him, he informed me that he was ready and we were accompd to the canoes by all the village maney of them cried out aloud. as i was about to shake with the grand cheifs of all the villages there assembled they requested me to set one minit longer with them which i readily agreed to and directed a pipe to be lit. the cheifs informed that when we first came to their country they did not beleive all we said we then told them. but they were now convinced that every thing we had told them were true, that they should keep in memory every thing which we had said to them, and strictly attend to our advice, that their young men should stay at home and should no go again to war against any nation, that if any atacted them they should defend themselves, that we might depend on what they said, and requested us to inform their great father. the also requested me to tell the ricaras to come and see them, not to be afraid that no harm should be done them, that they were anxious to be in peace with them. the seeoux they said they had no dependance in and should kill them whenever they came into their country to do them harm &c. i told them that we had always told them to defend themselves, but not to strike those nations we had taken by the hand, the sieoux with whome they were at war we had never seen on our return we should inform their great fathe of their conduct towards his faithfull red children and he would take such steps as will bring about a lasting peace between them and his faithfull red children. i informed them that we should inform the ricaras what they had requested &c. the grand chief of the mineterres said that the great cheif who was going down with to see their great father was a well as if he went also, and on his return he would be fully informed of the words of his great father, and requested us to take care of this gt. chief. we then saluted them with a gun and set out and proceeded on to fort mandan where i landed and went to view the old works the houses except one in the rear bastion was burnt by accident, some pickets were standing in front next to the river. we proceeded on to the old ricara village the s e wind was so hard and the waves so high that we were obliged to come too, & camp on the s w side near the old village. ( mils) [clark, august , ] monday th august . moderate rain last night, the wind of this morning from the s. e. as to cause the water to be so rough that we could not proceed on untill a.m. at which time it fell a little & we proceeded on tho the waves were yet high and the wind strong. saw several indians on either side of the river. at a.m. i saw an indian running down the beech and appd. to be anxious to speak to us i derected the canoes to land. this indian proved to be the brother of the chief we had on board and came down from his camp at no great distance to take his leave of his brother. the chief gave him a par of legins and took an effectunate leave of his brother and we procedeed on haveing previously sent on canoes with hunters to kill some meat at p. m we overtook the canoe hunters, they had killed three deer which was divided and we halted and cooked some dinner on the sandbar. wind still high and from the same point. the chief pointed out several places where he said his nation formerly lived and related some extroadinary stories of their tredition. after dinner we proceeded on, to a point on the n e. side opposit the remains of an old mandan village a little below the enterance of chiss-che for river and the place we encamped as we assended this river th of october haveing come miles today. after landing which was a little before night the hunters run out into the bottom and killed four deer. the winds blew hard from the s. e. all day which retarded our progress very much after the fires were made i set my self down with the big white man chiefe and made a number of enquiries into the tredition of his nation as well as the time of their inhabiting the number of villages the remains of which we see on different parts of the river, as also the cause of their evacuation. he told me his nation first came out of the ground where they had a great village. a grape vine grew down through the earth to their village and they saw light some of their people assended by the grape vine upon the earth, and saw buffalow and every kind of animal also grapes plumbs &c. they gathered some grapes & took down the vine to the village, and they tasted and found them good, and deturmined to go up and live upon the earth, and great numbers climbed the vine and got upon earth men womin and children. at length a large big bellied woman in climbing broke the vine and fell and all that were left in the village below has remained there ever since (the mandans beleive when they die that they return to this village) those who were left on earth made a village on the river below and were very noumerous &c. he said that he was born in the village opposit to our camp and at that time his nation inhabited villages as large as that and were full of people, the sieoux and small pox killed the greater part of them and made them so weak that all that were left only made two small villages when collected, which were built near the old ricaras village above. their troubles with the scioux & pawnees or ricaras compelled them to move and build a village where they now live. he said that the menitarras came out of the water to the east and came to this country and built a village near the mandans from whome they got corn beens &c. they were very noumerous and resided in one village a little above this place on the opposit side. they quarreled about a buffalow, and two bands left the village and went into the plains, (those two bands are now known bye the title pounch, and crow indians.) the ballance of the menetaras moved their village to where it now stands where they have lived ever since- [clark, august , ] tuesday th of august some rain last night and this morning the wind rose and blew with great violence untill p. m and as our camp was on a sand bar we were very much distressd with the blows of sand. i directed the hunters to proceed on down the bottom and kill and butcher some meat and if the wind should lie that i should proceed on down to their camp &c. capt. lewis'es wounds are heeling very fast, i am much in hope of his being able to walk in or days-. at p. m the wind seased to blow with that violence which it had done all day we set out and proceeded on down. the hunters which was sent out this morning killed elk & deer near the river we came too and brought in the most of the flesh and proceeded on to a sand on the n e side and encamped. the wind rose and become very strong from the s. e. and a great appearance of rain. jessomme the interpreter let me have a piece of a lodge and the squars pitched or stretched it over some sticks, under this piece of leather i slept dry, it is the only covering which i have had suffecient to keep off the rain since i left the columbia. it began to rain moderately soon after night. the indians appear well satisfyed with the party and mode of proceedure. we decended only miles to day saw some elk and buffalow on the shore near where we encamped. the elk beginning to run. the buffalow are done running & the bulls are pore. [clark, august , ] wednesday th of august a violent hard rain about day light this morning. all wet except myself and the indians. we embarked a little after sun rise wind moderate and ahead. we proceeded on at meridn. passed the enterance of cannonball river imediately above is the remains of a large sieoux encampment which appears to have been made this spring. at p m passed the enterance of wardepon river saw great number of wolves on the bank some buffalow & elk, tho not so abundant as near the river rochejhone. passed the place where we left the last encampment of ricaras in the fall and encamped on a sandbar from the n. e. side, having made miles only, the wind blew hard all day which caused the waves to rise high and flack over into the small canoes in such a manner as to employ one hand in throwing the water out. the plains begin to change their appearance the grass is turning of a yellow colour. i observe a great alteration in the corrent course and appearance of this pt. of the missouri. in places where there was sand bars in the fall at this time the main current passes, and where the current then passed is now a sand bar sand bars which were then naked are now covered with willow several feet high. the enteranc of some of the rivers & creeks changed owing to the mud thrown into them, and a layor of mud over some of the bottoms of inches thick. [clark, august , ] thursday st august musquetors very troublesom in the early part of last night and again this morning i directed sergt. ordway to proceed on to where there was some ash and get enough for two ores which were wanting. men all put their arms in perfect order and we set out at a.m. over took sergt. ordway with wood for oars &c. at a.m. met three french men comeing up, they proved to be three men from the ricaras two of them reevea & greinyea wintered with us at the mandans in we came too, those men informed us that they were on their way to the mandans, and intended to go down to the illinois this fall. one of them quit a young lad requested a passage down to the illinois, we concented and he got into a canoe to an ore. those men informd us that seeoux had passed the ricaras on their way to war with the mandans & menitarras and that their encampment where the squaws and children wer, was some place near the big bend of this river below. no ricaras had accompanied them but were all at home, they also informed us that no trader had arived at the ricaras this season, and that they were informed that the pania or ricara chief who went to the united states last spring was a year, died on his return at smoe place near the sieoux river &c. those men had nether powder nor lead we gave them a horn of powder and some balls and after a delay of an hour we parted from the men reevey & grienway and proceeded on. the wind rose and bley from the n. w. at half past a.m. we arived in view of the upper ricara villages, a great number of womin collecting wood on the banks, we saluted the village with four guns and they returned the salute by fireing several guns in the village, i observed several very white lodges on the hill above the town which the ricaras from the shore informed me were chyennes who had just arived-. we landed opposit to the d villages and were met by the most of the men women and children of each village as also the chyennes they all appeared anxious to take us by the hand and much rejoiced to see us return. i steped on shore and was saluted by the two great chiefs, whome we had made or given medals to as we assend this river in , and also saluted by a great number both of ricaras & chyennes, as they appeared anxious to here what we had done &c. as well as to here something about the mandans & minetarras. i set my self down on the side of the bank and the chiefs & brave men of the ricaras & chyennes formed a cercle around me. after takeing a smoke of mandan tobacco which the big white chief who was seated on my left hand furnished, i informed them as i had before informed the mandans & menitarras, where we had been what we had done and said to the different nations in there favour and envited some of their chiefs to accompany us down and see their great father and receve from his own mouth his good councils and from his own hands his bountifull gifts &c. telling pretty much the same which i had told the mandans and menitarras. told them not to be afraid of any nation below that none would hurt them &c. a man of about years of age was intreduced to me as st chief of the nation this man they call the grey eyes or ____ he was absent from the nation at the time we passed up, the man whome we had acknowledged as the principal chief informed me that the grey eyes was a greater chief than himself and that he had given up all his pretentions with the flag and medal to the grey eyes--the principal chief of the chyenne's was then introduced he is a stout jolley fellow of about years of age whome the ricaras call the grey eyes i also told the ricaras that i was very sorrey to here that they were not on friendly terms with their neighbours the mandans & menetarras, and had not listened to what we had said to them but had suffered their young men to join the sieoux who had killed mandans &c. that their young men had stolen the horses of the minetarras, in retaliation for those enjories the mandans & menetarras had sent out a war party and killed ricaras. how could they expect other nations would be at peace with them when they themselves would not listen to what their great father had told them. i further informed them that the mandans & menetaras had opened their ears to what we had said to them but had staid at home untill they were struk that they were still disposed to be friendly and on good terms with the ricaras, they then saw the great chief of the mandans by my side who was on his way to see his great father, and was derected by his nation & the menetaras & maharhas, to smoke in the pipe of peace with you and to tell you not to be afraid to go to their towns, or take the birds in the plains that their ears were open to our councils and no harm should be done to a ricara. the chief will speak presently the grey eyes chief of the ricaras made a very animated speach in which he mentioned his williness of following the councels which we had given them that they had some bad young men who would not listen to the councels but would join the seioux, those men they had discarded and drove out of their villages, that the seioux were the cause of their missunderstanding &c. that they were a bad peoples. that they had killed several of the ricaras since i saw them. that several of the chiefs wished to accompany us down to see their great father, but wished to see the chief who went down last sumer return first, he expressed some apprehention as to the safty of that chiefs in passing the sieoux. that the ricaras had every wish to be friendly with the mandans &c. that every mandan &c. who chose to visit the ricares should be safe that he should continue with his nation and see that they followed the council which we had given them &c.--the sun being very hot the chyenne chief envited us to his lodge which was pitched in the plain at no great distance from the river. i accepted the invitation and accompanied him to his lodge which was new and much larger than any which i have seen it was made of dressed buffalow skins in the same form of the sceoux and lodges of other nations of this quarter. about this lodges was others several of them of nearly the same size. i enquired for the ballance of the nation and was informed that they were near at hand and would arive on tomorrow and when all together amounted to lodges after smokeing i gave a medal of the small size to the chyenne chief &c. which appeared to alarm him, he had a robe and a fleece of fat buffalow meat brought and gave me with the meadel back and informed me that he knew that the white people were all medecine and that he was afraid of the midal or any thing that white people gave to them. i had previously explained the cause of my gveing him the medal & flag, and again told him the use of the medal and the caus of my giveing it to him, and again put it about his neck delivering him up his preasent of a roab & meat, informing him that this was the medecene which his great father directed me to deliver to all the great chiefs who listened to his word and followed his councils, that he had done so and i should leave the medal with him as a token of his cincerity &c. he doubled the quantity of meat, and received the medal the big white chief of the mandans spoke at some length explainin the cause of the misunderstanding between his nation and the ricaras, informing them of his wish to be on the most freindly termes &c. the chyennes accused both nations of being in folt. i told to them all that if they eve wished to be hapy that they must shake off all intimecy with the seioux and unite themselves in a strong allience and attend to what we had told them &c. which they promesed all to do and we smoked and parted on the best terms, the mandan chief was saluted by several chiefs and brave men on his way with me to the river--i had requested the ricaras & chyennes to inform me as soon as possible of their intentions of going down with us to see their great father or not. in the evening the great chief requested that i would walk to his house which i did, he gave me about quarts of tobacco, beaver skins and a trencher of boiled corn & beans to eat (as it is the custom of all the nations on the missouri to give something to every white man who enters their lodge something to eat) this chief informed me that none of his chiefs wished to go down with us they all wished to see the cheif who went down return first, that the chyennes were a wild people and were afraid to go. that they should all listen to what i had said. i gave him some ribon to suspend his medal to and a shell which the snake indians gave me for which he was very much pleased. the interpreter informed me that the cheifs of those villages had no intention of going down. one the cheifs of the village on the island talkd. of going down. i returned to the boat where i found the principal chief of the lower vilege who had cut part of his hair and disfigured himself in such a manner that i did not know him, he informed me the sieux had killed his nephew and that was in tears for him &c. we deturmind to proceed down to the island and accordingly took the chief on board and proceeded on down to the isd village at which place we arived a little before dark and were met as before by nearly every individual of the village, we saluted them and landed imediately opposit the town. the one arm d cheif of this village whome we had expected to accompany us down spoke to the mandan cheif in a loud and thretening tone which caused me to be some what alarmed for the safty of that cheif, i inform the ricaras of this village that the mandans had opened their ears to and fold. our councils, that this cheif was on his way to see their great father the p. of u s. and was under our protection that if any enjorey was done to him by any nation that we should all die to a man. i told the ricaras that they had told us lies, they promised to be at peace with the mandans & menetarras. that our back was scrcely turned before they went to war & killd. them and stole their horses &c--the cheif then envited me & the mandan chief to his house to talk there. i accompanied him, after takeing a very serimonious smoke the d cheif informd. me that he had opened his ears to what we had said to him at the time we gave him the medal that he had not been to war against any natn. since, that once been to see the mandans and they were going to kill him, they had not killed the mandans, it was the seeoux who killed them and not the ricaras, he said that the mandan cheif was as safe as if he was in his own vilg that he had opened his ears and could here as well as the mandans. i then informd them what i had told the upper villages and we all become perfectly reconsiled all to each other and smoked in the most perfect harmony we had invatations to go into their lodges and eate. i at length went to the grand chiefs lodge by his particelar invitation, the mandan chief stuck close to me the chief had prepd. a supper of boiled young corn, beens & quashes of which he gave me in wooden bowls. he also gave me near quarts of the tobacco seed, & informed me he had always had his ears open to what we had said, that he was well convinced that the seeoux was the caus of all the trouble between the mandans & them the ricars had stolen horses from the mandan which had been returned all except one which could not be got, this mischief was done by some young men who was bad. a long conversation of explanations took place between the ricara & mandan chiefs which appeared to be satisfactory on both sides. the chief gave a pipe with great form and every thing appeared to be made up. i returned to the river & went to bead. the indians contd on board. made miles today only. [clark, august , ] friday nd august . rained all the last night every person and all our bedding wet, the morning cloudy, at a m. i was requested to go to the chiefs, i walkd up and he informed me that he should not go down but would stay and take care of the village and prevent the young men from doing rong and spoke much to the same porpt of the grey eyes, the d chief spoke to the same and all they said was only a repitition of what they had said before. the chief gave me some soft corn and the d chief some tobacco seed--the interpreter garrow informed me that he had been speeking to the chiefs & warriers this morning and assured me that they had no intention of going down untill the return of the cheif who went down last spring was a year. i told the cheifs to attend to what we had said to them, that in a short time they would find our words tru and councils good. they promised to attend strictly to what had been said to them, and observed that they must trade with the sieoux one more time to get guns and powder; that they had no guns or powder and had more horses than they had use for, after they got guns and powder that they would never again have any thing to do with them &c. &c. i returned the canoes & derected the men to prepare to set out. some chyennes from two lodges on the main s e. shore came and smoked with me and at a. m we set out haveing parted with those people who appeared to be sorry to part with us. at this nation we found a french man by the name of rokey who was one of our engagees as high as the mandans this man had spend all his wages, and requested to return with uswe agreed to give him a passage down. i directed guns to be fired. we proceeded on passed the marapa and the we ter hoo rivers, and landed to dry our bedding and robes &c which were all wet. here we delayed untill p m. and dryed our things which were much spoiled. i derected of the hunters to proceed on to grouse island a fiew miles below and hunt on that island untill we arived, we proceded on to the main n e shore below the island and encamped, the hunters joined us without any thing. they saw no game on the island. we made only miles to day. below the ricaras the river widens and the sand bars are emencely noumerous much less timber in the bottoms than above the chyenne's are portly indians much the complections of the mandans & ricaras high cheeks, streight limbed & high noses the men are large, their dress in sumner is simpelly a roab of a light buffalow skin with or without the hair and a breach clout & mockerson some ware leagins and mockersons, their ornaments are but fiew and those are composed principally of such articles as they precure from other indians such as blue beeds, shell, red paint rings of brass broaches &c. they also ware bears claws about their necks, strips of otter skin (which they as well as the ricaras are excessively fond of) around their neck falling back behind. their ears are cut at the lower part, but fiew of them were ornements in them, their hair is generally cut in the forehead above their eyes and small ornimented plats in front of each sholder the remainder of the hair is either twisted in with horse or buffalow hair divided into two plats over the sholder or what is most common flow's back, their women are homely, corse feetured wide mouthes they ware simpially a leathe habit made in a plain form of two pieces of equal length and equal weadth, which is sewen together with sinues from the tail to about half way from the hip to the arm, a string fastens the pieces together over the sholders leaveng a flap or lapells which fall over near half way ther body both before and behind. those dresses usially fall as low as mid leg, they are frequently ornemented with beeds and shells & elk tuskes of which all indians are very fond of. those dresses are als frequently printed in various regular figures with hot sticks which are rubed on the leather with such velosity as to nearly burn it this is very handsom. they were their hair flowing and are excessively fond of ornamenting their ears with blue beeds--this nation peacbly disposed they may be estimated at from to men inhabetig from to lodges, they are rich in horses & dogs, the dogs carry a great preportion of their light baggage. they confess to be at war with no nation except the sieoux with whome they have ever since their remembranc been on a difencive war, with the bands of sieoux. as i was about to leave the cheifs of the chyennes lodge he requested me to send some traders to them, that their country was full of beaver and they would then be encouraged to kill beaver, but now they had no use for them as they could get nothing for their skins and did not know well, how to catch beaver. if the white people would come amongst them they would become acquainted and the white people would learn them how to take the beaver-. i promised the nation that i would inform their great father the president of the u states, and he would have them supplied with goods, and mentioned in what manner they would be supplied &c. &c. i am happy to have it in my power to say that my worthy friend capt lewis is recovering fast, he walked a little to day for the first time. i have discontinud the tent in the hole the ball came out i have before mentioned that the mandans maharhas menetarras & ricarras, keep their horses in the lodge with themselves at night. [clark, august , ] saturday rd august we set out very early, the wind rose & became very hard, we passed the sar-war-kar-na-har river at a. m and at half past eleven the wind became so high and the water so rough that we were obliged to put to shore and continue untill p. m. when we had a small shower of rain after which the wind lay, and we proceeded on. soon after we landed i sent shields & jo. & reubin fields down to the next bottom of timber to hunt untill our arival. we proceeded on slowly and landed in the bottom. the hunters had killed three elk and deer the deer were pore and elk not fat had them fleece & brought in. the musqueters large and very troublesom. at p. m a cloud from the n w with a violent rain for about half an hour after the rain we again proceeded on. i observe great quantities of grapes and choke cheries, also a speces of currunt which i had never before observed the leas is larger than those above, the currt. black and very inferior to either the yellow, red, or perple--at dark we landed on a small sand bar under a bluff on the s w. side and encamped, this situation was one which i had chosen to avoid the musquetors, they were not very troublesom after we landed. we came only miles to daye my frend capt lewis is recoverig fast the hole in his thy where the ball passed out is closed and appears to be nearly well. the one where the ball entered discharges very well-. [clark, august , ] sunday th august a fair morning we set out as usial about sunrise and proceeded on untill p m when the wind blew so hard from the n. w. that we could not proceed came too on the s w. side where we continued untill p.m. when the wind lay a little and we again proceeded on. at a m. we passed la-hoo-catts island, opposit the lower point of this island on the s. w. side near the top of the bluff i observed a stratea of white stone i landed and examined it found it to be a soft white stone containing very fine grit, when expd. to the sun and become dry this stone will crumble the clay of this bluff to the above and below is remarkably black. at half past a.m. passed good hope island and at a. m passed caution island a short distance below this island we came too. sent out a hunter he saw several deer they were very wild and he returned without haveing killed any, the deer on this pt. of the missouri is mostly the mule or black tail species. we saw only buffalow to day the sieoux have been laterly encamped on the river and have secured the most of the game opp. a large trail has passed on a derection to the enterance of the chyenne this probably is the trail of a war party. at p.m. we proceeded on a fiew miles and encampd. on the gouge of the lookout bend of miles around and / through, a little above an old tradeing house and miles above of our outward bound encampment of the st of october , haveing made miles to day. [clark, august , ] monday th august a cool clear morning a stiff breeze ahead we set out at the usial hour and proceeded on very well. i derected shields collins shannon and the two fieldses to proceed on in the two small canoes to the ponia island and hunt on that island untill we came on, they set out before day light the skirt of timber in the bend above the chyenne is not very considerable the timber is scattered from to miles on the s w side of the river, and the thickest part is at the distance of & miles from the chyenne, a narrow bottom of small cotton trees is also on the n e pt. at the distance of from to / miles above the chyenne imediately at the enterance of that river i observe but fiew large trees some small growth and willows on the lower side bottom on the missouri about / a mile and extends up the chyen mile about a quarter of a mile above is a d bottom of cotton timber, in the point above the chyenne there is a considerable bottom of about miles on that river and a large timbered bottom a short distance above. at a.m. we came to at the mouth of the chyenne to delay untill to make a meridian observation and derected hunters to proced up this river and hunt its bottoms untill twelve at which hou we shall proceed on. the hunters returned with deer the chyenne discharges but little water which is much the colour of the missouri tho not so muddy i observe a very eligable situation on the bank of the chyenne on it's lower side about paces from it's enterance. this situation is above the high floods and has a perfect command of each river we obtained a meridian altitude with the sextt. and artificial horizon ° ' "- after which we proceeded on passed the pania island and came up with shields and collins they had killed two deer only at p m we passed the place where we saw the last encampement of troubleson tetons below the old ponia village on the s w side. a very large timbered bottom on the n. e. side imedialely below the pania island. latd. of chyenne is ____ north. at sunset we landed about the center of a large bottom on the n e side a little below the enterance of no timber creek and below our encampment of th of septr. . dreyer killed a deer after we encamped. a little above our encampmt. the ricaras had formerly a large village on each side which was destroyed by the seioux. there is the remains of other villages on the s w. side below the chyenne river and one on le ho catts isld. all those villages have been broken up by the seioux. this day proved a fine still day and the men played their oars and we made miles to day. the fields and shannon did not join this evening which caused me to encamp earlier than usial for them. we saw no game on the plains today. the tetons have been on the river not long since [clark, august , ] tuesday th of august a heavy dew this morning the hunters or shannon & the fields came up at sunrise and we set out, they had killed only small deer one of which they had eat at passed the place the tetons were encamped at the time they attempted to stop us in septr. , and at a.m. passed the enterance of teton river. saw several black tail or mule deer and sent out to kill them but they were wild and the hunters could not get a shot at either of them. a fiew miles below the teton river i observed a buffalow skin canoe lying on the s shore and a short distance lower a raft which induces me to suspect that the tetons are not on the missouri at the big bend as we were informed by the ricaras, but up the teton river. at meridn. we halted on the n e. side opposit a handsom leavel plain in which there is great quantities of plumbs which are not yet ripe. we passed the enteranc of smoke creek and landed and continued two hours to stop a leak in the perogue and fix the stearing oare, saw great quantities of grapes, they are black tho not thurerly ripe. at p m. we landed a louisells fort on ceder island, this fort is entire and every part appears to be in the same state it was when we passed it in septr. . i observed the appearance of fires in the houses which appeared to have been made or days past. we proceeded on about miles lower and encamped on the s. w. side opposit our outward bound encampment of the st of septr. , a fiew miles above tylors river. we had a stiff breeze from the s. e. which continued to blow the greater part of the night dry and pleasent. as we were now in the country where we were informed the sceoux were assembled we were much on our guard deturmined to put up with no insults from those bands of seioux, all the arms &. in perfect order. capt. l. is still on the mending hand he walks a little. i have discontinued the tent in the hole where the ball entered, agreeable to his request. he tells me that he is fully convinced that the wound is sufficiently heeled for the tents to be discontinued. we made miles to day with the wind ahead greater part of the day- [clark, august , ] wednesday th augt. set out before sunrise a stiff breeze a head from the east proceeded to the enterance of tylors river on the s w side and landed on a sand bar and sent out the hunters to kill some meat, our stock of meat being now exousted and this the most favourable place to precure a fresh supply, the hunters returned in hours without haveing killed any thing. they informed me that the bottoms were entirely beaten up and the grass laid flat by the emence number of buffalow which had been here a short time past. the deer had left the bottom. they saw several buffalow bulls which they did not think proper to kill as they were unfit for use. here we discover the first signs of the wild turkey. at p m we halted in the big bend and killed a fat buck elk near the river, which was very timely as our meat was entirely exhosted. at p. m we again proceeded on down saw several buffalow bulls on each side of the river also some deer of the common kind at p.m. we herd the bellowing of the buffalow bulls in the lower isld. of the big bend below the gouge which induced a belief that there was some fat cows, men went out from the small canoes which was a little a head, and killed two cows one bull and a calf nether of them wer fat we droped the perogue & canoes to the lower part of the island near to where the buffalow was killed and incamped haveing come miles only to day. had the buffalow butched and brought in and divided. my friend capt lewis hurt himself very much by takeing a longer walk on the sand bar in my absence at the buffalow than he had strength to undergo, which caused him to remain very unwell all night. [clark, august , ] thursday th of august capt lewis had a bad nights rest and is not very well this morning. we set out early and proceded on very well, saw a number of buffalow bulls on the banks in different places. passd the rivers of the seioux pass at a.m. a short distance below on the s w side sent out reubin & joseph feild to hunt for the mule deer or the antilope neither of which we have either the skins or scellitens of, we detected those two men to proceed on down to the places we encamped the th & th of septr. and which place the party had called pleasant camp from the great abundance of game such as buffalow elk, antilopes, blacktail or mule deer, fallow deer, common deer wolves barking squirels, turkies and a variety of other animals, aded to which there was a great abundance of the most delicious plumbs and grapes. this situation which is a short distance above the enterance of corvus creek we are deturmined to delay one day for the purpose of prcureing the sceletins of the mule deer & antilope, and some barking squirels. a fiew miles below the place the fields were set on shore we set drewyer and labeech on shore with the same directions which had been given to the field's at oclock we landed on the s w. side at the same spot which we had encamped on the th and th of september , and formed a camp, sent out serjt. pryor, shields, go. gibson, willard and collins to hunt in the plains up corvus creek for the antilope and mule deer sent out bratten and frazier to kill the barking squirel, and gave directions to all of them to kill the magpye if they should see any of them several of the men and the squaws of the enterpreter jessomme and the mandan chief went to some plumb bushes in the bottom and geathered more plumbs than the party could eate in days, those blumbs are of speces, the most of them large and well flavored. our situation is pleasent a high bottom thinly timbered and covered with low grass without misquitors. at p. m drewyer and labeech arived, the latter haveing killd. a deer of the common speceis only. in the evening late all the hunters returned without any speces of animal we were in want of, they killed common deer and two buffalow a part of the best of the meat of those animals they brought in. we precured two of the barking squirels only. as we could not precere any mule deer or antelope we concluded to send the hunters on a head early in the morning and delay untill a. m to give them time to hunt. i derected shannon & collins to go on the opposit side, and labeech and willard to proceed down on this side at some distance from the river and join the party at the round island &c. and r. field to proceed on slowly in the small canoe to that place and take in any thing which the hunters might kill. made miles to day the hunters informed me that they saw great numbers of buffalow in the plains. i saw several herds of those animals on either side to day at a distance. [clark, august , ] friday th august a cloudy morning the hunters proceeded on agreeable to their orders of last night. i sent out two men to the village of barking squirels with direcitions to kill some of them. they after hours returned and informed me that not one of those squirels were to be seen out of their holes. the skins of the party which they had been dressing since yesterday being now completely dressed i derected all loose baggage to be put on board the canoes and at a.m. set out and proceeded on passed the white river at oclock and halted below the enterance of shannons creek where we were joined by labeech shannon and willard, they had killed common der but no mule deer or antilopes. willard informed me that he saw antilopes but could not get near to them. willard and labiech waded white river a fiew miles above its enterance and inform me that they found it feet water and yards wide. the water of this river at this time nearly as white as milk. put drewyer out to hunt on the s w. side and proceeded on below the round island and landed on the n. e. side i with several of the men went out in pursute of buffalow. the men killed bulls near me they were very por i assended to the high country and from an eminance, i had a view of the plains for a great distance. from this eminance i had a view of a greater number of buffalow than i had ever seen before at one time. i must have seen near , of those animals feeding on this plain. i have observed that in the country between the nations which are at war with each other the greatest numbers of wild animals are to be found- on my return to the river i killed young deer. after dinner we proceeded down the river about mile to the camp of jo. & rubin fields and collins, and encamped on the s w. side a little below our encampment of th septr. , haveing made miles only. neither of the hunters killed either a black tail deer or an antilope. jo. fields & shields each killed a porcupin and two others of the hunters killed deer, drewyer did not join us untill p.m. he informed that he saw some antilopes and mule deer but could kill none of them. jo. field informed that he wounded female of the mule deer a little below our camp late in the evening and could not prosue her i directed him to set out with others and follow the deer and get her if possible early in the morning. [clark, august , ] saturday th of august capt. lewis is mending slowly. we set out at the usial hour and proceeded on very well a fiew miles jo field who was on the shore being behind i derected one of the small canoes with r. fields & shannon to continue on the point of a sand bar untill he corns up. i took hunters and walked on the n e shore with a view to kill some fat meet. we had not proceeded far before saw a large plumb orchd of the most deelicious plumbs, out of this orchard large buck elks ran the hunters killed them. i stoped the canoes and brought in the flesh which was fat and fine. here the party collected as many plumbs as they could eate and several pecks of which they put by &c. after a delay of nearly hours we again proceeded on downwards passed small islands and as we were about to land at the place appointed to wait for the fields and shannon, i saw several men on horseback which with the help of a spie glass i found to be indians on the high hills to the n e we landed on the s. w. side and i sent out two men to a village of barking squirels to kill some of those animals imedeatily after landing about indians was discovered on an eminanc a little above us on the opposite side. one of those men i took to be a freinch man from his a blanket capoe & a handkerchief around his head. imediately after or indian men all armed with fusees & bows & arrows came out of a wood on the opposite bank about / of a mile below us. they fired of their guns as a salute we returned the salute with rounds. we were at a loss to deturmin of what nation those indians were. from their hostile appearance we were apprehensive they were tetons. but from the country through which they roved we were willing to believe them eithe the yanktons, ponars or mahars either of which nations are well disposed towards the white people. i deturmined to find out who they were without running any resque of the party and indians, and therefore took three french men who could speak the mahar pania and some seioux and in a small canoe i went over to a sand bar which extended sufficently near the opposite shore to converse. imedeately after i set out young men set out from the opposite side and swam next me on the sand bar. i derected the men to speak to them in the pania and mahar languages first neither of which they could understand i then derected the man who could speak a fiew words of seioux to inquire what nation or tribe they belong to they informed me that they were tetons and their chief was tar-tack-kah-sabbar or the black buffalow this chief i knew very well to be the one we had seen with his band at teton river which band had attempted to detain us in the fall of as we assended this river and with whome we wer near comeing to blows. i told those indians that they had been deef to our councils and ill treated us as we assended this river two years past, that they had abused all the whites who had visited them since. i believed them to be bad people & should not suffer them to cross to the side on which the party lay, and directed them to return with their band to their camp, that if any of them come near our camp we should kill them certainly. i lef them on the bear and returned to th party and examined the arms &c. those indians seeing some corn in the canoe requested some of it which i refused being deturmined to have nothing to do with those people. several others swam across one of which understood pania, and as our pania interpreter was a very good one we had it in our power to inform what we wished. i told this man to inform his nation that we had not forgot their treatment to us as we passed up this river &c. that they had treated all the white people who had visited them very badly; robed them of their goods, and had wounded one man whome i had seen. we viewed them as bad people and no more traders would be suffered to come to them, and whenever the white people wished to visit the nations above they would come sufficiently strong to whip any vilenous party who dare to oppose them and words to the same purpote. i also told them that i was informed that a part of all their bands were gorn to war against the mandans &c, and that they would be well whiped as the mandans & menetarres & had a plenty of guns powder and ball, and we had given them a cannon to defend themselves. and derected them to return from the sand bar and inform their chiefs what we had said to them, and to keep away from the river or we should kill every one of them &c. &c. those fellows requested to be allowed to come across and make cumerads which we positively refused and i directed them to return imediately which they did and after they had informed the chiefs &c. as i suppose what we had said to them, they all set out on their return to their camps back of a high hill. of them halted on the top of the hill and blackguarded us, told us to come across and they would kill us all &c. of which we took no notice. we all this time were extreamly anxious for the arival of the fields & shannon whome we had left behind, and were some what consd. as to their safty. to our great joy those men hove in sight at p.m. jo. fields had killed black tail or mule deer. we then set out, as i wished to see what those indians on the hill would act. we steared across near the opposit shore, this notion put them some agitation as to our intentions, some set out on the direction towards their camps others walked about on the top of the hill and one man walked down the hill to meet us and invited us to land to which invitation i paid no kind of attention. this man i knew to be the one who had in the fall accompaned us days and is said to be the friend to the white people. after we passd. him he returned on the top of the hill and gave strokes with the gun he had in his hand this i am informed is a great oath among the indians. we proceeded on down about miles and encamped on a large sand bar in the middle of the river about miles above our encampment on mud island on the th septr. haveing made miles only to day. saw several indians on the hills at a distance this evening viewing us. our encampment of this evening was a very disagreable one, bleak exposed to the winds, and the sand wet. i pitched on this situation to prevent being disturbed by those scioux in the course of the night as well as to avoid the musquetors-. killed whistleing squirels. [clark, august , ] saturday st august all wet and disagreeable this morning. at half past last night the wind shifted about to the n. w. and it began to rain with hard claps of thunder and lightning the clouds passd over and the wind shifted about to the s w. & blew with great violence so much so that all hands were obliged to hold the canoes & perogue to prevent their being blown off from the sand bar, however a suden squal of wind broke the cables of the two small canoes and with some dificuelty they were got to shore soon after the canoes in which sergt. pryor and the indians go in broke loose with wiser and willard in them and were blown quite across the river to the n e. shore where fortunately they arived safe, i sent sergt. jo ordway with a small perogue and men to prosue the canoes and assist them in effecting a landing, those canoes being tied together men could not manage them, the wind slackened a little and by a.m. sergt ordway with willard wiser and the canoes returned all safe, the wind continud to blow and it rained untill day light all wet and disagreeable. all the party examind their arms and put them in order and we set out and proceeded on down. saw several indians on the hills untill we passed the island of cedar a. m the morning cloudy and wind down the the river at p.m. passed the doome and lowest village of barking squirels. this is also the highest up the river where i observed the fox squirel in the bottom above the doome on n. e side i killed fox squirels. we saw no game of any kind to day as the banks as usial. the sun shone with a number of flying clouds. we encamped on the n. e. side a little below our encampment of the th of septr. on no preserve island haveing come miles. [clark, september , ] monday st of september musquitors very troublesom last night, we set out at the usial hour and had not proceeded on far before the fog became so thick that we were oblige to come too and delay half an hour for the fog to pass off which it did in some measure and we again proceded on r. jo. fields and shannon landed on an ponceras island to try to kill some deer which was seen on the beech and the canoes all passed them at a. m we passed the enterance of river quiequur which had the same appearance it had when we passed up water rapid and of a milky white colour about two miles below the quicurre, indians ran down the bank and beckened to us to land, they appeared to be a war party, and i took them to be tetons and paid no kind of attention to them further than an enquirey to what tribe they belonged, they did not give me any answer, i prosume they did not understand the man who spoke to them as he spoke but little of their language. as one canoe was yet behind we landed in an open commanding situation out of sight of the indians deturmined to delay untill they came up. about minits after we had landed several guns were fired by the indians, which we expected was at the three men behind. i calld out men and ran up with a fill deturmination to cover them if possible let the number of the indians be what they might. capt lewis hobled up on the bank and formed the remainder of the party in a situation well calculated to defend themselves and the canoes &c. when i had proceeded to the point about yards i discovered the canoe about mile above & the indians where we had left them. i then walked on the sand beech and the indians came down to meet me i gave them my hand and enquired of them what they were shooting at, they informed me that they were shooting off their guns at an old keg which we had thrown out of one of the canoes and was floating down. those indians informed me they were yanktons, one of the men with me knew one of the indians to be the brother of young durion's wife. finding those indians to be yanktons i invited them down to the boats to smoke. when we arived at the canoes they all eagerly saluted the mandan chief, and we all set and smoked several pipes. i told them that we took them to be a party of tetons and the fireing i expected was at the three men in the rear canoe and i had went up with a full intention to kill them all if they had been tetons & fired on the canoe as we first expected, but finding them yanktons and good men we were glad to see them and take them by the hand as faithfull children who had opened their ears to our councils. one of them spoke and said that their nation had opened their years, & done as we had directed them ever since we gave the meadel to their great chief, and should continue to do as we had told them we enquired if any of their chiefs had gone down with mr. durion, the answered that their great chief and many of their brave men had gone down, that the white people had built a house near the mahar village where they traded. we tied a piec of ribon to each mans hair and gave them some corn of which they appeared much pleased. the mandan cheif gave a par of elegant legins to the principal man of the indian party, which is an indian fashion. the canoe & men haveing joined us we took our leave of this party telling them to return to their band and listen to our councils which we had before given to them. their band of lodges were on plum creek a fiew miles to north. those nine men had five fusees and bows & quivers of arrows. at p.m. we came too on the upper point of bon homme opposit the antient fortification and sent out men to hunt on each side and on the island. and the canoes on each side of the island to receive any meat might be killed i walked on the n. e. main shore found the bottom rich and thickly covered with peavine rich weed grass interwoven in such a manner with grape vines that i could not get through and was obliged to assend a high plains the passing through which i also found tiresom. the grass was nearly as high as my head and the musquitors excessively bad. at the lower point of the island all the canoes & hunters came together. labeech killed an elk only the flesh of which was brought on in the perogue. at this island we brought years together or on the st of septr. we encamped at the lower point of this island. after we all came together we again proceeded on down to a large sand bar imediately opposit to the place were we met the yanktons in council at the calumet bluffs and which place we left on the it of septr. . i observed our old flag staff or pole standing as we left it. the musquitors excessively troublesom untill about p.m. when the s w wind became strong and blew the most of them off. we came miles to day only with a head wind. the country on either side are butifull and the plains much richer below the queiquer river than above that river. [clark, september , ] tuesday nd of september set out at the usial hour passed the river jacque at a.m. in the first bottom below on the n e. side i observed the remains of a house which had been built since we passed up, this most probably was mcclellins tradeing house with the yanktons in the winter of & the wind was hard a head & continued to increas which obliged us to lay by nearly all day. as our store of meat, i took with me men and prosued a small gang of cows in the plains miles and killed two which was in very good order, had them butchered and each man took a load as much as he could carry and returned to the canoes, the wind still high and water rough we did not set out untill near sun set we proceded to a sand bar a short distance below the place we had come too on account of the wind and encamped on a sand bar, the woods being the harbor of the musquetors and the party without the means of screaning themselves from those tormenting insects. on the sand bars the wind which generaly blows moderately at night blows off those pests and we sleep soundly. the wind continued to blow hard from the same point s. e untill p. m i saw in my walk to day lynn and slipery elm. the plains are tolerably leavel on each side and very fertile. i saw prarie fowls common to the illinois, those are the highest up which have been seen, white oak is very common also white ash on the riveens and high bottoms. two turkys killed to day of which the indians very much admired being the first which they ever saw. capt l. is mending fast--we made only miles to day. [clark, september , ] wednesday rd of september wind continued to blow very hard this morning. it shifted last night to the s. w. and blew the sand over us in such a manner as to render the after part of the night very disagreeable. the wind luled a little and we set out and proceeded on with the wind a head passed the enterance of redstone river on the n e. side at a m. and at half past p. m we spied two boats & several men, our party peyed their ores and we soon landed on the side of the boats the men of these boats saluted us with their small arms i landed & was met by a mr. james airs from mackanaw by way of prarie dechien and st. louis. this gentleman is of the house of dickson & co. of prarie de chian who has a licence to trade for one year with the sieoux he has batteaux loaded with merchendize for that purpose. this gentleman receved both capt. lewis and my self with every mark of friendship he was himself at the time with a chill of the agu on him which he has had for several days. our first enquirey was after the president of our country and then our friends and the state of the politicks of our country &c. and the state indian affairs to all of which enquireys mr. aires gave us as satisfactory information as he had it in his power to have collected in the illinois which was not a great deel. soon after we landed a violent storm of thunder lightning and rain from the n w. which was violent with hard claps of thunder and sharp lightning which continued untill p m after which the wind blew hard. i set up late and partook of the tent of mr. aires which was dry. mr. aires unfortunately had his boat sunk on the of july last by a violent storm of wind and hail by which accident he lost the most of his usefull articles as he informd. us. this gentleman informed us of maney changes & misfortunes which had taken place in the illinois amongst others the loss of mr. cady choteaus house and furniture by fire. for this misfortune of our friend choteaus i feel my self very much concernd &c. he also informed us that genl. wilkinson was the governor of the louisiana and at st. louis. of the american troops had been contuned on the missouri a fiew miles above it's mouth, some disturbance with the spaniards in the nackatosh country is the cause of their being called down to that country, the spaniards had taken one of the u, states frigates in the mediteranean, two british ships of the line had fired on an american ship in the port of new york, and killed the capts. brother. indians had been hung in st. louis for murder and several others in jale. and that mr. burr & genl. hambleton fought a duel, the latter was killed &c. &c. i am happy to find that my worthy friend capt l's is so well as to walk about with ease to himself &c., we made miles to day the river much crowded with sand bars, which are very differently situated from what they were when we went up. [clark, september , ] thursday th september the musquitors became troublesom early this morning i rose at the usial hour found all the party as wet as rain could make them. as we were in want of some tobacco i purposed to mr. airs to furnish us with carrots for which we would pay the amount to any merchant of st. louis he very readily agreed to furnish us with tobacco and gave to each man as much as it is necessary for them to use between this and st. louis, an instance of generossity for which every man of the party appears to acknowledge. mr. airs also insisted on our accepting a barrel of flourwe gave to this gentleman what corn we could spear amounting to about bushels, this corn was well calculated for his purpose as he was about to make his establishment and would have it in his power to hull the corn & the flower was very acceptable to us. we have yet a little flour part of what we carried up from the illinois as high as maria's river and buried it there untill our return &c. at a. m we took our leave and set out, and proceeded on very well, at a.m. passed the enterance of the big sieoux river which is low, and at meridian we came too at floyds bluff below the enterance of floyds river and assended the hill, with capt lewis and several men, found the grave had been opened by the nativs and left half covered. we had this grave completely filled up, and returned to the canoes and proceeded on to the sand bar on which we encamped from the th to the th of august near the mahar village, here we came to and derected every wet article put out to dry, all the bedding of the party and skins being wet. as it was late in the evening we deturmined to continue all night. had issued to each man of the party a cup of flour. we see no species of game on the river as usial except wild geese and pelicans. i observed near sergt floyds grave a number of flurishing black walnut trees, these are the first which i have seen decending the river. a little before night several guns were heard below and in a direction towards the mahar village which induced us to suspect that mr. mcclellin who we was informed was on his way up to trade with the mahars had arived at the creek below and that those reports of guns was some of his party out hunting. every thing being dry we derected the perogue & canoes to be loaded and in readiness to set out in the morning early. at dark the musquetors became troublesom and continued so all night the party obtained but little sleep--we made miles only to daye. [clark, september , ] friday th september the musquetors being so excessively tormenting that the party was all on board and we set out at day light and proceeded on very well. here the river is bordered on both sides with timber &c becoms much narrower more crooked and the current more rapid and crouded with snags or sawyers than it is above, and continus so all day. we did not meet with mcclellen as we expected at the creek. the report of the guns which was heard must have been the mahars who most probably have just arrived at their village from hunting the buffalow. this is a season they usialy return to their village to secure their crops of corn beens punkins &c &c. proceeded on very well passd. the blue stone bluff at p. m here the river leaves the high lands and meanders through a low rich bottom. encamped on the s w side on a sand bar at a cut off a little below our encampment of the th of august . haveing made miles to day- capt. lewis still in a convelesent state. we saw no game on the shores to day worth killig only such as pelicans geese ducks, eagles and hawks &c.- [clark, september , ] saturday th of september the musquetors excessively troublesom we set out early at the great cut off saw a herd of elk, we landed and sent out several hunters to kill some of the elk, they returnd. without killing any as the elk was wild and ran off much fritened. i sent the two small canoes on a head with derections to hunt in two bottoms below, and after a delay of half an hour proceeded on wind-hard a head at the lower point of pelecan island a little above the petite river de seeoux we met a tradeing boat of mr. ag. choteaux of st louis bound to the river jacque to trade with the yanktons, this boat was in care of a mr. henry delorn, he had exposed all his loading and sent out five of his hands to hunt they soon arived with an elk. we purchased a gallon of whiskey of this man and gave to each man of the party a dram which is the first spiritious licquor which had been tasted by any of them since the of july . several of the party exchanged leather for linen shirts and beaver for corse hats. those men could inform us nothing more than that all the troops had movd. from the illinois and that genl. wilkinson was prepareing to leave st. louis. we advised this trader to treat the tetons with as much contempt as possible and stated to him where he would be benefited by such treatment &c &c. and at p. m set out those men gave us shots from a swivell they had on the bow of their boat which we returned in our turn. proceeded on about miles and came up with two of the hunters, they had not killd. any thing. at miles we over took the canoe of the other hunters with shannon in it floating down, the two fields being in the woods behind we came too on a sand bar on the n. e. side and delayed all the after part of the day for the two fields, sent out men to hunt in the bottom up the river and observe if they saw any sign of the hunters. the evening proved cloudy and the wind blew hard two pelicans were killed to day. we came miles only to day the fieldses did not join us i think they are below. the chief & the squaws & children are awarey of their journey. children cry &c. [clark, september , ] sunday th september as we were doubtfull that the two fieldses were behind i derected sergt. ordway with men to continue untill meridian and if those men did not arive by that hour to proceed on. if we met with them at any short distance a gun should be fired which would be a signal for him to proceed on. we had proceeded on about miles by water and the distance through not more than mile when we saw the fire of those men, i derected a gun fired as a signal for sergt. ordway to proceed on, and took the boys on board. they had killed nothing & informed me they had been somewhat almd. at our delay, that the distance across from the little sieoux river was about / miles only, the bottoms thick and grass very high. we proceded on with a stiff breeze ahead (note the evaperation on this portion of the missouri has been noticed as we assended this river, and it now appears to be greater than it was at that time. i am obliged to replenish my ink stand every day with fresh ink at least / of which must evaperate.) we proceded on to a bottom on the s w side a little above the soldiers river and came too and sent out all the hunters. they killed elk which was at no great distance we sent out the men and had the flesh brought in cooked and dined. sergt. ordway came up & after takeing a sumptious dinner we all set out at p m wind ahead as usial. at dusk we came too on the lower part of a sand bar on the s w side found the musquetors excessively tormenting not withstanding a stiff breeze from the s. e. a little after dark the wind increased the musquetors dispersed our camp of this night is about miles below our encampment of the th of august ascending we came miles to day only [clark, september , ] munday th september set out very early this morning, passed an old tradeing house on the s w side a few miles above the council bluffs, at a m we came too at the bluffs and capt lewis and myself walked up on the bluffs and around to examine the country and situation more particularly, the situation appeared to us eaqually as eligable as when we passed up for an establishment, the hill high and commanding with a high rich bottom of great extent below. we proceeded on very well all being anxious to get to the river platt to day they ply'd their orers very well, and we arived at our old encampment at white catfish camp miles above the river platt at which place we lay from the th to the th of july here we encamped haveing made miles to day. the missouri at this place does not appear to contain more water than it did miles above this, the evaperation must be emence; in the last miles this river receives the water rivers and maney creeks several of the rivers large and the size of this river or the quantity of water does not appear to increas any- [clark, september , ] tuesday th september set out early at a. m passed the enterance of the great river platt which is at this time low the water nearly clear the current turbelant as usial; the sand bars which choked up the missouri and confined the river to a narrow snagey chanel are wastd a way and nothing remains but a fiew small remains of the bear which is covered with drift wood, below the r. platt the current of the missouri becomes evidently more rapid than above and the snags much more noumerous and bad to pass late in the evening we arived at the bald pated prarie and encamped imediately opposit our encampment of the th and th of july . haveing made miles only to day. the river bottoms are extencive rich and covered with tall large timber, and the hollows of the reveins may be said to be covered with timber such as oake ash elm and some walnut & hickory. our party appears extreamly anxious to get on, and every day appears produce new anxieties in them to get to their country and friends. my worthy friend cap lewis has entirely recovered his wounds are heeled up and he can walk and even run nearly as well as ever he could. the parts are yet tender &c. &. the musquetors are yet troublesom, tho not so much so as they were above the river platt. the climate is every day preceptably wormer and air more sultery than i have experienced for a long time. the nights are now so worm that i sleep comfortable under a thin blanket, a fiew days past was not more than sufficient [clark, september , ] wednesday th of september we set out very early this morning and proceeded on very well with wind moderately a head at ____ p m we met a mr. alexander la fass and three french men from st. louis in a small perogue on his way to the river platt to trade with the pania luup or wolf indians. this man was extreemly friendly to us he offered us any thing he had, we axcepted of a bottle of whisky only which we gave to our party, mr. la frost informed us that genl. wilkinson and all the troops had decended the mississippi and mr. pike and young mr. wilkinson had set out on an expedition up the arkansaw river or in that direction after a delay of half an hour we proceedd on about miles and met a large perogue and men from st. louis bound to the mahars for the purpose of trade, this perogue was in charge of a mt. la craw, we made some fiew enquiries of this man and again proceeded on through a very bad part of the river crouded with snags & sawyers and incamped on a sand bar about miles above the grand nemahar. we find the river in this timbered country narrow and more moveing sands and a much greater quantity of sawyers or snags than above. great caution and much attention is required to stear clear of all those dificuelties in this low state of the water. we made miles to day. we saw deer rackoons and turkies on the shores to day one of the men killed a racoon which the indians very much admired. [clark, september , ] thursday th septr. a heavy cloud and wind from the n w. detained us untill after sunrise at which time we set out and proceeded on very well, passed the nemahar which was low and did not appear as wide as when we passed up. wolf river scercely runs at all, at p. m we halted a little above the nadawa river on the s. side of the missouri to kill some meat that which we killed a fiew days past being all spoiled. sent out hunters they killed and brought in two deer only, we proceeded on a fiew miles below the nadawa island and encamped on a small isld. near the n. e. side, haveing came miles only to day, river rapid and in maney places crouded with snag's. i observe on the shores much deer sign--the mosquitoes are no longer troublesome on the river, from what cause they are noumerous above and not so on this part of the river i cannot account. wolves were howling in different directions this evening after we had encamped, and the barking of the little prarie wolves resembled those of our common small dogs that / of the party believed them to be the dogs of some boat assending which was yet below us. the barking of those little wolves i have frequently taken notice of on this as also the other side of the rocky mountains, and their bark so much resembles or sounds to me like our common small cur dogs that i have frequently mistaken them for that speces of dog--the papaws nearly ripe [clark, september , ] friday th of september a thick fog a litile before day which blew off at day light. a heavy dew this morning. we set out at sunrise the usial hour and proceeded on very well about miles met perogues from st. louis one contained the property of mr. choteau bound to the panias on river platt, the other going up trapping as high as the mahars. here we met one of the french men who had accompanied us as high as the mandans he informed us that mr. mcclellen was a fiew miles below the wind blew a head soon after we pased those perogues, we saw a man on shore who informed us that he was one of mr. mcclellens party and that he was a short distance below, we took this man on board and proceeded on and met mr. mcclellin at the st. michl. prarie we came too here we found mr. jo. gravelin the ricaras enterpreter whome we had sent down with a ricaras chief in the spring of and old mr. durion the sieux enterpreter, we examined the instructions of those interpreters and found that gravelin was ordered to the ricaras with a speach from the president of the u. states to that nation and some presents which had been given the ricara cheif who had visited the u. states and unfortunately died at the city of washington, he was instructed to teach the ricaras agriculture & make every enquirey after capt lewis my self and the party mr. durion was enstructed to accompany gravelin and through his influence pass him with his presents & by the tetons bands of sieux, and to provale on some of the principal chiefs of those bands not exceeding six to visit the seat of the government next spring he was also enstructed to make every enquirey after us. we made some small addition to his instructions by extending the number of chiefs to or or from each band including the yanktons &c. mr. mcclellin receved us very politely, and gave us all the news and occurrences which had taken place in the illinois within his knowledge the evening proveing to be wet and cloudy we concluded to continue all night, we despatched the two canoes a head to hunt with hunters in them [clark, september , ] saturday th september rose early mr. mcclellen gave each man a dram and a little after sunrise we set out the wind hard a head from the s e at a m we landed at the camp of the hunters whome we had sent a head, they had killed nothing, the wind being too high for us to proceed in safty through the emecity of snags which was imediately below we concluded to lye by and sent on the small canoes a short distance to hunt and kill some meat, we sent out men in the bottom they soon returned with one turky and informed that the rushes was so high and thick that it was impossible to kill any deer. i felt my self very unwell and derected a little chocolate which mr. mcclellen gave us, prepared of which i drank about a pint and found great relief at a.m. we proceeded on about mile and come up with the hunters who had killed deer, here we delayed untill p. m when the hunters all joined us and we again proceded on down a fiew miles and encamped on the n e side of the missouri haveing decended miles only to day. the day disagreeably worm. one man george shannon left his horn and pouch with his powder ball and knife and did not think of it untill night. i walked in the bottom in the thick rushes and the growth of timber common to the illinois such as cotton wood, sycamore, ash mulberry, elm of different species, walnut, hickory, horn beem, pappaw arrow wood willow, prickly ash, &c and grape vines, pees of species &c &c. birds most common the buzzard crow the hooting owl and hawks, &c. &c.- [clark, september , ] sunday th sept. set out early and proceeded on very well. this being the part of the missouri the kanzas nation resort to at this season of the year for the purpose of robbing the perogues passing up to other nations above, we have every reason to expect to meet with them, and agreeably to their common custom of examining every thing in the perogues and takeing what they want out of them, it is probable they may wish to take those liberties with us, which we are deturmined not to allow of and for the smallest insult we shall fire on them. at p.m. a little below the lower of the old kanzas village we met three large boats bound to the yanktons and mahars the property of mr. lacroy, mr. aiten & mr. coutau all from st. louis, those young men received us with great friendship and pressed on us some whisky for our men, bisquet, pork and onions, & part of their stores, we continued near hours with those boats, makeing every enquirey into the state of our friends and country &c. those men were much affraid of meeting with the kanzas. we saw deer on the banks and in the river to day of which we killed those deer were meager. we proceeded on to an island near the middle of the river below our encampment of the st of july and encamped haveing decended only miles to day. our party received a dram and sung songs untill oclock at night in the greatest harmoney. [clark, september , ] monday th of september we set out early with a stiff breeze a head saw several deer swiming the river soon after we set out. at a.m. passed the enterance of the kanzas river which was very low, about a mile below we landed and capt lewis and my self assended a hill which appeared to have a commanding situation for a fort, the shore is bold and rocky imediately at the foot of the hill, from the top of the hill you have a perfect command of the river, this hill fronts the kanzas and has a view of the missouri a short distance above that river. we landed one time only to let the men geather pappaws or the custard apple of which this country abounds, and the men are very fond of. we discovered a buck elk on a small island, and sent the fields and shannon in pursute of it they soon came up with and killed the elk, he was large and in fine order we had his flesh secured and divided. as the winds were unfabourable the greater part of the day we only decended miles and encamped a short distance above hay cabin creek we are not tormented by the musquetors in this lower portion of the river, as we were above the river plat and as high up as the rochejhone and for a fiew miles up that river, and above its enterance into the missouri. we passd some of the most charming bottom lands to day and the uplands by no means bad, all well timberd. the weather disagreeably worm and if it was not for the constant winds which blow from the s. and s e. we should be almost suficated comeing out of a northern country open and cool between the latd. of ° and ° north in which we had been for nearly two years, rapidly decending into a woody country in a wormer climate between the latds. °& ° north is probably the cause of our experiencing the heat much more senceable than those who have continued within the parralel of latitude. [clark, september , ] tuesday th september we set out early this morning and proceded on tolerably well the day proved excessively worm and disagreeable, so much so that the men rowed but little, at a m we met a large tradeing perogue bound for the panias we continued but a short time with them. at a. m we met young mr. bobidoux with a large boat of six ores and canoes, the licenes of this young man was to trade with the panias mahars and ottoes reather an extroadanary a license for young a man and without the seal of the teritory anexed, as genl. wilkensons signeture was not to this instrement we were somewhat doubtfull of it. mr. browns signeture we were not acquainted with without the teritorial seal. we made some enquireys of this young man and cautioned him against prosueing the steps of his brother in attempting to degrade the american charector in the eyes of the indians. we proceeded on to an island a little above our encampment of the th & th of june haveing came miles only to day. [clark, september , ] wednesday th september we set out as usial early pass the island of the little osage village which is considered by the navigater of this river to be the worst place in it. at this place water of the missouri is confined between an island and the s e main shore and passes through a narrow chanel for more than miles which is crouded with snags in maney places quite across obligeing the navigater to pica, his passage between those snags as he can, in maney places the current passing with great velocity against the banks which cause them to fall &c. at a.m. we met a captain mcclellin late a capt. of artily of the u states army assending in a large boat. this gentleman an acquaintance of my friend capt. lewis was somewhat astonished to see us return and appeared rejoiced to meet us. we found him a man of information and from whome we received a partial account of the political state of our country, we were makeing enquires and exchangeing answers &c. untill near mid night. this gentleman informed us that we had been long since given out by the people of the u s generaly and almost forgotton, the president of the u. states had yet hopes of us; we received some civilities of capt. mcclellin, he gave us some buisquit, chocolate sugar & whiskey, for which our party were in want and for which we made a return of a barrel of corn & much obliges to him. capt. mcclellin informed us that he was on reather a speculative expedition to the confines of new spain, with the view to entroduce a trade with those people. his plan is to proceede up this river to the entcrance of the river platt there to form an establishment from which to trade partially with the panas & ottoes, to form an acquaintance with the panias and provail some of their principal chiefs to accompany him to santa fee where he will appear in a stile calculated to atract the spanish government in that quarter and through the influence of a handsome present he expects to be promited to exchange his merchindize for silver & gold of which those people abound. he has a kind of introductory speach from govr. wilkinson to the panias and ottoes and a quantity of presents of his own which he purposes distributing to the panias and eleatans with a view to gain their protection in the execution of his plans, if the spanish governmt. favour his plans, he purposes takeing his merchendize on mules & horses which can easily be procured of the panias, to some point convenient to the spanish settlements within the louisiana teritory to which place the inhabitants of new mexico may meet him for the purpose of trade &c. capt mcclellins plan i think a very good one if strictly prosued &c. we sent hunters a head with directions to halt below grand river and hunt untill we arived which would be in the morning. this day proved worme. we decended only miles to day and encamped miles above grand river on s e. side. [clark, september , ] thursday th of september we rose early capt mcclellin wrote a letter and we took our leave, and proceeded on passed the grand river at a m. a short distance below we came up with our hunters, they had killed nothing. at oclock we came too and gathered pottows to eate we have nothing but a fiew buisquit to eate and are partly compelled to eate poppows which we find in great quantities on the shores, the weather we found excessively hot as usial. the lands fine particularly the bottoms. a charming oake bottom on the s e side of the missouri above the charletons rivers we find the current of this part of the missouri much more jentle than it was as we assended, the water is now low and where it is much confin'd it is rapid. we saw very little appearance of deer, saw one bear at a distance and turkeys only to day. our party entirely out of provisions subsisting on poppaws. we divide the buiskit which amounted to nearly one buisket per man, this in addition to the poppaws is to last is down to the settlement's which is miles the party appear perfectly contented and tell us that they can live very well on the pappaws. we made miles to day only. one of our party j. potts complains very much of one of his eyes which is burnt by the sun from exposeing his face without a cover from the sun. shannon also complains of his face & eyes &c. encamped on an island nearly opposit to the enterance of mine river. [clark, september , ] friday th of sept. set out this morning a little after day & proceeded on very well the men ply their oares & we decended with great velocity, only came too once for the purpose of gathering pappows, our anxiety as also the wish of the party to proceed on as expeditiously as possible to the illinois enduce us to continue on without halting to hunt. we calculate on ariveing at the first settlements on tomorrow evening which is miles, and objecet of our party is to divide the distance into two days, this day to the osarge river, and tomorrow to the charriton a small french village--we arived at the enterance of osage river at dark and encamped on the spot we had encamped on the st & d of june haveing came miles. a very singular disorder is takeing place amongst our party that of the sore eyes. three of the party have their eyes inflamed and sweled in such a manner as to render them extreamly painfull, particularly when exposed to the light, the eye ball is much inflaimed and the lid appears burnt with the sun, the cause of this complaint of the eye i can't account for. from it's sudden appearance i am willing to believe it may be owing to the reflection of the sun on the water [clark, september , ] saturday th septr. as three of the party was unabled to row from the state of their eyes we found it necessary to leave one of our crafts and divide the men into the other canoes, we left the two canoes lashed together which i had made high up the river rochejhone, those canoes we set a drift and a little after day light we set out and proceeded on very well. the osage river very low and discharges but a small quantity of water at this time for so large a river. at meridian we passed the enterance of the gasconnade river below which we met a perogue with french men bound to the osarge gd. village. the party being extreemly anxious to get down ply their ores very well, we saw some cows on the bank which was a joyfull sight to the party and caused a shout to be raised for joy at ____ p m we came in sight of the little french village called charriton the men raised a shout and sprung upon their ores and we soon landed opposit to the village. our party requested to be permited to fire off their guns which was alowed & they discharged rounds with a harty cheer, which was returned from five tradeing boats which lay opposit the village. we landed and were very politely received by two young scotch men from canada one in the employ of mr. aird a mr. ____ and the other mr. reed, two other boats the property of mr. lacomb & mr. ____ all of those boats were bound to the osage and ottoes. those two young scotch gentlemen furnished us with beef flower and some pork for our men, and gave us a very agreeable supper. as it was like to rain we accepted of a bed in one of their tents. we purchased of a citizen two gallons of whiskey for our party for which we were obliged to give eight dollars in cash, an imposition on the part of the citizen. every person, both french and americans seem to express great pleasure at our return, and acknowledged them selves much astonished in seeing us return. they informed us that we were supposed to have been lost long since, and were entirely given out by every person &c. those boats are from canada in the batteaux form and wide in perpotion to their length. their length about feet and the width feet & pointed bow & stern, flat bottom and rowing six ores only the skeneckeity form. those bottoms are prepared for the navigation of this river, i beleive them to be the best calculated for the navigation of this river of any which i have seen. they are wide and flat not subject to the dangers of the roleing sands, which larger boats are on this river. the american inhabitants express great disgust for the govermt of this teritory. from what i can lern it arises from a disapmt. of getting all the spanish grants confirmed-. came ms. to day. [clark, september , ] sunday st septr. rose early this morning colected our men several of them had axcepted of the invitation of the citizens and visited their families. at half after a. m we set out. passed canoes of kickapoos assending on a hunting expedition. saw several persons also stock of different kind on the bank which reviv'd the party very much. at p m we met two large boats assending. at p m we arived in sight of st. charles, the party rejoiced at the sight of this hospital village plyed thear ores with great dexterity and we soon arived opposit the town, this day being sunday we observed a number of gentlemen and ladies walking on the bank, we saluted the village by three rounds from our blunderbuts and the small arms of the party, and landed near the lower part of the town. we were met by great numbers of the inhabitants, we found them excessively polite. we received invitations from several of those gentlemen a mr. proulx, taboe, decett, tice dejonah & quarie and several who were pressing on us to go to their houses, we could only visit mr. proulx and mr. deucett in the course of the evening. mr. querie under took to supply our party with provisions &c. the inhabitants of this village appear much delighted at our return and seem to vie with each other in their politeness to us all. we came only miles today. the banks of the river thinly settled &c. [clark, september , ] monday nd of sept. this morning being very wet and the rain still continueing hard, and our party being all sheltered in the houses of those hospitable people, we did not think proper to proceed on untill after the rain was over, and continued at the house of mr. proulx. i took this oppertunity of writeing to my friends in kentucky &c. at a m. it seased raining and we colected our party and set out and proceeded on down to the contonemt. at coldwater creek about miles up the missouri on it's southern banks, at this place we found colo. hunt & a lieut peters & one company of artillerists we were kindly received by the gentlemen of this place. mrs. wilkinson the lady of the govr. & genl. we wer sorry to find in delicate health. we were honored with a salute of ____ guns and a harty welcom at this place there is a publick store kept in which i am informed the u. s have $ worth of indian goods [clark, september , ] thursday rd of septr. we rose early took the chief to the publick store & furnished him with some clothes &c. took an early breckfast with colo. hunt and set out decended to the mississippi and down that river to st. louis at which place we arived about oclock. we suffered the party to fire off their pieces as a salute to the town. we were met by all the village and received a harty welcom from it's inhabitants &. here i found my old acquaintance majr. w. christy who had settled in this town in a public line as a tavern keeper. he furnished us with store rooms for our baggage and we accepted of the invitation of mr. peter choteau and took a room in his house we payed a friendly visit to mr august chotau and some of our old friends this evening. as the post had departed from st. louis capt lewis wrote a note to mr. hay in kahoka to detain the post at that place untill tomorrow which was reather later than his usial time of leaveing it [clark, september , ] wednesday th of september i sleped but little last night however we rose early and commencd wrighting our letters capt. lewis wrote one to the presidend and i wrote govr. harrison & my friends in kentucky and sent of george drewyer with those letters to kohoka & delivered them to mr. hays &. we dined with mr. chotoux to day, and after dinner went to a store and purchased some clothes, which we gave to a tayler and derected to be made. capt lewis in opening his trunk found all his papers wet, and some seeds spoiled [clark, september , ] thursday th of septr. had all of our skins &c. suned and stored away in a storeroom of mr. caddy choteau. payed some visits of form, to the gentlemen of st. louis. in the evening a dinner & ball [clark, september , ] friday th of september a fine morning we commenced wrighting &c. oregon and eldorado. oregon and eldorado; or, romance of the rivers. by thomas bulfinch, author of "the age of fable," "the age of chivalry," etc. boston: j. e. tilton and company. . entered, according to act of congress, in the year , by thomas bulfinch, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. stereotyped by c. j. peters and son. printed by george c. rand and avery. preface. when one observes attentively the maps of south and north america, no feature appears more striking than the provision which nature seems to have made, in both continents, for water-communication across the breadth of each. in the northern continent, this channel of communication is formed by the missouri and columbia rivers, which stretch over an extent of three thousand miles, interrupted only by the ridge of the rocky mountains. in the southern continent, the river amazon, in its path from the andes to the sea, traverses a course of thirty-three hundred miles. in both cases, a few hundred miles of land-carriage will complete the transit from ocean to ocean. the analogy presented in the length and direction of these magnificent water-pathways is preserved in their history. a series of romantic adventures attaches to each. i indulge the hope, that young readers who have so favorably received my former attempts to amuse and instruct them, in my several works reviving the fabulous legends of remote ages, will find equally attractive these true narratives of bold adventure, whose date is comparatively recent. moreover, their scenes are laid, in the one instance, in our own country; and, in the other, in that great and rising empire of brazil to which our distinguished naturalist, prof. agassiz, has gone on a pilgrimage of science. it will enable us better to appreciate the discoveries and observations which the professor will lay before us on his return, to know something beforehand of the history and peculiarities of the region which is the scene of his labors; and, on the other hand, the route across the north-american continent, to which the first part of the volume relates, deprives increased interest, at this time, from the fact that it nearly corresponds to the route of the contemplated northern pacific railroad. boston, june, . t. b. contents. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river chapter ii. lewis and clarke chapter iii. the sioux chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters chapter v. indian tribes chapter vi. the march resumed chapter vii. the journey continued chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia chapter ix. the party in the boats chapter x. the descent of the columbia chapter xi. clarke's river chapter xii. kooskooskee river chapter xiii. winter-quarters chapter xiv. a new year chapter xv. winter life chapter xvi. the return chapter xvii. the rocky mountains chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone eldorado. chapter i. the discovery chapter ii. orellana descends the river chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued chapter iv. sir walter raleigh chapter v. raleigh's first expedition chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition chapter viii. the french philosophers chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued chapter xi. herndon's expedition chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded chapter xv. latest explorations chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon chapter xvii. animated nature oregon. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river. a few years ago, there was still standing in bowdoin square, boston, opposite the revere house, an ancient mansion, since removed to make room for the granite range called the coolidge building. in that mansion, then neither old nor inelegant, but, on the contrary, having good pretensions to rank among the principal residences of the place, was assembled, in the year , a group, consisting of the master of the mansion, dr. bulfinch, his only son charles, and joseph barrell, their neighbor, an eminent merchant of boston. the conversation turned upon the topic of the day,--the voyages and discoveries of capt. cook, the account of which had lately been published. the brilliant achievements of capt. cook, his admirable qualities, and his sad fate (slain by the chance stroke of a sandwich-islander, in a sudden brawl which arose between the sailors and the natives),--these formed the current of the conversation; till at last it changed, and turned more upon the commercial aspects of the subject. mr. barrell was particularly struck with what cook relates of the abundance of valuable furs offered by the natives of the country in exchange for beads, knives, and other trifling commodities valued by them. the remark of capt. cook respecting the sea-otter was cited:-- "this animal abounds here: the fur is softer and finer than that of any other we know of; and therefore the discovery of this part of the continent, where so valuable an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference." he adds in a note, "the sea-otter skins are sold by the russians to the chinese at from sixteen to twenty pounds each." mr. barrell remarked, "there is a rich harvest to be reaped there by those who shall first go in." the idea thus suggested was followed out in future conversations at the doctor's fireside, admitting other congenial spirits to the discussion, and resulted in the equipping of an expedition consisting of two vessels, the ship "columbia" and sloop "washington," to make the proposed adventure. the partners in the enterprise were joseph barrell, samuel brown, charles bulfinch, john derby, crowell hatch, and j. m. pintard. so important was the expedition deemed by the adventurers themselves, that they caused a medal to be struck, bearing on one side a representation of the two vessels under sail, and on the other the names of the parties to the enterprise. several copies of this medal were made both in bronze and silver, and distributed to public bodies and distinguished individuals. one of these medals lies before the writer as he pens these lines. a representation is subjoined:-- [illustration] the expedition was also provided with sea-letters, issued by the federal government agreeably to a resolution of congress, and with passports from the state of massachusetts; and they received letters from the spanish minister plenipotentiary in the united states, recommending them to the attention of the authorities of his nation on the pacific coast. the "columbia" was commanded by john kendrick, to whom was intrusted the general control of the expedition. the master of the "washington" was robert gray. the two vessels sailed together from boston on the th of september, : thence they proceeded to the cape verde islands, and thence to the falkland islands, in each of which groups they procured refreshments. in january, , they doubled cape horn; immediately after which they were separated during a violent gale. the "washington," continuing her course through the pacific, made the north-west coast in august, near the th degree of latitude. here capt. gray thought he perceived indications of the mouth of a river; but he was unable to ascertain the fact, in consequence of his vessel having grounded, and been attacked by the savages, who killed one of his men, and wounded the mate. but she escaped without further injury, and, on the th of september, reached nootka sound, which had been agreed upon as the port of re-union in case of separation. the "columbia" did not enter the sound until some days afterward. the two vessels spent their winter in the sound; where the "columbia" also lay during the following summer, collecting furs, while capt. gray, in the "washington," explored the adjacent waters. on his return to nootka, it was agreed upon between the two captains that kendrick should take command of the sloop, and remain on the coast, while gray, in the "columbia," should carry to canton all the furs which had been collected by both vessels. this was accordingly done; and gray arrived on the th of december at canton, where he sold his furs, and took in a cargo of tea, with which he entered boston on the th of august, , having carried the flag of the united states for the first time round the world. kendrick, immediately on parting with the "columbia," proceeded with the "washington" to the strait of fuca, through which he sailed, in its whole length, to its issue in the pacific, in lat. . to him belongs the credit of ascertaining that nootka and the parts adjacent are an island, to which the name of vancouver's island has since been given, which it now retains. vancouver was a british commander who followed in the track of the americans a year later. the injustice done to kendrick by thus robbing him of the credit of his discovery is but one of many similar instances; the greatest of all being that by which our continent itself bears the name, not of columbus, but of a subsequent navigator. capt. kendrick, during the time occupied by gray in his return voyage, besides collecting furs, engaged in various speculations; one of which was the collection, and transportation to china, of the odoriferous wood called "sandal," which grows in many of the tropical islands of the pacific, and is in great demand throughout the celestial empire, for ornamental fabrics, and also for medicinal purposes. vancouver pronounced this scheme chimerical; but experience has shown that it was founded on just calculations, and the business has ever since been prosecuted with advantage, especially by americans. another of kendrick's speculations has not hitherto produced any fruit. in the summer of , he purchased from maquinna, wicanish, and other indian chiefs, several large tracts of land near nootka sound, for which he obtained deeds, duly _marked_ by those personages, and witnessed by the officers and men of the "washington." attempts were afterwards made by the owners of the vessel to sell these lands in london, but no purchasers were found; and applications have since been addressed by the legal representatives of the owners to the government of the united states for a confirmation of the title, but hitherto without success. capt. kendrick lost his life by a singular accident. in exchanging salutes with a spanish vessel which they met at the sandwich islands, the wad of the gun of the spaniard struck capt. kendrick as he stood on the deck of his vessel, conspicuous in his dress-coat and cocked hat as commander of the expedition. it was instantly fatal. the ship "columbia" returned to boston from canton under the command of gray, as already stated, arriving on the th of august, ; but the cargo of chinese articles brought by her was insufficient to cover the expenses of her voyage: nevertheless her owners determined to persevere in the enterprise, and refitted the ship for a new voyage of the same kind. the "columbia," under her former captain, gray, left boston, on her second voyage, on the th of september, , and, without the occurrence of any thing worthy of note, arrived at clyoquot, near the entrance of fuca's strait, on the th of june, . there, and in the neighboring waters, she remained through the summer and winter following, engaged in trading and exploring. in the spring of , gray took his departure in the ship, on a cruise southward, along the coast, bent on ascertaining the truth of appearances which had led him in the former voyage to suspect the existence of a river discharging its waters at or about the latitude of degrees. during his cruise, he met the english vessels commanded by commodore vancouver. "on the th of april," vancouver writes in his journal, "at four o'clock, a sail was discovered to the westward, standing in shore. this was a very great novelty, not having seen any vessel but our consort during the last eight months. she soon hoisted american colors, and fired a gun to leeward. at six, we spoke her. she proved to be the ship 'columbia,' commanded by capt. robert gray, belonging to boston, whence she had been absent nineteen months. i sent two of my officers on board to acquire such information as might be serviceable in our future operations. capt. gray informed them of his having been off the mouth of a river, in the latitude of degrees minutes, for nine days; but the outset or reflux was so strong as to prevent his entering." to this statement of capt. gray, vancouver gave little credit. he remarks, "i was thoroughly persuaded, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not have passed any safe navigable opening, harbor, or place of security for shipping, from cape mendocino to fuca's strait." after parting with the english ships, gray sailed along the coast of the continent southward; and on the th of may, , he "saw an entrance which had a very good appearance of a harbor." passing through this entrance, he found himself in a bay, "well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits," where he remained three days trading with the natives, and then resumed his voyage, bestowing on the place thus discovered the name of bulfinch's harbor, in honor of one of the owners of his ship. this is now known as gray's harbor. at daybreak on the th, after leaving bulfinch's harbor, gray observed the entrance of his desired port, bearing east-south-east, distant six leagues; and running into it with all sails set, between the breakers, he anchored at one o'clock in a large river of fresh water, ten miles above its mouth. at this spot he remained three days, engaged in trading with the natives, and filling his casks with water; and then sailed up the river about twelve miles along its northern shore, where, finding that he could proceed no farther from having taken the wrong channel, he again came to anchor. on the th, he recrossed the bar at the mouth of the river, and regained the pacific. on leaving the river, gray gave it the name of his ship, the columbia, which it still bears. he called the southern point of land, at the entrance, cape adams; and the northern, cape hancock. the former of these names retains its place in the maps, the latter does not; the promontory being known as cape disappointment,--a name it received from lieut. meares, an english navigator, who, like capt. gray, judged from appearances that there was the outlet of a river at that point, but failed to find it, and recorded his failure in the name he assigned to the conspicuous headland which marked the place of his fruitless search. note. as the discovery of columbia river was an event of historical importance, the reader will perhaps be gratified to see it as recorded in the words of capt. gray himself, copied from his logbook as follows:-- "may ( ), at eight, p.m., the entrance of bulfinch's harbor bore north, distance four miles. sent up the main-top-gallant yard, and set all sail. at four, a.m., saw the entrance of our desired port, bearing east-south-east, distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at eight, a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance of the harbor, bore away, and ran in east-north-east between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. when we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered. many canoes came alongside. at one, p.m., came to, with the small bower in ten fathoms black and white sand. the entrance between the bars bore west-south-west, distant ten miles; the north side of the river a half-mile distant from the ship, the south side of the same two and a half miles distance; a village on the north side of the river, west by north, distant three-quarters of a mile. vast numbers of natives came alongside. people employed in pumping the salt water out of our water-casks, in order to fill with fresh, while the ship floated in. so ends." from the mouth of columbia river, gray sailed to nootka sound, where he communicated his recent discoveries to the spanish commandant, quadra; to whom he also gave charts and descriptions of bulfinch's harbor, and of the mouth of the columbia. he departed for canton in september, and thence sailed to the united states. the voyages of kendrick and gray were not profitable to the adventurers, yet not fruitless of benefit to their country. they opened the way to subsequent enterprises in the same region, which were eminently successful. and, in another point of view, these expeditions were fraught with consequences of the utmost importance. gray's discovery of columbia river was the point most relied upon by our negotiators in a subsequent era for establishing the claim of the united states to the part of the continent through which that river flows; and it is in a great measure owing to that discovery that the growing state of oregon is now a part of the american republic. from the date of the discovery of columbia river to the war of , the direct trade between the american coast and china was almost entirely in the hands of the citizens of the united states. the british merchants were restrained from pursuing it by the opposition of their east-india company; the russians were not admitted into chinese ports; and few ships of any other nation were seen in that part of the ocean. the trade was prosecuted by men whose names are still distinguished among us as those of the master-spirits of american commerce,--the thorndikes, the perkinses, lambs, sturgis, cushing, and others of boston, astor and others of new york. the greater number of the vessels sent from the united states were fine ships or brigs laden with valuable cargoes of west-india productions, british manufactured articles, and french, italian, and spanish wines and spirits; and the owners were men of large capital and high reputation in the commercial world, some of whom were able to compete with the british companies, and even to control their movements. during all this period, though constant accessions were made to the knowledge of the coast by means of commercial adventure, the interior of the continent, from the mississippi to the ocean, remained unknown. the intercourse of the people of the united states with the native tribes was restricted by several causes. one was the possession of louisiana by the spaniards; another, the retention by the british of several important posts south of the great lakes, within the acknowledged territory of the union. at length, by the treaty of between great britain and the united states, those posts were given up to the americans; and by treaty with france, in , louisiana, which had come into possession of that power in , was ceded to the united states. from this period, the government and people of the united states ceased to be indifferent to the immense and important region whose destinies were committed to them; and the ensuing narrative will relate the first attempt made by national authority to occupy and explore the country. chapter ii. lewis and clarke. in the year , john ledyard of connecticut, who had been with capt. cook in his voyage of discovery to the north-west coast of america in - , was in paris, endeavoring to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of that coast. he had seen, as he thought, unequalled opportunities for lucrative traffic in the exchange of the furs of that country for the silks and teas of china. but his representations were listened to with incredulity by the cautious merchants of europe, and he found it impossible to interest any so far as to induce them to fit out an expedition for the object proposed. disappointed and needy, he applied for advice and assistance to mr. jefferson, at that time the american minister at the court of france. ledyard had no views of pecuniary gain in the contemplated enterprise: he sought only an opportunity of indulging his love of adventure by exploring regions at that time unknown. mr. jefferson, as the guardian of his country's interests and the friend of science, was warmly interested in any scheme which contemplated the opening of the vast interior regions of the american continent to the occupancy of civilized man. since it was impossible to engage mercantile adventurers to fit out an expedition by sea, mr. jefferson proposed to ledyard that he should go as a traveller, by land, through the russian territories, as far as the eastern coast of the continent of asia, and from thence get such conveyance as he could to the neighboring coast of america, and thus reach the spot where his main journey was to begin. ledyard eagerly embraced the proposal. permission was obtained from the empress catharine of russia, and the enterprising traveller, in december, , set forth. he traversed denmark and sweden; passed round the head of the gulf of bothnia, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross it on the ice; and reached st. petersburg in march, , without money, shoes, or stockings, having gone this immense journey on foot in an arctic winter. at st. petersburg he obtained notice, money to the amount of twenty guineas, and permission to accompany a convoy of stores to yakoutsk, in siberia. but, for some unexplained reason, he was arrested at that place by order of the empress, and conveyed back to europe; being cautioned, on his release, not again to set foot within the russian territories, under penalty of death. this harsh treatment is supposed to have arisen from the jealousy of the russian fur-traders, who feared that ledyard's proceedings would rouse up rivals in their trade. mr. jefferson did not, upon this disappointment, abandon the idea of an exploration of the interior of the american continent. at his suggestion, the american philosophical society of philadelphia took measures, in , to send suitable persons to make a similar transit of the continent in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, and descending the columbia. nothing was effected, however, at that time, except awakening the attention of capt. meriwether lewis, a young officer in the american army, a neighbor and relative of gen. washington. he eagerly sought to be employed to make the contemplated journey. in , mr. jefferson, being then president of the united states, proposed to congress to send an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source; to cross the highlands, and follow the best water communication which might offer itself, to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposal, and voted a sum of money to carry it into execution. capt. lewis, who had then been two years with mr. jefferson as his private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the expedition. mr. jefferson had now had opportunity of knowing him intimately, and believed him to be brave, persevering, familiar with the indian character and customs, habituated to the hunting life, honest, and of sound judgment. he trusted that he would be careful of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of discipline. on receiving his appointment, capt. lewis repaired to philadelphia, and placed himself under its distinguished professors, with a view to acquire familiarity with the nomenclature of the natural sciences. he selected, as his companion in the proposed expedition, william clarke, a brother-officer, known and esteemed by him. while these things were going on, the treaty with france was concluded, by which the country of louisiana was ceded to the united states. this event, which took place in , greatly increased the interest felt by the people of the united states in the proposed expedition. in the spring of , the preparations being completed, the explorers commenced their route. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united-states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen, an interpreter, a hunter, and a black servant of capt. clarke. in addition to these, a further force of fifteen men attended on the commencement of the expedition to secure safety during the transit through some indian tribes whose hostility was apprehended. the necessary stores were divided into seven bales and one box, the latter containing a small portion of each article in case of a loss of any one of the bales. the stores consisted of clothing, working tools, ammunition, and other articles of prime necessity. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs; ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, looking-glasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the company embarked on board of three boats. the first was a keel-boat, fifty-five feet long, carrying one large square sail and twenty-two oars. a deck of ten feet, at each end, formed a forecastle and cabin. this was accompanied by two open boats of six oars. two horses were to be led along the banks of the river, for bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. the narrative of the expedition was written by the commanders from day to day, and published after their return. we shall tell the story of their adventures nearly in the language of their own journal, with such abridgments as our plan renders necessary. may , .--all the preparations being completed, they left their encampment this day. the character of the river itself was the most interesting object of examination for the first part of their voyage. having advanced, in two months, about four hundred and fifty miles, they write as follows: "the ranges of hills on opposite sides of the river are twelve or fifteen miles apart, rich plains and prairies, with the river, occupying the intermediate space, partially covered near the river with cotton-wood or balm-of-gilead poplar. the whole lowland between the parallel ranges of hills seems to have been formed of mud of the river, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighboring banks, added to that brought down by the stream, forms sand-bars, projecting into the river. these drive the stream to the opposite bank, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new passage. it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling in, and the river changing its bed. "on one occasion, the party encamped on a sand-bar in the river. shortly after midnight, the sleepers were startled by the sergeant on guard crying out that the sand-bar was sinking: and the alarm was timely given; for scarcely had they got off with the boats before the bank under which they had been lying fell in; and, by the time the opposite shore was reached, the ground on which they had been encamped sunk also. "we had occasion here to observe the process of the undermining of these hills by the missouri. the first attacks seem to be made on the hills which overhang the river. as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves, and mixes with the water. at one point, a part of the cliff, nearly three-quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, had fallen into the river. as the banks are washed away, the trees fall in, and the channel becomes filled with buried logs." river scenery. "july .--we remained to-day for the purpose of making lunar observations. capt. clarke sailed a few miles up the namaha river, and landed on a spot where he found numerous artificial mounds. note. a late traveller, rev. samuel parker, speaks thus of these mounds: "the mounds, which some have called the work of unknown generations of men, were scattered here in all varieties of form and magnitude, thousands in number. some of them were conical, some elliptical, some square, and some parallelograms. one group attracted my attention particularly. they were twelve in number, of conical form, with their bases joined, and twenty or thirty feet high. they formed two-thirds of a circle, with an area of two hundred feet in diameter. if these were isolated, who would not say they were artificial? but, when they are only a group among a thousand others, who will presume to say they all are the work of man?... "it is said by those who advocate the belief that they are the work of ancient nations; that they present plain evidence of this in the fact that they contain human bones, articles of pottery, and the like. that some of them have been used for burying-places, is undoubtedly true; but may it not be questioned whether they were _made_, or only _selected_, for burying-places? no one who has ever seen the thousands and ten thousands scattered through the valley of the mississippi will be so credulous as to believe that a hundredth part of them were the work of man." "from the top of the highest mound, a delightful prospect presented itself,--the lowland of the missouri covered with an undulating grass nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers were interspersed with copses of the osage plum. farther back from the river were seen small groves of trees, an abundance of grapes, the wild cherry of the missouri,--resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush. the plums are of three kinds,--two of a yellow color, and distinguished by one of the species being larger than the other; a third species of red color. all have an excellent flavor, particularly the yellow kind." pipe-clay rock. "aug. .--we passed the mouth of the great sioux river. our indian interpreter tells us that on the head waters of this river is the quarry of red rock of which the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article has introduced a law of nations, by which the banks of the stream are sacred; and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find, even among savages, certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigors of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated." chapter iii. the sioux. the indian tribes which our adventurers had thus far encountered had been friendly, or at least inoffensive; but they were feeble bands, and all of them lived in terror of their powerful neighbors, the sioux. on the d of september, the party reached a region inhabited by the tetons, a tribe of sioux. the journal gives an account of their intercourse with these new acquaintances as follows:-- "the morning was fine; and we raised a flag-staff, and spread an awning, under which we assembled, with all the party under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the indian camp, about fifty in number, met us; and capt. lewis made a speech to them. after this, we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather; to the two other chiefs, a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration, certificates. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the air-gun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them. in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, it was with much difficulty we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied capt. clarke back to shore in a boat with five men; but no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the boat, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast. the second chief, who affected intoxication, then said that we should not go on; that they had not received presents enough from us. capt. clarke told him that we would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them. the chief replied that he, too, had warriors; and was proceeding to lay hands on capt. clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him drew their arrows from their quivers, and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the large boat was pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the small boat, and joined capt. clarke. this movement made an impression on them; for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the boat, and the chiefs withdrew, and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, capt. clarke then went forward, and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them, and got into the boat, but had not gone more than a stone's-throw, when the two chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him; and he took them on board. "sept. .--our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with respect; and, as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing a small island and several sand-bars, we came to on the south shore, where a crowd of men, women, and children, were waiting to receive us. capt. lewis went on shore, and, observing that their disposition seemed friendly, resolved to remain during the night to a dance which they were preparing for us. the captains, who went on shore one after the other, were met on the landing by ten well-dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated, and carried them to a large council-house, where they were placed on a dressed buffalo-skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall, or council-room, was in the shape of three-quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed, and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. in the vacant space in the centre, the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered. a large fire, at which they were cooking, stood near, and a pile of about four hundred pounds of buffalo-meat, as a present for us. "as soon as we were seated, an old man rose, and, after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity upon their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose, and delivered an harangue to the same effect. then, with great solemnity, he took some of the more delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth; made a short speech; lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people; after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog, which they had just been cooking; this being a great dish among the sioux, and used at all festivals. to this was added _pemitigon_, a dish made of buffalo-meat, dried, and then pounded, and mixed raw with fat; and a root like the potato, dressed like the preparation of indian-corn called hominy. of all these luxuries, which were placed before us in platters, with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potato, which we found good; but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we ate and smoked for an hour, when it became dark. every thing was then cleared away for the dance; a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ball-room. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourine formed of skin stretched across a hoop, and made a jingling noise with a long stick, to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung. the third instrument was a small skin bag, with pebbles in it. these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. "the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears, or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connections. having arranged themselves in two columns, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre; when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted, and returned back to their places. they have no steps, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffalo-skin. the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward, and recites, in a low, guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous. this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain, and dance to it. sometimes they alternate, the orchestra first performing; and, when it ceases, the women raise their voices, and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable, than that of the musicians. "the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who, thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffalo-robe, held in one hand, and beaten with the other, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourine; and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired, accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board." the sioux. "the tribe which we this day saw are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the _teton okandandas_: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the cheyenne and teton rivers. "the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow, and wear in plaits over the shoulders. to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather or calumet feather, worked with porcupine-quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffalo-skin, adorned with porcupine-quills, which are loosely fixed so as to make a jingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits or any other incident. the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather; but, when it rains, the hair is put outside. under this robe they wear in winter a kind of shirt, made either of skin or cloth, covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or elk-skin, about an inch in width, and closely tied to the body. to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs, and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind. from the hip to the ankle, the man is covered with leggings of dressed antelope-skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair, the product of the scalps they have taken in war, which are scattered down the leg. "the moccasons are of dressed buffalo-skin, the hair being worn inwards. on great occasions, or whenever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat, fixed to the heel of the moccason. "the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head; at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasons are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not reach beyond the knee, where they are met by a long, loose mantle of skin, which reaches nearly to the ankles. this is fastened over the shoulders by a string, and has no sleeves; but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. "their lodges are very neatly constructed. they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffalo-hide, with a larger cabin in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins. these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation, wherever they go, by dogs, which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffalo-skins. these people seem well-disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed." chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters. sept. , .--the daily progress of the expedition from this date is marked by no incidents of more importance than the varying fortunes of travel, as they found the river more or less favorable to navigation, and the game more or less abundant on the banks. their progress was from twelve to twenty miles a day. in general, their sails served them; but they were sometimes obliged to resort to the use of tow-lines, which, being attached to a tree or other firm object on the shore, enabled the men to pull the boat along. this seems but a slow method of voyaging; yet they found it by no means the slowest, and were sorry when the nature of the banks, being either too lofty or too low, precluded their use of it. their narrative is, however, varied by accounts of the scenery and natural productions of the country through which they passed, and by anecdotes of the indians. while they are making their toilsome advance up the river, let us see what they have to tell us of the strange people and remarkable objects which they found on their way. prairie-dogs. "we arrived at a spot on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes. these are the residences of little animals called prairie-dogs, who sit erect near the mouth of the hole, and make a whistling noise, but, when alarmed, take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water, without filling it; but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half-way to the bottom. we discovered two frogs in the hole; and near it we killed a rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie-dog. we have been told, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard and a snake live habitually with these animals. "the prairie-dog is well named, as it resembles a dog in most particulars, though it has also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter. the tail is like that of the ground-squirrel; the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray." antelopes. "of all the animals we have seen, the antelope possesses the most wonderful fleetness. shy and timorous, they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view in all directions. their sight distinguishes the most distant danger; their power of smell defeats the attempt at concealment; and, when alarmed, their swiftness seems more like the flight of birds than the movement of an animal over the ground. capt. lewis, after many unsuccessful attempts, succeeded in approaching, undiscovered, a party of seven, which were on an eminence. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to discover if any danger threatened the party. when capt. lewis was at the distance of two hundred yards, they became alarmed, and fled. he immediately ran to the spot they had left. a ravine concealed them from him; but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge, at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether they could be the same; but their number, and the direction in which they fled, satisfied him that it was the same party: yet the distance they had made in the time was such as would hardly have been possible to the swiftest racehorse." pelican island. " .--this name we gave to a long island, from the numbers of pelicans which were feeding on it. one of them being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water." note. "the antelopes are becoming very numerous. their speed exceeds that of any animal i have ever seen. our hounds can do nothing in giving them the chase: so soon are they left far in the rear, that they do not follow them more than ten or twenty rods before they return, looking ashamed of their defeat. our hunters occasionally take the antelope by coming upon them by stealth. when they are surprised, they start forward a very small space, then turn, and, with high-lifted heads, stare for a few seconds at the object which has alarmed them, and then, with a half-whistling snuff, bound off, seeming to be as much upon wings as upon feet. they resemble the goat, but are far more beautiful. though they are of different colors, yet they are generally red, and have a large, fine, prominent eye. their flesh is good for food, and about equals venison."--_parker's tour._ indian villages and agriculture. "we halted for dinner at a deserted village, which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras. it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin-canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture, found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it was left in the spring. we found three different kinds of squashes growing in the village. "another village, which we reached two days later, was situated on an island, which is three miles long, and covered with fields, in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. we found here several frenchmen living among the indians, as interpreters or traders. the indians gave us some corn, beans, and dried squashes; and we gave them a steel mill, with which they were much pleased. we sat conversing with the chiefs some time, during which they treated us to a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. we gave them some sugar, salt, and a sun-glass." york, the negro. "the object which seemed to astonish the indians most was capt. clarke's servant, york,--a sturdy negro. they had never seen a human being of that color, and therefore flocked round him to examine the monster. by way of amusement, he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and been caught and tamed by his master, and, to convince them, showed them feats of strength, which, added to his looks, made him more terrible than we wished him to be. at all the villages he was an object of astonishment. the children would follow him constantly, and, if he chanced to turn towards them, would run with great terror." stone-idol creek. "we reached the mouth of a creek, to which we gave the name of stone-idol creek; for, on passing up, we discovered, that, a few miles back from the missouri, there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the "metamorphoses" of ovid. a young man was in love with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes: a sympathy of feeling led the girl to the same spot; and the faithful dog would not fail to follow his master. after wandering together, and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which, beginning at the feet, gradually invaded the nobler parts, leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes, which the female holds in her hands to this day. such is the account given by the ricara chief, which we had no means of testing, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the banks of the creek we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had seen elsewhere." goats. "great numbers of goats are crossing the river, and directing their course to the westward. we are told that they spend the summer in the plains east of the missouri, and at this season (october) are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. at one place, we saw large flocks of them in the water. they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians, who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them; while boys went into the river, and killed them with sticks. they seemed to have been very successful; for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. in the evening they made a feast, that lasted till late at night, and caused much noise and merriment. "the country through which we passed has wider river-bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see; the hills rising at a distance, and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloes, and the usual attendants of these last,--the wolves, which follow their movements, and feed upon those who die by accident, or are too feeble to keep pace with the herd. we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals, which are twice as large as the tracks of a man." the prairie on fire. "in the evening, the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury; the whole plain being enveloped in flames. so rapid was its progress, that a man and a woman were burned to death before they could reach a place of safety. another man, with his wife and child, were much burned, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest, a boy of the half-breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames. his safety was ascribed by the indians to the great spirit, who had saved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who, seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and, covering him with the fresh hide of a buffalo, escaped herself from the flames. as soon as the fire had passed, she returned, and found him untouched; the skin having prevented the flame from reaching the grass where he lay." a council. "after making eleven miles, we reached an old field, where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer. we encamped for the night about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. as soon as we arrived, a crowd of men, women, and children, came down to see us. capt. lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening. the object which seemed to surprise them most was a corn-mill, fixed to the boat, which we had occasion to use; while they looked on, and were delighted at observing the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. "among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had both his little fingers cut off at the second joint. on inquiring into this injury, we found that the custom was to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose a joint of the little finger, or sometimes of other fingers. "oct. , .--the morning was fine, and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. at ten o'clock, the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails. that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded; and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. capt. lewis then delivered a speech, which, like those we had already made, intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade. while he was speaking, the ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long, as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees. he was instantly rebuked with great dignity, by one of the chiefs, for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony. one chief of each town was acknowledged by the gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat, and feather. to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs, medals with the impression of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other products were distributed; but none seemed to give more satisfaction than an iron corn-mill which we gave them. "in the evening, our men danced among themselves to the music of the violin, to the great amusement of the indians." they encamp for the winter. "friday, nov. , .--capt. clarke having examined the shores, and found a position where there was plenty of timber, we encamped, and began to fell trees to build our huts. the timber which we employ is cotton-wood (poplar) and elm, with some ash of inferior size. by the th, our huts were advanced very well; on the th, we unloaded the boat, and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we had built. "nov. .--this day we moved into our huts, which are now completed. we call our place fort mandan. it is situated on a point of low ground on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cotton-wood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they join each other; each row containing four rooms of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground. the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height; and, opposite the angle, the place of the wall was supplied by picketing. in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude, by observation, is ° ´, long. °; and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri, sixteen hundred miles. "nov. .--we are now settled in our winter habitation, and shall wait with much impatience the first return of spring to continue our journey." chapter v. indian tribes. "the villages near which we are established are the residence of three distinct nations,--the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the mandans say, that, many years ago, their tribe was settled in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below. finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, they moved up the river, and planted themselves opposite the ricaras. their numbers are very much reduced, and they now constitute but two villages,--one on each side of the river, and at a distance of three miles from each other. both villages together may raise about three hundred and fifty men." ahnahaways. "four miles from the lower mandan village is one inhabited by the ahnahaways. this nation formerly dwelt on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assinaboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, and thence, by a second emigration, to their present situation, in order to obtain an asylum near the minnetarees. their whole force is about fifty men." minnetarees. "about half a mile from this village, and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. one and a half miles above this village is a second of the same tribe, who may be considered the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them. the minnetarees, however, assert that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared, that, if they move, they will all perish. "the inhabitants of these villages, all of which are within the compass of six miles, live in harmony with each other. their languages differ to some extent; but their long residence together has enabled them to understand one another's speech as to objects of daily occurrence, and obvious to the senses. "all these tribes are at deadly feud with the sioux, who are much more powerful, and are consequently objects of continual apprehension. the presence of our force kept the peace for the present. "almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnipeg, the saskatchawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is dahcotas, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. they are divided into numerous tribes, named yanktons, tetons, assinaboins, &c. these tribes are sometimes at war with one another, but still acknowledge relationship, and are recognized by similarity of language and by tradition." religion. "the religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius, since it is associated with the healing art; and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine,--a name also applied to every thing they do not comprehend. they also believe in a multiplicity of inferior spirits. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either an invisible being, or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector, or his intercessor with the great spirit. to propitiate the medicine, every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. 'i was lately owner of seventeen horses,' said a mandan; 'but i have offered them all up to my medicine, and am now poor.' he had in reality taken them into the plain, and, turning them loose, committed them to the care of his medicine, and abandoned them. "their belief in a future state is connected with a tradition of their origin. the whole nation, they say, once dwelt in one large village underground. a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation; and the earth, being broken round its stem, gave them a view of the light. some of the more adventurous climbed up the vine, and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloes, and rich with every kind of fruit. returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste, that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the upper region. men, women, and children ascended by means of the vine; but, when about half the nation had reached the surface, a corpulent woman, who was clambering up the vine, broke it with her weight, and, falling, closed up the cavity. those who had reached the surface, thus excluded from their original seats, cherish the hopes of returning there when they die." indian manners. the following extract imparts some traits of indian manners:-- "nov. .--this morning, the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort. we went to the house of our interpreter, where we found the parties, and, after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such an atrocity. it appeared that, some days ago, a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the wives of our interpreter lived. by running away, she forfeited her life, which might be lawfully taken by the husband. he was now come for the purpose of completing his revenge. we gave him a few presents, and tried to persuade him to take his wife home. the grand chief, too, happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence; till at length husband and wife went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent connubial felicity." the weather. "dec. , .--the thermometer at sunrise was thirty-eight degrees below zero; on the th, twenty-two below; on the th, forty-five below. on the th, it moderated a little. notwithstanding the cold, we observed the indians at the village engaged, out in the open air, at a game which resembles billiards. the platform, which answered for a table, was formed with timber, smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses. instead of balls, they had circular disks made of clay-stone, and flat like checkers." the argali. "dec. .--a number of squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things, we procured two horns of the animal called by the hunters the rocky-mountain sheep, and by naturalists the argali. the animal is about the size of a small elk or large deer; the horns winding like those of a ram, which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. "dec. .--the weather was fine and warm. we were visited by crowds of indians of all description, who came either to trade, or from mere curiosity. among the rest, kagohami, the little raven, brought his wife and son, loaded with corn; and she entertained us with a favorite mandan dish,--a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and choke-cherries, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. "dec. .--christmas day. we were awakened before day by a discharge of fire-arms from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us, as it was one of our great medicine-days; so that the men remained at home, and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing, in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out; and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity." the blacksmith. "dec. .--we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles. his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us; but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered a _very great medicine_." the dying chief. "kagohami came to see us early. his village was afflicted by the death of one of their aged chiefs, who, from his account, must have been more than a hundred years old. just as he was dying, he requested his grand-children to dress him in his best robe, and carry him up to a hill, and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river, towards their old village, that he might go straight to his brother, who had passed before him to the ancient village underground." the medicine-stone. "oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their _medicine-stone_ as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine-stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick, porous stone twenty feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place, the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves, and then present the pipe to the stone. after this, they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed all the embassy do not sleep; and, in the morning, they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decipher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities, and the same influence over the nation." the indians' endurance of cold. "jan. , .--the weather now exhibited the intensity of cold. this morning, at sunrise, the mercury stood at forty degrees below zero. one of the men, separated from the rest in hunting, was out all night. in the morning he returned, and told us that he had made a fire, and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, came in soon after. he had been overtaken by the night, and had slept in the snow, with no covering but a pair of deer-skin moccasons and leggings, and a buffalo-robe. his feet were frozen; but we restored them by putting them in cold water, rendering him every attention in our power. another indian, who had been missing, returned about the same time. although his dress was very thin, and he had slept in the snow, without a fire, he had not suffered any inconvenience. these indians support the rigors of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible." supplies of food. "our supplies are chiefly procured by hunting; but occasional additions are made by the indians, sometimes in the way of gifts, and sometimes in exchange for the services of the blacksmith, who is a most important member of the party. "feb. .--our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet till the return of our hunters. for this, however, we are at no loss, since yesterday and to-day our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came to the fort. "sunday, march .--the men are all employed in preparing the boats. we are visited by a party of indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. "wednesday, .--we had a fine day, and a south-west wind. many indians came to see us, who are so anxious for battle-axes, that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn." hunting buffaloes on the ice. "march , .--a fine day, the wind south-west. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear of ice to permit us to pass. "march .--the ice came down this morning in great quantities. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloes. every spring, as the river is breaking up, the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloes tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning. on their way, they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice which floats down the river. the indians now select the most favorable points for attack, and, as the buffalo approaches, run with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square. the animal is, of course, unsteady, and his footsteps insecure, on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance; and the hunter who has given him his death-wound paddles his icy boat to the shore, and secures his prey." chapter vi. the march resumed. from the st of november, , to the st of april, , the expedition remained stationary at their fort. some of their number had been sent back to the states with despatches to the government, and with specimens of the natural productions of the country. on resuming their march on the th of april, the party consisted of thirty-two persons. besides the commanders, there were three sergeants,--ordway, prior, and gass; twenty-three privates, besides capt. clark's black servant york; two interpreters,--george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau, an indian woman, with her young child, accompanied her husband. all this party, with the luggage, was stored in six small canoes and two pirogues. they left the fort with fair weather, and, after making four miles, encamped on the north side of the river, nearly opposite the first mandan village. we continue their journal. the river-shore. "april .--the river-banks exhibit indications of volcanic agency. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of yellow clay and sand, with horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in thickness, scattered through the bluff at different elevations. great quantities of pumice-stone and lava are seen in many parts of the hills, where they are broken and washed into gullies by the rain. we passed a bluff which is on fire, and throws out quantities of smoke, which has a strong, sulphurous smell. on the sides of the hills is a white substance, which appears in considerable quantities on the surface, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts. many of the springs which come from the foot of the hills are so impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste, and a purgative effect." the prairie-mice. "april, .--we saw, but could not procure, an animal that burrows in the ground, similar to the burrowing-squirrel, except that it is only one-third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies. they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose earth, which would seem to have been reversed from a flower-pot; and no aperture is seen in the ground from which it could have been brought. on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half in diameter, where the ground is looser, though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner, the indian woman went out, and, penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, brought a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect, and hoard in large quantities. the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger; and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavor, as well as the stalk that issues from it, resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger." the yellow-stone river. "certain signs, known to the hunters, induced them to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellow-stone river. in order to prevent delay, capt. lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to enable us to proceed immediately after the boats should join him. "on leaving the party, he pursued his route along the foot of the hills; ascending which, the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellow-stone spread themselves before his eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloes, deer, elk, and antelope." natural history. "may, .--we reached the mouth of a river flowing from the north, which, from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. these animals are so careless and clumsy, that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows. the porcupine is common in all parts of the territory, and for its quills is held in high estimation by the indians. it is interesting to see with how much ingenuity, and in how many various forms, the indians manufacture these quills into ornamental work, such as moccasons, belts, and various other articles." wolves. "the wolves are very numerous, and of two species. first, the small wolf, or burrowing dog of the prairies, which is found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size, between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed; the head long and pointed, like that of a fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish-brown, and much coarser than that of the fox. these animals usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely, if ever, seen alone; not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live, and rear their young, in burrows, which they fix near some pass much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but, on the slightest alarm, retreat to their burrows, making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. "the second species is lower, shorter in the legs, and thicker, than the atlantic wolf. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl; and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the herds of buffaloes, in order to attack the weary or wounded." elk. "among the animals of the deer kind, the elk is the largest and most majestic. it combines beauty with magnitude and strength; and its large, towering horns give it an imposing appearance. its senses are so keen in apprehension, that it is difficult to be approached; and its speed in flight is so great, that it mocks the chase. its flesh resembles beef, but is less highly flavored, and is much sought for by the indians and hunters. its skin is esteemed, and much used in articles of clothing and for moccasons." beavers. "we saw many beavers to-day. the beaver seems to contribute very much to the widening of the river and the formation of islands. they begin by damming up the channels of about twenty yards width between the islands. this obliges the river to seek another outlet; and, as soon as this is effected, the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is thus driven to another channel, which soon shares the same fate; till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of land into islands. "the beaver dams differ in shape, according to the nature of the place in which they are built. if the water in the river or creek have but little motion, the dam is almost straight; but, when the current is more rapid, it is always made with a considerable curve, convex toward the stream. the materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows, birch, and poplars, if they can be got; also mud and stones, intermixed in such a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of the dam. in places which have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable of resisting a great force both of water and ice; and as the willow, poplar, and birch generally take root, and shoot up, they, by degrees, form a kind of regular planted hedge, in some places so tall that birds build their nests among the branches. the beaver-houses are constructed of the same materials as their dams, and are always proportioned in size to the number of inhabitants, which seldom exceeds four old and six or eight young ones. the houses are of a much ruder construction than their dams: for, notwithstanding the sagacity of these animals, it has never been observed that they aim at any other convenience in their house than to have a dry place to lie on; and there they usually eat their victuals, such as they take out of the water. their food consists of roots of plants, like the pond-lily, which grows at the bottom of the lakes and rivers. they also eat the bark of trees, particularly those of the poplar, birch, and willow. "the instinct of the beavers leading them to live in associations, they are in an unnatural position, when, in any locality, their numbers are so much reduced as to prevent their following this instinct. the beaver near the settlement is sad and solitary: his works have been swept away, his association broken up, and he is reduced to the necessity of burrowing in the river-bank, instead of building a house for himself. such beavers are called 'terriers.' one traveller says that these solitaries are also called 'old bachelors.'" the white, brown, or grisly bear. "april .--all these names are given to the same species, which probably changes in color with the season, or with the time of life. of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians give dreadful accounts. they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and, even then, are often defeated with the loss of some of the party. "may .--one of our men who had been suffered to go ashore came running to the boats with cries and every symptom of terror. as soon as he could command his breath, he told us, that, about a mile below, he had shot a white bear, which immediately turned and ran towards him, but, being wounded, had not been able to overtake him. capt. lewis, with seven men, went in search of the bear, and, having found his track, followed him by the blood for a mile, came up with him, and shot him with two balls through the skull. he was a monstrous animal, and a most formidable enemy. our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs: yet the bear had pursued him furiously for half a mile; then returned more than twice that distance, and, with his talons, dug himself a bed in the earth, two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men; and the oil amounted to eight gallons. "the wonderful power of life of these animals, added to their great strength, renders them very formidable. their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot, unless the ball is sent through the brain; and this is very difficult to be done, on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the frontal bone, which is very thick." note. their strength is astonishingly great. lieut. stein of the dragoons, a man of undoubted veracity, told me he saw some buffaloes passing near some bushes where a grisly bear lay concealed: the bear, with one stroke, tore three ribs from a buffalo, and left it dead.--_parker._ although endowed with such strength, and powers of destruction, the grisly bear is not disposed to begin the attack. mr. drummond, a later traveller, states, that, in his excursions over the rocky mountains, he had frequent opportunity of observing the manners of these animals; and it often happened, that in turning the point of a rock, or sharp angle of a valley, he came suddenly upon one or more of them. on such occasions they reared on their hind-legs, and made a loud noise like a person breathing quick, but much harsher. he kept his ground, without attempting to molest them; and they on their part, after attentively regarding him for some time, generally wheeled round, and galloped off: though, from their known disposition, there is little doubt but he would have been torn in pieces, had he lost his presence of mind and attempted to fly. when he discovered them at a distance, he often frightened them away by beating on a large tin box in which he carried his specimens of plants. the black bear. "the black bear, common in the united states, is scarcely more than half the size of the grisly bear. its favorite food is berries of various kinds; but, when these are not to be procured, it lives upon roots, insects, fish, eggs, and such birds and quadrupeds as it can surprise. it passes the winter in a torpid state, selecting a spot for its den under a fallen tree, and, having scratched away a portion of the soil, retires to the place at the commencement of a snow storm, when the snow soon furnishes it with a close, warm covering. its breath makes a small opening in the den, and the quantity of hoar-frost which gathers round the hole serves to betray its retreat to the hunter. in more southern districts, where the timber is of larger size, bears often shelter themselves in hollow trees." buffaloes. "the buffalo is about as large as our domestic cattle; and their long, shaggy, woolly hair, which covers their head, neck, and shoulders, gives them a formidable appearance, and, at a distance, something like that of the lion. in many respects, they resemble our horned cattle; are cloven-footed, chew the cud, and select the same kind of food. their flesh is in appearance and taste much like beef, but of superior flavor. their heads are formed like the ox, perhaps a little more round and broad; and, when they run, they carry them rather low. their horns, ears, and eyes, as seen through their shaggy hair, appear small, and, cleared from their covering, are not large. their legs and feet are small and trim; the fore-legs covered with the long hair of the shoulders, as low down as the knee. though their figure is clumsy in appearance, they run swiftly, and for a long time without much slackening their speed; and, up steep hills or mountains, they more than equal the best horses. they unite in herds, and, when feeding, scatter over a large space; but, when fleeing from danger, they collect into dense columns: and, having once laid their course, they are not easily diverted from it, whatever may oppose. so far are they from being a fierce or revengeful animal, that they are very shy and timid; and in no case did we see them offer to make an attack but in self-defence, and then they always sought the first opportunity to escape. when they run, they lean alternately from side to side. they are fond of rolling upon the ground like horses, which is not practised by our domestic cattle. this is so much their diversion, that large places are found without grass, and considerably excavated by them." note. rev. mr. parker thus describes a buffalo-hunt:-- "to-day we unexpectedly saw before us a large herd of buffaloes. all halted to make preparation for the chase. the young men, and all the good hunters, prepared themselves, selected the swiftest horses, examined the few guns they had, and also took a supply of arrows with their bows. they advanced towards the herd of buffaloes with great caution, lest they should frighten them before they should make a near approach, and also to reserve the power of their horses for the chase, when it should be necessary to bring it into full requisition. when the buffaloes took the alarm, and fled, the rush was made, each indian selecting for himself the one to which he happened to come nearest. all were in swift motion, scouring the valley. a cloud of dust began to rise; firing of guns, and shooting of arrows, followed in close succession. soon, here and there, buffaloes were seen prostrated; and the women, who followed close in the rear, began the work of securing the acquisition, and the men were away again in pursuit of the flying herd. those in the chase, when as near as two rods, shoot and wheel, expecting the wounded animal to turn upon them. the horses seemed to understand the way to avoid danger. as soon as the wounded animal flies again, the chase is renewed; and such is the alternate wheeling and chasing, until the buffalo sinks beneath his wounds." indian method of hunting the buffalo. "may , .--we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least a hundred carcasses of buffaloes. these buffaloes had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffalo-skin round his body; the skin of the head, with the ears and horns, fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloes. thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distance between a herd of buffaloes and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions, in the mean time, get in the rear and side of the herd, and, at a given signal, show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloes. they instantly take the alarm; and, finding the hunters beside them, they run toward the disguised indian, or decoy, who leads them on, at full speed, toward the river; when, suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice. it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat, or even to stop. they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who, seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them, till the whole are precipitated over the cliff, and the shore is covered with their dead bodies. sometimes, in this perilous adventure, the indian decoy is either trodden under foot, or, missing his footing in the cliff, is urged down the precipice by the falling herd." which is the true river? "june , .--we came to for the night, for the purpose of examining in the morning a large river which enters opposite to us. it now became an interesting question, which of those two streams is what the indians call ahmateahza, or the missouri, which, they tell us, has its head waters very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since, if, after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we have been tracing does not come near the columbia, and be obliged to turn back, we shall have lost the travelling season, and seriously disheartened our men. we determined, therefore, to examine well before deciding on our course, and, for this purpose, despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams, with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the currents, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. parties were also sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers. while they were gone, the two commanders ascended together the high grounds in the fork of the two rivers, whence they had an extensive prospect of the surrounding country. on every side, it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloes were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves. some flocks of elk also were seen; and the solitary antelopes were scattered, with their young, over the plain. the direction of the rivers could not be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. "on our return, we continued our examination. the width of the north branch is two hundred yards; that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, though narrower, is deeper than the south: its waters also are of the same whitish-brown color, thickness, and turbidness as the missouri. they run in the same boiling and roaring manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is broader, and its waters are perfectly transparent. the current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed is composed of round and flat smooth stones, like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. "in the evening, the exploring parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. their accounts were far from deciding the important question of our future route; and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther, if necessary for our satisfaction. "tuesday, june , .--this morning, capt. lewis and capt. clarke set out, each with a small party, by land, to explore the two rivers. capt. lewis traced the course of the north fork for fifty-nine miles, and found, that, for all that distance, its direction was northward; and, as the latitude we were now in was ° ´, it was highly improbable, that, by going farther north, we should find between this and the saskatchawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance within the rocky mountains. "these considerations, with others drawn from the observations of capt. clarke upon the south branch, satisfied the chiefs that the south river was the true missouri; but the men generally were of a contrary opinion, and much of their belief depended upon crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his opinion that the north fork was the main river. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until he reached either the falls or the mountains. in the mean time, in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provisions, salt, powder, and tools. the weather being fair, we dried all our baggage and merchandise, and made our deposit, or cache. our cache is made in this manner: in the high plain on the side of the river, we choose a dry situation, and, drawing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk perpendicularly a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as it deepens, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still, with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug, it is carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and thrown into the river, so as to leave no trace of it. a floor to the cache is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay, or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, being well aired and dried, are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the sides by other dried sticks, as the baggage is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods; and, on this, earth is thrown, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains no appearance of an excavation. careful measurements are taken to secure the ready recovery of the cache on the return; and the deposit is left in perfect confidence of finding every thing safe and sound after the lapse of months, or even years." the falls of the missouri. "june .--this morning, capt. lewis set out with four men on an exploration, to ascend the southern branch, agreeably to our plan. he left the bank of the river in order to avoid the deep ravines, which generally extend from the shore to a distance of two or three miles in the plain. on the second day, having travelled about sixty miles from the point of departure, on a sudden their ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of falling water; and, as they advanced, a spray which seemed driven by the wind rose above the plain like a column of smoke, and vanished in an instant. towards this point, capt. lewis directed his steps; and the noise, increasing as he approached, soon became too powerful to be ascribed to any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound, he reached the falls. the hills, as he approached the river, were difficult of transit, and two hundred feet high. down these he hurried, and, seating himself on a rock, enjoyed the spectacle of this stupendous object, which, ever since the creation, had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unseen by civilized man. "the river, immediately at its cascade, is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff, which rises to about one hundred feet, and extends up the stream for a mile. on the other side, the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth, even sheet, over a precipice eighty feet in height. the remaining part of the river rushes with an accelerated current, but, being received as it falls by irregular rocks below, forms a brilliant spectacle of perfectly white foam, two hundred yards in length, and eighty in height. the spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, on all of which the sun impresses the brightest colors of the rainbow. the principal cascade is succeeded by others of less grandeur, but of exceeding beauty and great variety, for about twenty miles in extent."[ ] a portage. "june .--having reached the falls, we found ourselves obliged to get past them by transporting our boats overland by what is called a _portage_. the distance was eighteen miles. it was necessary to construct a truck or carriage to transport the boats; and the making of the wheels and the necessary framework took ten days. the axle-trees, made of an old mast, broke repeatedly, and the cottonwood tongues gave way; so that the men were forced to carry as much baggage as they could on their backs. the prickly pear annoyed them much by sticking through their moccasons. it required several trips to transport all the canoes and baggage; and, though the men put double soles to their moccasons, the prickly pear, and the sharp points of earth formed by the trampling of the buffaloes during the late rains, wounded their feet; and, as the men were laden as heavily as their strength would permit, the crossing was very painful. they were obliged to halt and rest frequently; and, at almost every stopping-place, they would throw themselves down, and fall asleep in an instant. yet no one complained, and they went on with cheerfulness. "having decided to leave here one of the pirogues, we set to work to fit up a boat of skins, upon a frame of iron which had been prepared at the armory at harper's ferry. it was thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half wide at top, and twenty-six inches wide at bottom. it was with difficulty we found the necessary timber to complete it, even tolerably straight sticks, four and a half feet long. the sides were formed of willow-bark, and, over this, elk and buffalo skins." a narrow escape. "june .--capt. clarke, having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, determined to go up along its banks in order to supply the deficiency. he had reached the falls, accompanied by his negro-servant york, and by chaboneau, the half-breed indian interpreter, and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there, he observed a dark cloud in the west, which threatened rain; and looked around for some shelter. about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine, where there were some shelving rocks, under which they took refuge. they were perfectly sheltered from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate; it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel. soon after, a torrent of rain and hail descended. the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and, instantly collecting in the ravine, came rolling down in a dreadful torrent, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. capt. clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up, with his gun in his left hand, with his right he clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms. her husband, too, had seized her hand, and was pulling her up the hill, but was so terrified at the danger, that, but for capt. clarke, he would have been lost, with his wife and child. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that, before capt. clarke had secured his gun and begun to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist; and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet, with a furious current, which, had they waited a moment longer, would have swept them into the river, just above the falls, down which they must inevitably have been carried. as it was, capt. clarke lost his compass, chaboneau his gun, shot-pouch, and tomahawk; and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child before the net in which it lay was carried down the current." progress resumed. "july .--the boat was now completed, except what was in fact the most difficult part,--the making her seams secure. having been unsuccessful in all our attempts to procure tar, we have formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffalo-tallow to supply its place. if this resource fail us, it will be very unfortunate, as, in every other respect, the boat answers our purpose completely. although not quite dry, she can be carried with ease by five men: she is very strong, and will carry a load of eight thousand pounds, with her complement of men. "july .--the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, then a second, and launched it into the water. she swam perfectly well. the seats were then fixed, and the oars fitted. but after a few hours' exposure to the wind, which blew with violence, we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, so that she leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch was impossible; and, as none of that article was to be procured, we were obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labor in the construction. "it now becomes necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose, we shall want two canoes; but for many miles we have not seen a single tree fit to be used for that purpose. the hunters, however, report that there is a low ground about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough. capt. clarke has therefore determined to set out by land for that place, with ten of the best workmen, who will be occupied in building the canoes, till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, shall transport the baggage, and join them with the other six canoes. "capt. clarke accordingly proceeded on eight miles by land; the distance by water being twenty-three miles. here he found two cottonwood-trees, and proceeded to convert them into boats. the rest of the party took the iron boat to pieces, and deposited it in a _cache_, or hole, with some other articles of less importance. "july .--sergeant ordway, with four canoes and eight men, set sail in the morning to the place where capt. clarke had fixed his camp. the canoes were unloaded and sent back, and the remainder of the baggage in a second trip was despatched to the upper camp. "july .--we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which, though eight in number, were heavily laden, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. "july .--we had now arrived at the point where the missouri emerges from the rocky mountains. the current of the river becomes stronger as we advance, and the spurs of the mountain approach towards the river, which is deep, and not more than seventy yards wide. the low grounds are now but a few yards in width; yet they furnish room for an indian road, which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from south-east to north-west; and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black rock, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. "as the canoes were heavily laden, all the men not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep, but with little current; the low grounds are very narrow; the cliffs are steep, and hang over the river so much, that, in places, we could not pass them, but were obliged to cross and recross from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way." footnote: [ ] dimensions of niagara falls,--american, feet wide, feet high; english, feet wide, feet high. chapter vii. journey continued. july .--since our arrival at the falls, we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains, in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud; and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud, and resembles precisely the sound of a six-pound piece of ordnance, at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise, like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to them, believing it to be some superstition, or else a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains, to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery, given by the philosophy of the watermen, is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain.[ ] "an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloes seem to have withdrawn from our neighborhood. we contrived, however, to spread a comfortable table in honor of the day; and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock." vegetation. "july .--we find the prickly-pear--one of the greatest beauties, as well as one of the greatest inconveniences, of the plains--now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common to every part of the missouri, is here very abundant, and in bloom. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of this plant for bread, and in thickening their soup. they first parch, and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted; at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marmow-fat to reduce it to the consistency of common dough, and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to the rest, and thought it at that time very palatable. "there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow, and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our gardens. the fruit is not so acid, and has a more agreeable flavor." the big-horned or mountain ram. "july .--this morning we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies; and the only danger they encounter is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand. a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the river. "the game continues abundant. we killed to-day the largest male elk we have yet seen. on placing it in its natural, erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. "the antelopes are yet lean. this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity. when they first see the hunters, they run with great velocity. if the hunter lies down on the ground, and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times, till at last he approaches within reach of the rifle. so, too, they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves, who crouch down, and, if the antelope be frightened at first, repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other, till they decoy the antelope from his party near enough to seize it." the gates of the rocky mountains. "july .--during the day, in the confined valley through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet, whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains, we are tantalized with a view of the snow. a mile and a half farther on, the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for six miles, these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near the base; but judging from its lighter color above, and from fragments that have fallen from it, we suppose the upper part to be flint, of a yellowish-brown and cream color. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river, and menace us with destruction. the river, one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass: but so reluctantly has it given way, that, during the whole distance, the water is very deep even at the edges; and, for the first three miles, there is not a spot, except one of a few yards in extent, on which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain. the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible; since, at its outlet, there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain, which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies, as it were, of victory. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains." natural productions. "july .--this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are the only kind we have found at this place. there are numbers of the sandhill-cranes feeding in the meadows. we caught a young one, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth, could not fly. it is very fierce, and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common this side of the falls; but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. small birds are also abundant in the plains. here, too, are great quantities of grasshoppers, or crickets; and, among other animals, large ants, with a reddish-brown body and legs, and a black head, which build little cones of gravel ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and with but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks." the forks of the missouri. "july , .--from the height of a limestone cliff, capt. lewis observed the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. the middle and south-west forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the south-east fork. the country watered by these rivers, as far as the eye could command, was a beautiful combination of meadow and elevated plain, covered with a rich grass, and possessing more timber than is usual on the missouri. a range of high mountains, partially covered with snow, is seen at a considerable distance, running from south to west. "to the south-east fork the name of gallatin was assigned, in honor of the secretary of the treasury. on examining the other two streams, it was difficult to decide which was the larger or real missouri: they are each ninety yards wide, and similar in character and appearance. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and to give to the south-west branch the name of jefferson, in honor of the president of the united states and the projector of the enterprise; and called the middle branch madison, after james madison, secretary of state. "july .--we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river soon became very crooked; the current, too, is rapid, impeded with shoals, which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are numerous. on the th of august, we had, with much fatigue, ascended the river sixty miles, when we reached the junction of a stream from the north-west, which we named wisdom river. we continued, however, to ascend the south-east branch, which we were satisfied was the true continuation of the jefferson." the shoshonees, or snake indians. "july .--we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route, we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such an one as will lead us to the columbia. and, even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any wood fit to make canoes; so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. "sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees came upon them, killed most of the party, and carried her away prisoner. she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly, or the philosophy, of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat, and trinkets to wear. "aug. .--persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees, or some other nation, who could assist us in transporting our baggage. immediately after breakfast, capt. lewis took drewyer, shields, and mcneal; and, slinging their knapsacks, they set out, with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long it might be. "aug. .--it was not till the third day after commencing their search that they met with any success. capt. lewis perceived with the greatest delight, at the distance of two miles, a man on horseback coming towards them. on examining him with the glass, capt. lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any we had hitherto met. he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows, and mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle; while a small string, attached to the under-jaw, answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much our success depended upon the friendly offices of that nation, capt. lewis was anxious to approach without alarming him. he therefore advanced towards the indian at his usual pace. when they were within a mile of each other, the indian suddenly stopped. capt. lewis immediately followed his example; took his blanket from his knapsack, and, holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head, and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground, as if in the act of spreading it. this signal, which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians. as usual, capt. lewis repeated this signal three times. still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields, who were now advancing on each side. capt. lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy; and they were too distant to hear his voice. he therefore took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass, and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose; and, leaving his gun, advanced unarmed towards the indian, who remained in the same position till capt. lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly. capt. lewis then called out to him, as loud as he could, 'tabba bone,'--which, in the shoshonee language, means _white man_; but, looking over his shoulder, the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, till capt. lewis made a signal to them to halt. this, drewyer obeyed; but shields did not observe it, and still went forward. the indian, seeing drewyer halt, turned his horse about, as if to wait for capt. lewis, who had now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the words, 'tabba bone,' and holding up the trinkets in his hand; at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was white. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and, giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willows. they followed his track four miles, but could not get sight of him again, nor find any encampment to which he belonged. "meanwhile the party in the canoes advanced slowly up the river till they came to a large island, to which they gave the name of three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri." footnote: [ ] there are many stories, from other sources, confirmatory of these noises in mountainous districts. one solution, suggested by humboldt,--who does not, however, record the fact as of his own observation,--is, that "this curious phenomenon announces a disengagement of hydrogen, produced by a bed of coal in a state of combustion." this solution is applicable only to mountains which contain coal, unless chemical changes in other minerals might be supposed capable of producing a similar effect. chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia. aug. , .--capt. lewis decided to advance along the foot of the mountains, hoping to find a road leading across them. at the distance of four miles from his camp, he found a large, plain, indian road, which entered the valley from the north-east. following this road towards the south-west, the valley, for the first five miles, continued in the same direction; then the main stream turned abruptly to the west, through a narrow bottom between the mountains. we traced the stream, which gradually became smaller, till, two miles farther up, it had so diminished, that one of the men, in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the rivulet, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. four miles from thence, we came to the spot where, from the foot of a mountain, issues the remotest water of the mighty river. "we had now traced the missouri to its source, which had never before been seen by civilized man; and as we quenched our thirst at the pure and icy fountain, and stretched ourselves by the brink of the little rivulet which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, we felt rewarded for all our labors. "we left reluctantly this interesting spot, and, pursuing the indian road, arrived at the top of a ridge, from whence we saw high mountains, partially covered with snow, still to the west of us. the ridge on which we stood formed, apparently, the dividing-line between the waters of the pacific and atlantic oceans. we followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and, at the distance of three-quarters of a mile, reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water, running to the westward. we stopped for a moment, to taste, for the first time, the waters of the columbia; and then followed the road across hills and valleys, till we found a spring, and a sufficient quantity of dry willow-brush for fuel; and there halted for the night." they meet with indians. "aug. .--very early in the morning, capt. lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open, broken country. at five miles' distance, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and, on rising the hill beyond it, had a view of a handsome little valley about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that a stream probably flowed. on a sudden, they discovered two women, a man, and some dogs, on an eminence about a mile before them. the strangers viewed them apparently with much attention; and then two of them sat down, as if to await capt. lewis's arrival. he went on till he had reached within about half a mile; then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and, unfurling the flag, advanced alone towards the indians. "the women soon retreated behind the hill; but the man remained till capt. lewis came within a hundred yards of him, when he, too, went off, though capt. lewis called out 'tabba bone' ('white man'), loud enough to be heard distinctly. the dogs, however, were less shy, and came close to him. he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then to let them loose, to convince the fugitives of his friendly intentions; but the dogs would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. "he now made a signal to the men, who joined him; and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been travelling. it was dusty, and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot-passengers and horsemen. "they had not gone along it more than a mile, when, on a sudden, they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of them. one of them, a young woman, immediately took to flight: the other two, an old woman and little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and, holding down their heads, seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. capt. lewis instantly put down his rifle, and, advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the words, 'tabba bone,' at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was a white man; for his hands and face had become by exposure quite as dark as their own. "she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm; and, drewyer and shields now coming up, capt. lewis gave her some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion, who had escaped to some distance, and, by alarming the indians, might cause them to attack him, without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned readily. capt. lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermilion, which, besides its ornamental effect, has the advantage of being held among the indians as emblematic of peace. "after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors. they readily complied, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors, mounted on excellent horses, riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced, capt. lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief, who, with two men, was riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to capt. lewis, and embraced him with great cordiality,--putting their left arm over his right shoulder, and clasping his back,--applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating, 'ah-hi-e!'--'_i am glad! i am glad!_' "the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint, of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, capt. lewis lighted a pipe, and offered it to the indians, who had now seated themselves in a circle around our party. but, before they would receive this mark of friendship, they pulled off their moccasons; a custom which, we afterwards learned, indicates their sincerity when they smoke with a stranger. "after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed among them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermilion. "capt. lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the mean time, as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasons; and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. capt. lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was the emblem of peace, and that now and for the future it was to be the pledge of union between us and them. the chief then moved on, our party followed, and the rest of the warriors brought up the rear. "at the distance of four miles from where they had first met the indians, they reached the camp, which was in a handsome, level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into a leathern lodge which was assigned for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope-skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge, so as to form a vacant circle of two feet in diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco; the warriors all pulled off their moccasons, and our party were requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire, and then, retreating from it, began a speech several minutes long; at the end of which he pointed the stem of his pipe towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east, and concluding with the north. after this ceremony, he presented the stem in the same way to capt. lewis, who, supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe; but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times; after which he pointed the stem to the heavens, then took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to capt. lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, and returned it. the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and, after they had taken a few whiffs, was given to the warriors. "the bowl of the pipe was made of a dense, transparent, green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure; the bowl being in the same direction with the stem. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees and mandans of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the bands who live farther south. "the ceremony of smoking being concluded, capt. lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit; and, as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. "it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this fact, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of service-berries and choke-cherries which had been dried in the sun. of these, capt. lewis and his companions made as good a meal as they were able. "the chief informed him that the stream which flowed by them discharged itself, at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size; but added that there was no timber there suitable for building canoes, and that the river was rocky and rapid. the prospect of going on by land was more pleasant; for there were great numbers of horses feeding round the camp, which would serve to transport our stores over the mountains. "an indian invited capt. lewis into his lodge, and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope, and a piece of fresh salmon, roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. "on returning to the lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief; after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. the music and dancing--which were in no respect different from those of the missouri indians--continued nearly all night; but capt. lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep, though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers." chapter ix. the party in the boats. august, .--while these things were occurring to capt. lewis, the party in the boats were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. it was very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes had to be dragged, that the men were in the water three-fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otters, some beavers, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes; but they killed nothing except a single deer. they caught, however, some very fine trout. the weather was cloudy and cool; and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. next day, as the morning was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday, they did not set out till seven o'clock. the river was shallow, and, as it approached the mountains, formed one continued rapid, over which they were obliged to drag the boats with great labor and difficulty. by these means, they succeeded in making fourteen miles; but this distance did not exceed more than six and a half in a straight line. several successive days were passed in this manner (the daily progress seldom exceeding a dozen miles), while the party anxiously expected to be rejoined by capt. lewis and his men, with intelligence of some relief by the aid of friendly indians. in the mean time, capt. lewis was as anxiously expecting their arrival, to confirm the good impressions he had made on the indians, as well as to remove some lurking doubts they still felt as to his intentions. capt. lewis among the shoshonees. aug. .--in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, capt. lewis determined to remain where he was, and obtain all the information he could with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses of the natives, to hunt. at the same time, the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or black-tailed deer in this region; and, as the common red deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows of the indian hunters, which are but feeble weapons against any animal which the huntsmen cannot previously run down. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which, when pursued, runs to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is this animal's extraordinary fleetness and wind, that a single horse has no chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp. in a short time, they descried a herd of ten antelopes. they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly enclosed. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd; the huntsman preserving his seat with wonderful tenacity, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the ravines, and along the edges of precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which, on gaining the other limit of the circle, were driven back, and pursued by fresh hunters. they turned, and flew, rather than ran, in another direction; but there, too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately driven backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped; and the party, after running two hours, returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters it is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. capt. lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a tolerable repast. having now secured the good-will of cameahwait, capt. lewis informed him of his wish,--that he would speak to the warriors, and endeavor to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where, by this time, another chief, with a large party of white men, were waiting his return. he added, that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandise; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that, when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp, they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandise. cameahwait readily consented to do as requested; and, after collecting the tribe together, he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told capt. lewis that they would be ready to accompany him next morning. capt. lewis rose early, and, having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries, felt the pain of extreme hunger. on inquiry, he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one-half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding; and, after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted with this new dish. he took a little of the flour in his hand, tasted it, and examined it very carefully, asking if it was made of roots. capt. lewis explained how it was produced, and the chief said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. breakfast being finished, capt. lewis endeavored to hasten the departure of the indians, who seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them. on inquiring the reason, capt. lewis learned that the indians were suspicious that they were to be led into an ambuscade, and betrayed to their enemies. he exerted himself to dispel this suspicion, and succeeded so far as to induce eight of the warriors, with cameahwait, to accompany him. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors. at sunset they reached the river, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills, which they had noticed in their progress some days before. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt; but he returned in the evening unsuccessful; and their only supply, therefore, was the remaining pound of flour, stirred in a little boiling water, and divided between the four white men and two of the indians. next morning, as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, capt. lewis sent two of his hunters out to procure some provision. at the same time, he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest, by their noise, they might alarm the game. this measure immediately revived their suspicions, and some of them followed our two men to watch them. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, capt. lewis mounted, with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out. just then, they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain. the chief stopped, and seemed uneasy: the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions; and capt. lewis himself was anxious, lest, by some unfortunate accident, some hostile tribe might have wandered that way. the young indian had hardly breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them; and capt. lewis, astonished at this movement, was borne along for nearly a mile, before he learned, with great satisfaction, that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. when they reached the place where drewyer, in cutting up the deer, had thrown out the intestines, the indians dismounted in confusion, and ran, tumbling over each other, like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could, and instantly began to devour it. some had the liver, some the kidneys: in short, no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them. it was, indeed, impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the refuse of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation. yet, though suffering with hunger, they did not attempt to take (as they might have done) by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. capt. lewis had the deer skinned, and, after reserving a quarter of it, gave the rest of the animal to the chief, to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured the whole without cooking. they meet the boat party. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told they should see the white men, capt. lewis, to guard against any disappointment, explained the possibility of our men not having reached the forks, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation; so that, if they should not find us at that spot, they might be assured of our being not far below. after stopping two hours to let the horses graze, they remounted, and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry the flag, so that the party in the boats might recognize them as they approached. to their great mortification, on coming within sight of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy, lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, capt. lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him, if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes, he might defend himself with it; and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still suspicious. luckily, he had a hold on them by other ties than their generosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but, what was still more attractive, he had told them that one of their country-women, who had been taken by the minnetarees, accompanied the party below: and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity; and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favorable barter for their horses. in the mean time, the boat party under capt. clarke, struggling against rapids and shallows, had made their way to a point only four miles by land, though ten by water, from where capt. lewis and the indians were. capt. clarke had seen from an eminence the forks of the river, and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before capt. lewis's arrival. aug. .--capt. lewis rose early, and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. they had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river returned, with a report that he had seen the white men, who were not far below, and were coming on. the indians were all delighted; and the chief, in the warmth of his affection, renewed his embrace to capt. lewis, who, though quite as much gratified, would willingly have spared that manifestation of it. the report proved true. on commencing the day's progress, capt. clarke, with chaboneau and his wife, walked by the river-side; but they had not gone more than a mile, when capt. clarke saw sacajawea, the indian woman, who was some distance in advance, begin to dance, and show every mark of extravagant joy, pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback. as they approached, capt. clarke discovered drewyer among them, from whom he learned the situation of capt. lewis and his party. while the boats were performing the circuit, capt. clarke went towards the forks with the indians, who, as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. they soon drew near the camp; and, as they approached it, a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, when, recognizing each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching. they had been companions in childhood, and, in the war with the minnetarees, had both been taken prisoners in the same battle. they had shared the same captivity, till one had escaped, leaving her friend with scarce a hope of ever seeing her again. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, capt. clarke went on, and was received by capt. lewis and the chief, who, after the first embraces and salutations, conducted him to a sort of circular tent constructed of willow-branches. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls,--an ornament highly valued by these people. after smoking, a conference was held, sacajawea acting as interpreter. capt. lewis told them he had been sent to discover the best route by which merchandise could be conveyed to them, and, since no trade would be begun before our return, it was naturally desirable that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route; but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for any other service they should render us. in the mean time, our first wish was that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure, we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favorable impression. the chief thanked us for our friendly intentions, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he promised to return to the village next day, and to bring all his own horses, and to encourage his people to bring theirs. we then distributed our presents. to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped, with a pipe and tomahawk. to this were added a uniform-coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a lump of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received similar presents, excepting the dress-coat. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasons, awls, knives, beads, and looking-glasses. they had abundant sources of surprise in all they saw. the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the air-gun. this was immediately pronounced a _great medicine_, by which they mean something produced by the great spirit himself in some incomprehensible way. chapter x. the descent of the columbia. august, .--our indian information as to the navigation of the columbia was of a very discouraging character. it was therefore agreed that capt. clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia; and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, should begin to build canoes. as soon as he should have decided on the question of proceeding, whether down the river or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men, with information of his decision, to capt. lewis, who would tarry meanwhile at the shoshonee village. aug. .--capt. clarke set out at six o'clock. passing through a continuation of hilly, broken country, he met several parties of indians. an old man among them was pointed out, who was said to know more of the nature of the country north than any other person; and capt. clarke engaged him as a guide. the first point to ascertain was the truth of the indian information as to the difficulty of descending the river. for this purpose, capt. clarke and his men set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by his indian guide. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and, eight miles from the camp, halted for the night. as capt. lewis was the first white man who had visited its waters, capt. clarke gave the stream the name of lewis's river. aug. .--capt. clarke set out very early; but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles, he reached the river; but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the stream, that there was no mode of passing except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the current was very rapid, and so deep, that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the stream for about a mile, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock, perfectly inaccessible to horses. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and continue his examination of the river on foot, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the sides of precipices which bordered the stream. the river presented a succession of shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for considerable distances over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses. even the empty boats must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in this way without great risk both to the canoes and the men. disappointed in finding a route by way of the river, capt. clarke now questioned his guide more particularly respecting an indian road which came in from the north. the guide, who seemed intelligent, drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as leading to a great river where resided a nation called tushepaws, who, having no salmon on their river, came by this road to the fish-wears on lewis's river. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, capt. clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river toward the north, without coming so low down as this, on a road impracticable for horses. he therefore hastened to return thither, sending forward a man on horseback with a note to capt. lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries. from the th to the th of august, capt. clarke and his men were occupied in their return to the shoshonee village, where capt. lewis and party were awaiting them. during their march, the want of provisions was such, that if it had not been for the liberality of the indians, who gave them a share of their own scanty supplies, they must have perished. the main dependence for food was upon salmon and berries. it was seldom they could get enough of these for a full meal; and abstinence and the strange diet caused some sickness. capt. lewis, on the contrary, had found the game sufficiently abundant to supply their own party, and to spare some to the indians; so that, when their friends rejoined them, they had it in their power to immediately relieve their wants. the shoshonees. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians,--a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees, with whom we now are, amount to about a hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection, they formerly lived in the plains; but they have been driven into the mountains by the roving indians of the saskatchawan country, and are now obliged to visit only occasionally and by stealth the country of their ancestors. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia. during this time, they subsist chiefly on salmon; and, as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed cautiously till they are joined by other bands of their own nation, or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloes in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. in this loose and wandering existence, they suffer the extremes of want: for two-thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. yet the shoshonees are not only cheerful, but gay; and their character is more interesting than that of any other indians we have seen. they are frank and communicative; fair in their dealings; and we have had no reason to suspect that the display of our new and valuable wealth has tempted them into a single act of theft. while they have shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing of us. their wealth is in horses. of these they have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. the original stock was procured from the spaniards; but now they raise their own, which are generally of good size, vigorous, and patient of fatigue as well as of hunger. every warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards of california. they are highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback. he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved for war; but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance, and a weapon called _pogamogon_, which consists of a handle of wood, with a stone weighing about two pounds, and held in a cover of leather, attached to the handle by a leather thong. at the other end is a loop, which is passed round the wrist, so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. the bow is made of cedar or pine, covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. sometimes it is made of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood. the arrows are more slender than those of other indians we have seen. they are kept, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is fastened upon the back of the wearer by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder, and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffalo-skin, about two feet four inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, with a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned with paintings of strange figures. besides these, they have a kind of armor, something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of antelope-skins, united by a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and saddle. the halter is made of strands of buffalo-hair platted together; or is merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot, and then brought down to the under-jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth. it is then drawn up on the right side, and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. with these cords dangling alongside of them, the horse is put to his full speed, without fear of falling; and, when he is turned to graze, the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle is formed, like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat, thin boards, which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross-pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, making the saddle deep and narrow. under this, a piece of buffalo-skin, with the hair on, is placed, so as to prevent the rubbing of the board; and, when the rider mounts, he throws a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for women and old men. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small, leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way, they ride with great expertness; and they have particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at some distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that, however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. the horse becomes an object of attachment. a favorite is frequently painted, and his ears cut into various shapes. the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds; and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted, the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed, they bend forward, and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horse's neck. indian horses and riders. they are so well supplied with horses, that every man, woman, and child is mounted; and all they have is packed upon horses. small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone, and generally upon colts. they are tied upon the saddle to keep them from falling, especially when they go to sleep, which they often do when they become fatigued. then they lie down upon the horse's shoulders; and, when they awake, they lay hold of their whip, which is fastened to the wrist of their right hand, and apply it smartly to their horses: and it is astonishing to see how these little creatures will guide and run them. children that are still younger are put into an incasement made with a board at the back, and a wicker-work around the other parts, covered with cloth inside and without, or, more generally, with dressed skins; and they are carried upon the mother's back, or suspended from a high knob upon the fore part of their saddles. chapter xi. clarke's river. aug. .--capt. lewis, during the absence of his brother-officer, had succeeded in procuring from the indians, by barter, twenty-nine horses,--not quite one for each man. capt. clarke having now rejoined us, and the weather being fine, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. we took our leave of the shoshonees, and accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, which capt. clarke had named lewis's river. after riding twelve miles, we encamped on the bank; and, as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning, we did not feel in want of provisions. on the st of august, we made eighteen miles. here we left the track of capt. clarke, and began to explore the new route recommended by the indian guide, and which was our last hope of getting out of the mountains. during all day, we rode over hills, from which are many drains and small streams, and, at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek, called fish creek, emptying into the main river, which is about six miles from us. sept. .--this morning, all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek. we arrived shortly after at the forks of the creek. the road we were following now turned in a contrary direction to our course, and we were left without any track; but, as no time was to be lost, we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty. the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labor. our course was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills, where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks, and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life, they suffered severely. several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times, we had made five miles with great labor, and encamped in a small, stony, low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected; and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. we had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion; and, though we saw many beaver-dams in the creek, we saw none of the animals. next day, our experiences were much the same, with the addition of a fall of snow at evening. the day following, we reached the head of a stream which directed its course more to the westward, and followed it till we discovered a large encampment of indians. when we reached them, and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our shoulders, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any farther, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. next morning, we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was, however, conveyed to them in so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn, from the principal chiefs, a present, consisting of the skins of an otter and two antelopes; and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, and purchasing eleven. these indians are a band of the tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the head waters of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. they seemed kind and friendly, and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this band had with them at least five hundred. we proceeded next day, and, taking a north-west direction, crossed, within a distance of a mile and a half, a small river from the right. this river is the main stream; and, when it reaches the end of the valley, it is joined by two other streams. to the river thus formed we gave the name of clarke's river; he being the first white man who ever visited its waters. we followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, and stony, with the low grounds on its borders narrow; and encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn; and, as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. the next day, and the next, we followed the river, which widened to fifty yards, with a valley four or five miles broad. at ten miles from our camp was a creek, which emptied itself on the west side of the river. it was a fine bold creek of clear water, about twenty yards wide; and we called it traveller's rest: for, as our guide told us we should here leave the river, we determined to make some stay for the purpose of collecting food, as the country through which we were to pass has no game for a great distance. toward evening, one of the hunters returned with three indians whom he had met. we found that they were tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of strayed horses. we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents, such as a fish hook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of ribbon which we tied in the hair of each of them. their people, they said, were numerous, and resided on the great river in the plain below the mountains. from that place, they added, the river was navigable to the ocean. the distance from this place is five "sleeps," or days' journeys. on resuming our route, we proceeded up the right side of the creek (thus leaving clarke's river), over a country, which, at first plain and good, became afterwards as difficult as any we had yet traversed. we had now reached the sources of traveller's-rest creek, and followed the road, which became less rugged. at our encampment this night, the game having entirely failed us, we killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. we reached the river, which is here eighty yards wide, with a swift current and a rocky channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. kooskooskee river. sept. .--this morning, snow fell, and continued all day; so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. it covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. the road is, like that of yesterday, along steep hillsides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed, that the snow falls from them upon us as we pass, keeping us continually wet to the skin. we encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had made thirteen miles. we were wet, cold, and hungry; yet we could not procure any game, and were obliged to kill another horse for our supper. this want of provisions, the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospect before us, began to dispirit the men. they are growing weak, and losing their flesh very fast. after three days more of the same kind of experience, on friday, th september, an agreeable change occurred. capt. clarke, who had gone forward in hopes of finding game, came suddenly upon a beautiful open plain partially stocked with pine. shortly after, he discovered three indian boys, who, observing the party, ran off, and hid themselves in the grass. capt. clarke immediately alighted, and, giving his horse and gun to one of the men, went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions, and sent them forward to the village, about a mile off, with presents of small pieces of ribbon. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution; but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure the wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed capt. clarke, by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago, with all the warriors, to attack some of their enemies towards the south-west; that, in the mean time, there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffalo-meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last was one which is round, much like an onion in appearance, and sweet to the taste. it is called _quamash_, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is called _pasheco_. after our long abstinence, this was a sumptuous repast. we returned the kindness of the people with a few small presents, and then went on, in company with one of the chiefs, to a second village in the same plain, at a distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness, and passed the night. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents; and the people call themselves chopunnish, or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river on the sand, and explained that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village, and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river. his chart made the kooskooskee to fork a little below his camp, below which the river passed the mountains. here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom they procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. capt. clarke engaged an indian to guide him to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles, they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river-hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountains is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass. there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered. the plain is so much sheltered by the surrounding hills, that the weather is quite warm (sept. ), while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river-hills we descended for three miles till we reached the water-side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night. here we found a small camp of five women and three children; the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river. the guide called to him, and he came over. capt. clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. next day, capt. clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere. the hunters brought in three deer; after which capt. clarke left his party, and, accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he found capt. lewis and his party just arrived. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the white men and the strange things they brought with them; but, as our guide was a perfect stranger to their language, we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country. the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk-skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place: two days' journey towards the south is another and larger fork, on which the shoshonee indians fish; five days' journey farther is a large river from the north-west, into which clarke's river empties itself. from the junction with that river to the falls is five days' journey farther. on all the forks, as well as on the main river, great numbers of indians reside; and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. provision here was abundant. we purchased a quantity of fish, berries, and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition. great crowds of the natives are round us all night; but we have not yet missed any thing, except a knife and a few other small articles. sept. .--the weather is fair. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco-root, large quantities of which are heaped up in piles all over the plain. we feel severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations. capt. lewis and two of his men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he can hardly sit on his horse. others could not mount without help; and some were forced to lie down by the side of the road for some time. our situation rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength; and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. capt. clarke therefore set out with twisted-hair and two young men in quest of timber for canoes. sept. , , and .--sickness continued. few of the men were able to work; yet preparations were made for making five canoes. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. oct. .--the men were now much better, and capt. lewis so far recovered as to walk about a little. the canoes being nearly finished, it became necessary to dispose of the horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and, being branded and marked, were delivered to three indians,--the two brothers and the son of a chief; the chief having promised to accompany us down the river. to each of these men we gave a knife and some small articles; and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. we had all our saddles buried in a _cache_ near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder and a bag of balls. the voyage down the kooskooskee river. oct. .--this morning, all the canoes were put in the water, and loaded, the oars fitted, and every preparation made for setting out. when we were all ready, the chief who had promised to accompany us was not to be found: we therefore proceeded without him. the kooskooskee is a clear, rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. this day and the next, we made a distance of fifty miles. we passed several encampments of indians on the islands and near the rapids, which situations are chosen as the most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found the chief, who, after promising to descend the river with us, had left us. he, however, willingly came on board, after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. oct. .--a fine morning. we loaded the canoes, and set off at seven o'clock. after passing twenty miles, we landed below the junction of a large fork of the river, from the south. our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked from all directions to see us. being again reduced to fish and roots, we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing a few dogs; and, after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs, but never use them for food; and our feeding on the flesh of that animal brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. this southern branch is, in fact, the main stream of lewis's river, on whose upper waters we encamped when among the shoshonees. at its mouth, lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish-blue color. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, is one hundred and fifty yards in width; and, after the union, the joint-stream extends to the width of three hundred yards. the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men. the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress, they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffalo or elk-skin robe, decorated with beads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-skin collar, is the dress of the men. the same ornaments are hung in the hair, which falls in front in two cues: they add feathers, paints of different colors (principally white, green, and blue), which they find in their own country. in winter, they wear a shirt of dressed skins; long, painted leggings, and moccasons; and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of the mountain-sheep skin, reaching down to the ankles, without a girdle. to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the chopunnish have few amusements; for their life is painful and laborious, and all their exertions are necessary to earn a precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn, they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in winter, they hunt the deer on snow-shoes over the plains; and, towards spring, cross the mountains to the missouri in pursuit of the buffalo. the soil of these prairies is a light-yellow clay. it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and the prickly-pear, of which we found three species. the first is the broad-leaved kind, common to this river with the missouri; the second has a leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri; the third is peculiar to this country. it consists of small, thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other. these leaves are armed with a great number of thorns, which are strong, and appear to be barbed. as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccason, it adheres, and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied with a re-enforcement of thorns. this species was a greater annoyance on our march than either of the others. chapter xii. from the junction of the kooskooskee with lewis's river to the columbia. from the mouth of the kooskooskee to that of the lewis is about a hundred miles; which distance they descended in seven days. the navigation was greatly impeded by rapids, which they passed with more or less danger and difficulty; being greatly indebted to the assistance of the indians, as they thankfully acknowledge. sometimes they were obliged to unload their boats, and to carry them round by land. all these rapids are fishing-places, greatly resorted to in the season. on the th of october ( ), having reached the junction of lewis's river with the columbia, they found by observation that they were in latitude ° ´, and longitude °. they measured the two rivers by angles, and found, that, at the junction, the columbia is yards wide; and lewis's river, : but, below their junction, the joint river is from one to three miles in width, including the islands. from the point of junction, the country is a continued plain, rising gradually from the water. there is through this plain no tree, and scarcely any shrub, except a few willow-bushes; and, even of smaller plants, there is not much besides the prickly-pear, which is abundant. in the course of the day, capt. clarke, in a small canoe, with two men, ascended the columbia. at the distance of five miles, he came to a small but not dangerous rapid. on the bank of the river opposite to this is a fishing-place, consisting of three neat houses. here were great quantities of salmon drying on scaffolds; and, from the mouth of the river upwards, he saw immense numbers of dead salmon strewed along the shore, or floating on the water. the indians, who had collected on the banks to view him, now joined him in eighteen canoes, and accompanied him up the river. a mile above the rapids, he observed three houses of mats, and landed to visit them. on entering one of the houses, he found it crowded with men, women, and children, who immediately provided a mat for him to sit on; and one of the party undertook to prepare something to eat. he began by bringing in a piece of pine-wood that had drifted down the river, which he split into small pieces with a wedge made of the elk's horn, by means of a mallet of stone curiously carved. the pieces were then laid on the fire, and several round stones placed upon them. one of the squaws now brought a bucket of water, in which was a large salmon about half dried; and, as the stones became heated, they were put into the bucket till the salmon was sufficiently boiled. it was then taken out, put on a platter of rushes neatly made, and laid before capt. clarke. another was boiled for each of his men. capt. clarke found the fish excellent. at another island, four miles distant, the inhabitants were occupied in splitting and drying salmon. the multitudes of this fish are almost inconceivable. the water is so clear, that they can readily be seen at the depth of fifteen or twenty feet; but at this season they float in such quantities down the stream, and are drifted ashore, that the indians have nothing to do but collect, split, and dry them. the indians assured him by signs that they often used dry fish as fuel for the common occasions of cooking. the evening coming on, he returned to camp. capt. clarke, in the course of his excursion, shot several grouse and ducks; also a prairie-cock,--a bird of the pheasant kind, about the size of a small turkey. it measured, from the beak to the end of the toe, two feet six inches; from the extremity of the wings, three feet six inches; and the feathers of the tail were thirteen inches long. this bird we have seen nowhere except upon this river. its chief food is the grasshopper, and the seeds of wild plants peculiar to this river and the upper missouri. adventure of capt. clarke. oct. .--having resumed their descent of the columbia, they came to a very dangerous rapid. in order to lighten the boats, capt. clarke landed, and walked to the foot of the rapid. arriving there before either of the boats, except a canoe, he sat down on a rock to wait for them; and, seeing a crane fly across the river, shot it, and it fell near him. several indians had been, before this, passing on the opposite side; and some of them, alarmed at his appearance or the report of the gun, fled to their houses. capt. clarke was afraid that these people might not have heard that white men were coming: therefore, in order to allay their uneasiness before the whole party should arrive, he got into the canoe with three men, and rowed over towards the houses, and, while crossing, shot a duck, which fell into the water. as he approached, no person was to be seen, except three men; and they also fled as he came near the shore. he landed before five houses close to each other; but no person appeared: and the doors, which were of mat, were closed. he went towards one of them with a pipe in his hand, and, pushing aside the mat, entered the lodge, where he found thirty-two persons, men and women, with a few children, all in the greatest consternation; some hanging down their heads; others crying, and wringing their hands. he went up to them all, and shook hands with them in the most friendly manner. their apprehensions gradually subsided, but revived on his taking out a burning-glass (there being no roof to the lodge), and lighting his pipe. having at length restored some confidence by the gift of some small presents, he visited some other houses, where he found the inhabitants similarly affected. confidence was not completely attained until the boats arrived, and then the two chiefs who accompanied the party explained the friendly intentions of the expedition. the sight of chaboneau's wife also dissipated any remaining doubts, as it is not the practice among the indians to allow women to accompany a war-party. to account for their fears, they told the two chiefs that they had seen the white men fall from the sky. having heard the report of capt. clarke's rifle, and seen the birds fall, and not having seen him till after the shot, they fancied that he had himself dropped from the clouds. this belief was strengthened, when, on entering the lodge, he brought down fire from heaven by means of his burning-glass. we soon convinced them that we were only mortals; and, after one of our chiefs had explained our history and objects, we all smoked together in great harmony. our encampment that night was on the river-bank opposite an island, on which were twenty-four houses of indians, all of whom were engaged in drying fish. we had scarcely landed when about a hundred of them came over to visit us, bringing with them a present of some wood, which was very acceptable. we received them in as kind a manner as we could, smoked with them, and gave the principal chief a string of wampum; but the highest satisfaction they enjoyed was in the music of our two violins, with which they seemed much delighted. they remained all night at our fires. an indian burying-place. we walked to the head of the island for the purpose of examining a vault, or burying-place, which we had remarked in coming along. the place in which the dead are deposited is a building about sixty feet long and twelve feet wide, formed by placing in the ground poles, or forks, six feet high, across which a long pole is extended the whole length of the structure. against this ridge-pole are placed broad boards, and pieces of wood, in a slanting direction, so as to form a shed. the structure stands east and west, open at both ends. on entering the western end, we observed a number of bodies wrapped carefully in leather robes, and arranged in rows on boards, which were then covered with a mat. this part of the building was destined for those who had recently died. a little farther on, limbs, half decayed, were scattered about; and in the centre of the building was a large pile of them heaped promiscuously. at the eastern extremity was a mat, on which twenty-one skulls were arranged in a circular form: the mode of interment being first to wrap the body in robes; and, as it decays, the bones are thrown into the heap, and the skulls placed together in order. from the different boards and pieces of wood which form the vault were suspended on the inside fishing-nets, baskets, wooden bowls, robes, skins, trenchers, and trinkets of various kinds, intended as offerings of affection to deceased relatives. on the outside of the vault were the skeletons of several horses, and great quantities of bones in the neighborhood, which induced us to believe that these animals were sacrificed at the funeral-rites of their masters. in other parts of the route, the travellers found a different species of cemetery. the dead were placed in canoes, and these canoes were raised above the ground by a scaffolding of poles. the motive was supposed to be to protect them from wild beasts. falls of the columbia. about a hundred and fifty miles below the junction of lewis's river, we reached the great falls. at the commencement of the pitch, which includes the falls, we landed, and walked down to examine them, and ascertain on which side we could make a portage most easily. from the lower end of the island, where the rapids begin, to the perpendicular fall, is about two miles. here the river contracts, when the water is low, to a very narrow space; and, with only a short distance of swift water, it makes its plunge twenty feet perpendicularly; after which it rushes on, among volcanic rocks, through a channel four miles in length, and then spreads out into a gentle, broad current. we will interrupt the narrative here to introduce from later travellers some pictures of the remarkable region to which our explorers had now arrived. it was not to be expected that capts. lewis and clarke should have taxed themselves, in their anxious and troubled march, to describe natural wonders, however striking. lieut. frémont thus describes this remarkable spot:-- the dalles.--"in a few miles we descended to the river, which we reached at one of its highly interesting features, known as the dalles of the columbia. the whole volume of the river at this place passes between the walls of a chasm, which has the appearance of having been rent through the basaltic strata which form the valley-rock of the region. at the narrowest place, we found the breadth, by measurement, fifty-eight yards, and the average height of the walls above the water twenty-five feet, forming a trough between the rocks; whence the name, probably applied by a canadian voyageur." the same scene is described by theodore winthrop in his "canoe and saddle:"-- "the dalles of the columbia, upon which i was now looking, must be studied by the american dante, whenever he comes, for imagery to construct his purgatory, if not his inferno. at walla-walla, two great rivers, clarke's and lewis's, drainers of the continent north and south, unite to form the columbia. it flows furiously for a hundred and twenty miles westward. when it reaches the dreary region where the outlying ridges of the cascade chain commence, it finds a great, low surface, paved with enormous polished sheets of basaltic rock. these plates, in french, _dalles_, give the spot its name. the great river, a mile wide not far above, finds but a narrow rift in this pavement for its passage. the rift gradually draws its sides closer, and, at the spot now called the dalles, subdivides into three mere slits in the sharp-edged rock. at the highest water, there are other minor channels; but generally this continental flood is cribbed and compressed within its three chasms suddenly opening in the level floor, each chasm hardly wider than a leap a hunted fiend might take." it is not easy to picture to one's self, from these descriptions, the peculiar scenery of the dalles. frémont understands the name as signifying a _trough_; while winthrop interprets it as _plates_, or _slabs_, of rock. the following description by lieut. (now gen.) henry l. abbot, in his "report of explorations for a railroad route," &c., will show that the term, in each of its meanings, is applicable to different parts of the channel:-- "at the dalles of the columbia, the river rushes through a chasm only about two hundred feet wide, with vertical, basaltic sides, rising from twenty to thirty feet above the water. steep hills closely border the chasm, leaving in some places scarcely room on the terrace to pass on horseback. the water rushes through this basaltic trough with such violence, that it is always dangerous, and in some stages of the water impossible, for a boat to pass down. the contraction of the river-bed extends for about three miles. near the lower end of it, the channel divides into several sluices, and then gradually becomes broader, until, where it makes a great bend to the south, it is over a quarter of a mile in width." after this interruption, the journal is resumed:-- "we soon discovered that the nearest route was on the right side, and therefore dropped down to the head of the rapid, unloaded the canoes, and took all the baggage over by land to the foot of the rapid. the distance is twelve hundred yards, part of it over loose sands, disagreeable to pass. the labor of crossing was lightened by the indians, who carried some of the heavy articles for us on their horses. having ascertained the best mode of bringing down the canoes, the operation was conducted by capt. clarke, by hauling the canoes over a point of land four hundred and fifty-seven yards to the water. one mile farther down, we reached a pitch of the river, which, being divided by two large rocks, descends with great rapidity over a fall eight feet in height. as the boats could not be navigated down this steep descent, we were obliged to land, and let them down as gently as possible by strong ropes of elk-skin, which we had prepared for the purpose. they all passed in safety, except one, which, being loosed by the breaking of the ropes, was driven down, but was recovered by the indians below." our travellers had now reached what have since been called the cascade mountains; and we must interrupt their narrative to give some notices of this remarkable scenery from later explorers. we quote from abbot's report:-- "there is great similarity in the general topographical features of the whole pacific slope. the sierra nevada in california, and the cascade range in oregon, form a continuous wall of mountains nearly parallel to the coast, and from one hundred to two hundred miles distant from it. the main crest of this range is rarely elevated less than six thousand feet above the level of the sea, and many of its peaks tower into the region of eternal snow." lieut. abbot thus describes a view of these peaks and of the columbia river:-- "at an elevation of five thousand feet above the sea, we stood upon the summit of the pass. for days we had been struggling blindly through dense forests; but now the surrounding country lay spread out before us for more than a hundred miles. the five grand snow-peaks, mount st. helens, mount ranier, mount adams, mount hood, and mount jefferson, rose majestically above a rolling sea of dark fir-covered ridges, some of which the approaching winter had already begun to mark with white. on every side, as far as the eye could reach, terrific convulsions of nature had recorded their fury; and not even a thread of blue smoke from the camp-fire of a wandering savage disturbed the solitude of the scene." the columbia river.--"the columbia river forces its way through the cascade range by a pass, which, for wild and sublime natural scenery, equals the celebrated passage of the hudson through the highlands. for a distance of about fifty miles, mountains covered with clinging spruces, firs, and pines, where not too precipitous to afford even these a foothold, rise abruptly from the water's edge to heights varying from one thousand to three thousand feet. vertical precipices of columnar basalt are occasionally seen, rising from fifty to a hundred feet above the river level. in other places, the long mountain-walls of the river are divided by lateral cañons (pronounced _canyons_), containing small tributaries, and occasionally little open spots of good land, liable to be overflowed at high water." caÃ�ons.--the plains east of the cascade mountains, through the whole extent of oregon and california, are covered with a volcanic deposit composed of trap, basalt, and other rocks of the same class. this deposit is cleft by chasms often more than a thousand feet deep, at the bottom of which there usually flows a stream of clear, cold water. this is sometimes the only water to be procured for the distance of many miles; and the traveller may be perishing with thirst while he sees far below him a sparkling stream, from which he is separated by precipices of enormous height and perpendicular descent. to chasms of this nature the name of _cañons_ has been applied, borrowed from the spaniards of mexico. we quote lieut. abbot's description of the cañon of des chutes river, a tributary of the columbia:-- "sept. .--as it was highly desirable to determine accurately the position and character of the cañon of des chutes river, i started this morning with one man to follow down the creek to its mouth, leaving the rest of the party in camp. having yesterday experienced the inconveniences of travelling in the bottom of a cañon, i concluded to try to-day the northern bluff. it was a dry, barren plain, gravelly, and sometimes sandy, with a few bunches of grass scattered here and there. tracks of antelopes or deer were numerous. after crossing one small ravine, and riding about five miles from camp, we found ourselves on the edge of the vast cañon of the river, which, far below us, was rushing through a narrow trough of basalt, resembling the dalles of the columbia. we estimated the depth of the cañon at a thousand feet. on each side, the precipices were very steep, and marked in many places by horizontal lines of vertical, basaltic columns, fifty or sixty feet in height. the man who was with me rolled a large rock, shaped like a grindstone, and weighing about two hundred pounds, from the summit. it thundered down for at least a quarter of a mile,--now over a vertical precipice, now over a steep mass of detritus, until at length it plunged into the river with a hollow roar, which echoed and re-echoed through the gorge for miles. by ascending a slight hill, i obtained a fine view of the surrounding country. the generally level character of the great basaltic table-land around us was very manifest from this point. bounded on the west by the cascade mountains, the plain extends far towards the south,--a sterile, treeless waste." the cascades.--"about forty miles below the dalles, all navigation is suspended by a series of rapids called the cascades. the wild grandeur of this place surpasses description. the river rushes furiously over a narrow bed filled with bowlders, and bordered by mountains which echo back the roar of the waters. the descent at the principal rapids is thirty-four feet; and the total fall at the cascades, sixty-one feet. salmon pass up the river in great numbers; and the cascades, at certain seasons of the year, are a favorite fishing resort with the indians, who build slight stagings over the water's edge, and spear the fish, or catch them in rude dip-nets, as they slowly force their way up against the current." we now return to our travellers. indian mode of packing salmon. near our camp are five large huts of indians engaged in drying fish, and preparing it for market. the manner of doing this is by first opening the fish, and exposing it to the sun on scaffolds. when it is sufficiently dried, it is pounded between two stones till it is pulverized, and is then placed in a basket, about two feet long and one in diameter, neatly made of grass and rushes, and lined with the skin of the salmon, stretched and dried for the purpose. here they are pressed down as hard as possible, and the top covered with skins of fish, which are secured by cords through the holes of the basket. these baskets are then placed in some dry situation, the corded part upwards; seven being usually placed as close as they can be together, and five on the top of them. the whole is then wrapped up in mats, and made fast by cords. twelve of these baskets, each of which contains from ninety to a hundred pounds, form a stack, which is now left exposed till it is sent to market. the fish thus preserved are kept sound and sweet for several years; and great quantities of it, they inform us, are sent to the indians who live lower down the river, whence it finds its way to the whites who visit the mouth of the columbia. we observe, both near the lodges and on the rocks in the river, great numbers of stacks of these pounded fish. beside the salmon, there are great quantities of salmon-trout, and another smaller species of trout, which they save in another way. a hole of any size being dug, the sides and bottom are lined with straw, over which skins are laid. on these the fish, after being well dried, is laid, covered with other skins, and the hole closed with a layer of earth, twelve or fifteen inches deep. these supplies are for their winter food. the stock of fish, dried and pounded, was so abundant, that capt. clarke counted one hundred and seven stacks of them, making more than ten thousand pounds. the indian boatmen. the canoes used by these people are built of white cedar or pine, very light, wide in the middle, and tapering towards the ends; the bow being raised, and ornamented with carvings of the heads of animals. as the canoe is the vehicle of transportation, the indians have acquired great dexterity in the management of it, and guide it safely over the roughest waves. we had an opportunity to-day of seeing the boldness of the indians. one of our men shot a goose, which fell into the river, and was floating rapidly towards the great shoot, when an indian, observing it, plunged in after it. the whole mass of the waters of the columbia, just preparing to descend its narrow channel, carried the bird down with great rapidity. the indian followed it fearlessly to within a hundred and fifty feet of the rocks, where, had he arrived, he would inevitably have been dashed to pieces; but, seizing his prey, he turned round, and swam ashore with great composure. we very willingly relinquished our right to the bird in favor of the indian, who had thus secured it at the hazard of his life. he immediately set to work, and picked off about half the feathers, and then, without opening it, ran a stick through it, and carried it off to roast. indian houses. while the canoes were coming on, impeded by the difficulties of the navigation, capt. clarke, with two men, walked down the river-shore, and came to a village belonging to a tribe called echeloots. the village consisted of twenty-one houses, scattered promiscuously over an elevated position. the houses were nearly equal in size, and of similar construction. a large hole, twenty feet wide and thirty in length, is dug to the depth of six feet. the sides are lined with split pieces of timber in an erect position, rising a short distance above the surface of the ground. these timbers are secured in their position by a pole, stretched along the side of the building, near the eaves, supported by a post at each corner. the timbers at the gable-ends rise higher, the middle pieces being the tallest. supported by these, there is a ridge-pole running the whole length of the house, forming the top of the roof. from this ridge-pole to the eaves of the house are placed a number of small poles, or rafters, secured at each end by fibres of the cedar. on these poles is laid a covering of white cedar or arbor-vitæ, kept on by strands of cedar-fibres. a small distance along the whole length of the ridge-pole is left uncovered for the admission of light, and to permit the smoke to escape. the entrance is by a small door at the gable-end, thirty inches high, and fourteen broad. before this hole is hung a mat; and on pushing it aside, and crawling through, the descent is by a wooden ladder, made in the form of those used among us. one-half of the inside is used as a place of deposit for their dried fish, and baskets of berries: the other half, nearest the door, remains for the accommodation of the family. on each side are arranged, near the walls, beds of mats, placed on platforms or bedsteads, raised about two feet from the ground. in the middle of the vacant space is the fire, or sometimes two or three fires, when, as is usually the case, the house contains several families. the inhabitants received us with great kindness, and invited us to their houses. on entering one of them, we saw figures of men, birds, and different animals, cut and painted on the boards which form the sides of the room, the figures uncouth, and the workmanship rough; but doubtless they were as much esteemed by the indians as our finest domestic adornments are by us. the chief had several articles, such as scarlet and blue cloth, a sword, a jacket, and hat, which must have been procured from the whites. on one side of the room were two wide split boards, placed together so as to make space for a rude figure of a man, cut and painted on them. on pointing to this, and asking what it meant, he said something, of which all we understood was "good," and then stepped to the image, and brought out his bow and quiver, which, with some other warlike implements, were kept behind it. the chief then directed his wife to hand him his _medicine-bag_, from which he brought out fourteen fore-fingers, which he told us had once belonged to the same number of his enemies. they were shown with great exultation; and after an harangue, which we were left to presume was in praise of his exploits, the fingers were carefully replaced among the valuable contents of the red medicine-bag. this bag is an object of religious regard, and it is a species of sacrilege for any one but its owner to touch it. in all the houses are images of men, of different shapes, and placed as ornaments in the parts of the house where they are most likely to be seen. a submerged forest. oct. .--the river is now about three-quarters of a mile wide, with a current so gentle, that it does not exceed a mile and a half an hour; but its course is obstructed by large rocks, which seem to have fallen from the mountains. what is, however, most singular, is, that there are stumps of pine-trees scattered to some distance in the river, which has the appearance of having been dammed below, and forced to encroach on the shore. note. rev. s. parker says, "we noticed a remarkable phenomenon,--trees standing in their natural position in the river, where the water is twenty feet deep. in many places, they were so numerous, that we had to pick our way with our canoe as through a forest. the water is so clear, that i had an opportunity of examining their position down to their spreading roots, and found them in the same condition as when standing in their native forest. it is evident that there has been an uncommon subsidence of a tract of land, more than twenty miles in length, and more than a mile in width. that the trees are not wholly decayed down to low-water mark, proves that the subsidence is comparatively of recent date; and their undisturbed natural position proves that it took place in a tranquil manner, not by any tremendous convulsion of nature." the river widens.--they meet the tide. nov. , .--longitude about °. at this point the first tidewater commences, and the river widens to nearly a mile in extent. the low grounds, too, become wider; and they, as well as the mountains on each side, are covered with pine, spruce, cotton-wood, a species of ash, and some alder. after being so long accustomed to the dreary nakedness of the country above, the change is as grateful to the eye as it is useful in supplying us with fuel. the ponds in the low grounds on each side of the river are resorted to by vast quantities of fowls, such as swans, geese, brants, cranes, storks, white gulls, cormorants, and plover. the river is wide, and contains a great number of sea-otters. in the evening, the hunters brought in game for a sumptuous supper, which we shared with the indians, great numbers of whom spent the night with us. during the night, the tide rose eighteen inches near our camp. a large village.--columbia valley. nov. .--next day, we landed on the left bank of the river, at a village of twenty-five houses. all of these were thatched with straw, and built of bark, except one, which was about fifty feet long, built of boards, in the form of those higher up the river; from which it differed, however, in being completely above ground, and covered with broad split boards. this village contains about two hundred men of the skilloot nation, who seem well provided with canoes, of which there were fifty-two (some of them very large) drawn up in front of the village. on landing, we found an indian from up the river, who had been with us some days ago, and now invited us into a house, of which he appeared to own a part. here he treated us with a root, round in shape, about the size of a small irish potato, which they call _wappatoo_. it is the common arrowhead, or sagittifolia, so much esteemed by the chinese, and, when roasted in the embers till it becomes soft, has an agreeable taste, and is a very good substitute for bread. here the ridge of low mountains running north-west and south-east crosses the river, and forms the western boundary of the plain through which we have just passed.[ ] this great plain, or valley, is about sixty miles wide in a straight line; while on the right and left it extends to a great distance. it is a fertile and delightful country, shaded by thick groves of tall timber, watered by small ponds, and lying on both sides of the river. the soil is rich, and capable of any species of culture; but, in the present condition of the indians, its chief production is the wappatoo-root, which grows spontaneously and exclusively in this region. sheltered as it is on both sides, the temperature is much milder than that of the surrounding country. through its whole extent, it is inhabited by numerous tribes of indians, who either reside in it permanently, or visit its waters in quest of fish and wappatoo-roots. we gave it the name of the columbia valley. coffin rock. among some interesting islands of basalt, there is one called coffin rock, situated in the middle of the river, rising ten or fifteen feet above high-freshet water. it is almost entirely covered with canoes, in which the dead are deposited, which gives it its name. in the section of country from wappatoo island to the pacific ocean, the indians, instead of committing their dead to the earth, deposit them in canoes; and these are placed in such situations as are most secure from beasts of prey, upon such precipices as this island, upon branches of trees, or upon scaffolds made for the purpose. the bodies of the dead are covered with mats, and split planks are placed over them. the head of the canoe is a little raised, and at the foot there is a hole made for water to escape. they reach the ocean. next day we passed the mouth of a large river, a hundred and fifty yards wide, called by the indians cowalitz. a beautiful, extensive plain now presented itself; but, at the distance of a few miles, the hills again closed in upon the river, so that we could not for several miles find a place sufficiently level to fix our camp upon for the night. thursday, nov. .--the morning was rainy, and the fog so thick, that we could not see across the river. we proceeded down the river, with an indian for our pilot, till, after making about twenty miles, the fog cleared off, and we enjoyed the delightful prospect of the ocean, the object of all our labors, the reward of all our endurance. this cheering view exhilarated the spirits of all the party, who listened with delight to the distant roar of the breakers. for ten days after our arrival at the coast, we were harassed by almost incessant rain. on the th, a violent gale of wind arose, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and hail. the waves were driven with fury against the rocks and trees, which had till then afforded us a partial defence. cold and wet; our clothes and bedding rotten as well as wet; the canoes, our only means of escape from the place, at the mercy of the waves,--we were, however, fortunate enough to enjoy good health. saturday, nov. .--the morning was clear and beautiful. we put out our baggage to dry, and sent several of the party to hunt. the camp was in full view of the ocean. the wind was strong from the south-west, and the waves very high; yet the indians were passing up and down the bay in canoes, and several of them encamped near us. the hunters brought in two deer, a crane, some geese and ducks, and several brant. the tide rises at this place eight feet six inches, and rolls over the beach in great waves. an excursion down the bay. capt. clarke started on monday, th november, on an excursion by land down the bay, accompanied by eleven men. the country is low, open, and marshy, partially covered with high pine and a thick undergrowth. at the distance of about fifteen miles they reached the cape, which forms the northern boundary of the river's mouth, called cape disappointment, so named by capt. meares, after a fruitless search for the river. it is an elevated circular knob, rising with a steep ascent a hundred and fifty feet or more above the water, covered with thick timber on the inner side, but open and grassy in the exposure next the sea. the opposite point of the bay is a very low ground, about ten miles distant, called, by capt. gray, point adams. the water for a great distance off the mouth of the river appears very shallow; and within the mouth, nearest to point adams, there is a large sand-bar, almost covered at high tide. we could not ascertain the direction of the deepest channel; for the waves break with tremendous force across the bay. mr. parker speaks more fully of this peculiarity of the river:-- "a difficulty of such a nature as is not easily overcome exists in regard to the navigation of this river; which is, the sand-bar at its entrance. it is about five miles, across the bar, from cape disappointment out to sea. in no part of that distance is the water upon the bar over eight fathoms deep, and in one place only five, and the channel only about half a mile in width. so wide and open is the ocean, that there is always a heavy swell: and, when the wind is above a gentle breeze, there are breakers quite across the bar; so that there is no passing it, except when the wind and tide are both favorable. outside the bar, there is no anchorage; and there have been instances, in the winter season, of ships lying off and on thirty days, waiting for an opportunity to pass: and a good pilot is always needed. high, and in most parts perpendicular, basaltic rocks line the shores." the following is theodore winthrop's description of the columbia, taken from his "canoe and saddle:"-- "a wall of terrible breakers marks the mouth of the columbia,--achilles of rivers. "other mighty streams may swim feebly away seaward, may sink into foul marshes, may trickle through the ditches of an oozy delta, may scatter among sand-bars the currents that once moved majestic and united; but to this heroic flood was destined a short life and a glorious one,--a life all one strong, victorious struggle, from the mountains to the sea. it has no infancy: two great branches collect its waters up and down the continent. they join, and the columbia is born--to full manhood. it rushes forward jubilant through its magnificent chasm, and leaps to its death in the pacific." footnote: [ ] since called the coast range. chapter xiii. winter-quarters. november, .--having now examined the coast, it becomes necessary to decide on the spot for our winter-quarters. we must rely chiefly for subsistence upon our arms, and be guided in the choice of our residence by the supply of game which any particular spot may offer. the indians say that the country on the opposite side of the river is better supplied with elk,--an animal much larger, and more easily killed, than the deer, with flesh more nutritive, and a skin better fitted for clothing. the neighborhood of the sea is, moreover, recommended by the facility of supplying ourselves with salt, and the hope of meeting some of the trading-vessels, which are expected about three months hence, from which we may procure a fresh supply of trinkets for our journey homewards. these considerations induced us to determine on visiting the opposite side of the bay; and, if there was an appearance of plenty of game, to establish ourselves there for the winter. monday, th november, we set out; but, as the wind was too high to suffer us to cross the river, we kept near the shore, watching for a favorable change. on leaving our camp, seven clatsops in a canoe accompanied us, but, after going a few miles, left us, and steered straight across through immense, high waves, leaving us in admiration at the dexterity with which they threw aside each wave as it threatened to come over their canoe. next day, with a more favorable wind, we began to cross the river. we passed between some low, marshy islands, and reached the south side of the columbia, and landed at a village of nine large houses. soon after we landed, three indians came down from the village with wappatoo-roots, which we purchased with fish-hooks. we proceeded along the shore till we came to a remarkable knob of land projecting about a mile and a half into the bay, about four miles round, while the neck of land which unites it to the main is not more than fifty yards across. we went round this projection, which we named point william; but the waves then became so high, that we could not venture any farther, and therefore landed on a beautiful shore of pebbles of various colors, and encamped near an old indian hut on the isthmus. discomforts. nov. .--it rained hard all next day, and the next, attended with a high wind from the south-west. it was impossible to proceed on so rough a sea. we therefore sent several men to hunt, and the rest of us remained during the day in a situation the most cheerless and uncomfortable. on this little neck of land, we are exposed, with a miserable covering which does not deserve the name of a shelter, to the violence of the winds. all our bedding and stores are completely wet, our clothes rotting with constant exposure, and no food except the dried fish brought from the falls, to which we are again reduced. the hunters all returned hungry, and drenched with rain; having seen neither deer nor elk, and the swans and brants too shy to be approached. at noon, the wind shifted to the north-west, and blew with such fury, that many trees were blown down near us. the gale lasted with short intervals during the whole night; but towards morning the wind lulled, though the rain continued, and the waves were still high. th.--the hunters met with no better success this day and the next, and the weather continued rainy. but on monday, d december, one of the hunters killed an elk at the distance of six miles from the camp, and a canoe was sent to bring it. this was the first elk we had killed on the west side of the rocky mountains; and, condemned as we have been to the dried fish, it forms a most acceptable food. the rain continued, with brief interruptions, during the whole month of december. there were occasional falls of snow, but no frost or ice. winter-quarters. capt. lewis returned from an excursion down the bay, having left two of his men to guard six elks and five deer which the party had shot. he had examined the coast, and found a river a short distance below, on which we might encamp for the winter, with a sufficiency of elk for our subsistence within reach. this information was very satisfactory, and we decided on going thither as soon as we could move from the point; but it rained all night and the following day. saturday, th december, , was fair. we therefore loaded our canoes, and proceeded: but the tide was against us, and the waves very high; so that we were obliged to proceed slowly and cautiously. we at length turned a point, and found ourselves in a deep bay. here we landed for breakfast, and were joined by a party sent out three days ago to look for the six elk. after breakfast, we coasted round the bay, which is about four miles across, and receives two rivers. we called it meriwether's bay, from the christian name of capt. lewis, who was, no doubt, the first white man who surveyed it. on reaching the south side of the bay, we ascended one of the rivers for three miles to the first point of highland, on its western bank, and formed our camp in a thick grove of lofty pines about two hundred yards from the water, and thirty feet above the level of the high tides. the clatsops at home. capt. clarke started on an expedition to the seashore, to fix upon a place for the salt-works. he took six men with him; but three of them left in pursuit of a herd of elk. he met three indians loaded with fresh salmon, which they had taken, and were returning to their village, whither they invited him to accompany them. he agreed; and they brought out a canoe hid along the bank of a creek. capt. clarke and his party got on board, and in a short time were landed at the village, consisting of twelve houses, inhabited by twelve families of clatsops. these houses were on the south exposure of a hill, and sunk about four feet deep into the ground; the walls, roof, and gable-ends being formed of split-pine boards; the descent through a small door down a ladder. there were two fires in the middle of the room, and the beds disposed round the walls, two or three feet from the floor, so as to leave room under them for their bags, baskets, and household articles. the floor was covered with mats. capt. clarke was received with much attention. as soon as he entered, clean mats were spread, and fish, berries, and roots set before him on small, neat platters of rushes. after he had eaten, the men of the other houses came and smoked with him. they appeared much neater in their persons than indians generally are. towards evening, it began to rain and blow violently; and capt. clarke therefore determined to remain during the night. when they thought his appetite had returned, an old woman presented him, in a bowl made of light-colored horn, a kind of sirup, pleasant to the taste, made from a species of berry common in this country, about the size of a cherry, called by the indians _shelwel_. of these berries a bread is also prepared, which, being boiled with roots, forms a soup, which was served in neat wooden trenchers. this, with some cockles, was his repast. the men of the village now collected, and began to gamble. the most common game was one in which one of the company was banker, and played against all the rest. he had a piece of bone about the size of a large bean; and, having agreed with any one as to the value of the stake, he would pass the bone with great dexterity from one hand to the other, singing at the same time to divert the attention of his adversary. then, holding up his closed hands, his antagonist was challenged to say in which of them the bone was, and lost or won as he pointed to the right or wrong hand. to this game of hazard they abandon themselves with great ardor. sometimes every thing they possess is sacrificed to it; and this evening several of the indians lost all the beads which they had with them. this lasted for three hours; when, capt. clarke appearing disposed to sleep, the man who had been most attentive, and whose name was cuskalah, spread two new mats by the fire; and, ordering his wife to retire to her own bed, the rest of the company dispersed at the same time. capt. clarke then lay down, and slept as well as the fleas would permit him. next morning was cloudy, with some rain. he walked on the seashore, and observed the indians walking up and down, and examining the shore. he was at a loss to understand their object till one of them explained that they were in search of fish, which are thrown on shore by the tide; adding, in english, "sturgeon is good." there is every reason to suppose that these clatsops depend for their subsistence during the winter chiefly on the fish thus casually thrown on the coast. after amusing himself for some time on the beach, capt. clarke returned toward the village. one of the indians asked him to shoot a duck which he pointed out. he did so; and, having accidentally shot off its head, the bird was brought to the village, and all the indians came round in astonishment. they examined the duck, the musket, and the very small bullet (a hundred to the pound); and then exclaimed in their language, "good musket: don't understand this kind of musket." they now placed before him their best roots, fish, and sirup; after which he bought some berry-bread and a few roots in exchange for fish-hooks, and then set out to return by the same route by which he came. he was accompanied by cuskalah and his brother part of the way, and proceeded to the camp through a heavy rain. the party had been occupied during his absence in cutting down trees and in hunting. next day, two of our hunters returned with the pleasing intelligence of their having killed eighteen elk about six miles off. our huts begin to rise; for, though it rains all day, we continue our labors, and are glad to find that the beautiful balsam-pine splits into excellent boards more than two feet in width. dec. .--capt. clarke, with sixteen men, set out in three canoes to get the elk which were killed. after landing as near the spot as possible, the men were despatched in small parties to bring in the game; each man returning with a quarter of an animal. it was accomplished with much labor and suffering; for the rain fell incessantly. the fort completed. we now had the meat-house covered, and all our game carefully hung up in small pieces. two days after, we covered in four huts. five men were sent out to hunt, and five others despatched to the seaside, each with a large kettle, in order to begin the manufacture of salt. the rest of the men were employed in making pickets and gates for our fort. dec. .--as if it were impossible to have twenty-four hours of pleasant weather, the sky last evening clouded up, and the rain began, and continued through the day. in the morning, there came down two canoes,--one from the wahkiacum village; the other contained three men and a squaw of the skilloot nation. they brought wappatoo and shanatac roots, dried fish, mats made of flags and rushes, dressed elk-skins, and tobacco, for which, particularly the skins, they asked an extravagant price. we purchased some wappatoo and a little tobacco, very much like that we had seen among the shoshonees, put up in small, neat bags made of rushes. these we obtained in exchange for a few articles, among which fish-hooks are the most esteemed. one of the skilloots brought a gun which wanted some repair; and, when we had put it in order, we received from him a present of about a peck of wappatoo. we then gave him a piece of sheepskin and blue cloth to cover the lock, and he very thankfully offered a further present of roots. there is an obvious superiority of these skilloots over the wahkiacums, who are intrusive, thievish, and impertinent. our new regulations, however, and the appearance of the sentinel, have improved the behavior of all our indian visitors. they left the fort before sunset, even without being ordered. chapter xiv. a new year. we were awaked at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small-arms to salute the new year. this is the only way of doing honor to the day which our situation admits; for our only dainties are boiled elk and wappatoo, enlivened by draughts of water. next day, we were visited by the chief, comowool, and six clatsops. besides roots and berries, they brought for sale three dogs. having been so long accustomed to live on the flesh of dogs, the most of us have acquired a fondness for it; and any objection to it is overcome by reflecting, that, while we subsisted on that food, we were fatter, stronger, and in better health, than at any period since leaving the buffalo country, east of the mountains. the indians also brought with them some whale's blubber, which they obtained, they told us, from their neighbors who live on the sea-coast, near one of whose villages a whale has recently been thrown and stranded. it was white, and not unlike the fat of pork, though of a more porous and spongy texture; and, on being cooked, was found to be tender and palatable, in flavor resembling the flesh of the beaver. two of the five men who were despatched to make salt returned. they had formed an establishment about fifteen miles south-west of our fort, near some scattered houses of the clatsops, where they erected a comfortable camp, and had killed a stock of provisions. they brought with them a gallon of the salt of their manufacture, which was white, fine, and very good. it proves to be a most agreeable addition to our food; and, as they can make three or four quarts a day, we have a prospect of a plentiful supply. the whale. the appearance of the whale seemed to be a matter of importance to all the neighboring indians; and in hopes that we might be able to procure some of it for ourselves, or at least purchase some from the indians, a small parcel of merchandise was prepared, and a party of men got in readiness to set out in the morning. as soon as this resolution was known, chaboneau and his wife requested that they might be permitted to accompany us. the poor woman urged very earnestly that she had travelled a great way with us to see the great water, yet she had never been down to the coast; and, now that this monstrous fish also was to be seen, it seemed hard that she should not be permitted to see either the ocean or the whale. so reasonable a request could not be denied: they were therefore suffered to accompany capt. clarke, who next day, after an early breakfast, set out with twelve men in two canoes. he proceeded down the river on which we are encamped into meriwether bay; from whence he passed up a creek three miles to some high, open land, where he found a road. he there left the canoes, and followed the path over deep marshes to a pond about a mile long. here they saw a herd of elk; and the men were divided into small parties, and hunted them till after dark. three of the elk were wounded; but night prevented our taking more than one, which was brought to the camp, and cooked with some sticks of pine which had drifted down the creeks. the weather was beautiful, the sky clear, and the moon shone brightly,--a circumstance the more agreeable, as this is the first fair evening we have enjoyed for two months. thursday, jan. .--there was a frost this morning. we rose early, and taking eight pounds of flesh, which was all that remained of the elk, proceeded up the south fork of the creek. at the distance of two miles we found a pine-tree, which had been felled by one of our salt-makers, on which we crossed the deepest part of the creek, and waded through the rest. we then went over an open, ridgy prairie, three-quarters of a mile to the sea-beach; after following which for three miles, we came to the mouth of a beautiful river, with a bold, rapid current, eighty-five yards wide, and three feet deep in its shallowest crossings. on its north-east side are the remains of an old village of clatsops, inhabited by only a single family, who appeared miserably poor and dirty. we gave the man two fish-hooks to ferry the party over the river, which, from the tribe on its banks, we called clatsop river. the creek which we had passed on a tree approaches this river within about a hundred yards, and, by means of a portage, supplies a communication with the villages near point adams. after going on for two miles, we found the salt-makers encamped near four houses of clatsops and killimucks, who, though poor and dirty, seemed kind and well-disposed. we persuaded a young indian, by the present of a file and a promise of some other articles, to guide us to the spot where the whale lay. he led us for two and a half miles over the round, slippery stones at the foot of a high hill projecting into the sea, and then, suddenly stopping, and uttering the word "peshack," or bad, explained by signs that we could no longer follow the coast, but must cross the mountain. this threatened to be a most laborious undertaking; for the side was nearly perpendicular, and the top lost in clouds. he, however, followed an indian path, which wound along, and favored the ascent as much as possible; but it was so steep, that, at one place, we were forced to draw ourselves up for about a hundred feet by means of bushes and roots. clarke's point of view. at length, after two hours' labor, we reached the top of the mountain, where we looked down with astonishment on the height of ten or twelve hundred feet which we had ascended. we were here met by fourteen indians loaded with oil and blubber, the spoils of the whale, which they were carrying in very heavy burdens over this rough mountain. on leaving them, we proceeded over a bad road till night, when we encamped on a small run. we were all much fatigued: but the weather was pleasant; and, for the first time since our arrival here, an entire day has passed without rain. in the morning we set out early, and proceeded to the top of the mountain, the highest point of which is an open spot facing the ocean. it is situated about thirty miles south-east of cape disappointment, and projects nearly two and a half miles into the sea. here one of the most delightful views imaginable presents itself. immediately in front is the ocean, which breaks with fury on the coast, from the rocks of cape disappointment as far as the eye can discern to the north-west, and against the highlands and irregular piles of rock which diversify the shore to the south-east. to this boisterous scene, the columbia, with its tributary waters, widening into bays as it approaches the ocean, and studded on both sides with the chinook and clatsop villages, forms a charming contrast; while immediately beneath our feet are stretched rich prairies, enlivened by three beautiful streams, which conduct the eye to small lakes at the foot of the hills. we stopped to enjoy the romantic view from this place, which we distinguished by the name of clarke's point of view, and then followed our guide down the mountain. the whale. the descent was steep and dangerous. in many places, the hillsides, which are formed principally of yellow clay, have been loosened by the late rains, and are slipping into the sea in large masses of fifty and a hundred acres. in other parts, the path crosses the rugged, perpendicular, basaltic rocks which overhang the sea, into which a false step would have precipitated us. the mountains are covered with a very thick growth of timber, chiefly pine and fir; some trees of which, perfectly sound and solid, rise to the height of two hundred and ten feet, and are from eight to twelve in diameter. intermixed is the white cedar, or arbor-vitæ, and some trees of black alder, two or three feet thick, and sixty or seventy in height. at length we reached the sea-level, and continued for two miles along the sand-beach, and soon after reached the place where the waves had thrown the whale on shore. the animal had been placed between two villages of killimucks; and such had been their industry, that there now remained nothing but the skeleton, which we found to be a hundred and five feet in length. capt. clarke named the place ecola, or whale creek. the natives were busied in boiling the blubber in a large square trough of wood by means of heated stones, preserving the oil thus extracted in bladders and the entrails of the whale. the refuse pieces of the blubber, which still contained a portion of oil, were hung up in large flitches, and, when wanted for use, were warmed on a wooden spit before the fire, and eaten, either alone, or with roots of the rush and shanatac. the indians, though they had great quantities, parted with it very reluctantly, at such high prices, that our whole stock of merchandise was exhausted in the purchase of about three hundred pounds of blubber and a few gallons of oil. next morning was fine, the wind from the north-east; and, having divided our stock of the blubber, we began at sunrise to retrace our steps in order to reach our encampment, which we called fort clatsop, thirty-five miles distant, with as little delay as possible. we met several parties of indians on their way to trade for blubber and oil with the killimucks: we also overtook a party returning from the village, and could not but regard with astonishment the heavy loads which the women carry over these fatiguing and dangerous paths. as one of the women was descending a steep part of the mountain, her load slipped from her back; and she stood holding it by a strap with one hand, and with the other supporting herself by a bush. capt. clarke, being near her, undertook to replace the load, and found it almost as much as he could lift, and above one hundred pounds in weight. loaded as they were, they kept pace with us till we reached the salt-makers' camp, where we passed the night, while they continued their route. next day, we proceeded across clatsop river to the place where we had left our canoes, and, as the tide was coming in, immediately embarked for the fort, at which place we arrived about ten o'clock at night. drewyer, the hunter. jan. , .--two hunters had been despatched in the morning; and one of them, drewyer, had, before evening, killed seven elks. we should scarcely be able to subsist, were it not for the exertions of this excellent hunter. the game is scarce; and none is now to be seen except elk, which, to almost all the men, are very difficult to be procured. but drewyer, who is the offspring of a canadian frenchman and an indian woman, has passed his life in the woods, and unites in a wonderful degree the dexterous aim of the frontier huntsman with the sagacity of the indian in pursuing the faintest tracks through the forest. all our men have indeed become so expert with the rifle, that, when there is game of any kind, we are almost certain of procuring it. monday, jan. .--capt. lewis took all the men who could be spared, and brought in the seven elk, which they found untouched by the wolves. the last of the candles which we brought with us being exhausted, we now began to make others of elk-tallow. we also employed ourselves in jerking the meat of the elk. we have three of the canoes drawn up out of the reach of the water, and the other secured by a strong cord, so as to be ready for use if wanted. jan. .--to-day we finished curing our meat; and having now a plentiful supply of elk and salt, and our houses dry and comfortable, we wait patiently for the moment of resuming our journey. chapter xv. winter life. jan. , .--we are all occupied in dressing skins, and preparing clothes for our journey homewards. this morning, we sent out two parties of hunters in different directions. we were visited by three clatsops, who came merely for the purpose of smoking and conversing with us. jan. .--two of the hunters came back with three elks, which form a timely addition to our stock of provision. the indian visitors left us at twelve o'clock. the clatsops and other nations have visited us with great freedom. having acquired much of their language, we are enabled, with the assistance of gestures, to hold conversations with great ease. we find them inquisitive and loquacious; by no means deficient in acuteness. they are generally cheerful, but seldom gay. every thing they see excites their attention and inquiries. their treatment of women and old men depends very much on the usefulness of these classes. thus, among the clatsops and chinooks, who live upon fish and roots, which the women are equally expert with the men in procuring, the women have a rank and influence far greater than they have among the hunting tribes. on many subjects their judgments and opinions are respected; and, in matters of trade, their advice is generally asked and followed. so with the old men: when one is unable to pursue the chase, his counsels may compensate for his want of activity; but in the next state of infirmity, when he can no longer travel from camp to camp as the tribe roams about for subsistence, he is found to be a burden. in this condition they are abandoned among the sioux and other hunting-tribes of the missouri. as the tribe are setting out for some new excursion where the old man is unable to follow, his children or nearest relations place before him a piece of meat and some water; and telling him that he has lived long enough, that it is now time for him to go home to his relations, who can take better care of him than his friends on earth, they leave him without remorse to perish, when his little supply is exhausted. though this is doubtless true as a general rule, yet, in the villages of the minnetarees and ricaras, we saw no want of kindness to old men: on the contrary, probably because in villages the more abundant means of subsistence renders such cruelty unnecessary, the old people appeared to be treated with attention; and some of their feasts, particularly the buffalo-dances, were intended chiefly as an occasion of contribution for the old and infirm. flathead indians. the custom of flattening the head by artificial pressure during infancy prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the rocky mountains. to the east of that barrier the fashion is so perfectly unused, that they designate the western indians, of whatever tribe, by the common name of flatheads. the practice is universal among the killimucks, clatsops, chinooks, and cathlamahs,--the four nations with whom we have had most intercourse. soon after the birth of her child, the mother places it in the compressing-frame, where it is kept for ten or twelve months. the operation is so gradual, that it is not attended with pain. the heads of the children, when they are released from the bandage, are not more than two inches thick about the upper edge of the forehead: nor, with all its efforts, can nature ever restore their shape; the heads of grown persons being often in a straight line from the tip of the nose to the top of the forehead. temperance.--gambling. their houses usually contain several families, consisting of parents, sons and daughters, daughters-in-law and grand-children, among whom the provisions are in common, and harmony seldom interrupted. as these families gradually expand into tribes, or nations, the paternal authority is represented by the chief of each association. the chieftainship is not hereditary: the chief's ability to render service to his neighbors, and the popularity which follows it, is the foundation of his authority, which does not extend beyond the measure of his personal influence. the harmony of their private life is protected by their ignorance of spirituous liquors. although the tribes near the coast have had so much intercourse with the whites, they do not appear to possess any knowledge of those dangerous luxuries; at least, they have never inquired of us for them. indeed, we have not observed any liquor of an intoxicating quality used among any indians west of the rocky mountains; the universal beverage being pure water. they, however, almost intoxicate themselves by smoking tobacco, of which they are excessively fond. but the common vice of all these people is an attachment to games of chance, which they pursue with a ruinous avidity. the game of the pebble has already been described. another game is something like the play of ninepins. two pins are placed on the floor, about the distance of a foot from each other, and a small hole made in the earth behind them. the players then go about ten feet from the hole, into which they try to roll a small piece resembling the men used at checkers. if they succeed in putting it into the hole, they win the stake. if the piece rolls between the pins, but does not go into the hole, nothing is won or lost; but the wager is lost if the checker rolls outside the pins. entire days are wasted at these games, which are often continued through the night round the blaze of their fires, till the last article of clothing or the last blue bead is lost and won. trees. the whole neighborhood of the coast is supplied with great quantities of excellent timber. the predominant growth is the fir, of which we have seen several species. the first species grows to an immense size, and is very commonly twenty-seven feet in circumference, six feet above the earth's surface. they rise to the height of two hundred and thirty feet, and one hundred and twenty of that height without a limb. we have often found them thirty-six feet in circumference. one of our party measured one, and found it to be forty-two feet in circumference at a point beyond the reach of an ordinary man. this tree was perfectly sound; and, at a moderate calculation, its height may be estimated at three hundred feet. the second is a much more common species, and constitutes at least one-half of the timber in this neighborhood. it resembles the spruce, rising from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty feet; and is from four to six feet in diameter, straight, round, and regularly tapering. the stem of the black alder arrives at a great size. it is sometimes found growing to the height of sixty or seventy feet, and is from two to four in diameter. there is a tree, common on the columbia river, much resembling the ash, and another resembling the white maple, though much smaller. the undergrowth consists of honeysuckle, alder, whortleberry, a plant like the mountain-holly, green brier, and fern. animals. the beaver of this country is large and fat: the flesh is very palatable, and, at our table, was a real luxury. on the th of january, our hunter found a beaver in his trap, of which he made a bait for taking others. this bait will entice the beaver to the trap as far as he can smell it; and this may be fairly stated to be at the distance of a mile, as their sense of smelling is very acute. the sea-otter resides only on the sea-coast or in the neighborhood of the salt water. when fully grown, he attains to the size of a large mastiff dog. the ears, which are not an inch in length, are thick, pointed, fleshy, and covered with short hair; the tail is ten inches long, thick at the point of insertion, and partially covered with a deep fur on the upper side; the legs are very short, covered with fur, and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long, and of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to the nose, they measure five feet. the color is a uniform dark brown, and when in good condition, and in season, perfectly black. this animal is unrivalled for the beauty, richness, and softness of his fur. the inner part of the fur, when opened, is lighter than the surface in its natural position. there are some black and shining hairs intermixed with the fur, which are rather longer, and add much to its beauty. horses and dogs. the horse is confined chiefly to the nations inhabiting the great plains of the columbia, extending from latitude forty to fifty north, and occupying the tract of country lying between the rocky mountains and a range of mountains which crosses the columbia river about the great falls. in this region they are very numerous. they appear to be of an excellent race, lofty, well formed, active, and enduring. many of them appear like fine english coursers. some of them are pied, with large spots of white irregularly scattered, and intermixed with a dark-brown bay. the greater part, however, are of a uniform color, marked with stars, and white feet. the natives suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which affords them their only winter subsistence; their masters taking no trouble to lay in a winter's store for them. they will, nevertheless, unless much exercised, fatten on the dry grass afforded by the plains during the winter. the plains are rarely moistened by rain, and the grass is consequently short and thin. whether the horse was originally a native of this country or not, the soil and climate appear to be perfectly well adapted to his nature. horses are said to be found wild in many parts of this country. the dog is small, about the size of an ordinary cur. he is usually party-colored; black, white, brown, and brindle being the colors most predominant. the head is long, the nose pointed, the eyes small, the ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf. the hair is short and smooth, excepting on the tail, where it is long and straight, like that of the ordinary cur-dog. the natives never eat the flesh of this animal, and he appears to be in no other way serviceable to them but in hunting the elk. to us, on the contrary, it has now become a favorite food; for it is found to be a strong, healthy diet, preferable to lean deer or elk, and much superior to horse-flesh in any state. burrowing squirrel. there are several species of squirrels not different from those found in the atlantic states. there is also a species of squirrel, evidently distinct, which we denominate the burrowing squirrel. he measures one foot five inches in length, of which the tail comprises two and a half inches only. the neck and legs are short; the ears are likewise short, obtusely pointed, and lie close to the head. the eyes are of a moderate size, the pupil black, and the iris of a dark, sooty brown. the teeth, and indeed the whole contour, resemble those of the squirrel. these animals associate in large companies, occupying with their burrows sometimes two hundred acres of land. the burrows are separate, and each contains ten or twelve of these inhabitants. there is a little mound in front of the hole, formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow; and frequently there are three or four distinct holes, forming one burrow, with their entrances around the base of a mound. these mounds, about two feet in height and four in diameter, are occupied as watch-towers by the inhabitants of these little communities. the squirrels are irregularly distributed about the tract they thus occupy,--ten, twenty, or thirty yards apart. when any person approaches, they make a shrill whistling sound, somewhat resembling "tweet, tweet, tweet;" the signal for their party to take the alarm, and to retire into their intrenchments. they feed on the grass of their village, the limits of which they never venture to exceed. as soon as the frost commences, they shut themselves up in their caverns, and continue until the spring opens. birds. the grouse, or prairie-hen.--this is peculiarly the inhabitant of the great plains of the columbia, but does not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri. in the winter season, this bird is booted to the first joint of the toes. the toes are curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow, hard scales, which are placed very close to each other, and extend horizontally about one-eighth of an inch on each side of the toes, adding much to the broadness of the feet,--a security which nature has furnished them for passing over the snow with more ease,--and, what is very remarkable, in the summer season these scales drop from the feet. the color of this bird is a mixture of dark brown, reddish, and yellowish brown, with white confusedly mixed. the reddish-brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body, wings, and tail; and the white, under the belly and the lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn and winter; and, even in summer, are seen in companies of five or six. they feed on grass, insects, leaves of various shrubs in the plains, and the seeds of several species of plants which grow in richer soils. in winter, their food consists of the buds of the willow and cottonwood, and native berries. the cock of the plains is found on the plains of the columbia in great abundance. the beak is large, short, covered, and convex; the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large, and the back black. the color is a uniform mixture of a dark-brown, resembling the dove, and a reddish or yellowish brown, with some small black specks. the habits of this bird resemble those of the grouse, excepting that his food is the leaf and buds of the pulpy-leaved thorn. the flesh is dark, and only tolerable in point of flavor. horned frog. the horned lizard, or horned frog, called, for what reason we never could learn, the prairie buffalo, is a native of these plains as well as of those of the missouri. the color is generally brown, intermixed with yellowish spots. the animal is covered with minute scales, interspersed with small horny points, or prickles, on the upper surface of the body. the belly and throat resemble those of the frog, and are of a light yellowish-brown. the edge of the belly is likewise beset with small horny projections. the eye is small and dark. above and behind the eyes there are several bony projections, which resemble horns sprouting from the head. these animals are found in greatest numbers in the sandy, open plains, and appear most abundant after a shower of rain. they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine, but generally conceal themselves in little holes of the earth. this may account for their appearance in such numbers after rain, as their holes may thus be rendered untenantable. chapter xvi. the return. march, .--many reasons had inclined us to remain at fort clatsop till the st of april. besides the want of fuel in the columbian plains, and the impracticability of crossing the mountains before the beginning of june, we were anxious to see some of the foreign traders, from whom, by our ample letters of credit, we might recruit our exhausted stores of merchandise. about the middle of march, however, we became seriously alarmed for the want of food. the elk, our chief dependence, had at length deserted its usual haunts in our neighborhood, and retreated to the mountains. we were too poor to purchase food from the indians; so that we were sometimes reduced, notwithstanding all the exertions of our hunters, to a single day's provision in advance. the men too, whom the constant rains and confinement had rendered unhealthy, might, we hoped, be benefited by leaving the coast, and resuming the exercise of travelling. we therefore determined to leave fort clatsop, ascend the river slowly, consume the month of march in the woody country, where we hoped to find subsistence, and in this way reach the plains about the st of april, before which time it will be impossible to cross them. during the winter, we have been very industrious in dressing skins; so that we now have a sufficient quantity of clothing, besides between three and four hundred pairs of moccasons. but the whole stock of goods on which we are to depend for the purchase of horses or of food, during the long journey of four thousand miles, is so much diminished, that it might all be tied in two handkerchiefs. we therefore feel that our chief dependence must be on our guns, which, fortunately, are all in good order, as we took the precaution of bringing a number of extra locks, and one of our men proved to be an excellent gunsmith. the powder had been secured in leaden canisters; and, though on many occasions they had been under water, it remained perfectly dry: and we now found ourselves in possession of one hundred and forty pounds of powder, and twice that weight of lead,--a stock quite sufficient for the route homewards. we were now ready to leave fort clatsop; but the rain prevented us for several days from calking the canoes, and we were forced to wait for calm weather before we could attempt to pass point william, which projects about a mile and a half into the sea, forming, as it were, the dividing-line between the river and the ocean; for the water below is salt, while that above is fresh. on march , at one o'clock in the afternoon, we took a final leave of fort clatsop. we doubled point william without any injury, and at six o'clock reached the mouth of a small creek, where we found our hunters. they had been fortunate enough to kill two elks, which were brought in, and served for breakfast next morning. next day, we were overtaken by two wahkiacums, who brought two dogs, for which they wanted us to give them some tobacco; but, as we had very little of that article left, they were obliged to go away disappointed. we received at the same time an agreeable supply of three eagles and a large goose, brought in by the hunters. we passed the entrance of cowalitz river, seventy miles from our winter camp. this stream enters the columbia from the north; is one hundred and fifty yards wide; deep and navigable, as the indians assert, for a considerable distance; and probably waters the country west and north of the cascade mountains, which cross the columbia between the great falls and rapids. during the day, we passed a number of fishing-camps on both sides of the river, and were constantly attended by small parties of skilloots, who behaved in the most orderly manner, and from whom we purchased as much fish and roots as we wanted, on moderate terms. the night continued as the day had been,--cold, wet, and disagreeable; which is the general character of the weather in this region at this season. march .--at an early hour, we resumed our route, and halted for breakfast at the upper end of an island where is properly the commencement of the great columbian valley. we landed at a village of fourteen large wooden houses. the people received us kindly, and spread before us wappatoo and anchovies; but, as soon as we had finished enjoying this hospitality (if it deserves that name), they began to ask us for presents. they were, however, perfectly satisfied with the small articles which we distributed according to custom, and equally pleased with our purchasing some wappatoo, twelve dogs, and two sea-otter skins. we also gave the chief a small medal, which he soon transferred to his wife. april .--we met a number of canoes filled with families descending the river. these people told us that they lived at the great rapids, but that a scarcity of provisions there had induced them to come down in hopes of finding subsistence in this fertile valley. all those who lived at the rapids, as well as the nations above them, they said, were in much distress for want of food, having consumed their winter store of dried fish, and not expecting the return of the salmon before the next full moon, which will be on the d of may. this intelligence was disagreeable and embarrassing. from the falls to the chopunnish nation, the plains afford no deer, elk, or antelope, on which we can rely for subsistence. the horses are very poor at this season; and the dogs must be in the same condition, if their food, the fish, have failed. on the other hand, it is obviously inexpedient to wait for the return of the salmon, since, in that case, we may not reach the missouri before the ice will prevent our navigating it. we therefore decided to remain here only till we collect meat enough to last us till we reach the chopunnish nation, with whom we left our horses on our downward journey, trusting that we shall find the animals safe, and have them faithfully returned to us; for, without them, the passage of the mountains will be almost impracticable. april , .--several canoes arrived to visit us; and among the party were two young men who belonged to a nation, which, they said, resides at the falls of a large river which empties itself into the south side of the columbia, a few miles below us; and they drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat. in order to verify this information, capt. clarke persuaded one of the young men, by the present of a burning-glass, to accompany him to the river, in search of which he immediately set out with a canoe and seven of our men. in the evening, capt. clarke returned from his excursion. after descending about twenty miles, he entered the mouth of a large river, which was concealed, by three small islands opposite its entrance, from those who pass up or down the columbia. this river, which the indians call multnomah, from a nation of the same name residing near it on wappatoo island, enters the columbia one hundred and forty miles above the mouth of the latter river. the current of the multnomah, which is also called willamett, is as gentle as that of the columbia; and it appears to possess water enough for the largest ship, since, on sounding with a line of five fathoms, they could find no bottom. capt. clarke ascended the river to the village of his guide. he found here a building two hundred and twenty-six feet in front, entirely above ground, and all under one roof; otherwise it would seem more like a range of buildings, as it is divided into seven distinct apartments, each thirty feet square. the roof is formed of rafters, with round poles laid on them longitudinally. the whole is covered with a double row of the bark of the white cedar, secured by splinters of dried fir, inserted through it at regular distances. in this manner, the roof is made light, strong, and durable. in the house were several old people of both sexes, who were treated with much respect, and still seemed healthy, though most of them were perfectly blind. on inquiring the cause of the decline of their village, which was shown pretty clearly by the remains of several deserted buildings, an old man, father of the guide, and a person of some distinction, brought forward a woman very much marked with the small-pox, and said, that, when a girl, she was near dying with the disorder which had left those marks, and that the inhabitants of the houses now in ruins had fallen victims to the same disease. wappatoo island and root. wappatoo island is a large extent of country lying between the multnomah river and an arm of the columbia. the island is about twenty miles long, and varies in breadth from five to ten miles. the land is high, and extremely fertile, and on most parts is supplied with a heavy growth of cottonwood, ash, and willow. but the chief wealth of this island consists of the numerous ponds in the interior, abounding with the common arrowhead (_sagittaria sagittifolia_), to the root of which is attached a bulb growing beneath it, in the mud. this bulb, to which the indians give the name of _wappatoo_, is the great article of food, and almost the staple article of commerce, on the columbia. it is never out of season; so that, at all times of the year, the valley is frequented by the neighboring indians who come to gather it. it is collected chiefly by the women, who employ for the purpose canoes from ten to fourteen feet in length, about two feet wide, and nine inches deep, tapering from the middle, where they are about twenty inches wide. they are sufficient to contain a single person and several bushels of roots; yet so light, that a woman can carry one with ease. she takes one of these canoes into a pond where the water is as high as the breast, and, by means of her toes, separates from the root this bulb, which, on being freed from the mud, rises immediately to the surface of the water, and is thrown into the canoe. in this manner, these patient females remain in the water for several hours, even in the depth of winter. this plant is found through the whole extent of the valley in which we now are, but does not grow on the columbia farther eastward. scenery of the river and shores. above the junction of the multnomah river, we passed along under high, steep, and rocky sides of the mountains, which here close in on each side of the river, forming stupendous precipices, covered with the fir and white cedar. down these heights frequently descend the most beautiful cascades,--one of which, a large stream, throws itself over a perpendicular rock, three hundred feet above the water; while other smaller streams precipitate themselves from a still greater elevation, and, separating into a mist, again collect, and form a second cascade before they reach the bottom of the rocks. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, generally abrupt and craggy, and in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, hard, basaltic rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends itself, in level plains, to a very great distance. to one remarkable elevation we gave the name of beacon rock. it stands on the north side of the river, insulated from the hills. the northern side has a partial growth of fir or pine. to the south, it rises in an unbroken precipice to the height of seven hundred feet, where it terminates in a sharp point, and may be seen at the distance of twenty miles. this rock may be considered as the point where tidewater commences. april .--we formed our camp at the foot of the long narrows, a little above a settlement of skilloots. their dwellings were formed by sticks set in the ground, and covered with mats and straw, and so large, that each was the residence of several families. the whole village was filled with rejoicing at having caught a salmon, which was considered as the harbinger of vast quantities that would arrive in a few days. in the belief that it would hasten their coming, the indians, according to their custom, dressed the fish, and cut it into small pieces, one of which was given to every child in the village; and, in the good humor excited by this occurrence, they parted, though reluctantly, with four horses, for which we gave them two kettles, reserving to ourselves only one. we resumed our route, and soon after halted on a hill, from the top of which we had a commanding view of the range of mountains in which mount hood stands, and which continued south as far as the eye could reach; their summits being covered with snow. mount hood bore south thirty degrees west; and another snowy summit, which we have called mount jefferson, south ten degrees west. capt. clarke crossed the river, with nine men and a large part of the merchandise, to purchase, if possible, twelve horses to transport our baggage, and some pounded fish, as a reserve, on the passage across the mountains. he succeeded in purchasing only four horses, and those at double the price that had been paid to the shoshonees. april .--as it was much for our interest to preserve the good will of these people, we passed over several small thefts which they had committed; but this morning we learned that six tomahawks and a knife had been stolen during the night. we addressed ourselves to the chief, who seemed angry with his people; but we did not recover the articles: and soon afterwards two of our spoons were missing. we therefore ordered them all from the camp. they left us in ill-humor, and we therefore kept on our guard against any insult. april .--we began our march at seven o'clock. we had just reached the top of a hill near the village, when the load of one of the horses turned; and the animal, taking fright at a robe which still adhered to him, ran furiously toward the village. just as he came there, the robe fell, and an indian made way with it. the horse was soon caught; but the robe was missing, and the indians denied having seen it. these repeated acts of knavery had quite exhausted our patience; and capt. lewis set out for the village, determined to make them deliver up the robe, or to burn their houses to the ground. this retaliation was happily rendered unnecessary; for on his way he met two of our men, who had found the robe in one of the huts, hid behind some baggage. april .--the indians had promised to take our canoes in exchange for horses; but, when they found that we were resolved on travelling by land, they refused giving us any thing for them, in hopes that we would be forced to leave them. disgusted at this conduct, we determined rather to cut them in pieces than suffer these people to possess them; and actually began to do so, when they consented to give us several strands of beads for each canoe. we had now a sufficient number of horses to carry our baggage, and therefore proceeded wholly by land. passing between the hills and the northern shore of the river, we had a difficult and fatiguing march over a road alternately sandy and rocky. the country through which we have passed for several days is of uniform character. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, solid rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends, in level plains, to a very great distance, and, though not as fertile as land near the falls, produces an abundant supply of low grass, which is an excellent food for horses. the grass must indeed be unusually nutritious: for even at this season of the year, after wintering on the dry grass of the plains, and being used with greater severity than is usual among the whites, many of the horses were perfectly fat; nor had we seen a single one that was really poor. having proceeded thirty-one miles, we halted for the night not far from some houses of the walla-wallas. soon after stopping, we were joined by seven of that tribe, among whom we recognized a chief by the name of yellept, who had visited us in october last, when we gave him a medal. he appeared very much pleased at seeing us again, and invited us to remain at his village three or four days, during which he would supply us with such food as they had, and furnish us with horses for our journey. after the cold, inhospitable treatment we had lately received, this kind offer was peculiarly acceptable. after having made a hasty meal, we accompanied him to his village. immediately on our arrival, yellept, who proved to be a man of much influence, collected the inhabitants, and after having made an harangue to them, the object of which was to induce them to treat us hospitably, set them an example by bringing himself an armful of wood, and a platter containing three roasted mullets. they immediately followed the example by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they use,--the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. we then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days previously. we learned from these people, that, opposite to their village, there was a route which led to the mouth of the kooskooskee; that the road was good, and passed over a level country well supplied with water and grass; and that we should meet with plenty of deer and antelope. we knew that a road in that direction would shorten our route eighty miles; and we concluded to adopt this route. fortunately there was among these walla-wallas a prisoner belonging to a tribe of the shoshonee indians. our shoshonee woman, sacajawea, though she belonged to another tribe, spoke the same language as this prisoner; and by their means we were enabled to explain ourselves to the indians, and to answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. our conversation inspired them with such confidence, that they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance. we splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought would be useful for ulcers and eruptions of the skin on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. but our most valuable medicine was eye-water, which we distributed, and which, indeed, they very much required; for complaints of the eyes, occasioned by living so much on the water, and aggravated by the fine sand of the plains, were universal among them. we were by no means dissatisfied at this new resource for obtaining subsistence, as the indians would give us no provisions without merchandise, and our stock was very much reduced. we carefully abstained from giving them any thing but harmless medicines; and our prescriptions might be useful, and were therefore entitled to some remuneration. may .--almost the only instance of rudeness we encountered in our whole trip occurred here. we made our dinner on two dogs and a small quantity of roots. while we were eating, an indian standing by, and looking with great derision at our eating dog's-flesh, threw a half-starved puppy almost into capt. lewis's plate, laughing heartily at the humor of it. capt. lewis took up the animal, and flung it back with great force into the fellow's face, and, seizing his tomahawk, threatened to cut him down if he dared to repeat such insolence. he went off, apparently much mortified; and we continued our dog-repast very quietly. here we met our old chopunnish guide and his family; and soon afterward one of our horses, which had been separated from the others in the charge of twisted-hair, was caught, and restored to us. the walla-walla. we reached (may ) a branch of the walla-walla river. the hills of this creek are generally abrupt and rocky; but the narrow bottom bordering the stream is very fertile, and both possess twenty times as much timber as the columbia itself. indeed, we now find, for the first time since leaving fort clatsop, an abundance of firewood. the growth consists of cotton-wood, birch, the crimson haw, willow, choke-cherry, yellow currants, gooseberry, honeysuckle, rose-bushes, sumac, together with some corn-grass and rushes. the advantage of a comfortable fire induced us, as the night was come, to halt at this place. we were soon supplied by drewyer with a beaver and an otter; of which we took only a part of the beaver, and gave the rest to the indians. the otter is a favorite food, though much inferior, in our estimation, to the dog, which they will not eat. the horse, too, is seldom eaten, and never except when absolute necessity compels. this fastidiousness does not, however, seem to proceed so much from any dislike to the food as from attachment to the animal; for many of them eat very freely of the horse-beef we give them. there is very little difference in the general face of the country here from that of the plains on the missouri, except that the latter are enlivened by vast herds of buffaloes, elks, and other animals, which are wanting here. over these wide bottoms we continued, till, at the distance of twenty-six miles from our last encampment, we halted for the night. we had scarcely encamped, when three young men from the walla-walla village came in with a steel-trap, which we had inadvertently left behind, and which they had come a whole day's journey on purpose to restore. this act of integrity was the more pleasing because it corresponds perfectly with the general behavior of the walla-wallas, among whom we had lost carelessly several knives, which were always returned as soon as found. we may, indeed, justly affirm, that, of all the indians whom we have met, the walla-wallas were the most hospitable, honest, and sincere. twisted-hair. on wednesday, the th of may, we reached the kooskooskee, and found it much more navigable than when we descended it last year. the water was risen, and covered the rocks and shoals. here we found the chief, named twisted-hair, in whose charge we had left our horses in our outward journey. we had suspicions that our horses, and especially our saddles, might not be easily recoverable after our long absence. the twisted-hair was invited to come, and smoke with us. he accepted the invitation, and, as we smoked our pipes over the fire, informed us, that, according to his promise, he had collected the horses, and taken charge of them; but another chief, the broken-arm, becoming jealous of him because the horses were confided to his care, was constantly quarrelling with him. at length, being an old man, and unwilling to live in perpetual disputes, he had given up the care of the horses, which had consequently become scattered. the greater part of them were, however, still in this neighborhood. he added, that on the rise of the river, in the spring, the earth had fallen from the door of the _cache_, and exposed the saddles, some of which had probably been lost; but, as soon as he was acquainted with the situation of them, he had had them buried in another place, where they were now. he promised that he would, on the morrow, send his young men, and collect such of the horses as were in the neighborhood. he kept his word. next day, the indians brought in twenty-one of the horses, the greater part of which were in excellent order; and the twisted-hair restored about half the saddles we had left in the _cache_, and some powder and lead which were buried at the same place. chapter xvii. the rocky mountains. may .--the country along the rocky mountains, for several hundred miles in length and fifty in width, is a high level plain; in all its parts extremely fertile, and in many places covered with a growth of tall, long-leaved pine. nearly the whole of this wide tract is covered with a profusion of grass and plants, which are at this time as high as the knee. among these are a variety of esculent plants and roots, yielding a nutritious and agreeable food. the air is pure and dry; the climate as mild as that of the same latitudes in the atlantic states, and must be equally healthy, since all the disorders which we have witnessed may fairly be imputed to other causes than the climate. of course, the degrees of heat and cold obey the influence of situation. thus the rains of the low grounds are snows in the high plains; and, while the sun shines with intense heat in the confined river-bottoms, the plains enjoy a much cooler air; and, at the foot of the mountains, the snows are even now many feet in depth. crossing the mountains. an attempt to cross the mountains in the early part of june failed on account of the snow, which still covered the track. it was plain we should have no chance of finding either grass or underwood for our horses. to proceed, therefore, would be to hazard the loss of our horses; in which case, if we should be so fortunate as to escape with our lives, we should be obliged to abandon our papers and collections. it was accordingly decided not to venture farther; to deposit here all the baggage and provisions for which we had no immediate use, and to return to some spot where we might live by hunting till the snow should have melted, or a guide be procured to conduct us. we submitted, june , to the mortification of retracing our steps three days' march. on the th june, having been so fortunate as to engage three indians to go with us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of two guns, we set out on our second attempt to cross the mountains. on reaching the place where we had left our baggage, we found our deposit perfectly safe. it required two hours to arrange our baggage, and prepare a hasty meal; after which the guides urged us to set off, as we had a long ride to make before we could reach a spot where there was grass for our horses. we mounted, and followed their steps; sometimes crossed abruptly steep hills, and then wound along their sides, near tremendous precipices, where, had our horses slipped, we should have been irrecoverably lost. our route lay along the ridges which separate the waters of the kooskooskee and chopunnish, and above the heads of all the streams; so that we met no running water. late in the evening, we reached a spot where we encamped near a good spring of water. it was on the steep side of a mountain, with no wood, and a fair southern aspect, from which the snow seemed to have disappeared for about ten days, and an abundant growth of young grass, like greensward, had sprung up. there was also a species of grass not unlike flag, with a broad succulent leaf, which is confined to the upper parts of the mountains. it is a favorite food with the horses; but it was then either covered with snow, or just making its appearance. june .--we continued our route over the high and steep hills of the same great ridge. at eight miles' distance, we reached an eminence where the indians have raised a conical mound of stone six or eight feet high. from this spot we have a commanding view of the surrounding mountains, which so completely enclose us, that, although we have once passed them, we should despair of ever escaping from them without the assistance of the indians; but our guides traverse this trackless region with a kind of instinctive sagacity. they never hesitate; they are never embarrassed; yet so undeviating is their step, that, wherever the snow has disappeared for even a hundred paces, we find the summer road. with their aid, the snow is scarcely a disadvantage; for although we are often obliged to slide down, yet the fallen timber and the rocks, which are now covered up, were much more troublesome when we passed in the autumn. note. a later traveller through this region writes, "the mountains are indeed _rocky_. they are rocks heaped upon rocks, with no vegetation, excepting a few cedars growing out of the crevices near their base. their tops are covered with perpetual snow. the main ridge of the mountains is of _gneiss_ rock; yet, to-day, parallel ridges of a rock, nearly allied to _basalt_, have abounded. these ridges appear to be volcanic, forced up in _dikes_ at different distances from each other, running from east-north-east to west-south-west. the strata are mostly vertical; but some are a little dipped to the south. "our encampment was near a small stream which runs through a volcanic chasm, which is more than a hundred feet deep, with perpendicular sides. here was a passage made for the _water_ by _fire_." the party agree to separate. july , .--it was agreed here that the expedition should be divided, to unite again at the confluence of the missouri and the yellowstone. the separation took place near the point where clarke's river is crossed by the forty-seventh parallel of latitude. capt. lewis, with nine men, was to cross the mountains in a direction as nearly due east as possible, expecting to find some tributary of the missouri, by following which he might reach that river, and by it retrace his way homeward. capt. clarke, with the remainder of the party, was to seek the head waters of the yellowstone, and follow that stream to the proposed place of re-union. in conformity with this arrangement, capt. lewis, under the guidance of friendly indians, crossed the mountains by a route which led him, after travelling one hundred and four miles, to medicine river, and by that river to the missouri. he reached the falls of the missouri on the th of july, and leaving there a portion of his party, under sergt. gass, to make preparations for transporting their baggage and canoes round the falls, set out, accompanied by drewyer and the two brothers fields, with six horses, to explore maria's river, to ascertain its extent toward the north. from the th to the th, they were engaged in this exploration. on the eve of their return, an event occurred, which, being the only instance in which the expedition was engaged in any conflict with the indians with loss of life, requires to be particularly related. conflict with the indians. we were passing through a region frequented by the minnetarees, a band of indians noted for their thievish propensities and unfriendly dispositions. capt. lewis was therefore desirous to avoid meeting with them. drewyer had been sent out for game, and capt. lewis ascended a hill to look over the country. scarcely had he reached the top, when he saw, about a mile on his left, a collection of about thirty horses. by the aid of his spy-glass, he discovered that one-half of the horses were saddled, and that, on the eminence above the horses, several indians were looking down towards the river, probably at drewyer. this was a most unwelcome sight. their probable numbers rendered any contest with them of doubtful issue. to attempt to escape would only invite pursuit; and our horses were so bad, that we must certainly be overtaken: besides which, drewyer could not yet be aware that indians were near; and, if we ran, he would most probably be sacrificed. we therefore determined to make the best of our situation, and advance towards them in a friendly manner. the flag which we had brought in case of such an emergency was therefore displayed, and we continued slowly our march towards them. their whole attention was so engaged by drewyer, that they did not immediately discover us. as soon as they did so, they appeared to be much alarmed, and ran about in confusion. when we came within a quarter of a mile, one of the indians mounted, and rode towards us. when within a hundred paces of us, he halted; and capt. lewis, who had alighted to receive him, held out his hand, and beckoned him to approach: but he only looked at us, and then, without saying a word, returned to his companions. the whole party now descended the hill, and rode towards us. as yet we saw only eight, but presumed that there must be more behind, as there were several more horses saddled. capt. lewis had with him but two men; and he told them his fears that these were indians of the minnetaree tribe, and that they would attempt to rob us, and advised them to be on the alert, should there appear any disposition to attack us. when the two parties came within a hundred yards of each other, all the indians, except one, halted. capt. lewis therefore ordered his two men to halt, while he advanced, and, after shaking hands with the indian, went on and did the same with the others in the rear, while the indian himself shook hands with our two men. they all now came up; and, after alighting, the indians asked to smoke with us. capt. lewis, who was very anxious for drewyer's safety, told them that the man who had gone down the river had the pipe, and requested, that, as they had seen him, one of them would accompany r. fields to bring him back. to this they assented; and fields went with a young man in search of drewyer, who returned with them. as it was growing late, capt. lewis proposed that they should encamp with us; for he was glad to see them, and had a great deal to say to them. they assented; and, being soon joined by drewyer, the evening was spent in conversation with the indians, in which capt. lewis endeavored to persuade them to cultivate peace with their neighbors. finding them very fond of the pipe, capt. lewis, who was desirous of keeping a constant watch during the night, smoked with them to a late hour; and, as soon as they were all asleep, he woke r. fields, and ordering him to rouse us all in case any indian left the camp, as he feared they would attempt to steal our horses, he lay down by the side of drewyer in the tent with the indians, while the brothers fields were stretched near the fire at the mouth of the tent. at sunrise, the indians got up, and crowded round the fire, near which j. fields, who was then on watch, had carelessly left his rifle, near the head of his brother, who was asleep. one of the indians slipped behind him, and, unperceived, took his brother's and his own rifle; while at the same time two others seized those of drewyer and capt. lewis. as soon as fields turned round, he saw the indian running off with the rifles; and, instantly calling his brother, they pursued him for fifty or sixty yards; and just as they overtook him, in the scuffle for the rifles, r. fields stabbed him through the heart with his knife. the indian ran a few steps, and fell dead. they recovered their rifles, and ran back to the camp. the moment the fellow touched his gun, drewyer, who was awake, jumped up, and wrested it from him. the noise awoke capt. lewis, who instantly started from the ground, and reached to seize his gun, but found it gone, and, turning about, saw the indian running off with it. he followed, and called to him to lay down the gun; which he did. by this time, the rest of the indians were endeavoring to drive off our horses; and capt. lewis ordered his men to follow them, and fire upon the thieves if they did not release our horses. the result was, that we recovered four of our horses, and as many of theirs which they had left behind; so that we were rather gainers by the contest. besides the indian killed by fields, one other was badly wounded. we had no doubt but that we should be immediately pursued by a much larger party. our only chance of safety was in rejoining our friends, who were many miles distant. we therefore pushed our horses as fast as we could; and, fortunately for us, the indian horses proved very good. the plains were level, free from stones and prickly-pears, and in fine order for travelling over from the late rains. we commenced our ride in the early morning. at three o'clock, we had ridden, by estimate, sixty-three miles. we halted for an hour and a half to refresh our horses; then pursued our journey seventeen miles farther, when, as night came on, we killed a buffalo, and again stopped for two hours. the sky was now overclouded; but, as the moon gave light enough to show us the route, we continued for twenty miles farther, and then, exhausted with fatigue, halted at two in the morning. next day, we rejoined the main body of our party in safety. capt. lewis with his companions pursued their way down the missouri, passing those points already noticed in their ascent. our narrative, therefore, will leave them here, and attend the course of capt. clarke and his party down the yellowstone. chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone. july , .--the party under capt. clarke, consisting of fifteen men, with fifty horses, set out through the valley of clarke's river, along the western side of which they rode in a southern direction. the valley is from ten to fifteen miles in width, and is diversified by a number of small open plains, abounding with grass and a variety of sweet-scented plants, and watered by numerous streams rushing from the western mountains. these mountains were covered with snow about one-fifth of the way from the top; and some snow was still to be seen in the hollows of the mountains to the eastward. july .--they reached wisdom river, and stopped for dinner at a hot spring situated in the open plain. the bed of the spring is about fifteen yards in circumference, and composed of loose, hard, gritty stones, through which the water boils in large quantities. it is slightly impregnated with sulphur, and so hot, that a piece of meat, about the size of three fingers, was completely cooked in twenty-five minutes. july .--they arrived at jefferson's river, where they had deposited their goods in the month of august the year before. they found every thing safe, though some of the goods were a little damp, and one of the canoes had a hole in it. they had now crossed from traveller's-rest creek to the head of jefferson's river, which seems to form the best and shortest route over the mountains during almost the whole distance of one hundred and sixty-four miles. it is, in fact, an excellent road; and, by cutting down a few trees, it might be rendered a good route for wagons, with the exception of about four miles over one of the mountains, which would require a little levelling. july .--the boats were now loaded, and capt. clarke divided his men into two bands. sergt. ordway, with nine men, in six canoes, was to descend the river; while capt. clarke, with the remaining ten, the wife and child of chaboneau, and fifty horses, were to proceed by land to the yellowstone. the latter party set out at five in the afternoon from the forks of the missouri, in a direction nearly east. the plain was intersected by several great roads leading to a gap in the mountain about twenty miles distant, in a direction east-north-east; but the indian woman, who was acquainted with the country, recommended another gap more to the south, through which capt. clarke determined to proceed. they started early the next morning, and, pursuing the route recommended by the squaw, encamped in the evening at the entrance of the gap mentioned by her. through this gap they passed next day, and, at the distance of six miles, reached the top of the dividing ridge which separates the waters of the missouri from those of the yellowstone. nine miles from the summit, they reached the yellowstone itself, about a mile and a half below where it issues from the rocky mountains. the distance from the head of the missouri to this place is forty-eight miles, the greater part of which is through a level plain. they halted for three hours to rest their horses, and then pursued the buffalo road along the banks of the river. although but just emerging from a high, snowy mountain, the yellowstone is here a bold, rapid, and deep stream, one hundred and twenty yards in width. they continued their course along the river till the d, when the party embarked on board of two canoes, each of which was twenty-eight feet long, sixteen or eighteen inches deep, and from sixteen to twenty-four inches wide. sergt. prior, with two men, was directed to take the horses to the mandans for safe keeping until the re-union of the expedition. july .--at eight o'clock, capt. clarke and the remainder of his party embarked, and proceeded very steadily down the river. they passed the mouths of several large rivers emptying into the yellowstone; one of which was called the big-horn, from the numbers of that remarkable species of sheep seen in its neighborhood. next day, capt. clarke landed to examine a curious rock, situated in an extensive bottom on the right, about two hundred and fifty paces from the shore. it is nearly two hundred paces in circumference, two hundred feet high, and accessible only from the north-east; the other sides consisting of perpendicular cliffs, of a light-colored, gritty stone. the soil on the summit is five or six feet deep, of a good quality, and covered with short grass. from this height, the eye ranges over a wide extent of variegated country. on the south-west are the rocky mountains, covered with snow; on the north, a lower range, called the little wolf mountains. the low grounds of the river extend nearly six miles to the southward, when they rise into plains, reaching to the mountains. the north side of the river is bounded by jutting, romantic cliffs, beyond which the plains are open and extensive, and the whole country enlivened by herds of buffaloes, elks, and wolves. after enjoying the prospect from this rock, to which capt. clarke gave the name of pompey's pillar, he descended, and continued his route. at the distance of six or seven miles, he stopped to secure two bighorns, which had been shot from the boat, and, while on shore, saw in the face of the cliff, about twenty feet above the water, a fragment of the rib of a fish, three feet long, and nearly three inches round, embedded in the rock itself. beavers, buffaloes, mosquitoes. the beavers were in great numbers along the banks of the river, and through the night were flapping their tails in the water round the boats. aug. .--the buffaloes appeared in vast numbers. a herd happened to be on their way across the river. such was the multitude of these animals, that although the river, including an island over which they passed, was a mile in width, the herd stretched, as thick as they could swim, completely from one side to the other. our party, descending the river, was obliged to stop for an hour to let the procession pass. we consoled ourselves for the delay by killing four of the herd, and then proceeded, till, at the distance of forty-five miles, two other herds of buffaloes, as numerous as the first, crossed the river in like manner. aug. .--the camp became absolutely uninhabitable, in consequence of the multitude of mosquitoes. the men could not work in preparing skins for clothing, nor hunt in the low grounds: in short, there was no mode of escape, except by going on the sand bars in the river, where, if the wind should blow, the insects do not venture. but when there is no wind, and particularly at night, when the men have no covering except their worn-out blankets, the pain they inflict is scarcely to be endured. on one occasion, capt. clarke went on shore, and ascended a hill after one of the bighorns; but the mosquitoes were in such multitudes, that he could not keep them from the barrel of his rifle long enough to take aim. this annoyance continued, till, on the th of september, they write, "we are no longer troubled with mosquitoes, which do not seem to frequent this part of the river; and, after having been persecuted with them during the whole route from the falls, it is a most happy exemption. their noise was very agreeably exchanged for that of the wolves, which were howling in various directions all round us." aug. , .--the party continued to descend the river. one of their canoes had, by accident, a small hole made in it; and they halted for the purpose of covering it with a piece of elk-skin. while there, about noon, they were overjoyed at seeing the boats of capt. lewis's party heave in sight. the whole expedition being now happily re-united, at about three o'clock all embarked on board the boats; but as the wind was high, accompanied with rain, we did not proceed far before we halted for the night. they part with some of their companions. on the th august, having now reached a part of the river where we occasionally met the boats of adventurous traders ascending the river, capt. lewis was applied to by one of the men, colter, who was desirous of joining two trappers, who proposed to him to accompany them, and share their profits. the offer was an advantageous one; and as he had always performed his duty, and his services might be dispensed with, capt. lewis consented to his going, provided none of the rest would ask or expect a similar indulgence. to this they cheerfully answered, that they wished colter every success, and would not apply for a discharge before we reached st. louis. we therefore supplied him, as did his comrades also, with powder and lead, and a variety of articles which might be useful to him; and he left us the next day. the example of this man shows how easily men may be weaned from the habits of civilized life, and brought to relish the manners of the woods. this hunter had now been absent many years from his country, and might naturally be presumed to have some desire to return to his native seats; yet, just at the moment when he is approaching the frontiers, he is tempted by a hunting-scheme to go back to the solitude of the woods. a few days after this, chaboneau, with his wife and child, concluded to follow us no longer, as he could be no longer useful to us. we offered to take him with us to the united states; but he said that he had there no acquaintance, and preferred remaining among the indians. this man has been very serviceable to us, and his wife particularly so, among the shoshonees. she has borne with a patience truly admirable the fatigues of our long journey, encumbered with the charge of an infant, which is now only nineteen months old. we paid him his wages, amounting to five hundred dollars and thirty-three cents, including the price of a horse and a lodge purchased of him, and pursued our journey without him. they reach home. sept. , .--we reached council bluffs, and stopped for a short time to examine the situation of the place, and were confirmed in our belief that it would be a very eligible spot for a trading establishment.[ ] being anxious to reach the junction of the platte river, we plied our oars so well, that by night we had made seventy-eight miles, and landed at our old encampment, on the ascent, twelve miles above that river. we had here occasion to remark the wonderful evaporation from the missouri. the river does not appear to contain more water, nor is its channel wider, than at the distance of one thousand miles nearer its source, although within that space it receives about twenty rivers (some of them of considerable width), and a great number of smaller streams. a few days more brought us to the mouth of the kansas river. about a mile below it, we landed to view the country. the low grounds are delightful, the whole country exhibiting a rich appearance; but the weather was oppressively warm. descending as we had done from a high, open country, between the latitudes of forty-six and forty-nine degrees, to the wooded plains in thirty-eight and thirty-nine degrees, the heat would have been intolerable, had it not been for the constant winds from the south and the south-west. on the th september, we reached the mouth of osage river. a few miles lower down, we saw on the banks some cows feeding; and the whole party involuntarily raised a shout of joy at the sight of this evidence of civilization and domestic life. we soon after reached the little french village of la charette, which we saluted with a discharge of four guns and three hearty cheers. we landed, and were received with kindness by the inhabitants, as well as by some traders who were on their way to traffic with the osages. they were all surprised and pleased at our arrival; for they had long since abandoned all hopes of ever seeing us return. the third day after this,--viz., on tuesday, the d of september, ,--we arrived at st. louis, and, having fired a salute, went on shore, and received the heartiest and most hospitable welcome from the whole village. conclusion. the successful termination of the expedition was a source of surprise and delight to the whole country. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties, too, for the safety of the party, had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumors, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters or other direct information, from the time when the party left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river, in , until their actual return to st. louis. the courage, perseverance, and discretion displayed by the commanders, and the fidelity and obedience of the men, were the theme of general approbation, and received the favorable notice of government. a donation of lands was made to each member of the party; capt. lewis was appointed governor of louisiana, which, at that time, embraced the whole country west of the mississippi, within the boundaries of the united states; and capt. clarke was made superintendent of indian affairs. it was not until some years after, however, that the world was put in possession of the detailed history of the expedition. capt. lewis, in the midst of other cares, devoted what time he could to the preparation of his journals for publication, and, in , was on his way to philadelphia for that purpose, but, at a village in tennessee, was taken ill, and prevented from proceeding. here the energetic mind, which had encountered so unfalteringly the perils and sufferings of the desert, gave way. constitutional despondency overcame him: it is probable he lost his reason; for, in a rash moment, he applied a pistol to his head, and destroyed his life. his journals were published under the charge of paul allen of philadelphia. footnote: [ ] now the site of omaha city. eldorado. eldorado chapter i. the discovery. what is meant by eldorado? is there such a country? and, if there be, where is it? the name literally means "the golden country," and was given to an unknown region in south america by the spaniards, who had heard from the indians marvellous tales of such a land lying in the interior of the continent, where gold and precious stones were as common as rocks and pebbles in other countries, and to be had for the trouble of picking them up. it was also a land of spices and aromatic gums. the first notion of this favored region was communicated by an indian chief to gonzalo pizarro, brother of the conqueror of peru, whose imagination was captivated by the account, and his ambition fired with a desire to add this, which promised to be the most brilliant of all, to the discoveries and conquests of his countrymen. he found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusiasm in the bosoms of his followers. in a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty spaniards, and four thousand indians. one hundred and fifty of his company were mounted. the indians were to carry the baggage and provisions, and perform the labors of the expedition. a glance at the map of south america will give us a clear idea of the scene of the expedition. the river amazon, the largest river of the globe, rises in the highest ranges of the andes, and flows from west to east through nearly the whole breadth of the continent. pizarro's expedition started in the year from quito, near the sources of the great river, and, marching east, soon became entangled in the deep and intricate passes of the mountains. as they rose into the more elevated regions, the icy winds that swept down the sides of the cordilleras benumbed their limbs, and many of the natives found a wintry grave in the wilderness. on descending the eastern slope, the climate changed; and, as they came to a lower level, the fierce cold was succeeded by a suffocating heat, while tempests of thunder and lightning poured on them with scarcely any intermission day or night. for more than six weeks, the deluge continued unabated; and the forlorn wanderers, wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely able to drag their limbs along the soil, broken up as it was, and saturated with the moisture. after months of toilsome travel, they reached the region where grew the spice-trees. their produce resembled the cinnamon of the east in taste, but was of inferior quality. they saw the trees bearing the precious bark spreading out into broad forests; yet, however valuable it might be for future commerce, it was of but little worth to them. but, from the savages whom they occasionally met, they learned, that at ten days' distance was a rich and fruitful land, abounding with gold, and inhabited by populous nations. the spaniards were so convinced of the existence of such a country, that if the natives, on being questioned, professed their ignorance of it, they were supposed to be desirous of concealing the fact, and were put to the most horrible tortures, and even burnt alive, to compel them to confess. it is no wonder, therefore, if they told, in many instances, such stories as the spaniards wished to hear, which would also have the effect of ridding their own territories of their troublesome guests by inducing them to advance farther. pizarro had already reached the limit originally proposed for the expedition; but these accounts induced him to continue on. as they advanced, the country spread out into broad plains, terminated by forests, which seemed to stretch on every side as far as the eye could reach. the wood was thickly matted with creepers and climbing plants, and at every step of the way they had to hew open a passage with their axes; while their garments, rotting from the effects of the drenching rains, caught in every bush, and hung about them in shreds. their provisions failed, and they had only for sustenance such herbs and roots as they could gather in the forest, and such wild animals as, with their inadequate means, they could capture. at length they came to a broad expanse of water, from whence flowed a stream,--one of those which discharge their waters into the great river amazon. the sight gladdened their hearts, as they hoped to find a safer and more practicable route by keeping along its banks. after following the stream a considerable distance, the party came within hearing of a rushing noise, that seemed like thunder issuing from the bowels of the earth. the river tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, and then discharged itself in a magnificent cataract, which they describe as twelve hundred feet high. doubtless this estimate must be taken with some allowance for the excited feelings of the spaniards, keenly alive to impressions of the sublime and the terrible. for some distance above and below the falls, the bed of the river contracted; so that its width did not exceed twenty feet. they determined to cross, in hopes of finding a country that might afford them better sustenance. a frail bridge was constructed by throwing trunks of trees across the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down a perpendicular depth of several hundred feet. over this airy causeway, the men and horses succeeded in effecting their passage; though one spaniard, made giddy by heedlessly looking down, lost his footing, and fell into the boiling surges below. they gained little by the exchange. the country wore the same unpromising aspect: the indians whom they occasionally met in the pathless wilderness were fierce and unfriendly, and the spaniards were engaged in perpetual conflict with them. from these they learned that a fruitful country was to be found down the river, at the distance of only a few days' journey; and the spaniards held on their weary way, still hoping, and still deceived, as the promised land flitted before them, like the rainbow, receding as they advanced. at length, spent with toil and suffering, pizarro resolved to construct a bark large enough to transport the weaker part of his company and his baggage. the forests furnished him with timber; the shoes of the horses, which had died on the road, or been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; gum, distilled from the trees, took the place of pitch; and the tattered garments of the soldiers served for oakum. at the end of two months, the vessel was ready, and the command given to francisco orellana. the troops now moved forward through the wilderness, following the course of the river; the vessel carrying the feebler soldiers. every scrap of provisions had long since been consumed. the last of their horses had been devoured; and they greedily fed upon toads, serpents, and even insects, which that country, teeming with the lower forms of animal life, abundantly supplied. the natives still told of a rich district, inhabited by a populous nation. it was, as usual, at the distance of several days' journey; and pizarro resolved to halt where he was, and send orellana down in his brigantine to procure a stock of provisions, with which he might return, and put the main body in condition to resume their march. orellana, with fifty of the adventurers, pushed off into the middle of the river, where the stream ran swiftly; and his bark, taken by the current, shot forward as with the speed of an arrow, and was soon out of sight. days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did not return; and no speck was to be seen on the waters as the spaniards strained their eyes to the farthest point, till the banks closed in, and shut the view. detachments were sent out, and, though absent several days, came back without intelligence of their comrades. weary of suspense, pizarro determined to continue their march down the river, which they did, with incredible suffering, for two months longer, till their doubts were dispelled by the appearance of a white man, wandering, half naked, in the woods, in whose famine-stricken countenance they recognized the features of one of their countrymen. orellana had passed swiftly down the river to the point of its confluence with the amazon, where he had been led to expect that he should find supplies for the wants of himself and his companions, but found none. nor was it possible to return as he had come, and make head against the current of the river. in this dilemma, a thought flashed across his mind: it was, to leave the party under pizarro to their fate, and to pursue his course down the great river on which he had entered; to explore eldorado for himself, and make the best of his way home to spain to claim the glory and reward of discovery. his reckless companions readily consented to this course, with the exception of the individual whom pizarro found; and him, when he remonstrated, they put ashore, and left to shift for himself. pizarro and his party, deserted in the wilderness, unable to advance farther, had no alternative but to remain, or retrace their miserable way to quito, the place they had started from more than a year before. they chose the latter, and commenced their return march with heavy hearts. they took a more northerly route than that by which they had approached the amazon; and, though it was attended with fewer difficulties, they experienced yet greater distresses, from their greater inability to overcome them. their only food was such scanty fare as they could pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some forsaken indian settlement, or wring by violence from the natives. some sickened and sank down by the way, and perished where they fell; for there was none to help them. intense misery had made them selfish; and many a poor wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, while living, by the wild animals which roamed over it. it took them a year to measure back their way to quito; and the miseries they had endured were testified to by their appearance when they arrived, in sadly reduced numbers, at the place of their starting. their horses gone, their arms broken and rusted, the skins of wild animals their only clothes, their long and matted locks streaming wildly down their shoulders, their faces blackened by the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and disfigured by scars, it seemed as if the charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with unsteady step, they crept slowly onwards. more than half of the four thousand indians who had accompanied the expedition had perished; and of the spaniards, only eighty, and many of these irretrievably broken in constitution, found their way back to quito. meanwhile, orellana glided down the stream, which then was nameless and unknown, but which has since been called by his name, though it is more generally known by a name derived from a story which orellana told, in his account of his voyage, of a nation of amazons inhabiting its banks. but an account of orellana's adventures must be reserved for our next chapter. chapter ii. orellana descends the river. when orellana, in his ill-appointed bark, and with his crew enfeebled by famine, had reached the junction of the river napo with the amazon, and found no sources of supply which he had been led to expect, he had no difficulty in satisfying his companions that their only chance of preservation was in continuing their descent of the river, and leaving the party under pizarro to their fate. he then formally renounced the commission which pizarro had given him, and received the command anew from the election of his men, that so he might make discoveries for himself, and not, holding a deputed authority, in the name of another. it was upon the last day of december, , that this voyage was begun,--one of the most adventurous that has ever been undertaken. the little stock of provisions with which they had parted from the army was already exhausted, and they boiled their leathern girdles and the leather of their shoes with such herbs as seemed most likely to be nourishing and harmless; for it was only by experiment that they were able to distinguish the wholesome from the poisonous. on the th of january, being reduced almost to the last extremity with hunger, they heard before daylight an indian drum,--a joyful sound; for be the natives what they would, friendly or hostile, this they knew, that it must be their own fault now if they should die of hunger. at daybreak, being eagerly upon the lookout, they perceived four canoes, which put back upon seeing the brigantine; and presently they saw a village where a great body of the natives were assembled, and appeared ready to defend it. the spaniards were too hungry to negotiate. orellana bade them land in good order, and stand by each other. they attacked the indians like men who were famishing, and fought for food, put them speedily to the rout, and found an immediate supply. while they were enjoying the fruits of their victory, the indians came near them, more to gratify curiosity than resentment. orellana spoke to them in some indian language which they partly understood. some of them took courage, and approached him. he gave them a few european trifles, and asked for their chief, who came without hesitation, was well pleased with the presents which were given him, and offered them any thing which it was in his power to supply. provisions were requested; and presently peacocks, partridges, fish, and other things, were brought in great abundance. the next day, thirteen chiefs came to see the strangers. they were gayly adorned with feathers and gold, and had plates of gold upon the breast. orellana received them courteously, required them to acknowledge obedience to the crown of castile, took advantage as usual of their ignorance to affirm that they consented, and took possession of their country in the emperor's name. such is orellana's own account of this first interview. it was his object to create a high idea of the riches of the provinces which he had discovered. it is not probable that these tribes had any gold; for later discoveries showed that none of the tribes on the amazon were so far advanced as to use it. it was here that they heard the first accounts of the rich and powerful nation composed wholly of women, whom, in recollection of the female warriors of classic antiquity, they called the amazons. here the spaniards built a better brigantine than the frail one in which they were embarked. all fell to work, orellana being the first at any exertion that was required. they calked it with cotton; the natives supplied pitch; and in thirty-five days the vessel was launched. on the th of april, they once more embarked. for eighty leagues, the banks were peopled with friendly tribes; then the course of the river lay between desert mountains, and they were fain to feed upon herbs and parched corn, not even finding a place where they could fish. thus far they seem to have found the natives friendly, or not actively hostile; but, as they descended, they came to a populous province, belonging to a chief called omagua, if, as is conjectured, that is not rather the name of the tribe itself than of their chief. one morning, a fleet of canoes was seen advancing with hostile demonstrations. the indians carried shields made of the skins of the alligator. they came on with beat of tambour and with war-cries, threatening to devour the strangers. the spaniards brought their two vessels close together, that they might aid one another in the defence. but, when they came to use their powder, it was damp, and they had nothing but their cross-bows to trust to; and, plying these as well as they could, they continued to fall down the stream, fighting as they went. presently they came to an indian town. half the spaniards landed to attack it, leaving their companions to maintain the fight upon the water. they won the town, and loaded themselves with provisions; but eighteen of the party were wounded, and one killed. they had neither surgeon nor any remedy for the wounded. nothing could be done for them except "psalming;" that is, repeating some verses of the psalms over the wound. this mode of treatment was not unusual; and, as it was less absurd than the methods which were ordinarily in use at that day, it is no wonder if it proved more successful. for two days and two nights after this, they were constantly annoyed by the canoes of the natives following, and endeavoring to board them. but the spaniards had now dried some powder; and one of them, getting a steady mark at the chief of the indians, shot him in the breast. his people gathered round him; and, while they were thus occupied, the brigantines shot ahead. thus they proceeded with alternate good and evil fortune, now finding the indians friendly, and supplies of provisions abundant; and then encountering hostile tribes which assailed them with all their power, or long regions of unpeopled country, where they were reduced to the utmost straits for want of food. six months had now been consumed on their voyage, and as yet no appearance of eldorado; though, if their accounts may be trusted, they several times came upon populous places, which had many streets, all opening upon the river, and apparently leading to some greater city in the interior. on the d of june, on turning an angle of the river, they saw the country far before them, and great numbers of people collected, seemingly with hostile intentions. orellana offered them trinkets, at which they scoffed; but he persisted in making towards the shore to get food, either by persuasion or force. a shower of arrows was discharged from the shore, which wounded five of the crew. they nevertheless landed, and, after a hot contest, repulsed the natives, killing some seven or eight of them. the historian of the voyage, who was one of the adventurers, affirms that ten or twelve amazons fought at the head of these people, who were their subjects, and fought desperately; because any one who fled in battle would be beaten to death by these female tyrants. he describes the women as very tall and large-limbed, white of complexion, the hair long, platted, and banded round the head. it is amusing to observe how this story was magnified by later narrators, who learned it only by tradition. it is stated in these late accounts that orellana fought on this occasion with a great army of women. of a prisoner whom they took, orellana asked questions about eldorado and the amazons, and got, as usual, such answers as he expected. this may partly be set down to the score of self-deception, and partly to the fact that they conversed with these people by signs, and by means of the few words of their language which the spaniards knew, or supposed they knew, the meaning of. he learned from the prisoner that the country was subject to women, who lived after the manner of the amazons of the ancients, and who possessed gold and silver in abundance. there were in their dominions fine temples of the sun, all covered with plates of gold. their houses were of stone, and their cities walled. we can hardly doubt that the desire to tempt adventurers to join him in his subsequent expedition to conquer and colonize those countries had its effect in magnifying these marvels. shortly after this, the spaniards thought they perceived the _tide_. after another day's voyage, they came to some inhabited islands, and, to their infinite joy, saw that they had not been mistaken; for the marks of the tide here were certain. here they lost another of their party in a skirmish with the natives. from this place the country was low; and they could never venture to land, except upon the islands, among which they sailed, as they supposed, about two hundred leagues; the tide coming up with great force. one day the smaller vessel struck upon a snag, which stove in one of her planks, and she filled. they, however, landed to seek for provisions; but the inhabitants attacked them with such force, that they were forced to retire; and, when they came to their vessels, they found that the tide had left the only serviceable one dry. orellana ordered half his men to fight, and the other half to thrust the vessel into the water: that done, they righted the old brigantine, and fastened in a new plank, all which was completed in three hours, by which time the indians were weary of fighting, and left them in peace. the next day they found a desert place, where orellana halted to repair both vessels. this took them eighteen days, during which they suffered much from hunger. as they drew near the sea, they halted again for fourteen days, to prepare for their sea-voyage; made cordage of herbs; and sewed the cloaks, on which they slept, into sails. on the th of august, they proceeded again, anchoring with stones when the tide turned, though it sometimes came in such strength as to drag these miserable anchors. here the natives were happily of a milder mood than those whom they had lately dealt with. from them they procured roots and indian corn; and, having laid in what store they could, they made ready to enter upon the sea in these frail vessels, with their miserable tackling, and with insufficient food, without pilot, compass, or any knowledge of the coast. it was on the th of august that they sailed out of the river, passing between two islands, which were about four leagues asunder. the whole length of the voyage from the place where they had embarked to the sea they computed at eighteen hundred leagues. thus far their weather had been always favorable, and it did not fail them now. they kept along the coast to the northward, just at safe distance. the two brigantines parted company in the night. they in the larger one got into the gulf of paria, from whence all their labor at the oar for seven days could not extricate them. during this time, they lived upon a sort of plum called "nogos," being the only food they could find. at length they were whirled through those tremendous channels which columbus called the "dragon's mouths," and, september the th, not knowing where they were, reached the island of cubagua, where they found a colony of their countrymen. the old brigantine had arrived at the same place two days before them. here they were received with the welcome which their wonderful adventure deserved; and from hence orellana proceeded to spain, to give the king an account of his discoveries in person. chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued. orellana arrived safe in spain, and was favorably received. his act of insubordination in leaving his commander was forgotten in the success of his achievement; for it had been successful, even if the naked facts only had been told, inasmuch as it was the first event which led to any certain knowledge of the immense regions that stretch eastward from the andes to the ocean, besides being in itself one of the most brilliant adventures of that remarkable age. but orellana's accounts went far beyond these limits, and confirming all previous tales of the wonderful eldorado, with its temples roofed with gold, and its mountains composed of precious stones, drew to his standard numerous followers. every thing promised fairly. the king granted him a commission to conquer the countries which he had explored. he raised funds for the expedition, and even found a wife who was willing to accompany him in may, , he set sail with four ships and four hundred men. but the tide of orellana's fortune had turned. he stopped three months at teneriffe, and two at the cape de verde, where ninety-eight of his people died, and fifty were invalided. the expedition proceeded with three ships, and met with contrary winds, which detained them till their water was exhausted; and, had it not been for heavy rains, all must have perished. one ship put back in this distress, with seventy men and eleven horses on board, and was never heard of after. the remaining two reached the river. having ascended about a hundred leagues, they stopped to build a brigantine. provisions were scarce here, and fifty-seven more of his party died. these men were not, like his former comrades, seasoned to the climate, and habituated to the difficulties of the new world. one ship was broken up here for the materials: the other met with an accident, and became unserviceable; and they cut her up, and made a bark of the timbers. orellana meanwhile, in the brigantine, was endeavoring to discover the main branch of the river, which it had been easy to keep when carried down by the stream, but which he now sought in vain for thirty days among a labyrinth of channels. when he returned from this fruitless search, he was ill, and told his people that he would go back to point st. juan; and there he ordered them to seek him when they had got the bark ready. but he found his sickness increase upon him, and determined to abandon the expedition, and return to europe. while he was seeking provisions for the voyage, the indians killed seventeen of his men. what with vexation and disorder, he died in the river. this sealed the fate of the expedition. the survivors made no further exertions to reach eldorado, but returned to their own country as they could. such was the fate of orellana, who, as a discoverer, surpassed all his countrymen; and though, as a conqueror, he was unfortunate, yet neither is he chargeable with any of those atrocities toward the unhappy natives which have left such a stain on the glories of cortes and pizarro. the next attempt we read of to discover eldorado was made a few years after, under hernando de ribera, by ascending the la plata, or river of paraguay. he sailed in a brigantine with eighty men, and encountered no hostility from the natives. they confirmed the stories of the amazons with their golden city. "how could they get at them?" was the next question: "by land, or by water?"--"only by land," was the reply. "but it was a two-months' journey; and to reach them now would be impossible, because the country was inundated." the spaniards made light of this obstacle, but asked for indians to carry their baggage. the chief gave ribera twenty for himself, and five for each of his men; and these desperate adventurers set off on their march over a flooded country. eight days they travelled through water up to their knees, and sometimes up to their middle. by slinging their hammocks to trees, and by this means only, could they find dry positions for the night. before they could make a fire to dress their food, they were obliged to raise a rude scaffolding; and this was unavoidably so insecure, that frequently the fire burned through, and food and all fell into the water. they reached another tribe, and were told that the amazons' country was still nine days farther on; and then still another tribe, who told them it would take a month to reach them. perhaps they would still have advanced; but here an insuperable obstacle met them. the locusts for two successive years had devoured every thing before them, and no food was to be had. the spaniards had no alternative but to march back. on their way, they were reduced to great distress for want of food; and from this cause, and travelling so long half under water, the greater number fell sick, and many died. of eighty men who accompanied ribera upon this dreadful march, only thirty recovered from its effects. this expedition added a few items to the story of eldorado. ribera declares under oath that the natives told him of a nation of women, governed by a woman, and so warlike as to be dreaded by all their neighbors. they possessed plenty of white and yellow metal: their seats, and all the utensils in their houses, were made of them. they lived on a large island, which was in a huge lake, which they called the "mansion of the sun," because the sun sank into it. the only way of accounting for these stories is, that the spaniards furnished, in the shape of questions, the information which they fancied they received in reply; the indians assenting to what they understood but imperfectly, or not at all. martinez. another expedition, not long after orellana's, was that conducted by don diego ordaz, of which sir walter raleigh, in his "history of guiana," gives an account. the expedition failed; ordaz being slain in a mutiny of his men, and those who went with him being scattered. the only noticeable result was in the adventures of one martinez, an officer of ordaz, who had charge of the ammunition. we tell the story in the language of sir walter, slightly modernized:-- "it chanced, that while ordaz, with his army, rested at the port of morequito, by some negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire; and martinez, having the chief charge thereof, was condemned by the general to be executed forthwith. martinez, being much favored by the soldiers, had all means possible employed to save his life; but it could not be obtained in other way but this,--that he should be set into a canoe alone, without any food, and so turned loose into the great river. but it pleased god that the canoe was carried down the stream, and that certain of the guianians met it the same evening: and, not having at any time seen any european, they carried martinez into the land to be wondered at; and so from town to town until he came to the great city of manoa, the seat and residence of inga, the emperor. the emperor, when he beheld him, knew him to be a christian of those who had conquered the neighboring country of peru, and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. he lived seven months in manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. he was also brought thither all the way blindfolded by the indians, until he came to the entrance of manoa itself. he avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he travelled all that day till night through the city, ere he came to the palace of inga. "after martinez had lived seven months in manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, inga asked him whether he desired to return to his own country, or would willingly abide with him. martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained permission of inga to depart, who sent with him some guianians to conduct him to the river of orinoco, with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to martinez at his departure. but, when he arrived at the river's side, the natives, being at that time at war with inga, robbed him and his guianians of all his treasure, save only two bottles made of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold, which those people thought to contain his drink or food, with which he was at liberty to depart. so, in a canoe, he passed down by the river to trinidad, and from thence to porto rico, where he died. in the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered this relation of his travels, and also called for his calabazas, or gourds of gold beads, which he gave to the church and the friars, to be prayed for. "this martinez was the one who christened the city of manoa by the name 'eldorado,' and upon this occasion. at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouses with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus: all those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsam very precious. when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon their naked bodies until they be all shining from the head to the foot. upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armors, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it eldorado." such is sir walter's narrative of one of the traditions which fired his enthusiasm to undertake the conquest of eldorado. he asserts that he read it in "the chancery of saint juan de porto rico," of which berrio had a copy. it is pretty plainly tinctured with fable, but probably had an historical foundation. after this, a good many years elapsed before any other expedition of note was fitted out in search of eldorado. but the story grew, notwithstanding. an imaginary kingdom was shaped out. it was governed by a potentate who was called the great paytiti, sometimes the great moxu, sometimes the enim, or great pará. an impostor at lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths' street. he even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. the columns of the palace were described as of porphyry and alabaster, the galleries of ebony and cedar: the throne was of ivory, and the ascent to it by steps of gold. the palace was built of white stone. at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column twenty-five feet in height. on its top was a large silver moon; and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. having passed by these keepers, you came into a quadrangle planted with trees, and watered by a silver fountain, which spouted through four golden pipes. the gate of the palace was of copper, and its bolt was received in the solid rock. within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver; and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. it may surprise us that tales so palpably false as these should have deceived any, to such an extent as to lead them to get up costly and hazardous expeditions to go in search of the wonder; but we must remember, that what the spaniards had already realized and demonstrated to the world in their conquests of mexico and peru was hardly less astonishing than these accounts. it is therefore no wonder that multitudes should be found willing to admit so much of the marvels of eldorado as to see in them a sufficient inducement to justify the search; and others less credulous were perhaps willing to avail themselves of the credulity of the multitude to accomplish plans of conquest and ambition for themselves. of the latter class, we may imagine the celebrated sir walter raleigh to be one, who, at this time, undertook an expedition for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. chapter iv. sir walter raleigh. walter raleigh was born in the year in devonshire, england, and received a good education, completed by a residence of two years at the university of oxford. at the age of seventeen, he joined a volunteer corps of english to serve in france in aid of the protestant cause. afterwards he served five years in the netherlands. in , he accompanied his half-brother, sir humphrey gilbert, on an expedition to colonize some part of north america; which expedition was unsuccessful. we next find him commanding a company of the royal troops in ireland during the rebellion raised by the earl of desmond. in consequence of some serious differences which arose between him and his superior officer, he found it necessary to repair to court to justify himself. it was at this time that an incident occurred which recommended him to the notice of queen elizabeth, and was the foundation of his fortunes. raleigh stood in the crowd one day where the queen passed on foot; and when she came to a spot of muddy ground, and hesitated for a moment where to step, he sprang forward, and, throwing from his shoulders his handsome cloak ("his clothes being then," says a quaint old writer, "a considerable part of his estate"), he spread it over the mud, so that the queen passed over dry-shod, doubtless giving an approving look to the handsome and quick-witted young officer. there is another story which is not less probable, because it is not less in character with both the parties. finding some hopes of the queen's favor glancing on him, he wrote, on a window where it was likely to meet her eye,-- "fain would i climb, but that i fear to fall." and her majesty, espying it, wrote underneath,-- "if thy heart fail thee, wherefore climb at all?" his progress in the queen's favor was enhanced by his demeanor when the matter in dispute between him and his superior officer was brought before the privy council, and each party was called upon to plead his own cause. "what advantage he had in the case in controversy," says a contemporary writer, "i know not; but he had much the better in the manner of telling his tale." the result was, that he became a man of "no slight mark;" "he had gotten the queen's ear in a trice;" "she took him for a kind of oracle," and "loved to hear his reasons to her demands," or, in more modern phrase, "his replies to her questions." the reign of queen elizabeth has been called the heroic age of england. and, let us remember, the england of that day is ours as much as theirs who still bear the name of englishmen. the men whose gallant deeds we now record were our ancestors, and their glory is our inheritance. the reformation in religion had awakened all the energies of the human mind. it had roused against england formidable enemies, among which spain was the most powerful and the most intensely hostile. she fitted out the famous armada to invade england; and england, on her part, sent various expeditions to annoy the spaniards in their lately acquired possessions in south america. these expeditions were generally got up by private adventurers; the queen and her great nobles often taking a share in them. when there was nominal peace with spain, such enterprises were professedly for discovery and colonization, though the adventurers could not always keep their hands off a rich prize of spanish property that fell in their way; but, for the last fifteen years of elizabeth's reign, there was open war between the two powers: and then these expeditions had for their first object the annoyance of spain, and discovery and colonization for their second. we find raleigh, after fortune began to smile upon him, engaged in a second expedition, with sir humphrey gilbert, for discovery and colonization in america. he furnished, from his own means, a ship called "the raleigh," on board of which he embarked; but when a few days out, a contagious disease breaking out among the crew, he put back into port, and relinquished the expedition. sir humphrey, with the rest of the squadron, consisting of five vessels, reached newfoundland without accident, took possession of the island, and left a colony there. he then set out exploring along the american coast to the south, he himself doing all the work in his little ten-ton cutter; the service being too dangerous for the larger vessels to venture on. he spent the summer in this labor till toward the end of august, when, in a violent storm, one of the larger vessels, "the delight," was lost with all her crew. "the golden hind" and "squirrel" were now left alone of the five ships. their provisions were running short, and the season far advanced; and sir humphrey reluctantly concluded to lay his course for home. he still continued in the small vessel, though vehemently urged by his friends to remove to the larger one. "i will not forsake my little company, going homeward," said he, "with whom i have passed so many storms and perils." on the th of september, the weather was rough, and the cutter was with difficulty kept afloat, struggling with the violence of the waves. when the vessels came within hearing distance, sir humphrey cried out to his companions in "the hind," "be of good courage: we are as near to heaven by sea as by land." "that night, at about twelve o'clock," writes the historian of the voyage, who was himself one of the adventurers, "the cutter being ahead of us in 'the golden hind,' suddenly her lights were out, and the watch cried, 'the general is cast away!' which was too true." so perished a christian hero. it was a fine end for a mortal man. let us not call it sad or tragic, but heroic and sublime. raleigh, not discouraged by the ill success of this expedition, shortly after obtained letters-patent for another enterprise of the same kind, on the same terms as had been granted to sir humphrey. two barks were sent to explore some undiscovered part of america north of florida, and look out for a favorable situation for the proposed colony. this expedition landed on roanoke island, near the mouth of albemarle sound. having taken formal possession of the country for the queen of england and her servant sir walter raleigh, they returned, and gave so favorable an account of the country, that her majesty allowed it to be called virginia, after herself, a virgin queen. the next year, raleigh sent out a second expedition, and left a colony of a hundred men, which was the first colony planted by englishmen on the continent of america. soon after, raleigh sent a third expedition with a hundred and fifty colonists; but having now expended forty thousand pounds upon these attempts, and being unable to persist further, or weary of waiting so long for profitable returns, he assigned over his patent to a company of merchants, and withdrew from further prosecution of the enterprise. the years which followed were the busiest of raleigh's adventurous life. he bore a distinguished part in the defeat of the spanish armada; and, in the triumphant procession to return thanks at st. paul's for that great deliverance, he was conspicuous as commander of the queen's guard. he was a member of parliament, yet engaged personally in two naval expeditions against the spaniards, from which he reaped honor, but no profit; and was at the height of favor with the queen. but, during his absence at sea, the queen discovered that an intrigue existed between raleigh and one of the maids of honor, which was an offence particularly displeasing to elizabeth, who loved to fancy that all her handsome young courtiers were too much attached to herself to be capable of loving any other object. raleigh, on his return, was committed a prisoner to the tower, and, on being released after a short confinement, retired to his estate in dorsetshire. it was during this retirement that he formed his scheme for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. it had long been a subject of meditation to raleigh, who declares in the dedication of his "history of guiana," published after his return, that "many years since, he had knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana, and of that great and golden city which the spaniards call eldorado, and the naturals manoa."--"it is not possible," says one of the historians of these events, "that raleigh could have believed the existence of such a kingdom. credulity was not the vice of his nature; but, having formed the project of colonizing guiana, he employed these fables as baits for vulgar cupidity." other writers judge him more favorably. it is probably true that he believed in the existence of such a country as eldorado; but we can hardly suppose that he put faith in all the marvellous details which accompanied the main fact in popular narration. chapter v. raleigh's first expedition. as the attempts of pizarro and orellana were made by the route of the river of the amazons, and that of ribera by the river of paraguay, raleigh's approach was by the orinoco, a river second in size only to the amazons, and which flows in a course somewhat parallel to that, and some five or ten degrees farther to the north. the region of country where this river discharges itself into the atlantic was nominally in possession of the spaniards, though they had but one settlement in what was called the province of guiana,--the town of st. joseph, then recently founded; and another on the island of trinidad, which lies nearly opposite the mouth of the river. raleigh, arriving at trinidad, stopped some days to procure such intelligence as the spaniards resident there could afford him respecting guiana. he then proceeded to the main land, destroyed the town which the spaniards had lately built there, and took the governor, berrio, on board his own ship. he used his prisoner well, and "gathered from him," he says, "as much of guiana as he knew." berrio seems to have conversed willingly upon his own adventures in exploring the country, having no suspicion of raleigh's views. he discouraged raleigh's attempts to penetrate into the country, telling him that he would find the river unnavigable for his ships, and the nations hostile. these representations had little weight with raleigh, as he attributed them to a very natural wish on berrio's part to keep off foreigners from his province; but, on trying to find the entrance to the river, he discovered berrio's account to be true, so far as related to the difficulties of the navigation. after a thorough search for a practicable entrance, he gave up all hopes of passing in any large vessel, and resolved to go with the boats. he took in his largest boat, with himself, sixty men, including his cousin, his nephew, and principal officers. another boat carried twenty, and two others ten each. "we had no other means," he says in his account afterward published, "but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat." the orinoco, at nearly forty leagues from the sea, forms, like the nile, a kind of fan, strewed over with a multitude of little islands, that divide it into numerous branches and channels, and force it to discharge itself through this labyrinth into the sea by an infinity of mouths, occupying an extent of more than sixty leagues. "the indians who inhabit those islands," says raleigh, "in the summer, have houses upon the ground, as in other places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages: for, between may and september, the river rises to thirty feet upright, and then are those islands overflowed twenty feet high above the level of the ground; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. they use the tops of palmitos for bread; and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance." raleigh's account is confirmed by later travellers. humboldt says, "the navigator, in proceeding along the channels of the delta of the orinoco at night, sees with surprise the summits of the palm-trees illuminated by large fires. these are the habitations of the guaraons, which are suspended from the trees. these tribes hang up mats in the air, which they fill with earth, and kindle, on a layer of moist clay, the fire necessary for their household wants." passing up with the flood, and anchoring during the ebb, raleigh and his companions went on, till on the third day their galley grounded, and stuck so fast, that they feared their discovery must end there, and they be left to inhabit, like rooks upon trees, with these nations; but on the morrow, after casting out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro, they got her afloat. after four days more, they got beyond the influence of the tide, and were forced to row against a violent current, till they began to despair; the weather being excessively hot, and the river bordered with high trees, that kept away the air. their provisions began to fail them; but some relief they found by shooting birds of all colors,--carnation, crimson, orange, purple, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed. an old indian whom they had pressed into their service was a faithful guide to them, and brought them to an indian village, where they got a supply of bread, fish, and fowl. they were thus encouraged to persevere, and next day captured two canoes laden with bread, "and divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat." probably these roots were no other than potatoes; for the mountains of quito, to which sir walter was now approaching, were the native country of the potato, and the region from whence it was first introduced into europe. the spaniards and portuguese introduced it earlier than the english; but to raleigh belongs the credit of making it known to his countrymen. the story is, that sir walter, on his return home, had some of the roots planted in his garden at youghal, in ireland, and that his gardener was sadly disappointed in autumn on tasting the apples of the "fine american fruit," and proceeded to root up the "useless weeds," when he discovered the tubers. raleigh treated the natives with humanity, and, in turn, received friendly treatment from them. the chiefs told him fine stories about the gold-mines; but, unfortunately, the gold was not to be had without labor, and the adventurers were in no condition to undertake mining operations. what they wanted was to find a region like mexico or peru, only richer, where gold might be found, not in the rocks or the bowels of the earth, but in possession of the natives, in the form of barbaric ornaments that they would freely barter for european articles, or images of their gods, such as christians might seize and carry away with an approving conscience. thus far, their search for such a region had been unsuccessful, and their only hope was of reaching it by farther explorations. but the river was rising daily, and the current flowed with such rapidity, that they saw clearly, if it went on to increase as it had done for some time past, it must soon debar all farther progress. raleigh found by talking with the chiefs that they were all hostile to the spaniards, and willing enough to promise him their aid in driving them out of the country. he accordingly told them that he was sent by a great and virtuous queen to deliver them from the tyranny of the spaniards. he also learned that the indians with whom he was conversing were an oppressed race, having been conquered by a nation who dwelt beyond the mountains,--a nation who wore large coats, and hats of crimson color, and whose houses had many rooms, one over the other. they were called the eperumei; and against them all the other tribes would gladly combine, for they were the general oppressors. moreover, the country of these eperumei abounded in gold and all other good things. he continued to make daily efforts to ascend the river, and to explore the tributary streams, but found his progress debarred in some quarters by the rapid current of the swollen streams, and in others by falls in the rivers. the falls of one of the tributaries of the orinoco, the caroli, he describes as "a wonderful breach of waters, running in three parts; and there appeared some ten or twelve over-falls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower." he was informed that the lake from which the river issued was above a day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which he computed at about forty miles; that many rivers fall into it, and great store of grains of gold was found in those rivers. on one of these rivers, he was told, a nation of people dwell "whose heads appear not above their shoulders;" which, he says, "though it may be thought a mere fable, yet, for my own part, i am resolved it is true, because every child in those provinces affirm the same. they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair growth backward between their shoulders." raleigh adds, "it was not my chance to hear of them till i was come away. if i had but spoken one word of it while i was there, i might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt." it might have been more satisfactory for the philosophers if he had done so; but his word was quite enough for the poets. one of that class, and the greatest of all, william shakspeare, was, at that very time, writing plays for the gratification of raleigh's gracious mistress and her subjects, and eagerly availed himself of this new-discovered tribe to introduce one of them in his play of "the tempest," under the name of caliban. he also makes othello tell the gentle desdemona "of most disastrous chances, and of the cannibals that each other eat; the anthropophagi, and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders." nor are these the only instances in which we think we trace the influence of the romantic adventurer on the susceptible poet. the name of the divinity whom caliban calls "my dam's god setebos" occurs in raleigh's narrative as the name of an indian tribe; and trinculo's plan of taking caliban to england to make a show of him seems borrowed from this hint of raleigh's. in his days of prosperity, raleigh instituted a meeting of intellectual men at "the mermaid," a celebrated tavern. to this club, shakspeare, beaumont, fletcher, jonson, selden, donne, and other distinguished literary men, were accustomed to repair; and here doubtless the adventures and discoveries of sir walter, set forth with that talent of which his writings furnish abundant proof, often engaged the listening group. raleigh was then forty-eight, and shakspeare thirty-six, years old. but, in justice to raleigh, it should be added, that he did not invent these stories, and that later travellers and missionaries testify that such tales were current among the indians, though as yet no specimen of the tribe has been seen by trustworthy narrators. raleigh now found that he must bring his westward progress to a conclusion: "for no half-day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully; and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance, and men began to cry out for want of shift; for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times a day; and we had now been near a month, every day passing to the westward, farther from our ships." they turned back, therefore, and, passing down the stream, went, without labor and against the wind, little less than one hundred miles a day. they stopped occasionally, both for provisions, and for conference with the natives. in particular, one old chief, with whom he had conferred formerly on his ascent, gave him the confidential communication, that the attempt to attack the city of manoa, at that time, was desperate; for neither the time of the year was favorable, nor had he nearly a sufficient force. he advised, that, forbearing any further attempts at that time, raleigh should rest satisfied with the information he had gained, and return to his own country for a larger force, with which to come again the next year, and unite all the tribes which were hostile to the eperumei, or people of manoa, and by their aid make an easy conquest of them. the old chief added, that, for his part and his people's, they wanted no share of the spoils of gold or precious stones: they only wanted to be avenged on their enemies, and to rescue from them their women whom the eperumei had carried away in their frequent incursions; "so that, whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve wives apiece, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four." raleigh met with no material misadventure in his way down the river; and, though a storm attacked them the same night, they anchored in the mouth of the river; so that, in spite of every shelter they could derive from the shores, the galley "had as much to do to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her:" yet next day they arrived safe at the island of trinidad, and found the ships at anchor, "than which," says raleigh, "there was never to us a more joyful sight." raleigh was not favorably received by the queen on his return, nor was he welcomed with any popular applause; for he had brought home no booty, and his account of the riches of the land into which he had led the way was received with suspicion. he published it under this boastful title: "the discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana; with a relation of the great and golden city of manoa, which the spaniards call eldorado. performed by sir walter raleigh." in spite of all the great promises which he held out, the acknowledgment that he had made a losing voyage tended to abate that spirit of cupidity and enterprise which he wished to excite. sir walter's history of his expedition contains, besides the marvels already cited, numerous others, some of which have a basis of fact, others not. of the former kind is his account of oysters growing on trees. he says, "we arrived at trinidado the d of march, casting anchor at port curiapan. i left the ships, and kept by the shore in my barge, the better to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island. in the way, i passed divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river, that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees. all their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground. the like is commonly seen in the west indies and elsewhere." upon this narrative, sir robert schomburgh, a late explorer, has the following remark: "the first accounts brought to europe, of oysters growing on trees, raised as great astonishment as the relation of eldorado itself; and to those who were unacquainted with the fact that these mollusks select the branches of the tree, on which they fix themselves during high water, when the branches are immersed, it may certainly sound strange, that shells, which we know live in europe on banks in the depths of the sea, should be found in the west indies on the branches of trees. they attach themselves chiefly to the mangrove-tree, which grows along the shore of the sea, and rivers of brackish water, and covers immense tracts of coast; rooting and vegetating in a manner peculiar to itself, even as far as low-water mark. the water flowing off during ebb leaves the branches, with the oysters attached to them, high and dry." respecting the republic of amazons, sir walter says, "i made inquiry among the most ancient and best travelled of the orenoqueponi; and i was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. i will set down what hath been delivered me for truth of those women; and i spake with a cacique, or lord of people, who said that he had been in the river, and beyond it also. the nations of those women are on the south side of the river, in the province of topago; and their chiefest strengths and retreats are in the islands of said river. they accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which, i gather from their relation, to be in april. at that time, all the kings of the borders assemble, and the queens of the amazons; and, after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. this one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and, the moon being done, they all depart to their own provinces. if a son be born, they return him to the father; if a daughter, they nourish it and retain it, all being desirous to increase their own sex and kind. they carry on wars, and are very blood-thirsty and cruel." sir robert schomburgh, who explored these regions extensively between the years and , says, in reference to this subject, "the result of this fatiguing and perilous journey has only strengthened our conviction that this republic of women was one of those inventions, designed merely to enhance the wonders, of which the new world was regarded as the seat." it would, however, be unjust to condemn raleigh's proneness to a belief in their existence, when we find that condamine believed in them; that humboldt hesitated to decide against them; and that even southey, the learned historian of brazil, makes this remark, "had we never heard of the amazons of antiquity, i should, without hesitation, believe in those of america. their existence is not the less likely for that reason; and yet it must be admitted, that the probable truth is made to appear suspicious by its resemblance to a known fable." chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued. when raleigh, on his first arrival, broke up the spanish settlement in trinidad, he took berrio, the governor, prisoner, and carried him with him in his voyage up the river. berrio seems to have borne his fate with good temper, and conciliated the good will of raleigh; so that, when the expedition returned to the mouth of the river, he was set at liberty, and collected his little colony again. berrio probably shared the same belief as raleigh in the existence of the kingdom of eldorado within the limits of his province, and was naturally desirous to avail himself of the respite which he gained by the termination of raleigh's expedition, until it should return in greater force to penetrate to eldorado, and take possession for himself and his countrymen. with these views, he sent an officer of his, domingo de vera, to spain, to levy men; sending, according to raleigh's account, "divers images, as well of men as of beasts, birds, and fishes, cunningly wrought in gold," in hopes to persuade the king to yield him some further help. this agent was more successful than raleigh in obtaining belief. he is described as a man of great ability, and little scrupulous as to truth. having been favorably received by the government, he attracted notice by appearing in a singular dress, which, as he was of great stature, and rode always a great horse, drew all eyes, and made him generally known as the indian chief of eldorado and the rich lands. some trinkets in gold he displayed, of indian workmanship, and some emeralds, which he had brought from america, and promised stores of both; and, by the aid of influential persons, he obtained seventy thousand dollars at madrid, and five thousand afterwards at seville, authority to raise any number of adventurers (though berrio had asked only for three hundred men), and five good ships to carry them out. adventurers flocked to him in toledo, la mancha, and estremadura. the expedition was beyond example popular. twenty captains of infantry, who had served in italy and flanders, joined it. not only those who had their fortunes to seek were deluded: men of good birth and expectations left all to engage in the conquest of eldorado; and fathers of families gave up their employments, and sold their goods, and embarked with their wives and children. solicitations and bribes were made use of by eager volunteers. the whole expedition consisted of more than two thousand persons. they reached trinidad after a prosperous voyage, and took possession of the town. the little mischief which raleigh had done had been easily repaired; for indeed there was little that he could do. the place did not contain thirty families, and the strangers were to find shelter as they could. rations of biscuit and salt meat, pulse, or rice, were served out to them; but, to diminish the consumption as much as possible, detachments were sent off in canoes to the main land, where berrio had founded the town of st. thomas. some flotillas effected their progress safely; but one, which consisted of six canoes, met with bad weather, and only three succeeded in entering the river, after throwing their cargoes overboard. the others made the nearest shore, where they were descried by the caribs, a fierce tribe of natives, who slew them all, except a few women whom they carried away, and one soldier, who escaped to relate the fate of his companions. the city of st. thomas contained at that time four hundred men, besides women and children. berrio, to prepare the way for the discovery and conquest of eldorado, sent out small parties of the new-comers under experienced persons, that they might be seasoned to the difficulties which they would have to undergo, and learn how to conduct themselves in their intercourse with the indians. they were to spread the news that the king had sent out many spaniards, and a large supply of axes, caps, hawk-bells, looking-glasses, combs, and such other articles of traffic as were in most request. they saw no appearance of those riches which raleigh had heard of, nor of that plenty which he had found. the people with whom they met had but a scanty subsistence for themselves, and so little of gold or silver or any thing else to barter for the hatchets and trinkets of the spaniards, that they were glad of the chance to labor as boatmen, or give their children, in exchange for them. berrio was not discouraged by the result of these journeys. like raleigh, he was persuaded that the great and golden city stood on the banks of a great lake, from which the river caroli issued, about twelve leagues east of the mouth whereof his town was placed. a force of eight hundred men was now ordered on the discovery. the command was given to correa, an officer accustomed to indian warfare. three franciscan monks, and a lay brother of the same order, accompanied the expedition. having reached a spot where the country was somewhat elevated, and the temperature cooler than in the region they had passed, they hutted themselves on a sort of prairie, and halted there in the hope that rest might restore those who began to feel the effect of an unwholesome climate. the natives not only abstained from any acts of hostility, but supplied them with fruits, and a sort of cassava (tapioca). this they did in sure knowledge that disease would soon subdue these new-come spaniards to their hands. it was not long before a malignant fever broke out among the adventurers, which carried off a third part of their number. one comfort only was left them: the friars continued every day to perform mass in a place where all the sufferers could hear it; and no person died without performing and receiving all the offices which the romish church has enjoined. correa himself sank under the disease. he might possibly have escaped it, acclimated as he was, if he had not overtasked himself when food was to be sought from a distance, and carried heavy loads to spare those who were less equal to the labor: for now the crafty indians no longer brought supplies, but left the weakened spaniards to provide for themselves as they could; and when correa was dead, of whom, as a man accustomed to indian war, they stood in fear, they collected their forces, and fell upon the spaniards, who apprehended no danger, and were most of them incapable of making any defence. the plan appears to have been concerted with a young indian chief who accompanied the spaniards under pretence of friendship; and the women whom the indians brought with them to carry home the spoils of their enemies bore their part with stones and stakes in the easy slaughter. the spaniards who escaped the first attack fled with all speed, some without weapons, and some without strength to use them. the friars were the last to fly. with the soldiers to protect them, they brought off their portable altar, two crosses, and a crucifix. no attempt at resistance was made, except when a fugitive fell by the way. the word then passed for one of the fathers: some soldiers stood with their muskets to protect him while he hastily confessed and absolved the poor wretch, whom his countrymen then commended to god, and left to the mercy of the indians. in some places, the enemy set fire to the grass and shrubbery, which in that climate grow with extreme luxuriance; by which means many of this miserable expedition perished. not quite thirty out of the whole number got safe back to the town of st. thomas. that place was in a deplorable state, suffering at once from a contagious disease and from a scarcity of provisions. to add to the distress, about a hundred persons more had just arrived from trinidad. they came of necessity; for there were no longer supplies of food at trinidad to sustain them. but they came with high-raised hopes, only repining at their ill luck in not having been in the first expedition, by which they supposed the first spoils of eldorado had already been shared. they arrived like skeletons at a city of death. not only were provisions scarce, but the supply of salt had altogether failed; and, without it, health in that climate cannot be preserved. to add to their misery, the shoes had all been consumed, and the country was infested by that insect (the chigua) which burrows in the feet, and attacks the flesh wherever the slightest wound gives it access. the torment occasioned by these insects was such, that the men willingly submitted to the only remedy they knew of, and had the sores cauterized with hot iron. among those who had come from spain to enter upon this land of promise, there was a "beata," or pious woman, who had been attached to a convent in madrid, and accompanied a married daughter and her husband on this unhappy adventure, and devoted herself to the service of the sick. some of the women, and she among them, looking upon the governor, berrio, as the cause of their miseries, and thinking, that, as long as he lived, there was no hope of their escaping from this fatal place, resolved to murder him, and provided themselves with knives for the purpose. the indignation against him was so general, that they hesitated not to impart their design to one of the friars; and, luckily for berrio, he interposed his influence to prevent it. one of the women who had sold her possessions in spain to join the expedition made her way to the governor when the officers and friars were with him, and, emptying upon the ground before him a bag which contained one hundred and fifty doubloons, said, "tyrant, take what is left, since you have brought us here to die." berrio replied, with less of anger than of distress in his countenance, "i gave no orders to domingo de vera that he should bring more than three hundred men." he offered no opposition to the departure of such as would. many who had strength or resolution enough trusted themselves to the river in such canoes as they could find, without boatmen or pilot, and endeavored to make their way back to trinidad; some perishing by the hands of the natives, others by drowning, others by hunger, on the marshy shores which they reached. vera soon died of a painful disease in trinidad; and berrio did not long survive him. such was the issue of this great attempt for the conquest of the golden empire; "of which," says an old spanish historian, "it may be said, that it was like nebuchadnezzar's image, beginning in gold, but continuing through baser metal, till it ended in rude iron and base clay." chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition. raleigh's first voyage disappointed every one but himself. he pretended to have obtained satisfactory evidence of the existence of eldorado, and information of the place where it was; also proof of the existence of mines of gold; and to have conciliated the good will of the natives, and secured their co-operation with him in any future attempt. but he had brought home no gold; the shining stones which his followers had abundantly supplied themselves with were found to be worthless: and there was no evidence of the existence of a native sovereignty as far advanced in civilization and refinement as the mexicans and peruvians, the conquest of which would reflect as much glory upon the english name as the achievements of cortez and pizarro had reflected upon that of spain. raleigh's boastful representations, therefore, failed of effect. none of his countrymen were inclined to join with him in a further prosecution of the enterprise; and the subject was dropped for the time. raleigh was soon restored to favor, and employed in the naval expeditions against spain which took place at this time. he greatly distinguished himself on several occasions, and was in high favor with queen elizabeth till her death; but, with the accession of james, his fortunes fell. he was accused (whether justly or not is still doubtful) of being concerned in treasonable plots against the king, and was brought to trial, found guilty, condemned to death, and committed prisoner to the tower to await the execution of his sentence. raleigh, withdrawn from active labors by his imprisonment, was not idle. he turned to intellectual pursuits, and, with many minor pieces in prose and verse, executed his greatest work, "the history of the world,"--a project of such vast extent, that the bare idea of his undertaking it excites our admiration. as an author, he stands on an eminence as high as that which he obtained in other paths. hume says, "he is the best model of our ancient style;" and hallam confirms the judgment. his imprisonment lasted thirteen years. at the expiration of that time, he had influence to have his sentence so far remitted as to allow him to go on a second expedition in search of eldorado. twenty years had elapsed since the former expedition; and the present was of a magnitude more like a national enterprise than a private one. sir walter's own ship, "the destiny," carried thirty-six guns and two hundred men. there were six other vessels, carrying from twenty-five guns to three each. raleigh embarked all his means in this expedition. his eldest son commanded one of the ships; and eighty of his companions were gentlemen volunteers and adventurers, many of them his relations. those who have thoughtfully considered raleigh's career have seen reason to doubt whether he really believed the stories which he was so anxious to impress upon others. they have thought it more likely that his real object was to emulate the fame of cortez and pizarro; to dispossess spain of some portion of her conquests in south america, and transfer them to his own country. this latter object was admissible at the time of his first expedition, because spain and england were then at war; but was not so on the second, as the two nations were then at peace. but raleigh had reason to think, that, if he could succeed in his object, there was no danger of his being called to very strict account respecting his measures. he arrived off the coast of guiana on the th of november, ; having had a long and disastrous voyage. one ship had left him, and returned home; another had foundered; forty-two of his men had died; many were suffering from sickness, and himself among the number. but he found the indians friendly, and not forgetful of his former visit. he writes to his wife, "to tell you that i might be here king of the country were a vanity; but my name hath still lived among them here. they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields. all offer to obey me." being too feeble from sickness to go himself, he sent forward an expedition, under capt. keymis, to enter the orinoco, and take possession of the mines. five companies of fifty men each, in five shallops, composed the expedition; raleigh, with the remainder of his vessels, repairing to trinidad to await the result. since raleigh's former expedition, the spaniards had made a settlement upon the main land, and founded a town to which they gave the name of st. thomas. the governor resided there, and there were in all about five hundred inhabitants. on the th of january, the english flotilla reached a part of the river twelve leagues from st. thomas; and an indian fisherman carried the alarm to that place. the governor, palameque, mustered immediately the little force which he had at hand. this consisted of fifty-seven men only. messengers were sent to summon those men who were at their farms, and two horsemen were sent out to watch the invaders' movements. at eleven in the forenoon, the vessels anchored about a league from the town. the men landed, and the scouts hastened back with the intelligence. a spanish officer, with ten men, was placed in ambush near the city. as soon as he was informed of the direction which the english were taking, he cut a match-cord in pieces, which he lighted at dark, and placed at intervals, where they might deceive the invaders by presenting the appearance of a greater force. the first discharge was from two pieces of cannon against the boats. the spaniard, with his little band, then opened his fire upon the troops, and kept it up from the bushes as he retired before them. this skirmishing continued about an hour and a half, till he had fallen back to the place where the governor and his people were drawn up, at the entrance of the city, to make a stand. it was now nine at night. raleigh says, in his account of the action, that some of the english, at the first charge, began to pause and recoil shamefully; whereupon his son, not tarrying for any musketeers, ran up at the head of a company of pikemen, and received a shot wound. pressing then upon a spanish captain with his sword, the spaniard, taking the small end of his musket in his hand, struck him on the head with the stock, and felled him. his last words were, "lord, have mercy upon me, and prosper the enterprise!" and his death was instantly avenged by his sergeant, who thrust the spaniard through with his halberd. in the heat of the fight, and in the confusion which the darkness occasioned, the spanish commander was separated from his people, and slain. the spaniards, however, had the advantage of knowing the ground; and, betaking themselves to the houses, they fired from them on the english, and killed many, till the assailants set fire to the houses; thus depriving themselves of that booty which was their main object. the english were now masters of the place; the remainder of the defendants, with the women and children, under the command of grados, the officer who had deported himself so well in the first ambush, effecting their escape across the river. grados stationed them at a place about ten miles distant from the town, where a few slight huts were erected for the women and children. the captors searched in vain for gold in the city; but they had an idea that there was a rich gold-mine a short distance up the river. accordingly, two launches, with twenty or thirty men in each, were despatched up the orinoco. they came to the mouth of the creek, which led to the place where grados had hutted the women and children; and the largest of the launches was about to enter, when grados, who had posted nine of the invalids in ambush there, with about as many indian bowmen, fired upon them so unexpectedly, and with such good aim, that only one of the crew is said to have escaped unhurt. the other launch also suffered some loss. three days after, three launches were sent to take vengeance for this defeat; but grados had removed his charge some two leagues into the country, and these vessels went up the river about a hundred leagues, treating with the indians, to whom they made presents and larger promises, and after eighteen or twenty days returned, having effected nothing of importance. the english had now been four weeks in the city, annoyed by the spaniards and indians, and losing many of their men, cut off in their foraging excursions by ambushes. after the unsuccessful attempt to discover the mine, no further effort was made for that purpose; keymis alleging in his excuse, that "the spaniards, being gone off in a whole body, lay in the woods between the mine and us, and it was impossible, except they had been beaten out of the country, to pass up the woods and craggy hills without the loss of the commanders, without whom the rest would easily be cut to pieces." the english, accordingly, retreated from the city, setting fire to the few houses that remained, and promising the indians, as they went, that they would return next year, and complete the destruction of the spaniards. raleigh was by no means satisfied with keymis's excuses for his failure to discover the mine, and reproached him with so much severity, that keymis, after the interview, retired to his cabin, and shot himself through the heart. when raleigh arrived in england, he found that the tidings of his attack on the spaniards, and the utter failure of his expedition, had reached there before him. the spanish ambassador was clamorous for punishment on what he called a piratical proceeding; and the king and the nation, who might have pardoned a successful adventurer, had no indulgence to extend to one so much the reverse. finding a proclamation had been issued for his arrest, raleigh endeavored to escape to france, but was taken in the attempt, and committed close prisoner to the tower. he was made a victim to court intrigue. the weak king, james, was then negotiating a spanish match for his son, and, to gratify the king of spain and his court, sacrificed one of the noblest of his subjects. without being put on trial for his late transactions, raleigh's old sentence, which had been suspended sixteen years, was revived against him; and on the th of october, , four months after his arrival, he was beheaded on the scaffold. the fate of raleigh caused a great sensation at the time, and has not yet ceased to excite emotion. the poet thomson, in his "summer," finely alludes to the various circumstances of his history, which we have briefly recorded:-- "but who can speak the numerous worthies of the 'maiden reign'? in raleigh mark their every glory mixed,-- raleigh, the scourge of spain, whose breast with all the sage, the patriot, and the hero, burned. nor sunk his vigor when a coward reign the warrior fettered, and at last resigned to glut the vengeance of a vanquished foe: then, active still and unrestrained, his mind explored the vast extent of ages past, and with his prison-hours enriched the world; yet found no times in all the long research so glorious or so base as those he proved in which he conquered and in which he bled." chapter viii. the french philosophers. after so many abortive attempts to reach the golden empire, the ardor of research greatly abated. no expeditions, composed of considerable numbers, have since embarked in the enterprise; but from time to time, for the century succeeding raleigh's last attempt, private expeditions were undertaken and encouraged by provincial governors; and several hundred persons perished miserably in those fruitless endeavors. the adventure we are now about to record was of an entirely different character in respect to its objects and the means employed; but it occupied the same field of action, and called into exercise the same qualities of courage and endurance. in , the french academy of science made arrangements for sending out two commissions of learned men to different and distant parts of the world to make measurements, with a view to determining the dimensions and figure of the earth. the great astronomer, sir isaac newton, had deduced from theory, and ventured to maintain, that the earth was not a perfect globe, but a spheroid; that is, a globe flattened at the poles. for a long time after newton's splendid discoveries in astronomy, a degree of national jealousy prevented the french philosophers from accepting his conclusions; and they were not displeased to find, when they could, facts opposed to them. now, there were some supposed facts which were incompatible with this idea of newton's, that the earth was flattened at the poles. the point was capable of being demonstrated by measurements, with instruments, on the surface; for, if his theory was true, a degree of latitude would be longer in the northern parts of the globe than in the regions about the equator. we must not allow our story to become a scientific essay; and yet we should like to give our readers, if we could, some idea of the principle on which this process, which is called the measurement of an arc of the meridian, was expected to show the magnitude and form of the earth. we all know that geographical latitude means the position of places north or south of the equator, and is determined by reference to the north or pole star. a person south of the equator would not see the pole-star at all. one at the equator, looking at the pole-star, would see it, if no intervening object prevented, in the horizon. advancing northward, he would see it apparently rise, and advance toward him. as he proceeded, it would continue to rise. when he had traversed half the distance to the pole, he would see the pole-star about as we see it in boston; that is, nearly midway between the horizon and the zenith: and, when he had reached the pole, he would see the pole-star directly over his head. dividing the quarter circle which the star has moved through into ninety parts, we say, when the star has ascended one-ninetieth part, that the observer has travelled over one degree of latitude. when the observer has reached boston, he has passed over somewhat more than forty-two degrees, and, when he has reached the north-pole, ninety degrees, of latitude. thus we measure our latitude over the earth's surface by reference to a circle in the heavens; and, because the portions into which we divide that circle are equal, we infer that the portions of the earth's surface which correspond to them are equal. this would be true if the earth were a perfect globe: but if the earth be a spheroid, as newton's theory requires it to be, it would _not_ be true; for that portion of the earth's surface which is flattened will have less curvature than that which is not so, and less still than that portion which is protuberant. the degrees of least curvature will be longest, and those of greatest curvature shortest; that is, one would have to travel farther on the flattened part of the earth to see any difference in the position of the north-star than in those parts where the curvature is greater. so a degree of latitude near the pole, if determined by the position of the north-star, would be found, by actual measurement, to be longer than one similarly determined at the equator. it was to ascertain whether the fact was so that the two scientific expeditions were sent out. the party which was sent to the northern regions travelled over snow and ice, swamps and morasses, to the arctic circle, and fixed their station at tornea, in lapland. the frozen surface of the river afforded them a convenient level for fixing what is called by surveyors the base line. the cold was so intense, that the glass froze to the mouth when they drank, and the metallic measuring rod to the hand. in spite, however, of perils and discomforts, they persevered in their task, and brought back careful measurements of a degree in latitude ° north, to be compared with those made by the other party at the equator, whose movements we propose more particularly to follow. before we take leave of the northern commissioners, however, we will mention another method they took of demonstrating the same fact. if the earth be depressed at the poles, it must follow that bodies will weigh heavier there, because they are nearer the centre of the earth. but how could they test this fact, when all weights would be increased alike,--the pound of feathers and the pound of lead? the question was settled by observing the oscillation of a pendulum. the observers near the pole found that the pendulum vibrated faster than usual, because, being nearer the centre of the earth, the attracting power was increased. to balance this, they had to lengthen the pendulum; and the extent to which they had to do this measured the difference between the earth's diameter at the poles, and that in the latitude from which they came. the commissioners who were sent to the equatorial regions were messrs. bouguer, la condamine, and godin, the last of whom was accompanied by his wife. two spanish officers, messrs. juan and de ulloa, joined the commission. the party arrived at quito in june, , about two hundred years after gonzalo pizarro started from the same place in his search for eldorado. in the interval, the country had become nominally christian. the city was the seat of a bishopric, an audience royal, and other courts of justice; contained many churches and convents, and two colleges. but the population was almost entirely composed of indians, who lived in a manner but very little different from that of their ancestors at the time of the conquest. cuença was the place next in importance to the capital; and there, or in its neighborhood, the chief labors of the commission were transacted. they were conducted under difficulties as great as those of their colleagues in the frozen regions of the north, but of a different sort. the inhabitants of the country were jealous of the french commissioners, and supposed them to be either heretics or sorcerers, and to have come in search of gold-mines. even persons connected with the administration employed themselves in stirring up the minds of the people, till at last, in a riotous assemblage at a bullfight, the surgeon of the french commissioners was killed. after tedious and troublesome legal proceedings, the perpetrators were let off with a nominal punishment. notwithstanding every difficulty, the commissioners completed their work in a satisfactory manner, spending in all eight years in the task, including the voyages out and home. the commissioners who had made the northern measurements reported the length of the degree at ° north latitude to be . toises; messrs. bouguer and la condamine, the equatorial degree, . toises; showing a difference of toises, or , -¾ feet. the difference, as corrected by later measurements, is stated by recent authorities at , english feet; by which amount the polar degree exceeds the equatorial. thus newton's theory was confirmed. his scientific labors having been finished, la condamine conceived the idea of returning home by way of the amazon river; though difficulties attended the project, which we who live in a land of mighty rivers, traversed by steamboats, can hardly imagine. the only means of navigating the upper waters of the river was by rafts or canoes; the latter capable of containing but one or two persons, besides a crew of seven or eight boatmen. the only persons who were in the habit of passing up and down the river were the jesuit missionaries, who made their periodical visits to their stations along its banks. a young spanish gentleman, don pedro maldonado, who at first eagerly caught at the idea of accompanying the french philosopher on his homeward route by way of the river, was almost discouraged by the dissuasives urged by his family and friends, and seemed inclined to withdraw from the enterprise; so dangerous was the untried route esteemed. it was, however, at length resolved that they should hazard the adventure; and a place of rendezvous was appointed at a village on the river. on the th of july, , la condamine commenced his descent of one of the streams which flow into the great river of the amazons. the stream was too precipitous in its descent to be navigated by boats of any kind, and the only method used was by rafts. these are made of a light kind of wood, or rather cane, similar to the bamboo, the single pieces of which are fastened together by rushes, in such a manner, that they yield to every shock of moderate violence, and consequently are not subject to be separated even by the strongest. on such a conveyance, the french philosopher glided down the stream of the chuchunga, occasionally stopping on its banks for a day or two at a time to allow the waters to abate, and admit of passing a dangerous rapid more safely; and sometimes getting fast on the shallows, and requiring to be drawn off by ropes by the indian boatmen. it was not till the th of july that he entered the main river at laguna, where he found his friend maldonado, who had been waiting for him some weeks. on the d of july, , they embarked in two canoes of forty-two and forty-four feet long, each formed out of one single trunk of a tree, and each provided with a crew of eight rowers. they continued their course night and day, in hopes to reach, before their departure, the brigantines of the missionaries, in which they used to send once a year, to pará, the cacao which they collected in their missions, and for which they got, in return, supplies of european articles of necessity. on the th of july, la condamine and his companion passed the village of a tribe of indians lately brought under subjection, and in all the wildness of savage life: on the th, they reached another more advanced in civilization, yet not so far as to have abandoned their savage practices of artificially flattening their heads, and elongating their ears. the st of august, they landed at a missionary station, where they found numerous indians assembled, and some tribes so entirely barbarous as to be destitute of clothing for either sex. "there are in the interior," the narration goes on to say, "some tribes which devour the prisoners taken in war; but there are none such on the banks of the river." after leaving this station, they sailed day and night, equal to seven or eight days' journey, without seeing any habitation. on the th of august, they arrived at the first of the portuguese missionary stations, where they procured larger and more commodious boats than those in which they had advanced hitherto. here they began to see the first signs of the benefits of access to european sources of supply, by means of the vessel which went every year from pará to lisbon. they tarried six days at the last of the missionary stations, and again made a change of boats and of indian crews. on the th august, being yet six hundred miles from the sea, they perceived the ebb and flow of the tide. on the th september, they arrived at pará, which la condamine describes as a great and beautiful city, built of stone, and enjoying a commerce with lisbon, which made it flourishing and increasing. he observes, "it is, perhaps, the only european settlement where silver does not pass for money; the whole currency being cocoa." he adds in a note, "specie currency has been since introduced." the portuguese authorities received the philosophers with all the civilities and hospitalities due to persons honored with the special protection and countenance of two great nations,--france and spain. the cannon were fired; and the soldiers of the garrison, with the governor of the province at their head, turned out to receive them. the governor had received orders from the home government to pay all their expenses, and to furnish them every thing requisite for their comfort and assistance in their researches. la condamine remained three months at pará; and then, declining the urgent request of the governor to embark in a portuguese vessel for home by way of lisbon, he embarked in a boat rowed by twenty-two indians, under the command of a portuguese officer, to coast along the shores of the continent to the french colony of cayenne. the city of pará from whence he embarked is not situated upon the amazon river, but upon what is called the river of pará, which branches off from the amazon near its mouth, and discharges itself into the sea at a distance of more than a hundred miles east of the amazon. the intervening land is an island called marajo, along the coast of which la condamine and his party steered till they came to the place where the amazon river discharges into the sea that vast bulk of waters which has been swelled by the contributions of numerous tributaries throughout a course of more than three thousand miles in length. it here meets the current which runs along the north-eastern coast of brazil, and gives rise to that phenomenon which is called by the indians pororoca. the river and the current, having both great rapidity, and meeting nearly at right angles, come into contact with great violence, and raise a mountain of water to the height of one hundred and eighty feet. the shock is so dreadful, that it makes all the neighboring islands tremble; and fishermen and navigators fly from it in the utmost terror. the river and the ocean appear to contend for the empire of the waves: but they seem to come to a compromise; for the sea-current continues its way along the coast of guiana to the island of trinidad, while the current of the river is still observable in the ocean at a distance of five hundred miles from the shore. la condamine passed this place of meeting in safety by waiting for a favorable course of tides, crossing the amazon at its mouth, steering north; and after many delays, caused by the timidity and bad seamanship of his indian crew, arrived at last safe at cayenne on the th february, , having been eight months on his voyage, two of which were spent in his passage from pará, a passage which he avers a french officer and crew, two years after him, accomplished in six days. la condamine was received with all possible distinction at cayenne, and in due time found passage home to france, where he arrived th february, . chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon. one of the french commissioners, m. godin, had taken with him on his scientific errand to peru his wife; a lady for whom we bespeak the kind interest of our readers, for her name deserves honorable mention among the early navigators of the amazon. the labors of the commission occupied several years; and when, in the year , those labors were happily brought to a conclusion, m. godin was prevented, by circumstances relating to himself individually, from accompanying his colleagues in their return to france. his detention was protracted from year to year, till at last, in , he repaired alone to the island of cayenne to prepare every thing necessary for the homeward voyage of himself and his wife. from cayenne he wrote to paris to the minister of marine, and requested that his government would procure for him the favorable interposition of the court of portugal to supply him with the means of ascending the river amazon to bring away his wife from peru, and descend the stream with her to the island of cayenne. thirteen years had rolled by since their arrival in the country, when at last madame godin saw her earnest wish to return home likely to be gratified. all that time, she had lived apart from her husband; she in peru, he in the french colony of cayenne. at last, m. godin had the pleasure to see the arrival of a galoot (a small vessel having from sixteen to twenty oars on a side, and well adapted for rapid progress), which had been fitted out by the order of the king of portugal, and despatched to cayenne for the purpose of taking him on his long-wished-for journey. he immediately embarked; but, before he could reach the mouth of the amazon river, he was attacked by so severe an illness, that he saw himself compelled to stop at oyapoc, a station between cayenne and the mouth of the river, and there to remain, and to send one tristan, whom he thought his friend, in lieu of himself, up the river to seek madame godin, and escort her to him. he intrusted to him also, besides the needful money, various articles of merchandise to dispose of to the best advantage. the instructions which he gave him were as follows:-- the galiot had orders to convey him to loreto about half-way up the amazon river, the first spanish settlement. from there he was to go to laguna, another spanish town about twelve miles farther up, and to give mr. godin's letter, addressed to his wife, in charge to a certain ecclesiastic of that place, to be forwarded to the place of her residence. he himself was to wait at laguna the arrival of madame godin. the galiot sailed, and arrived safe at loreto. but the faithless tristan, instead of going himself to laguna, or sending the letter there, contented himself with delivering the packet to a spanish jesuit, who was going to quite another region on some occasional purpose. tristan himself, in the mean while, went round among the portuguese settlements to sell his commodities. the result was, that m. godin's letter, passing from hand to hand, failed to reach the place of its destination. meanwhile, by what means we know not, a blind rumor of the purpose and object of the portuguese vessel lying at loreto reached peru, and came at last, but without any distinctness, to the ears of madame godin. she learned through this rumor that a letter from her husband was on the way to her; but all her efforts to get possession of it were fruitless. at last, she resolved to send a faithful negro servant, in company with an indian, to the amazon, to procure, if possible, more certain tidings. this faithful servant made his way boldly through all hinderances and difficulties which beset his journey, reached loreto, talked with tristan, and brought back intelligence that he, with the portuguese vessel and all its equipments, were for her accommodation, and waited her orders. now, then, madame godin determined to undertake this most perilous and difficult journey. she was staying at the time at riobamba, about one hundred and twenty miles south of quito, where she had a house of her own with garden and grounds. these, with all other things that she could not take with her, she sold on the best terms she could. her father, m. grandmaison, and her two brothers, who had been living with her in peru, were ready to accompany her. the former set out beforehand to a place the other side of the cordilleras to make arrangements for his daughter's journey on her way to the ship. madame godin received about this time a visit from a certain mr. r., who gave himself out for a french physician, and asked permission to accompany her. he promised, moreover, to watch over her health, and to do all in his power to lighten the fatigues and discomforts of the arduous journey. she replied, that she had no authority over the vessel which was to carry her, and therefore could not answer for it that he could have a place in it. mr. r., thereupon, applied to the brothers of madame godin; and they, thinking it very desirable that she should have a physician with her, persuaded their sister to consent to take him in her company. so, then, she started from riobamba, which had been her home till this time, the st of october, , in company of the above-named persons, her black man, and three indian women. thirty indians, to carry her baggage, completed her company. had the luckless lady known what calamities, sufferings, and disappointments awaited her, she would have trembled at the prospect, and doubted of the possibility of living through it all, and reaching the wished-for goal of her journey. the party went first across the mountains to canelos, an indian village, where they thought to embark on a little stream which discharges itself into the amazon. the way thither was so wild and unbroken, that it was not even passable for mules, and must be travelled entirely on foot. m. grandmaison, who had set out a whole month earlier, had stopped at canelos no longer than was necessary to make needful preparations for his daughter and her attendants. then he had immediately pushed on toward the vessel, to still keep in advance, and arrange matters for her convenience at the next station to which she would arrive. hardly had he left canelos, when the small-pox, a disease which in those regions is particularly fatal, broke out, and in one week swept off one-half of the inhabitants, and so alarmed the rest, that they deserted the place, and plunged into the wilderness. consequently, when madame godin reached the place with her party, she found, to her dismay, only two indians remaining, whom the fury of the plague had spared; and, moreover, not the slightest preparation either for her reception, or her furtherance on her journey. this was the first considerable mishap which befell her, and which might have served to forewarn her of the greater sufferings which she was to encounter. a second followed shortly after. the thirty indians who thus far had carried the baggage, and had received their pay in advance, suddenly absconded, whether from fear of the epidemic, or that they fancied, having never seen a vessel except at a distance, that they were to be compelled to go on board one, and be carried away. there stood, then, the deserted and disappointed company, overwhelmed, and knowing not what course to take, or how to help themselves. the safest course would have been to leave all their baggage to its fate, and return back the way they came; but the longing of madame godin for her beloved husband, from whom she had now been separated so many years, gave her courage to bid defiance to all the hinderances which lay in her way, and even to attempt impossibilities. she set herself, therefore, to persuade the two indians above mentioned to construct a boat, and, by means of it, to take her and her company to andoas, another place about twelve days' journey distant. they willingly complied, receiving their pay in advance. the boat was got ready; and all the party embarked in it under the management of the two indians. after they had run safely two days' journey down the stream, they drew up to the bank to pass the night on shore. here the treacherous indians took the opportunity, while the weary company slept, to run away; and, when the travellers awoke next morning, they were nowhere to be found. this was a new and unforeseen calamity, by which their future progress was rendered greatly more hazardous. without a knowledge of the stream or the country, and without a guide, they again got on board their boat, and pushed on. the first day went by without any misadventure. the second, they came up with a boat which lay near the shore, alongside of an indian hut built of branches of trees. they found there an indian, just recovered from the sickness, and prevailed on him, by presents, to embark with them to take the helm. but fate envied them this relief: for, the next day, mr. r.'s hat fell into the water; and the indian, in endeavoring to recover it, fell overboard, and was drowned, not having strength to swim to the shore. now was the vessel again without a pilot, and steered by persons, not one of whom had the least knowledge of the course. ere long, the vessel sprung a leak; and the unhappy company found themselves compelled to land, and build a hut to shelter them. they were yet five or six days' journey from andoas, the nearest place of destination. mr. r. offered, for himself and another frenchman his companion, to go thither, and make arrangements, that, within fourteen days, a boat from there should arrive and bring them off. his proposal was approved of. madame godin gave him her faithful black man to accompany him. he himself took good care that nothing of his property should be left behind. fourteen days were now elapsed; but in vain they strained their eyes to catch sight of the bark which mr. r. had promised to send to their relief. they waited twelve days longer, but in vain. their situation grew more painful every day. at last, when all hope in this quarter was lost, they hewed trees, and fastened them together as well as they could, and made in this way a raft. when they had finished it, they put on their baggage, and seated themselves upon it, and suffered it to float down the stream. but even this frail bark required a steersman acquainted with navigation; but they had none such. in no long time, it struck against a sunken log, and broke to pieces. the people and their baggage were cast into the river. great, however, as was the danger, no one was lost. madame godin sunk twice to the bottom, but was at last rescued by her brothers. wet through and through, exhausted, and half dead with fright, they at last all gained the shore. but only imagine their lamentable, almost desperate, condition! all their supplies lost; to make another raft impossible; even their stock of provisions gone! and where were they when all these difficulties overwhelmed them? in a horrid wilderness, so thick grown up with trees and bushes, that one could make a passage through it no other way than by axe and knife; inhabited only by fiercest tigers, and by the most formidable of serpents,--the rattlesnake. moreover, they were without tools, without weapons! could their situation be more deplorable? chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued. the unfortunate travellers had now but the choice of two desperate expedients,--either to wait where they were the termination of their wretched existence, or try the almost impossible task of penetrating along the banks of the river, through the unbroken forest, till they might reach andoas. they chose the latter, but first made their way back to their lately forsaken hut to take what little provisions they had there left. having accomplished this, they set out on their most painful and dangerous journey. they observed, when they followed the shore of the river, that its windings lengthened their way. to avoid this, they endeavored, without leaving the course of the river, to keep a straight course. by this means, they lost themselves in the entangled forest; and every exertion to find their way was ineffectual. their clothes were torn to shreds, and hung dangling from their limbs; their bodies were sadly wounded by thorns and briers; and, as their scanty provision of food was almost gone, nothing seemed left to them but to sustain their wretched existence with wild fruit, seeds and buds of the palm-trees. at last, they sank under their unremitted labor. wearied with the hardships of such travel, torn and bleeding in every part of their bodies, and distracted with hunger, terror, and apprehensions, they lost the small remnant of their energy, and could do no more. they sat down, and had no power to rise again. in three or four days, one after another died at this stage of their journey. madame godin lay for the space of twenty-four hours by the side of her exhausted and helpless brothers and companions: she felt herself benumbed, stupefied, senseless, yet at the same time tormented by burning thirst. at last, providence, on whom she relied, gave her courage and strength to rouse herself and seek for a rescue, which was in store for her, though she knew not where to look for it. around lay the dead bodies of her brothers and her other companions,--a sight which at another time would have broken her heart. she was almost naked. the scanty remnants of her clothing were so torn by the thorns as to be almost useless. she cut the shoes from her dead brothers' feet, bound the soles under her own, and plunged again into the thicket in search of something to allay her raging hunger and thirst. terror at seeing herself so left alone in such a fearful wilderness, deserted by all the world, and apprehension of a dreadful death constantly hovering before her eyes, made such an impression upon her, that her hair turned gray. it was not till the second day after she had resumed her wandering that she found water, and, a little while after, some wild fruit, and a few eggs of birds. but her throat was so contracted by long fasting, that she could hardly swallow. these served to keep life in her frame. eight long days she wandered in this manner hopelessly, and strove to sustain her wretched existence. if one should read in a work of fiction any thing equal to it, he would charge the author with exaggeration, and violation of probability. but it is history; and, however incredible her story may sound, it is rigidly conformed to the truth in all its circumstances, as it was afterwards taken down from the mouth of madame godin herself. on the eighth day of her hopeless wandering, the hapless lady reached the banks of the bobonosa, a stream which flows into the amazon. at the break of day, she heard at a little distance a noise, and was alarmed at it. she would have fled, but at once reflected that nothing worse than her present circumstances could happen to her. she took courage, and went towards the place whence the sound proceeded; and here she found two indians, who were occupied in shoving their boat into the water. madame godin approached, and was kindly received by them. she told to them her desire to be conveyed to andoas; and the good savages consented to carry her thither in their boat. they did so; and now behold her arrived at that place which the mean and infamous treachery of mr. r. was the only cause of her not having reached long ago. this base fellow had, with unfeeling cruelty, thrown to the winds his promise to procure them a boat, and had gone on business of his own to omaguas, a spanish mission station, without in the least troubling himself about his pledged word, and the rescue of the unfortunates left behind. the honest negro was more true to duty, though he was born and bred a heathen, and the other a christian. while the civilized and polished frenchman unfeelingly went away, and left his benefactress and her companions to languish in the depths of misery, the sable heathen ceased not his exertions till he had procured two indians to go up the river with him, and bring away his deserted mistress and her companions. but, most unfortunately, he did not reach the hut where he had left them before they had carried into execution the unlucky determination to leave the hut, and seek their way through the wilderness. so he had the pain of failing to find her on his arrival. even then, the faithful creature did not feel as if all was done. he, with his indian companions, followed the traces of the party till he came to the place where the bodies of the perished adventurers lay, which were already so decayed, that he could not distinguish one from the other. this pitiable sight led him to conclude that none of the company could have escaped death. he returned to the hut to take away some things of madame godin's which were left there, and carried them not only back with him to andoas, but from thence (another touching proof of his fidelity) to omaguas, that he might deposit the articles, some of which were of considerable value, in the hands of the unworthy mr. r., to be by him delivered to the father of his lamented mistress. and how did this unworthy mr. r. behave when he was apprised by the negro of the lamentable death of those whom he had so unscrupulously given over to destitution? did he shudder at the magnitude and baseness of his crime? oh, no! like a heartless knave, he added dishonesty to cruelty, took the things into his keeping, and, to secure himself in the possession of them, sent the generous negro back to quito. joachim--for that was the name of this honest and noble black man--had unluckily set out on his journey back before madame godin arrived at andoas. thus he was lost to her; and her affliction at the loss of such a tried friend showed that the greatness of her past misfortunes had not made her incapable of feeling new distresses. in andoas she found a christian priest, a spanish missionary; and the behavior of this unchristian christian contrasts with the conduct of her two indian preservers, as that of the treacherous r. with that of the generous negro. for instance, when madame godin was in embarrassment how to show her gratitude to the good indians who had saved her life, she remembered, that, according to the custom of the country, she wore around her neck a pair of gold chains, weighing about four ounces. these were her whole remaining property; but she hesitated not a moment, but took them off, and gave one to each of her benefactors. they were delighted beyond measure at such a gift; but the avaricious and dishonest priest took them away from them before the face of the generous giver, and gave them instead some yards of coarse cotton cloth, which they call, in that country, tukujo. and this man was one of those who were sent to spread christianity among the heathen, and one from whom those same indians whom he had treated so dishonestly would hear the lesson, "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods"! madame godin felt, at seeing such unchristian and unmanly behavior, such deep disgust, that, as soon as she was somewhat recruited from the effects of so many sufferings, she longed for a sight of some boat to enable her to escape from the companionship of this unjust priest, and get to laguna, one of the aforementioned spanish mission stations. a kind indian woman made her a petticoat of cotton cloth, though madame godin had nothing to give her in payment for it. but this petticoat was to her, afterwards, a sacred thing, that she would not have parted with for any price. she laid it carefully away with the slippers which she made of her brothers' shoes, and never could, in after-times, look at the two without experiencing a rush of sad and tender recollections. at laguna she had the good fortune to find a missionary of better disposition. this one received her with kindness and sympathy, and exerted himself every way he could to restore her health, shattered by so much suffering. he wrote also on her behalf to the governor of omaguas, to beg him to aid in expediting her journey. by this means, the elegant mr. r. learned that she was still alive; and as she was not likely in future to be burdensome to him, while he might, through her means, get a passage in the portuguese vessel, he failed not to call upon her at laguna. he delivered to her there some few of the things which joachim had left in his charge; but to the question, "what had become of the rest?" he had no other answer to make but "they were spoilt." the knave forgot, when he said this, that gold bracelets, snuff-boxes, ear-rings, and pearls, of which this property consisted, are not apt to spoil. madame godin could not forbear making to him the well-merited reproach that he was the cause of her late sufferings, and guilty of the mournful death of her brothers and her other companions. she desired to know, moreover, why he had sent away her faithful servant, the good joachim; and his unworthy reply was, he had apprehensions that he would murder him. to the question, how he could have such a suspicion against a man whose tried fidelity and honest disposition were known to him, he knew not what to answer. the good missionary explained to madame godin, after she was somewhat recruited from her late sufferings, the frightful length of the way, and the labors and dangers of her journey yet to come, and tried hard to induce her to alter her intention, and return to rio bambas, her former residence, instead of setting forth to encounter a new series of disappointments and perils. he promised, in that case, to convey her safely and with comfort. but the heroic woman rejected the proposal with immovable firmness. "god, who had so wonderfully protected her so far," she said, "would have her in his keeping for the remainder of her way. she had but one wish remaining, and that was to be re-united to her husband; and she knew no danger terrible enough to induce her to give up this one ruling desire of her heart." the missionary, therefore, had a boat got ready to carry her to the portuguese vessel. the governor of omaguas furnished the boat, and supplied it well with provisions: and, that the commander of the portuguese galiot might be informed of her approach, he sent a smaller boat with provisions, and two soldiers by land, along the banks of the river, and betook himself to loreto, where the galiot had been so long lying; and there he waited till madame godin arrived. she still suffered severely from the consequences of the injuries which she had sustained during her wanderings in the wilderness. particularly, the thumb of one hand, in which she had thrust a thorn, which they had not been able to get out, was in a bad condition. the bone itself was become carious, and she found it necessary to have the flesh cut open to allow fragments of the bone to come out. as for the rest, she experienced from the commander of the portuguese vessel all possible kindness, and reached the mouth of the amazon river without any further misadventure. mr. godin, who still continued at oyapoc (the same place where on account of sickness he had been obliged to stop), was no sooner informed of the approach of his wife than he went on board a vessel, and coasted along the shore till he met the galiot. the joy of again meeting, after a separation of so many years, and after such calamities undergone, was, as may well be supposed, on both sides, indescribably great. their re-union seemed like a resurrection from the dead, since both of them had more than once given up all hope of ever seeing the other in this life. the happy husband now conveyed his wife to oyapoc, and thence to cayenne; whence they departed on their return to france, in company with the venerable mr. de grandmaison. madame godin remained, however, constantly sad, notwithstanding her present ample cause for joy; and every endeavor to raise her spirits was fruitless, so deep and inextinguishable an impression had the terrible sufferings she had undergone made upon her mind. she spoke unwillingly of all that she had suffered; and even her husband found out with difficulty, and by little and little, the circumstances which we have narrated, taken from accounts under his own hand. he thought he could thereby infer that she had kept to herself, to spare his feelings, many circumstances of a distressing nature, which she herself preferred to forget. her heart, too, was, by reason of her sufferings, so attuned to pity and forbearance, that her compassion even extended to the base and wicked men who had treated her with such injustice. she would therefore add nothing to induce her husband to invoke the vengeance of the law against the faithless tristan, the first cause of all her misfortunes, who had converted to his own use many thousand dollars' worth of property which had been intrusted to him. she had even allowed herself to be persuaded to take on board the boat from omaguas down, for a second time, the mean-souled mr. r. so true is it that adversity and suffering do fulfil the useful purpose of rendering the human heart tender, placable, and indulgent. chapter xi. herndon's expedition. in the month of august, , lieut. herndon, of the united-states navy, being on board the frigate "vandalia," then lying at anchor in the harbor of valparaiso, received information that he was designated by the secretary of the navy to explore the valley of the amazon. on the th of april, being then at lima, he received his orders, and, on the st of may, commenced his land journey to the highest point on the amazon navigable for boats, which is about three hundred miles from its source; in which distance there are twenty-seven rapids, the last of which is called the pongo (or falls) de manseriche. over these the water rushes with frightful rapidity; but they are passed, with great peril and difficulty, by means of rafts. from the pongo de manseriche, lieut. herndon states that an unbroken channel of eighteen feet in depth may be found to the atlantic ocean,--a distance of three thousand miles. the party consisted of lieut. herndon, commander; passed-midshipman gibbon; a young master's mate named richards; a young peruvian, who had made the voyage down the amazon a few years before, who was employed as interpreter to the indians; and mauricio, an indian servant. they were mounted on mules; and their baggage of all kinds, including looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets for the indians, and some supplies of provisions, were carried also on muleback, under the charge of an _arriero_, or muleteer, who was an indian. the party were furnished with a tent, which often came in use for nightly shelter, as the roadside inns furnished none, and the haciendas, or farm-houses, which they sometimes availed themselves of, afforded but poor accommodation. the following picture of the lieutenant's first night's lodgings, not more than ten miles from lima, is a specimen: "the house was built of _adobe_, or sun-dried bricks, and roofed with tiles. it had but one room, which was the general receptacle for all comers. a mud projection, of two feet high and three wide, stood out from the walls of the room all around, and served as a permanent bedplace for numbers. others laid their blankets and cloaks, and stretched themselves, on the floor; so that, with whites, indians, negroes, trunks, packages, horse-furniture, game-cocks, and guinea-pigs, we had quite a caravansera appearance." the lieutenant found the general answer to his inquiry for provisions for his party, and of fodder for their animals, was, "no hay" (there is none). the refusal of the people to sell supplies of these indispensable articles was a source of continued inconvenience. it arose probably from their fear to have it known that they had possessions, lest the hand of authority should be laid upon them, and their property be taken without payment. the cultivators, it must be remembered, are native indians, under the absolute control of their spanish masters, and have no recognized rights protected by law. while this state of things continues, civilization is effectually debarred progress. the usual day's travel was twelve to fifteen miles. the route ascended rapidly; and the river rimac, along whose banks their road lay, was soon reduced to a mountain torrent, raging in foam over the fragments of the rocky cliffs which overhung its bed. the road occasionally widened out, and gave room for a little cultivation. may .--they had now reached a height of ten thousand feet above the level of the sea. here the traveller feels that he is lifted above the impurities of the lower regions of the atmosphere, and is breathing air free from taint. the stars sparkled with intense brilliancy. the temperature at night was getting cool, and the travellers found they required all their blankets. but by day the heat was oppressive until tempered by the sea-breeze, which set in about eleven o'clock in the morning. the productions of the country are indian corn, alfalfa (a species of lucern), and potatoes. the potato, in this its native country, is small, but very fine. they saw here a vegetable of the potato kind called _oca_. boiled or roasted, it is very agreeable to the taste, in flavor resembling green corn. here they entered upon the mining region. "the earth here shows her giant skeleton bare: mountains, rather than rocks, rear their gray heads to the skies; and proximity made the scene more striking and sublime." lieut. herndon had brought letters to the superintendent of the mines, who received the travellers kindly and hospitably. this establishment is managed by a superintendent and three assistants, and about forty working hands. the laborers are indians,--strong, hardy-looking fellows, though low in stature, and stupid in expression. the manner of getting the silver from the ore is this: the ore is broken into pieces of the size of an english walnut, and then ground to a fine powder. the ground ore is then mixed with salt, at the rate of fifty pounds of salt to every six hundred of ore, and taken to the ovens to be toasted. after being toasted, the ore is laid in piles of about six hundred pounds upon the stone floor. the piles are then moistened with water, and quicksilver is sprinkled on them through a woollen cloth. the mass is well mixed by treading with the feet, and working with hoes. a little calcined iron pyrites, called _magistral_, is also added. the pile is often examined to see if the amalgamation is going on well. it is left to stand for eight or nine days until the amalgamation is complete; then carried to an elevated platform, and thrown into a well, or cavity: a stream of water is turned on, and four or five men trample and wash it with their feet. the amalgam sinks to the bottom, and the mud and water are let off by an aperture in the lower part of the well. the amalgam is then put into conical bags of coarse linen, which are hung up; and the weight of the mass presses out a quantity of quicksilver, which oozes through the linen, and is caught in vessels below. the mass, now dry, and somewhat harder than putty, is carried to the ovens, where the remainder of the quicksilver is driven off by heat, and the residue is _plata pina_, or pure silver. the proportion of pure silver in the amalgam is about twenty-two per cent. this is an unusually rich mine. returning from the mine, the party met a drove of llamas on their way from the hacienda. this is quite an imposing sight, especially when the drove is encountered suddenly at a turn of the road. the leader, who is always selected on account of his superior height, has his head decorated with tufts of woollen fringe, hung with little bells; and his great height (often six feet), gallant and graceful carriage, pointed ear, restless eye, and quivering lip, as he faces you for a moment, make him as striking an object as one can well conceive. upon pressing on him, he bounds aside either up or down the cliff, and is followed by the herd, scrambling over places that would be impassable for the mule or the ass. the llama travels not more than nine or ten miles a day, his load being about one hundred and thirty pounds. he will not carry more, and will be beaten to death rather than move when he is overloaded or tired. the males only are worked: they appear gentle and docile, but, when irritated, have a very savage look, and spit at the object of their resentment. the guanaco, or alpaca, is another species of this animal, and the vicunia a third. the guanaco is as large as the llama, and bears a fleece of long and coarse wool. the vicunia is much smaller, and its wool is short and fine: so valuable is it, that it brings at the port of shipment a dollar a pound. our travellers saw no guanacos, but now and then, in crossing the mountains, caught a glimpse of the wild and shy vicunia. they go in herds of ten or fifteen females, accompanied by one male, who is ever on the alert. on the approach of danger, he gives warning by a shrill whistle; and his charge make off with the speed of the wind. on the st of may, the thermometer stood at thirty-six degrees at five, a.m. this, it must be remembered, was in the torrid zone, in the same latitude as congo in africa, and sumatra in asia; yet how different the climate! this is owing to the elevation, which at this water-shed of the continent, which separates the rivers of the atlantic from those of the pacific, was about sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. the peaks of the cordillera presented the appearance of a hilly country at home on a winter's day; while the lower ranges were dressed in bright green, with placid little lakes interspersed, giving an air of quiet beauty to the scene. the travellers next arrived at morococha, where they found copper-mining to be the prevailing occupation. the copper ore is calcined in the open air, in piles consisting of ore and coal, which burn for a month. the ore thus calcined is taken to the ovens; and sufficient heat is employed to melt the copper, which runs off into moulds below. the copper, in this state, is impure, containing fifty per cent of foreign matter; and is worth fifteen cents the pound in england, where it is refined. there is a mine of fine coal near the hacienda, which yields an abundant supply. the travellers passed other mining districts, rich in silver and copper. a large portion of the silver which forms the circulation of the world is dug from the range of mountains which they were now crossing, and chiefly from that slope of them which is drained off into the amazon. their descent, after leaving the mining country, was rapid. on june , we find them at the head of a ravine leading down to the valley of tarma. the height of this spot above the level of the sea was , feet. as they rode down the steep descent, the plants and flowers that they had left on the other side began to re-appear. first the short grass and small clover, then barley, lucern, indian corn, beans, turnips, shrubs, bushes, trees, flowers, growing larger and gayer in their colors, till the pretty little city of tarma, imbosomed among the hills, and enveloped in its covering of willows and fruit-trees, with its long lawns of _alfalfa_ (the greenest of grasses) stretching out in front, broke upon their view. it is a place of seven thousand inhabitants, beautifully situated in an amphitheatre of mountains, which are clothed nearly to the top with waving fields of barley. the lieutenant gives an attractive description of this mountain city, whose natural productions extend from the apples and peaches of the temperate zone to the oranges and pine-apples of the tropics; and whose air is so temperate and pure, that there was but one physician to a district of twenty thousand people, and he was obliged to depend upon government for a part of his support. the party left tarma on the th of june, and resumed their descent of the mountains. the ride was the wildest they had yet had. the ascents and descents were nearly precipitous; and the scene was rugged, wild, and grand beyond description. at certain parts of the road, it is utterly impossible for two beasts to pass abreast, or for one to turn and retreat; and the only remedy, when they meet, is to tumble one off the precipice, or to drag him back by the tail until he reaches a place where the other can pass. they met with a considerable fright in this way one day. they were riding in single file along one of those narrow ascents where the road is cut out of the mountain-side, and the traveller has a perpendicular wall on one hand, and a sheer precipice of many hundreds of feet upon the other. mr. gibbon was riding ahead. just as he was about to turn a sharp bend of the road, the head of a bull peered round it, on the descent. when the bull came in full view, he stopped; and the travellers could see the heads of other cattle clustering over his quarters, and hear the shouts of the cattle-drivers far behind, urging on their herd. the bull, with lowered crest, and savage, sullen look, came slowly on, and actually got his head between the perpendicular rock and the neck of gibbon's mule. but the sagacious beast on which he was mounted, pressing her haunches hard against the wall, gathered her feet close under her, and turned as upon a pivot. this placed the bull on the outside (there was room to pass, though no one would have thought it); and he rushed by at the gallop, followed in single file by the rest of the herd. the lieutenant owns that he and his friend "felt frightened." on the th of june, they arrived at the first hacienda, where they saw sugar-cane, yucca, pine-apples, and plantains. besides these, cotton and coffee were soon after found in cultivation. the laborers are native indians, nominally free, but, by the customs of the country, pretty closely held in subjection to their employers. their nominal wages are half a dollar a day; but this is paid in articles necessary for their support, which are charged to them at such prices as to keep them always in debt. as debtors, the law will enforce the master's claim on them; and it is almost hopeless for them to desert; for, unless they get some distance off before they are recognized, they will be returned as debtors to their employers. freedom, under such circumstances, is little better than slavery; but it _is_ better, for this reason,--that it only requires some improvement in the intelligence and habits of the laborers to convert it into a system of free labor worthy of the name. the _yucca_ (cassava-root) is a plant of fifteen or twenty feet in height. it is difficult to distinguish this plant from the _mandioc_, which is called "wild yucca;" and this, "sweet yucca." this may be eaten raw; but the other is poisonous until subjected to heat in cooking, and then is perfectly wholesome. the yucca answers the same purpose in peru that the mandioc does in brazil. it is the general substitute for bread, and, roasted or boiled, is very pleasant to the taste. the indians also make from it an intoxicating drink. each plant will give from twenty to twenty-five pounds of the eatable root, which grows in clusters like the potato, and some tubers of which are as long and thick as a man's arm. chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued. on the th of july, the travellers arrived at the great mining station of cerro pasco. the weather was so cold, that the lieutenant, not being quite well, sat by the fire all day, trying to keep himself warm. the town is a most curious-looking place, entirely honey-combed, and having the mouths of mines, some of them two or three yards in diameter, gaping everywhere. from the top of a hill, the best view is obtained of the whole. vast pits, called tajos, surround this hill, from which many millions of silver have been taken; and the miners are still burrowing, like so many rabbits, in their bottoms and sides. the hill is penetrated in every direction; and it would not be surprising if it should cave in, any day, and bury many in its ruins. the falling-in of mines is of frequent occurrence: one caved in, some years ago, and buried three hundred persons. an english company undertook mining here in , and failed. vast sums have been spent in constructing tunnels, and employing steam machinery to drain the mines; and the parties still persevere, encouraged by discovering, that, the lower they penetrate, the richer are the ores. the yield of these mines is about two million dollars' worth a year, which is equal to the yield of all the other mines of peru together. the lieutenant found the leading people here, as well as at tarma, enthusiastic on the subject of opening the amazon to foreign commerce. it will be a great day for them, they say, when the americans get near them with a steamer. on the th of july, they arrived at a spot of marshy ground, from which trickled in tiny streams the waters, which, uniting with others, swell till they form the broad river huallaga, one of the head tributaries of the amazon. their descent was now rapid; and the next day they found themselves on a sudden among fruit-trees, with a patch of sugar-cane, on the banks of the stream. the sudden transition from rugged mountain-peaks, where there was no cultivation, to a tropical vegetation, was marvellous. two miles farther on, they came in sight of a pretty village, almost hidden in the luxuriant vegetation. the whole valley here becomes very beautiful. the land, which is a rich river-bottom, is laid off into alternate fields of sugar-cane and alfalfa. the blended green and yellow of this growth, divided by willows, interspersed with fruit-trees, and broken into wavy lines by the serpentine course of the river, presented a scene which filled them with pleasurable emotions, and indicated that they had exchanged a semi-barbarous for a civilized society. the party had had no occasion to complain of want of hospitality in any part of their route; but here they seemed to have entered upon a country where that virtue flourished most vigorously, having at its command the means of gratifying it. the owner of the hacienda of quicacan, an english gentleman named dyer, received the lieutenant and his large party exactly as if it were a matter of course, and as if they had quite as much right to occupy his house as they had to enter an inn. the next day they had an opportunity to compare with the englishman a fine specimen of the peruvian country gentleman. col. lucar is thus described: "he is probably the richest and most influential man in the province. he seems to have been the father of husbandry in these parts, and is the very type of the old landed proprietor of virginia, who has always lived upon his estates, and attended personally to their cultivation. seated at the head of his table, with his hat on to keep the draught from his head, and which he would insist upon removing unless i would wear mine; his chair surrounded by two or three little negro children, whom he fed with bits from his plate; and attending with patience and kindness to the clamorous wants of a pair of splendid peacocks, a couple of small parrots of brilliant and variegated plumage, and a beautiful and delicate monkey,--i thought i had never seen a more perfect pattern of the patriarch. his kindly and affectionate manner to his domestics, and to his little grand-children, a pair of sprightly boys, who came in the evening from the college, was also very pleasing." the mention of a college in a region in some respects so barbarous may surprise our readers; but such there is. it has a hundred pupils, an income of seventy-five thousand dollars yearly, chemical and philosophical apparatus, and one thousand specimens of european minerals. ijurra, our lieutenant's peruvian companion, had written to the governor of the village of tingo maria, the head of canoe navigation on the huallaga, to send indians to meet the travellers here, and take their luggage on to the place of embarkation. july .--the indians came shouting into the farm-yard, thirteen in number. they were young, slight, but muscular-looking fellows, and wanted to shoulder the trunks, and be off at once. the lieutenant, however, gave them some breakfast; and then the party set forward, and, after a walk of six miles, reached the river, and embarked in the canoe. two indian laborers, called _peons_, paddled the canoe, and managed it very well. the peons cooked their dinner of cheese and rice, and made them a good cup of coffee. they are lively, good-tempered fellows, and, properly treated, make good and serviceable travelling companions. the canoe was available only in parts of the river where the stream was free from rapids. where these occur, the cargo must be landed, and carried round. lieut. herndon and his party were compelled to walk a good part of the distance to tingo maria, which was thirty-six miles from where they first took the canoe. "i saw here," says our traveller, "the _lucernago_, or fire-fly of this country. it is a species of beetle, carrying two white lights in its eyes, or rather in the places where the eyes of insects generally are, and a red light between the scales of the belly; so that it reminded me somewhat of the ocean steamers. they are sometimes carried to lima (enclosed in an apartment cut into a sugar-cane), where the ladies at balls or theatres put them in their hair for ornament." at tingo maria, their arrival was celebrated with much festivity. the governor got up a ball for them, where there was more hilarity than ceremony. the next morning, the governor and his wife accompanied our friends to the port. the governor made a short address to the canoe-men, telling them that their passengers were "no common persons; that they were to have a special care of them; to be very obedient," &c. they then embarked, and stood off; the boatmen blowing their horns, and the party on shore waving their hats, and shouting their adieus. the party had two canoes, about forty feet long by two and a half broad, each hollowed out of a single log. the rowers stand up to paddle, having one foot in the bottom of the boat, and the other on the gunwale. there is a man at the bow of the boat to look out for rocks or sunken trees ahead; and a steersman, who stands on a little platform at the stern of the boat, and guides her motions. when the river was smooth, and free from obstruction, they drifted with the current, the men sitting on the trunks and boxes, chatting and laughing with each other; but, when they approached a "bad place," their serious looks, and the firm position in which each one planted himself at his post, showed that work was to be done. when the bark had fairly entered the pass, the rapid gestures of the bow-man, indicating the channel; the graceful position of the steersman, holding his long paddle; and the desperate exertions of the rowers, the railroad rush of the canoes, and the wild screaming laugh of the indians as the boat shot past the danger,--made a scene so exciting as to banish the sense of danger. after this specimen of their travel, let us take a glimpse of their lodging. "at half-past five, we camped on the beach. the first business of the boatmen, when the canoe is secured, is to go off to the woods, and cut stakes and palm-branches to make a house for the 'commander.' by sticking long poles in the sand, chopping them half-way in two about five feet above the ground, and bending the upper parts together, they make in a few minutes the frame of a little shanty, which, thickly thatched with palm-leaves, will keep off the dew or an ordinary rain. some bring the drift-wood that is lying about the beach, and make a fire. the provisions are cooked and eaten, the bedding laid down upon the leaves that cover the floor of the shanty, the mosquito nettings spread; and after a cup of coffee, a glass of grog, and a cigar (if they are to be had), everybody retires for the night by eight o'clock. the indians sleep round the hut, each under his narrow mosquito curtain, which glisten in the moonlight like so many tombstones." the indians have very keen senses, and see and hear things that would escape more civilized travellers. one morning, they commenced paddling with great vigor; for they said they heard monkeys ahead. it was not till after paddling a mile that they reached the place. "when we came up to them," says the lieutenant, "we found a gang of large red monkeys in some tall trees by the river-side, making a noise like the grunting of a herd of hogs. we landed; and, in a few moments, i found myself beating my way through the thick undergrowth, and hunting monkeys with as much excitement as i had ever felt in hunting squirrels when a boy." they found the game hard to kill, and only got three,--the lieutenant, with his rifle, one; and the indians, with their blow-guns, two. the indians roasted and ate theirs, and lieut. herndon tried to eat a piece; but it was so tough, that his teeth would make no impression upon it. aug. .--the party arrived at tarapoto. it is a town of three thousand five hundred inhabitants, and the district of which it is the capital numbers six thousand. the principal productions are rice, cotton, and tobacco; and cotton-cloth, spun and woven by the women, with about as little aid from machinery as the women in solomon's time, of whom we are told, "she layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff." the little balls of cotton thread which the women spin in this way are used as currency (and this in a land of silver-mines), and pass for twenty-five cents apiece in exchange for other goods, or twelve and a half cents in money. most of the trade is done by barter. a cow is sold for one hundred yards of cotton cloth; a fat hog, for sixty; a large sheep, twelve; twenty-five pounds of salt fish, for twelve; twenty-five pounds of coffee, six; a head of plantains, which will weigh from forty to fifty pounds, for three needles; and so forth. all transportation of merchandise by land is made upon the backs of indians, for want of roads suitable for beasts of burden. the customary weight of a load is seventy-five pounds: the cost of transportation to moyobamba, seventy miles, is six yards of cloth. it is easy to obtain, in the term of six or eight days, fifty or sixty peons, or indian laborers, for the transportation of cargoes, getting the order of the governor, and paying the above price, and supporting the peons on the way. the town is the most important in the province of mainas. the inhabitants are called civilized, but have no idea of what we call comfort in their domestic arrangements. the houses are of mud, thatched with palm, and have uneven earth floors. the furniture consists of a grass hammock, a standing bedplace, a coarse table, and a stool or two. the governor of this populous district wore no shoes, and appeared to live pretty much like the rest of them. vessels of five feet draught of water may ascend the river, at the lowest stage of the water, to within eighteen miles of tarapoto. our travellers accompanied a large fishing-party. they had four or five canoes, and a large quantity of barbasco; a root which has the property of stupefying, or intoxicating, the fish. the manner of fishing is to close up the mouth of an inlet of the river with a network made of reeds; and then, mashing the barbasco-root to a pulp, throw it into the water. this turns the water white, and poisons it; so that the fish soon begin rising to the surface, dead, and are taken into the canoes with small tridents, or pronged sticks. almost at the moment of throwing the barbasco into the water, the smaller fish rise to the surface, and die in one or two minutes; the larger fish survive longer. the salt fish, which constitutes an important article of food and also of barter trade, is brought from down the river in large pieces of about eight pounds each, cut from the _vaca marina_, or sea-cow, also found in our florida streams, and there called _manatee_. it is found in great numbers in the amazon and its principal tributaries. it is not, strictly speaking, a fish, but an animal of the whale kind, which nourishes its young at the breast. it is not able to leave the water; but, in feeding, it gets near the shore, and raises its head out. it is most often taken when feeding. our travellers met a canoe of indians, one man and two women, going up the river for salt. they bought, with beads, some turtle-eggs, and proposed to buy a monkey they had; but one of the women clasped the little beast in her arms, and set up a great outcry, lest the man should sell it. the man wore a long cotton gown, with a hole in the neck for the head to come through, and short, wide sleeves. he had on his arm a bracelet of monkeys' teeth, and the women had nose-rings of white beads. their dress was a cotton petticoat, tied round the waist; and all were filthy. sept. .--they arrived at laguna. here they found two travelling merchants, a portuguese and a brazilian. they had four large boats, of about eight tons each, and two or three canoes. their cargo consisted of iron and iron implements, crockery-ware, wine, brandy, copper kettles, coarse short swords (a very common implement of the indians), guns, ammunition, salt, fish, &c., which they expected to exchange for straw hats, cotton cloth, sugar, coffee, and money. they were also buying up all the sarsaparilla they could find, and despatching it back in canoes. they invited our travellers to breakfast; and the lieutenant says, "i thought that i never tasted any thing better than the _farinha_, which i saw now for the first time." farinha is a general substitute for bread in all the course of the amazon below the brazilian frontier. it is used by all classes; and the boatmen seemed always contented with plenty of salt fish and farinha. the women make it in this way: they soak the root of the _mandioc_ in water till it is softened a little, when they scrape off the skin, and grate the root upon a board, which is made into a rude grater by being smeared with some of the adhesive gums of the forest, and then sprinkled with pebbles. the white grated pulp is put into a conical-shaped bag made of the coarse fibres of the palm. the bag is hung up to a peg driven into a post of the hut; a lever is put through a loop at the bottom of the bag; the short end of the lever is placed under a chock nailed to the post below; and the woman hangs her weight on the long end. this elongates the bag, and brings a heavy pressure upon the mass within, causing the juice to ooze out through the wicker-work of the bag. when sufficiently pressed, the mass is put on the floor of a mud oven; heat is applied, and it is stirred with a stick till it granulates into very irregular grains, and is sufficiently toasted to drive off all the poisonous qualities which it has in a crude state. it is then packed in baskets (lined and covered with palm-leaves) of about sixty-four pounds' weight, which are generally sold all along the river at from seventy-five cents to one dollar. the sediment of the juice is tapioca, and is used to make custards, puddings, starch, &c. it will surprise some of our readers to be told that the juice extracted in the preparation of these wholesome and nutritive substances is a powerful poison, and used by the indians for poisoning the points of their arrows. chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued. the huallaga is navigable, for vessels drawing five feet depth of water, miles; and forty miles farther for canoes. our travellers had now arrived at its junction with the amazon; and their first sight of its waters is thus described: "the march of the great river in its silent grandeur was sublime; but in the untamed might of its turbid waters, as they cut away its banks, tore down the gigantic denizens of the forest, and built up islands, it was awful. i was reminded of our mississippi at its topmost flood; but this stream lacked the charm which the plantation upon the bank, the city upon the bluff, and the steamboat upon the waters, lend to its fellow of the north. but its capacities for trade and commerce are inconceivably great; and to the touch of steam, settlement, and cultivation, this majestic stream and its magnificent water-shed would start up in a display of industrial results that would make the valley of the amazon one of the most enchanting regions on the face of the earth." lieut. herndon speaks of the valley of the amazon in language almost as enthusiastic as that of sir walter raleigh: "from its mountains you may dig silver, iron, coal, copper, zinc, quicksilver, and tin; from the sands of its tributaries you may wash gold, diamonds, and precious stones; from its forests you may gather drugs of virtues the most rare, spices of aroma the most exquisite, gums and resins of the most varied and useful properties, dyes of hue the most brilliant, with cabinet and building woods of the finest polish and the most enduring texture. its climate is an everlasting summer, and its harvest perennial." sept. .--the party encamped at night on an island near the middle of the river. "the indians, cooking their big monkeys over a large fire on the beach, presented a savage and most picturesque scene. they looked more like devils roasting human beings, than any thing mortal." we ask ourselves, on reading this, whether some such scene may not have given rise to the stories of cannibalism which raleigh and others record. they arrived at nauta, a village of a thousand inhabitants, mostly indians. the governor of the district received them hospitably. each district has its governor, and each town its lieutenant-governor. these are of european descent. the other authorities of a town are _curacas_, captains, alcades, and constables. all these are indians. the office of curaca is hereditary, and is not generally interfered with by the white governor. the indians treat their curaca with great respect, and submit to corporal punishment at his mandate. sarsaparilla is one of the chief articles of produce collected here. it is a vine of sufficient size to shoot up fifteen or twenty feet from the root without support. it thus embraces the surrounding trees, and spreads to a great distance. the main root sends out many tendrils, generally about the thickness of a straw, and five feet long. these are gathered, and tied up in bundles of about an _arroba_, or thirty-two pounds' weight. it is found on the banks of almost every river of the region; but many of these are not worked, on account of the savages living on them, who attack the parties that come to gather it. the price in nauta is two dollars the arroba, and in europe from forty to sixty dollars. from nauta, lieut. herndon ascended the ucayali, a branch of the amazon, stretching to the north-west in a direction somewhat parallel to the huallaga. there is the essential difference between the two rivers, as avenues for commerce, that the ucayali is still in the occupation of savage tribes, unchristianized except where under the immediate influence of the mission stations planted among them; while the population of the huallaga is tolerably advanced in civilization. the following sentences will give a picture of the indians of the ucayali: "these people cannot count, and i can never get from them any accurate idea of numbers. they are very little removed above 'the beasts that perish.' they are filthy, and covered with sores. the houses are very large, between thirty and forty feet in length, and ten or fifteen in breadth. they consist of immense roofs of small poles and canes, thatched with palm, and supported by short stakes, four feet high, planted in the ground three or four feet apart, and having the spaces, except between two in front, filled in with cane. they have no idea of a future state, and worship nothing. but they can make bows and canoes; and their women weave a coarse cloth from cotton, and dye it. their dress is a long cotton gown. they paint the face, and wear ornaments suspended from the nose and lower lip." next let us take a view of the means in operation to elevate these people to civilization and christianity. sarayacu is a missionary station, governed by four franciscan friars, who are thus described: "father calvo, meek and humble in personal concerns, yet full of zeal and spirit for his office, clad in his long serge gown, belted with a cord, with bare feet and accurate tonsure, habitual stoop, and generally bearing upon his shoulder a beautiful and saucy bird of the parrot kind, was my beau-ideal of a missionary monk. bregati is a young and handsome italian, whom father calvo sometimes calls st. john. lorente is a tall, grave, and cold-looking catalan. a lay-brother named maguin, who did the cooking, and who was unwearied in his attentions to us, made up the establishment. i was sick here, and think that i shall ever remember with gratitude the affectionate kindness of these pious and devoted friars of st. francis." the government is paternal. the indians recognize in the "padre" the power to appoint and remove curacas, captains, and other officers; to inflict stripes, and to confine in the stocks. they obey the priests' orders readily, and seem tractable and docile. the indian men are drunken and lazy: the women do most of the work; and their reward is to be maltreated by their husbands, and, in their drunken frolics, to be cruelly beaten, and sometimes badly wounded. our party returned to the amazon; and we find occurring in their narrative names which are familiar to us in the history of our previous adventurers. they touched at omaguas, the port where madame godin found kind friends in the good missionary and the governor, and where she embarked on her way to the galiot at loreto; and they passed the mouth of the napo, which enters the amazon from the north,--the river down which orellana passed in the first adventure. the lieutenant says, "we spoke two canoes that had come from near quito by the napo. there are few christianized towns on the napo; and the rowers of the boats were a more savage-looking set than i had seen,"--so slow has been the progress of civilization in three hundred years. the amazon seems to be the land of monkeys. our traveller says, "i bought a young monkey of an indian woman to-day. it had coarse gray and white hair; and that on the top of its head was stiff, like the quills of the porcupine, and smoothed down in front as if it had been combed. i offered the little fellow some plantain; but, finding he would not eat, the woman took him, and put him to her breast, when he sucked away manfully and with great gusto. she weaned him in a week, so that he would eat plantain mashed up, and put into his mouth in small bits; but the little beast died of mortification because i would not let him sleep with his arms around my neck." they got from the indians some of the milk from the cow-tree. this the indians drink, when fresh; and, brought in a calabash, it had a foamy appearance, as if just drawn from the cow. it, however, coagulates very soon, and becomes as hard and tenacious as glue. it does not appear to be as important an article of subsistence as one would expect from the name. dec. .--they arrived at loreto, the frontier town of the peruvian territory, and which reminds us again of madame godin, who there joined the portuguese galiot. loreto is situated on an eminence on the left bank of the river, which is here three-fourths of a mile wide, and one hundred feet deep. there are three mercantile houses in loreto, which do a business of about ten thousand dollars a year. the houses at loreto are better built and better furnished than those of the towns on the river above. the population of the place is two hundred and fifty, made up of brazilians, mulattoes, negroes, and a few indians. at the next town, tabatinga, the lieutenant entered the territory of brazil. when his boat, bearing the american flag, was descried at that place, the brazilian flag was hoisted; and when the lieutenant landed, dressed in uniform, he was received by the commandant, also in uniform, to whom he presented his passport from the brazilian minister at washington. as soon as this document was perused, and the lieutenant's rank ascertained, a salute of seven guns was fired from the fort; and the commandant treated him with great civility, and entertained him at his table, giving him roast beef, which was a great treat. it was quite pleasant, after coming from the peruvian villages, which are all nearly hidden in the woods, to see that tabatinga had the forest cleared away from about it; so that a space of forty or fifty acres was covered with green grass, and had a grove of orange-trees in its midst. the commandant told him that the trade of the river was increasing very fast; that, in , scarce one thousand dollars' worth of goods passed up; in , two thousand five hundred dollars; and this year, six thousand dollars. the sarsaparilla seems thus far to have been the principal article of commerce; but here they find another becoming of importance,--_manteca_, or oil made of turtle-eggs. the season for making manteca generally ends by the st of november. a commandant is appointed every year to take care of the beaches, prevent disorder, and administer justice. sentinels are placed at the beginning of august, when the turtles commence depositing their eggs. they see that no one wantonly interferes with the turtles, or destroys the eggs. the process of making the oil is very disgusting. the eggs are collected, thrown into a canoe, and trodden into a mass with the feet. water is poured on, and the mass is left to stand in the sun for several days. the oil rises to the top, is skimmed off, and boiled in large copper boilers. it is then put in earthen pots of about forty-five pounds' weight. each pot is worth, on the beach, one dollar and thirty cents; and at pará, from two and a half to three dollars. the beaches of the amazon and its tributaries yield from five to six thousand pots annually. it is used for the same purposes as lard with us. chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded. on jan. , at about the point of the junction of the purus river with the amazon, lieut. herndon remarks, "the banks of the river are now losing the character of savage and desolate solitude that characterizes them above, and begin to show signs of habitation and cultivation. we passed to-day several farms, with neatly framed and plastered houses, and a schooner-rigged vessel lying off several of them." they arrived at the junction of the river negro. this is one of the largest of the tributaries of the amazon, and derives its name from the blackness of its waters. when taken up in a tumbler, the water is a light-red color, like a pale juniper-water, and is probably colored by some such berry. this river, opposite the town of barra, is about a mile and a half wide, and very beautiful. it is navigable for almost any draughts to the masaya, a distance of about four hundred miles: there the rapids commence, and the farther ascent must be made in boats. by this river, a communication exists with the orinoco, by means of a remarkable stream, the cassaquiare, which seems to have been formed for the sole purpose of connecting these two majestic rivers, and the future dwellers upon them, in the bonds of perpetual union. humboldt, the great traveller and philosopher, thus speaks of it, "the cassaquiare, as broad as the rhine, and whose course is one hundred and eighty miles in length, will not much longer form in vain a navigable canal between two basins of rivers which have a surface of one hundred and ninety thousand square leagues. the grain of new grenada will be carried to the banks of the rio negro; boats will descend from the sources of the napo and the ucayali, from the andes of quito and upper peru, to the mouths of the orinoco. a country nine or ten times larger than spain, and enriched with the most varied productions, is accessible in every direction by the medium of the natural canal of the cassaquiare and the bifurcation of the rivers." the greatest of all the tributaries of the amazon is the madeira, whose junction our travellers next reached. for four hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, there is good navigation: then occur cascades, which are navigable only for boats, and occupy three hundred and fifty miles, above which the river is navigable for large vessels, by its great tributaries, into bolivia and brazil. they next entered the country where the cocoa is regularly cultivated; and the banks of the river present a much less desolate and savage appearance than they do above. the cocoa-trees have a yellow-colored leaf; and this, together with their regularity of size, distinguishes them from the surrounding forest. lieut. herndon says, "i do not know a prettier place than one of these plantations. the trees interlock their branches, and, with their large leaves, make a shade impenetrable to any ray of the sun; and the large, golden-colored fruits, hanging from branch and trunk, shine through the green with a most beautiful effect. this is the time of the harvest; and we found the people of every plantation engaged in the open space before the house in breaking open the shells of the fruit, and spreading the seed to dry in the sun. they make a pleasant drink for a hot day by pressing out the juice of the gelatinous pulp that envelops the seeds. it is called cocoa-wine: it is a white, viscid liquor, has an agreeable, acid taste, and is very refreshing." we must hasten on, and pass without notice many spots of interest on the river; but, as we have now reached a comparatively civilized and known region, it is less necessary to be particular. the tapajos river stretches its branches to the town of diamantino, situated at the foot of the mountains, where diamonds are found. lieut. herndon saw some of the diamonds and gold-sand in the possession of a resident of santarem, who had traded much on the river. the gold-dust appeared to him equal in quality to that he had seen from california. gold and diamonds, which are always united in this region as in many others, are found especially in the numerous water-courses, and also throughout the whole country. after the rains, the children of diamantino hunt for the gold contained in the earth even of the streets, and in the bed of the river ouro, which passes through the city; and they often collect considerable quantities. it is stated that diamonds are sometimes found in the stomachs of the fowls. the quantity of diamonds found in a year varies from two hundred and fifty to five hundred _oitavas_; the oitava being about seventeen carats. the value depends upon the quality and size of the specimen, and can hardly be reduced to an estimate. it is seldom that a stone of over half an oitava is found; and such a one is worth from two to three hundred dollars. as an offset to the gold and diamonds, we have this picture of the climate: "from the rising to the setting of the sun, clouds of stinging insects blind the traveller, and render him frantic by the torments they cause. take a handful of the finest sand, and throw it above your head, and you would then have but a faint idea of the number of these demons who tear the skin to pieces. it is true, these insects disappear at night, but only to give place to others yet more formidable. large bats (true, thirsty vampires) literally throng the forests, cling to the hammocks, and, finding a part of the body exposed, rest lightly there, and drain it of blood. the alligators are so numerous, and the noise they make so frightful, that it is impossible to sleep." at santarem they were told the tide was perceptible, but did not perceive it. at gurupa it was very apparent. this point is about five hundred miles from the sea. about thirty-five miles below gurupa commences the great estuary of the amazon. the river suddenly flows out into an immense bay, which might appropriately be called the "bay of a thousand islands;" for it is cut up into innumerable channels. the travellers ran for days through channels varying from fifty to five hundred yards in width, between numberless islands. this is the india-rubber country. the shores are low: indeed, one seldom sees the land at all; the trees on the banks generally standing in the water. the party stopped at one of the establishments for making india-rubber. the house was built of light poles, and on piles, to keep it out of the water, which flowed under and around it. this was the store, and, rude as it was, was a palace compared to the hut of the laborer who gathers the india-rubber. the process is as follows: a longitudinal gash is made in the bark of the tree with a hatchet. a wedge of wood is inserted to keep the gash open; and a small clay cup is stuck to the tree, beneath the gash. the cups may be stuck as close together as possible around the tree. in four or five hours, the milk has ceased to run, and each wound has given from three to five table-spoonfuls. the gatherer then collects it from the cups, pours it into an earthen vessel, and commences the operation of forming it into shapes, and smoking it. this must be done at once, as the juice soon coagulates. a fire is made on the ground, and a rude funnel placed over it to collect the smoke. the maker of the rubber now takes his last, if he is making shoes, or his mould, which is fastened to the end of a stick, pours the milk over it with a cup, and passes it slowly several times through the smoke until it is dry. he then pours on the other coats until he has the required thickness, smoking each coating till it is dry. from twenty to forty coats make a shoe. the soles and heels are, of course, given more coats than the body of the shoe. the figures on the shoes are made by tracing them on the rubber, while soft, with a coarse needle, or bit of wire. this is done two days after the coating. in a week, the shoes are taken from the last. the coating occupies about twenty-five minutes. the tree is tall, straight, and has a smooth bark. it sometimes reaches a diameter of thirteen inches or more. each incision makes a rough wound on the tree, which, although it does not kill it, renders it useless, because a smooth place is wanted to which to attach the cups. the milk is white and tasteless, and may be taken into the stomach with impunity. our travellers arrived at pará on the th of april, , and were most hospitably and kindly received by mr. norris, the american consul. the journey of our travellers ends here. lieut. herndon's book is full of instruction, conveyed in a pleasant style. he seems to have manifested throughout good judgment, good temper, energy, and industry. he had no collisions with the authorities or with individuals, and, on his part, seems to have met friendly feelings and good offices throughout his whole route. william lewis herndon was born in fredericksburg, va., on the th of october, . he entered the navy at the age of fifteen; served in the mexican war; and was afterwards engaged for three years, with his brother-in-law, lieut. maury, in the national observatory at washington. in - , he explored the amazon river, under commission of the united-states government. in , he was commander of the steamer "central america," which left havana for new york on sept. , having on board four hundred and seventy-four passengers and a crew of one hundred and five men, and about two million dollars of gold. on sept. , during a violent gale from the north-east and a heavy sea, she sprung a leak, and sunk, on the evening of sept. , near the outer edge of the gulf stream, in lat. ° ´ n. only one hundred and fifty of the persons on board were saved, including the women and children. the gallant commander of the steamer was seen standing upon the wheel-house at the time of her sinking. in a former chapter, we have told the fate of sir humphrey gilbert. how fair a counterpart of that heroic death is this of the gallant herndon! chapter xv. latest explorations. in the year , an english gentleman, henry walter bates, visited the region of the amazon for the purpose of scientific exploration. he went prepared to spend years in the country, in order to study diligently its natural productions. his stay was protracted until , during which time he resided successively at pará, santarem, ega, barra, and other places; making his abode for months, or even years, in each. his account of his observations and discoveries was published after his return, and affords us the best information we possess respecting the country, its inhabitants, and its productions, brought down almost to the present time. our extracts relate to the cities, the river and its shores, the inhabitants civilized and savage, the great tributary rivers, the vegetation, and the animals of various kinds. before proceeding with our extracts, we will remark the various names of the river. it is sometimes called, from the name of its discoverer, "orellana." this name is appropriate and well-sounding, but is not in general use. the name of "marañon," pronounced maranyon, is still often used. it is probably derived from the natives. it is called "the river of the amazons," from the fable of its former inhabitants. this name is shortened into "the amazons," and, without the plural sign, "the amazon," in common use. above the junction of the river negro, the river is designated as "the upper amazon," or "solimoens." parÃ�. "on the morning of the th of may, , we arrived at our destination. the appearance of the city at sunrise was pleasing in the highest degree. it is built on a low tract of land, having only one small rocky elevation at its southern extremity: it therefore affords no amphitheatral view from the river; but the white buildings roofed with red tiles, the numerous towers and cupolas of churches and convents, the crowns of palm-trees reared above the buildings, all sharply defined against the clear blue sky, give an appearance of lightness and cheerfulness which is most exhilarating. the perpetual forest hems the city in on all sides landwards; and, towards the suburbs, picturesque country-houses are seen scattered about, half buried in luxuriant foliage. "the impressions received during our first walk can never wholly fade from my mind. after traversing the few streets of tall, gloomy, convent-looking buildings near the port, inhabited chiefly by merchants and shopkeepers; along which idle soldiers, dressed in shabby uniforms, carrying their muskets carelessly over their arms; priests; negresses with red water-jars on their heads; sad-looking indian women, carrying their naked children astride on their hips; and other samples of the motley life of the place,--were seen; we passed down a long, narrow street leading to the suburbs. beyond this, our road lay across a grassy common, into a picturesque lane leading to the virgin forest. the long street was inhabited by the poorer class of the population. the houses were mostly in a dilapidated condition; and signs of indolence and neglect were everywhere visible. but amidst all, and compensating every defect, rose the overpowering beauty of the vegetation. the massive dark crowns of shady mangoes were seen everywhere among the dwellings, amidst fragrant, blossoming orange, lemon, and other tropical fruit-trees,--some in flower, others in fruit at various stages of ripeness. here and there, shooting above the more dome-like and sombre trees, were the smooth columnar stems of palms, bearing aloft their magnificent crowns of finely-cut fronds. on the boughs of the taller and more ordinary-looking trees sat tufts of curiously leaved parasites. slender woody lianas hung in festoons from the branches, or were suspended in the form of cords and ribbons; while luxuriant creeping plants overran alike tree-trunks, roofs, and walls, or toppled over palings in copious profusion of foliage. "as we continued our walk, the brief twilight commenced; and the sounds of multifarious life came from the vegetation around,--the whirring of cicadas; the shrill stridulation of a vast number of crickets and grasshoppers, each species sounding its peculiar note; the plaintive hooting of tree-frogs, all blended together in one continuous ringing sound,--the audible expression of the teeming profusion of nature. this uproar of life, i afterwards found, never wholly ceased, night or day: in course of time, i became, like other residents, accustomed to it. after my return to england, the death-like stillness of summer days in the country appeared to me as strange as the ringing uproar did on my first arrival at pará." cametÃ�. "i staid at cametá five weeks, and made a considerable collection of the natural productions of the neighborhood. the town, in , was estimated to contain about five thousand inhabitants. the productions of the district are cacao, india-rubber, and brazil nuts. the most remarkable feature in the social aspect of the place is the mixed nature of the population,--the amalgamation of the white and indian races being here complete. the aborigines were originally very numerous on the western bank of the tocantins; the principal tribe being the cametás, from which the city takes its name. they were a superior nation, settled, and attached to agriculture, and received with open arms the white immigrants who were attracted to the district by its fertility, natural beauty, and the healthfulness of the climate. the portuguese settlers were nearly all males. the indian women were good-looking, and made excellent wives; so the natural result has been, in the course of two centuries, a complete blending of the two races. "the town consists of three long streets running parallel to the river, with a few shorter ones crossing them at right angles. the houses are very plain; being built, as usual in this country, simply of a strong framework, filled up with mud, and coated with white plaster. a few of them are of two or three stories. there are three churches, and also a small theatre, where a company of native actors, at the time of my visit, were representing light portuguese plays with considerable taste and ability. the people have a reputation all over the province for energy and perseverance; and it is often said that they are as keen in trade as the portuguese. the lower classes are as indolent and sensual here as in other parts of the province,--a moral condition not to be wondered at, where perpetual summer reigns, and where the necessaries of life are so easily obtained. but they are light-hearted, quick-witted, communicative, and hospitable. i found here a native poet, who had written some pretty verses, showing an appreciation of the natural beauties of the country; and was told that the archbishop of bahia, the primate of brazil, was a native of cametá. it is interesting to find the mamelucos (half-breeds) displaying talent and enterprise; for it shows that degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture of white and indian blood. "the forest behind cametá is traversed by several broad roads, which lead over undulating ground many miles into the interior. they pass generally under shade, and part of the way through groves of coffee and orange trees, fragrant plantations of cacao, and tracts of second-growth woods. the narrow, broad-watered valleys, with which the land is intersected, alone have remained clothed with primeval forest, at least near the town. the houses along these beautiful roads belong chiefly to mameluco, mulatto, and indian families, each of which has its own small plantation. there are only a few planters with large establishments; and these have seldom more than a dozen slaves. besides the main roads, there are endless by-paths, which thread the forest, and communicate with isolated houses. along these the traveller may wander day after day, without leaving the shade, and everywhere meet with cheerful, simple, and hospitable people." rivers and creeks. "we made many excursions down the irritiri, and saw much of these creeks. the magoary is a magnificent channel: the different branches form quite a labyrinth, and the land is everywhere of little elevation. all these smaller rivers throughout the pará estuary are of the nature of creeks. the land is so level, that the short local rivers have no sources and downward currents, like rivers, as we understand them. they serve the purpose of draining the land; but, instead of having a constant current one way, they have a regular ebb and flow with the tide. the natives call them _igarapés_, or canoe-paths. they are characteristic of the country. the land is everywhere covered with impenetrable forests: the houses and villages are all on the water-side, and nearly all communication is by water. this semi-aquatic life of the people is one of the most interesting features of the country. for short excursions, and for fishing in still waters, a small boat, called _montaria_, is universally used. it is made of five planks,--a broad one for the bottom, bent into the proper shape by the action of heat, two narrow ones for the sides, and two triangular pieces for stem and stern. it has no rudder: the paddle serves for both steering and propelling. the montaria takes here the place of the horse, mule, or camel of other regions. besides one or more montarias, almost every family has a larger canoe, called _igarité_. this is fitted with two masts, a rudder, and keel, and has an arched awning or cabin near the stern, made of a framework of tough _lianas_, thatched with palm-leaves. in the igarité, they will cross stormy rivers fifteen or twenty miles broad. the natives are all boat-builders. it is often remarked by white residents, that the indian is a carpenter and shipwright by intuition. it is astonishing to see in what crazy vessels these people will risk themselves. i have seen indians cross rivers in a leaky montaria when it required the nicest equilibrium to keep the leak just above water: a movement of a hair's-breadth would send all to the bottom; but they manage to cross in safety. if a squall overtakes them as they are crossing in a heavily-laden canoe, they all jump overboard, and swim about until the heavy sea subsides, when they re-embark." junction of the madeira. "our course lay through narrow channels between islands. we passed the last of these, and then beheld to the south a sea-like expanse of water, where the madeira, the greatest tributary of the amazons, after two thousand miles of course, blends its waters with those of the king of rivers. i was hardly prepared for a junction of waters on so vast a scale as this, now nearly nine hundred miles from the sea. while travelling week after week along the somewhat monotonous stream, often hemmed in between islands, and becoming thoroughly familiar with it, my sense of the magnitude of this vast water-system had become gradually deadened; but this noble sight renewed the first feelings of wonder. one is inclined, in such places as these, to think the paraenses do not exaggerate much when they call the amazons the mediterranean of south america. beyond the mouth of the madeira, the amazons sweeps down in a majestic reach, to all appearance not a whit less in breadth before than after this enormous addition to its waters. the madeira does not ebb and flow simultaneously with the amazons; it rises and sinks about two months earlier: so that it was now fuller than the main river. its current, therefore, poured forth freely from its mouth, carrying with it a long line of floating trees, and patches of grass, which had been torn from its crumbly banks in the lower part of its course. the current, however, did not reach the middle of the main stream, but swept along nearer to the southern shore. "the madeira is navigable miles from its mouth: a series of cataracts and rapids then commences, which extends, with some intervals of quiet water, about miles, beyond which is another long stretch of navigable stream." junction of the rio negro. "a brisk wind from the east sprung up early in the morning of the d: we then hoisted all sail, and made for the mouth of the rio negro. this noble stream, at its junction with the amazons, seems, from its position, to be a direct continuation of the main river; while the solimoens, which joins it at an angle, and is somewhat narrower than its tributary, appears to be a branch, instead of the main trunk, of the vast water-system. "the rio negro broadens considerably from its mouth upward, and presents the appearance of a great lake; its black-dyed waters having no current, and seeming to be dammed up by the impetuous flow of the yellow, turbid solimoens, which here belches forth a continuous line of uprooted trees, and patches of grass, and forms a striking contrast with its tributary. in crossing, we passed the line a little more than half-way over, where the waters of the two rivers meet, and are sharply demarcated from each other. on reaching the opposite shore, we found a remarkable change. all our insect pests had disappeared, as if by magic, even from the hold of the canoe: the turmoil of an agitated, swiftly-flowing river, and its torn, perpendicular, earthy banks, had given place to tranquil water, and a coast indented with snug little bays, fringed with sloping, sandy beaches. the low shore, and vivid, light-green, endlessly varied foliage, which prevailed on the south side of the amazons, were exchanged for a hilly country, clothed with a sombre, rounded, and monotonous forest. a light wind carried us gently along the coast to the city of barra, which lies about seven or eight miles within the mouth of the river. "the town of barra is built on a tract of elevated but very uneven land, on the left bank of the rio negro, and contained, in , about three thousand inhabitants. it is now the principal station for the lines of steamers which were established in ; and passengers and goods are trans-shipped here for the solimoens and peru. a steamer runs once a fortnight between pará and barra; and another as often between this place and nauta, in the peruvian territory." mamelucos, or half-breeds. "we landed at one of the cacao-plantations. the house was substantially built; the walls formed of strong, upright posts, lathed across, plastered with mud, and whitewashed; and the roof tiled. the family were mamelucos, or offspring of the european and the indian. they seemed to be an average sample of the poorer class of cacao-growers. all were loosely dressed, and barefooted. a broad veranda extended along one side of the house, the floor of which was simply the well-trodden earth; and here hammocks were slung between the bare upright supports, a large rush-mat being spread on the ground, upon which the stout, matron-like mistress, with a tame parrot perched upon her shoulder, sat sewing with two pretty-looking mulatto-girls. the master, coolly clad in shirt and drawers, the former loose about his neck, lay in his hammock, smoking a long gaudily painted wooden pipe. the household utensils--earthenware jars, water-pots, and sauce-pans--lay at one end, near which was a wood-fire, with the ever-ready coffee-pot simmering on the top of a clay tripod. a large shed stood a short distance off, embowered in a grove of banana, papaw, and mango trees; and under it were the troughs, ovens, sieves, and other apparatus, for the preparation of mandioc. the cleared space around the house was only a few yards in extent: beyond it lay the cacao-plantations, which stretched on each side parallel to the banks of the river. there was a path through the forest, which led to the mandioc-fields, and, several miles beyond, to other houses on the banks of an interior channel. we were kindly received, as is always the case when a stranger visits these out-of-the-way habitations; the people being invariably civil and hospitable. we had a long chat, took coffee; and, on departing, one of the daughters sent a basketful of oranges, for our use, down to the canoe." mÃ�ra indians. "on the th of january, we arrived at matari, a miserable little settlement of múra indians. here we again anchored, and went ashore. the place consisted of about twenty slightly built mud-hovels, and had a most forlorn appearance, notwithstanding the luxuriant forest in its rear. the absence of the usual cultivated trees and plants gave the place a naked and poverty-stricken aspect. i entered one of the hovels, where several women were employed cooking a meal. portions of a large fish were roasting over a fire made in the middle of the low chamber; and the entrails were scattered about the floor, on which the women, with their children, were squatted. these had a timid, distrustful expression of countenance; and their bodies were begrimed with black mud, which is smeared over the skin as a protection against musquitoes. the children were naked: the women wore petticoats of coarse cloth, stained in blotches with _murixi_, a dye made from the bark of a tree. one of them wore a necklace of monkey's teeth. there were scarcely any household utensils: the place was bare, with the exception of two dirty grass hammocks hung in the corners. i missed the usual mandioc-sheds behind the house, with their surrounding cotton, cacao, coffee, and lemon trees. two or three young men of the tribe were lounging about the low, open doorway. they were stoutly-built fellows, but less well-proportioned than the semi-civilized indians of the lower amazons generally are. the gloomy savagery, filth, and poverty of the people in this place made me feel quite melancholy; and i was glad to return to the canoe." marauÃ� tribe. a pleasanter picture is presented by the indians of the marauá tribe. our traveller thus describes a visit to them:-- "our longest trip was to some indian houses, a distance of fifteen or eighteen miles up the sapó; a journey made with one indian paddler, and occupying a whole day. the stream is not more than forty or fifty yards broad: its waters are dark in color, and flow, as in all these small rivers, partly under shade, between two lofty walls of forest. we passed, in ascending, seven habitations, most of them hidden in the luxuriant foliage of the banks; their sites being known only by small openings in the compact wall of forest, and the presence of a canoe or two tied up in little shady ports. the inhabitants are chiefly indians of the marauá tribe, whose original territory comprises all the by-streams lying between the jutahí and the juruá, near the mouths of both these great tributaries. they live in separate families, or small hordes; have no common chief; and are considered as a tribe little disposed to adopt civilized customs, or be friendly with the whites. one of the houses belonged to a jurí family; and we saw the owner, an erect, noble-looking old fellow, tattooed, as customary with his tribe, in a large patch over the middle of his face, fishing, under the shade of a colossal tree, with hook and line. he saluted us in the usual grave and courteous manner of the better sort of indians as we passed by. "we reached the last house, or rather two houses, about ten o'clock, and spent there several hours during the heat of the day. the houses, which stood on a high, clayey bank, were of quadrangular shape, partly open, like sheds, and partly enclosed with rude, mud walls, forming one or two chambers. the inhabitants, a few families of marauás, received us in a frank, smiling manner. none of them were tattooed: but the men had great holes pierced in their ear-lobes, in which they insert plugs of wood; and their lips were drilled with smaller holes. one of the younger men, a fine, strapping fellow, nearly six feet high, with a large aquiline nose, who seemed to wish to be particularly friendly to me, showed me the use of these lip-holes, by fixing a number of little sticks in them, and then twisting his mouth about, and going through a pantomime to represent defiance in the presence of an enemy. "we left these friendly people about four o'clock in the afternoon, and, in descending the umbrageous river, stopped, about half-way down, at another house, built in one of the most charming situations i had yet seen in this country. a clean, narrow, sandy pathway led from the shady port to the house, through a tract of forest of indescribable luxuriance. the buildings stood on an eminence in the middle of a level, cleared space; the firm, sandy soil, smooth as a floor, forming a broad terrace round them. the owner was a semi-civilized indian, named manoel; a dull, taciturn fellow, who, together with his wife and children, seemed by no means pleased at being intruded on in their solitude. the family must have been very industrious; for the plantations were very extensive, and included a little of almost all kinds of cultivated tropical productions,--fruit-trees, vegetables, and even flowers for ornament. the silent old man had surely a fine appreciation of the beauties of nature; for the site he had chosen commanded a view of surprising magnificence over the summits of the forest; and, to give a finish to the prospect, he had planted a large number of banana-trees in the foreground, thus concealing the charred and dead stumps which would otherwise have marred the effect of the rolling sea of greenery. the sun set over the tree-tops before we left this little eden; and the remainder of our journey was made slowly and pleasantly, under the checkered shade of the river banks, by the light of the moon." the forest. the following passage describes the scenery of one of the peculiar channels by which the waters of the amazon communicate with those of the pará river:-- "the forest wall under which we are now moving consists, besides palms, of a great variety of ordinary forest-trees. from the highest branches of these, down to the water, sweep ribbons of climbing-plants of the most diverse and ornamental foliage possible. creeping convolvuli and others have made use of the slender lianas and hanging air-roots as ladders to climb by. now and then appears a mimosa or other tree, having similar fine pinnate foliage; and thick masses of ingá border the water, from whose branches hang long bean-pods, of different shape and size according to the species, some of them a yard in length. flowers there are very few. i see now and then a gorgeous crimson blossom on long spikes, ornamenting the sombre foliage towards the summits of the forest. i suppose it to belong to a climber of the combretaceous order. there are also a few yellow and violet trumpet-flowers. the blossoms of the ingás, although not conspicuous, are delicately beautiful. the forest all along offers so dense a front, that one never obtains a glimpse into the interior of the wilderness." the liana. "the plant which seems to the traveller most curious and singular is the liana, a kind of osier, which serves for cordage, and which is very abundant in all the hot parts of america. all the species of this genus have this in common, that they twine around the trees and shrubs in their way, and after progressively extending to the branches, sometimes to a prodigious height, throw out shoots, which, declining perpendicularly, strike root in the ground beneath, and rise again to repeat the same course of uncommon growth. other filaments, again, driven obliquely by the winds, frequently attach themselves to contiguous trees, and form a confused spectacle of cord, some in suspension, and others stretched in every direction, not unfrequently resembling the rigging of a ship. some of these lianas are as thick as the arm of a man; and some strangle and destroy the tree round which they twine, as the boa-constrictor does its victims. at times it happens that the tree dies at the root, and the trunk rots, and falls in powder, leaving nothing but the spirals of liana, in form of a tortuous column, insulated and open to the day. thus nature laughs to scorn and defies the imitations of art." cacao. "the amazons region is the original home of the principal species of chocolate-tree,--the theobroma cacao; and it grows in abundance in the forests of the upper river. the forest here is cleared before planting, and the trees are grown in rows. the smaller cultivators are all very poor. labor is scarce: one family generally manages its own small plantation of ten to fifteen thousand trees; but, at harvest-time, neighbors assist each other. it appeared to me to be an easy, pleasant life: the work is all done under shade, and occupies only a few weeks in the year. "the cultivated crop appears to be a precarious one. little or no care, however, is bestowed on the trees; and weeding is done very inefficiently. the plantations are generally old, and have been made on the low ground near the river, which renders them liable to inundation when this rises a few inches more than the average. there is plenty of higher land quite suitable to the tree; but it is uncleared: and the want of labor and enterprise prevents the establishment of new plantations." the cow-tree. "we had heard a good deal about this tree, and about its producing from its bark a copious supply of milk as pleasant to drink as that of the cow. we had also eaten of its fruit at pará, where it is sold in the streets by negro market-women: we were glad, therefore, to see this wonderful tree growing in its native wilds. it is one of the largest of the forest-monarchs, and is peculiar in appearance, on account of its deeply-scored, reddish, and ragged bark. a decoction of the bark, i was told, is used as a red dye for cloth. a few days afterward, we tasted its milk, which was drawn from dry logs that had been standing many days in the hot sun at the saw-mills. it was pleasant with coffee, but had a slight rankness when drunk pure. it soon thickens to a glue, which is very tenacious, and is often used to cement broken crockery. i was told that it was not safe to drink much of it; for a slave had recently lost his life through taking it too freely. "to our great disappointment, we saw no flowers, or only such as were insignificant in appearance. i believe it is now tolerably well ascertained that the majority of forest-trees in equatorial brazil have small and inconspicuous flowers. flower-frequenting insects are also rare in the forest. of course, they would not be found where their favorite food was wanting. in the open country, on the lower amazons, flowering trees and bushes are more abundant; and there a large number of floral insects are attracted. the forest-bees in south america are more frequently seen feeding on the sweet sap which exudes from the trees than on flowers." chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon. on the th of january, the dry season came abruptly to an end. the sea-breezes, which had been increasing in force for some days, suddenly ceased, and the atmosphere became misty: at length, heavy clouds collected where a uniform blue sky had for many weeks prevailed, and down came a succession of heavy showers, the first of which lasted a whole day and night. this seemed to give a new stimulus to animal life. on the first night, there was a tremendous uproar,--tree-frogs, crickets, goat-suckers, and owls, all joining to perform a deafening concert. one kind of goat-sucker kept repeating at intervals, throughout the night, a phrase similar to the portuguese words, 'joao corta pao,'--'john, cut wood;' a phrase which forms the brazilian name of the bird. an owl in one of the trees muttered now and then a succession of syllables resembling the word 'murucututu.' sometimes the croaking and hooting of frogs and toads were so loud, that we could not hear one another's voices within doors. swarms of dragon-flies appeared in the day-time about the pools of water created by the rain; and ants and termites came forth in great numbers." ants. this region is the very headquarters and metropolis of ants. there are numerous species, differing in character and habits, but all of them at war with man, and the different species with one another. our author thus relates his observations of the saüba-ant:-- "in our first walks, we were puzzled to account for large mounds of earth, of a different color from the surrounding soil, which were thrown up in the plantations and woods. some of them were very extensive, being forty yards in circumference, but not more than two feet in height. we soon ascertained that these were the work of the saübas, being the outworks, or domes, which overlie and protect the entrances to their vast subterranean galleries. on close examination, i found the earth of which they are composed to consist of very minute granules, agglomerated without cement, and forming many rows of little ridges and turrets. the difference of color from the superficial soil is owing to their being formed of the undersoil brought up from a considerable depth. it is very rarely that the ants are seen at work on these mounds. the entrances seem to be generally closed: only now and then, when some particular work is going on, are the galleries opened. in the larger hillocks, it would require a great amount of excavation to get at the main galleries; but i succeeded in removing portions of the dome in smaller hillocks, and then i found that the minor entrances converged, at the depth of about two feet, to one broad, elaborately worked gallery, or mine, which was four or five inches in diameter. "the habit of the saüba-ant, of clipping and carrying away immense quantities of leaves, has long been recorded in books of natural history; but it has not hitherto been shown satisfactorily to what use it applies the leaves. i discovered this only after much time spent in investigation. the leaves are used to thatch the domes which cover the entrances to their subterranean dwellings, thereby protecting from the deluging rains the young broods in the nests beneath. small hillocks, covering entrances to the underground chambers, may be found in sheltered places; and these are always thatched with leaves, mingled with granules of earth. the heavily-laden workers, each carrying its segment of leaf vertically, the lower end secured by its mandibles, troop up, and cast their burthens on the hillock; another relay of laborers place the leaves in position, covering them with a layer of earthy granules, which are brought one by one from the soil beneath. "it is a most interesting sight to see the vast host of busy, diminutive workers occupied on this work. unfortunately, they choose cultivated trees for their purpose, such as the coffee and orange trees." the fire-ant. "aveyros may be called the headquarters of the fire-ant, which might be fittingly termed the scourge of this fine river. it is found only on sandy soils, in open places, and seems to thrive most in the neighborhood of houses and weedy villages, such as aveyros: it does not occur at all in the shades of the forest. aveyros was deserted a few years before my visit, on account of this little tormentor; and the inhabitants had only recently returned to their houses, thinking its numbers had decreased. it is a small species, of a shining reddish color. the soil of the whole village is undermined by it. the houses are overrun with them: they dispute every fragment of food with the inhabitants, and destroy clothing for the sake of the starch. all eatables are obliged to be suspended in baskets from the rafters, and the cords well soaked with copaiba-balsam, which is the only thing known to prevent them from climbing. they seem to attack persons from sheer malice. if we stood for a few moments in the street, even at a distance from their nests, we were sure to be overrun, and severely punished; for, the moment an ant touched the flesh, he secured himself with his jaws, doubled in his tail, and stung with all his might. the sting is likened, by the brazilians, to the puncture of a red-hot needle. when we were seated on chairs in the evenings, in front of the house, to enjoy a chat with our neighbors, we had stools to support our feet, the legs of which, as well as those of the chairs, were well anointed with the balsam. the cords of hammocks are obliged to be smeared in the same way, to prevent the ants from paying sleepers a visit." butterflies. "at villa nova, i found a few species of butterflies which occurred nowhere else on the amazons. in the broad alleys of the forest, several species of morpho were common. one of these is a sister-form to the morpho hecuba, and has been described under the name of morpho cisseis. it is a grand sight to see these colossal butterflies by twos and threes floating at a great height in the still air of a tropical morning. they flap their wings only at long intervals; for i have noticed them to sail a very considerable distance without a stroke. their wing-muscles, and the thorax to which they are attached, are very feeble in comparison with the wide extent and weight of the wings; but the large expanse of these members doubtless assists the insects in maintaining their aerial course. the largest specimens of morpho cisseis measure seven inches and a half in expanse. another smaller kind, which i could not capture, was of a pale, silvery-blue color; and the polished surface of its wings flashed like a silver speculum, as the insect flapped its wings at a great elevation in the sunlight." the bird-catching spider. "at cametá, i chanced to verify a fact relating to the habits of a large, hairy spider of the genus mygale, in a manner worth recording. the individual was nearly two inches in length of body; but the legs expanded seven inches, and the entire body and legs were covered with coarse gray and reddish hairs. i was attracted by a movement of the monster on a tree-trunk: it was close beneath a deep crevice in the tree, across which was stretched a dense white web. the lower part of the web was broken; and two small birds, finches, were entangled in the pieces. they were about the size of the english siskin; and i judged the two to be male and female. one of them was quite dead; the other lay under the body of the spider, not quite dead, and was smeared with the filthy liquor, or saliva, exuded by the monster. i drove away the spider, and took the birds; but the second one soon died. the fact of a species of mygale sallying forth at night, mounting trees, and sucking the eggs and young of hummingbirds, has been recorded long ago by madame merian and palisot de beauvois; but, in the absence of any confirmation, it has come to be discredited. from the way the fact has been related, it would appear that it had been derived from the report of natives, and had not been witnessed by the narrators. i found the circumstance to be quite a novelty to the residents hereabouts. "the mygales are quite common insects. some species make their cells under stones; others form artificial tunnels in the earth; and some build their dens in the thatch of houses. the natives call them crab-spiders. the hairs with which they are clothed come off when touched, and cause a peculiar and almost maddening irritation. the first specimen that i killed and prepared was handled incautiously; and i suffered terribly for three days afterward. i think this is not owing to any poisonous quality residing in the hairs, but to their being short and hard, and thus getting into the fine creases of the skin. some mygales are of immense size. one day, i saw the children belonging to an indian family who collected for me with one of these monsters, secured by a cord round its waist, by which they were leading it about the house as they would a dog." bats. "at caripí, near pará, i was much troubled by bats. the room where i slept had not been used for many months, and the roof was open to the tiles and rafters. i was aroused about midnight by the rushing noise made by vast hosts of bats sweeping about the room. the air was alive with them. they had put out the lamp; and, when i relighted it, the place appeared blackened with the impish multitudes that were whirling round and round. after i had laid about well with a stick for a few minutes, they disappeared among the tiles; but, when all was still again, they returned, and once more extinguished the light. i took no further notice of them, and went to sleep. the next night, several of them got into my hammock. i seized them as they were crawling over me, and dashed them against the wall. the next morning, i found a wound, evidently caused by a bat, on my hip. this was rather unpleasant: so i set to work with the negroes, and tried to exterminate them. i shot a great many as they hung from the rafters; and the negroes, having mounted with ladders to the roof outside, routed out from beneath the eaves many hundreds of them, including young broods. there were altogether four species. by far the greater number belonged to the dysopes perotis, a species having very large ears, and measuring two feet from tip to tip of the wings. i was never attacked by bats, except on this occasion. the fact of their sucking the blood of persons sleeping, from wounds which they make in the toes, is now well established; but it is only a few persons who are subject to this blood-letting." parrots. "on recrossing the river in the evening, a pretty little parrot fell from a great height headlong into the water near the boat, having dropped from a flock which seemed to be fighting in the air. one of the indians secured it for me; and i was surprised to find the bird uninjured. there had probably been a quarrel about mates, resulting in our little stranger being temporarily stunned by a blow on the head from the beak of a jealous comrade. it was of the species called by the natives maracaná; the plumage green, with a patch of scarlet under the wings. i wished to keep the bird alive, and tame it; but all our efforts to reconcile it to captivity were vain: it refused food, bit every one who went near it, and damaged its plumage in its exertions to free itself. my friends in aveyros said that this kind of parrot never became domesticated. after trying nearly a week, i was recommended to lend the intractable creature to an old indian woman living in the village, who was said to be a skilful bird-tamer. in two days, she brought it back almost as tame as the familiar love-birds of our aviaries. i kept my little pet for upward of two years. it learned to talk pretty well, and was considered quite a wonder, as being a bird usually so difficult of domestication. i do not know what arts the old woman used. capt. antonio said she fed it with her saliva. "our maracaná used to accompany us sometimes in our rambles, one of the lads carrying it on his head. one day, in the middle of a long forest-road, it was missed, having clung probably to an overhanging bough, and escaped into the thicket without the boy perceiving it. three hours afterwards, on our return by the same path, a voice greeted us in a colloquial tone as we passed, 'maracaná!' we looked about for some time, but could not see any thing, until the word was repeated with emphasis, 'maracaná!' when we espied the little truant half concealed in the foliage of a tree. he came down, and delivered himself up, evidently as much rejoiced at the meeting as we were." turtle-eggs and oil. "i accompanied cardozo in many wanderings on the solimoens, or upper amazons, during which we visited the _praias_ (sand-islands), the turtle-pools in the forests, and the by-streams and lakes in the great desert river. his object was mainly to superintend the business of digging up turtle-eggs on the sand-banks; having been elected _commandante_ for the year of the _praia-real_ (royal sand-island) of shimuni, the one lying nearest to ega. there are four of these royal praias within the district, all of which are visited annually by the ega people, for the purpose of collecting eggs, and extracting oil from their yolks. each has its commander, whose business is to make arrangements for securing to every inhabitant an equal chance in the egg-harvest, by placing sentinels to protect the turtles while laying. the turtles descend from the interior pools to the main river in july and august, before the outlets dry up, and then seek, in countless swarms, their favorite sand-islands; for it is only a few praias that are selected by them out of the great number existing. "we left ega, on our first trip to visit the sentinels while the turtles were yet laying, on the th of september. we found the two sentinels lodged in a corner of the praia, or sand-bank, where it commences, at the foot of the towering forest-wall of the island; having built for themselves a little rancho with poles and palm-leaves. great preparations are obliged to be taken to avoid disturbing the sensitive turtles, who, previous to crawling ashore to lay, assemble in great shoals off the sand-bank. the men, during this time, take care not to show themselves, and warn off any fisherman who wishes to pass near the place. their fires are made in a deep hollow near the borders of the forest, so that the smoke may not be visible. the passage of a boat through the shallow waters where the animals are congregated, or the sight of a man, or a fire on the sand-bank, would prevent the turtles from leaving the water that night to lay their eggs; and, if the causes of alarm were repeated once or twice, they would forsake the praia for some quieter place. soon after we arrived, our men were sent with the net to catch a supply of fish for supper. in half an hour, four or five large basketsful were brought in. the sun set soon after our meal was cooked: we were then obliged to extinguish the fire, and remove our supper-materials to the sleeping-ground, a spit of land about a mile off; this course being necessary on account of the musquitoes, which swarm at night on the borders of the forest. "i rose from my hammock at daylight, and found cardozo and the men already up, watching the turtles. the sentinels had erected for this purpose a stage about fifty feet high, on a tall tree near their station, the ascent to which was by a roughly-made ladder of woody lianas. the turtles lay their eggs by night, leaving the water in vast crowds, and crawling to the central and highest part of the praia. these places are, of course, the last to go under water, when, in unusually wet seasons, the river rises before the eggs are hatched by the heat of the sand. one would almost believe from this that the animals used forethought in choosing a place; but it is simply one of those many instances in animals where unconscious habit has the same result as conscious prevision. the hours between midnight and dawn are the busiest. the turtles excavate, with their broad-webbed paws, deep holes in the fine sand; the first-comer, in each case, making a pit about three feet deep, laying, its eggs (about a hundred and twenty in number), and covering them with sand; the next making its deposit at the top of that of its predecessor; and so on, until every pit is full. the whole body of turtles frequenting a praia does not finish laying in less than fourteen or fifteen days, even when there is no interruption. when all have done, the area over which they have excavated is distinguishable from the rest of the praia only by signs of the sand having been a little disturbed. "on arriving at the edge of the forest, i mounted the sentinels' stage just in time to see the turtles retreating to the water on the opposite side of the sand-bank after having laid their eggs. the sight was well worth the trouble of ascending the shaky ladder. they were about a mile off; but the surface of the sand was blackened with the multitudes which were waddling towards the river. the margin of the praia was rather steep; and they all seemed to tumble, head-first, down the declivity, into the water." * * * * * when the turtles have finished depositing their eggs, the process of collecting them takes place, of which our author gives an account as follows:-- the egg-harvest. "my next excursion was made in company of senior cardozo, in the season when all the population of the villages turns out to dig up turtle-eggs, and to revel on the praias. placards were posted on the church-doors at ega, announcing that the excavation on shimuni would commence on the th october. we set out on the th, and passed on the way, in our well-manned igarité (or two-masted boat), a large number of people, men, women, and children, in canoes of all sizes, wending their way as if to a great holiday gathering. by the morning of the th, some four hundred persons were assembled on the borders of the sand-bank; each family having erected a rude temporary shed of poles and palm-leaves to protect themselves from the sun and rain. large copper kettles to prepare the oil, and hundreds of red earthenware jars, were scattered about on the sand. "the excavation of the _taboleiro_, collecting the eggs, and preparing the oil, occupied four days. the commandante first took down the names of all the masters of households, with the number of persons each intended to employ in digging. he then exacted a payment of about fourpence a head towards defraying the expense of sentinels. the whole were then allowed to go to the taboleiro. they ranged themselves round the circle, each person armed with a paddle, to be used as a spade; and then all began simultaneously to dig, on a signal being given--the roll of drums--by order of the commandante. it was an animating sight to behold the wide circle of rival diggers throwing up clouds of sand in their energetic labors, and working gradually toward the centre of the ring. a little rest was taken during the great heat of mid-day; and, in the evening, the eggs were carried to the huts in baskets. by the end of the second day, the taboleiro was exhausted: large mounds of eggs, some of them four or five feet in height, were then seen by the side of each hut, the produce of the labors of the family. "when no more eggs are to be found, the mashing process begins. the egg, it may be mentioned, has a flexible or leathery shell: it is quite round, and somewhat larger than a hen's egg. the whole heap is thrown into an empty canoe, and mashed with wooden prongs; but sometimes naked indians and children jump into the mass, and tread it down, besmearing themselves with the yolk, and making about as filthy a scene as can well be imagined. this being finished, water is poured into the canoe, and the fatty mass then left for a few hours to be heated by the sun, on which the oil separates, and rises to the surface. the floating oil is afterwards skimmed off with long spoons, made by tying large mussel-shells to the end of rods, and purified over the fire in copper-kettles. at least six thousand jars, holding each three gallons of the oil, are exported annually from the upper amazons and the madeira to pará, where it is used for lighting, frying fish, and other purposes." electric eels. "we walked over moderately elevated and dry ground for about a mile, and then descended three or four feet to the dry bed of another creek. this was pierced in the same way as the former water-course, with round holes full of muddy water. they occurred at intervals of a few yards, and had the appearance of having been made by the hands of man. as we approached, i was startled at seeing a number of large serpent-like heads bobbing above the surface. they proved to be those of electric eels; and it now occurred to me that the round holes were made by these animals working constantly round and round in the moist, muddy soil. their depth (some of them were at least eight feet deep) was doubtless due also to the movements of the eels in the soft soil, and accounted for their not drying up, in the fine season, with the rest of the creek. thus, while alligators and turtles in this great inundated forest region retire to the larger pools during the dry season, the electric eels make for themselves little ponds in which to pass the season of drought. "my companions now cut each a stout pole, and proceeded to eject the eels in order to get at the other fishes, with which they had discovered the ponds to abound. i amused them all very much by showing how the electric shock from the eels could pass from one person to another. we joined hands in a line, while i touched the biggest and freshest of the animals on the head with my hunting-knife. we found that this experiment did not succeed more than three times with the same eel, when out of the water; for, the fourth time, the shock was hardly perceptible." chapter xvii. animated nature. "the number and variety of climbing trees in the amazons forests are interesting, taken in connection with the fact of the very general tendency of the animals also to become climbers. all the amazonian, and in fact all south-american monkeys, are climbers. there is no group answering to the baboons of the old world, which live on the ground. the gallinaceous birds of the country, the representatives of the fowls and pheasants of asia and africa, are all adapted, by the position of the toes, to perch on trees; and it is only on trees, at a great height, that they are to be seen. many other similar instances could be enumerated." monkeys. "on the upper amazons, i once saw a tame individual of the midas leoninus, a species first described by humboldt, which was still more playful and intelligent than the more common m. ursulus. this rare and beautiful monkey is only seven inches in length, exclusive of the tail. it is named leoninus on account of the long, brown mane which hangs from the neck, and which gives it very much the appearance of a diminutive lion. in the house where it was kept, it was familiar with every one: its greatest pleasure seemed to be to climb about the bodies of different persons who entered. the first time i went in, it ran across the room straightway to the chair on which i had sat down, and climbed up to my shoulder: arrived there, it turned round, and looked into my face, showing its little teeth, and chattering, as though it would say, "well, and how do _you_ do?" m. de st. hilaire relates of a species of this genus, that it distinguished between different objects depicted on an engraving. m. ardouin showed it the portraits of a cat and a wasp: at these it became much terrified; whereas, at the sight of a figure of a grasshopper or beetle, it precipitated itself on the picture, as if to seize the objects there represented." the caiarÃ�ra. "the light-brown caiarára is pretty generally distributed over the forests of the level country. i saw it frequently on the banks of the upper amazons, where it was always a treat to watch a flock leaping amongst the trees; for it is the most wonderful performer in this line of the whole tribe. the troops consist of thirty or more individuals, which travel in single file. when the foremost of the flock reaches the outermost branch of an unusually lofty tree, he springs forth into the air without a moment's hesitation, and alights on the dome of yielding foliage belonging to the neighboring tree, maybe fifty feet beneath; all the rest following his example. they grasp, on falling, with hands and tail, right themselves in a moment, and then away they go, along branch and bough, to the next tree. "the caiarára is very frequently kept as a pet in the houses of natives. i kept one myself for about a year, which accompanied me in my voyages, and became very familiar, coming to me always on wet nights to share my blanket. it keeps the house where it is kept in a perpetual uproar. when alarmed or hungry, or excited by envy, it screams piteously. it is always making some noise or other, often screwing up its mouth, and uttering a succession of loud notes resembling a whistle. mine lost my favor at last by killing, in one of his jealous fits, another and much choicer pet,--the nocturnal, owl-faced monkey. some one had given this a fruit which the other coveted: so the two got to quarrelling. the owl-faced fought only with his paws, clawing out, and hissing, like a cat: the other soon obtained the mastery, and, before i could interfere, finished his rival by cracking its skull with its teeth. upon this i got rid of him." the coaita. "the coaita is a large, black monkey, covered with coarse hair, and having the prominent parts of the face of a tawny, flesh-colored hue. the coaitas are called by some french zoölogists spider-monkeys, on account of the length and slenderness of their body and limbs. in these apes, the tail, as a prehensile organ, reaches its highest degree of perfection; and, on this account, it would perhaps be correct to consider the coaita as the extreme development of the american type of apes. "the tail of the coaita is endowed with a wonderful degree of flexibility. it is always in motion, coiling and uncoiling like the trunk of an elephant, and grasping whatever comes within reach. "the flesh of this monkey is much esteemed by the natives in this part of the country; and the military commandant every week sends a negro hunter to shoot one for his table. one day i went on a coaita-hunt, with a negro-slave to show me the way. when in the deepest part of the ravine, we heard a rustling sound in the trees overhead; and manoel soon pointed out a coaita to me. there was something human-like in its appearance, as the lean, shaggy creature moved deliberately among the branches at a great height. i fired, but, unfortunately, only wounded it. it fell, with a crash, headlong, about twenty or thirty feet, and then caught a bough with its tail, which grasped it instantaneously; and there the animal remained suspended in mid-air. before i could reload, it recovered itself, and mounted nimbly to the topmost branches, out of the reach of a fowling-piece, where we could perceive the poor thing apparently probing the wound with its fingers." the tame coaita. "i once saw a most ridiculously tame coaita. it was an old female, which accompanied its owner, a trader on the river, in all his voyages. by way of giving me a specimen of its intelligence and feeling, its master set to, and rated it soundly, calling it scamp, heathen, thief, and so forth, all through the copious portuguese vocabulary of vituperation. the poor monkey, quietly seated on the ground, seemed to be in sore trouble at this display of anger. it began by looking earnestly at him; then it whined, and lastly rocked its body to and fro with emotion, crying piteously, and passing its long, gaunt arms continually over its forehead; for this was its habit when excited, and the front of the head was worn quite bald in consequence. at length, its master altered his tone. 'it's all a lie,' my old woman. 'you're an angel, a flower, a good, affectionate old creature,' and so forth. immediately the poor monkey ceased its wailing, and soon after came over to where the man sat." scarlet-faced monkey. the most singular of the simian family in brazil are the scarlet-faced monkeys, called by the indians uakari, of which there are two varieties, the white and red-haired. mr. bates first met with the white-haired variety under the following circumstances:-- "early one sunny morning, in the year , i saw in the streets of ega a number of indians carrying on their shoulders down to the port, to be embarked on the upper amazons steamer, a large cage made of strong lianas, some twelve feet in length, and five in height, containing a dozen monkeys of the most grotesque appearance. their bodies (about eighteen inches in height, exclusive of limbs) were clothed from neck to tail with very long, straight, and shining whitish hair; their heads were nearly bald, owing to the very short crop of thin gray hairs; and their faces glowed with the most vivid scarlet hue. as a finish to their striking physiognomy, they had bushy whiskers of a sandy color, meeting under the chin, and reddish yellow eyes. they sat gravely and silently in a group, and altogether presented a strange spectacle." another interesting creature is the owl-faced night ape. these monkeys are not only owl-faced, but their habits are those of the moping bird. "they sleep all day long in hollow trees, and come forth to prey on insects, and eat fruits, only in the night. they are of small size, the body being about a foot long, and the tail fourteen inches; and are clothed with soft gray and brown fur, similar in substance to that of the rabbit. their physiognomy reminds one of an owl or tiger-cat. the face is round, and encircled by a ruff of whitish fur; the muzzle is not at all prominent; the mouth and chin are small; the ears are very short, scarcely appearing above the hair of the head; and the eyes are large, and yellowish in color, imparting the staring expression of nocturnal animals of prey. the forehead is whitish, and decorated with three black stripes, which, in one of the species, continue to the crown, and in the other meet on the top of the forehead. "these monkeys, although sleeping by day, are aroused by the least noise; so that, when a person passes by a tree in which a number of them are concealed, he is startled by the sudden apparition of a group of little striped faces crowding a hole in a trunk." mr. bates had one of the nyctipithæci for a pet, which was kept in a box containing a broad-mouthed glass jar, into which it would dive, head foremost, when any one entered the room, turning round inside, and thrusting forth its inquisitive face an instant afterward to stare at the intruder. the nyctipithecus, when tamed, renders one very essential service to its owner: it clears the house of bats as well as of insect vermin. the most diminutive of the brazilian monkeys is the "hapale pygmæus," only seven inches long in the body, with its little face adorned with long, brown whiskers, which are naturally brushed back over the ears. the general color of the animal is brownish-tawny; but the tail is elegantly barred with black. mr. bates closes his account by stating that the total number of species of monkeys which he found inhabiting the margins of the upper and lower amazons was thirty-eight, belonging to twelve different genera, forming two distinct families. the sloth. "i once had an opportunity, in one of my excursions, of watching the movements of a sloth. some travellers in south america have described the sloth as very nimble in its native woods, and have disputed the justness of the name which has been bestowed upon it. the inhabitants of the amazons region, however, both indians and descendants of the portuguese, hold to the common opinion, and consider the sloth as the type of laziness. it is very common for one native to call to another, in reproaching him for idleness, 'bicho do embaüba' (beast of the cecropia-tree); the leaves of the cecropia being the food of the sloth. it is a strange sight to see the uncouth creature, fit production of these silent woods, lazily moving from branch to branch. every movement betrays, not indolence exactly, but extreme caution. he never looses his hold from one branch without first securing himself to the next; and, when he does not immediately find a bough to grasp with the rigid hooks into which his paws are so curiously transformed, he raises his body, supported on his hind legs, and claws around in search of a fresh foothold. after watching the animal for about half an hour, i gave him a charge of shot: he fell with a terrific crash, but caught a bough in his descent with his powerful claws, and remained suspended. two days afterward, i found the body of the sloth on the ground; the animal having dropped, on the relaxation of the muscles, a few hours after death. in one of our voyages, i saw a sloth swimming across a river at a place where it was probably three hundred yards broad. our men caught the beast, and cooked and ate him." the anaconda. "we had an unwelcome visitor while at anchor in the port. i was awakened a little after midnight, as i lay in my little cabin, by a heavy blow struck at the sides of the canoe close to my head, succeeded by the sound of a weighty body plunging in the water. i got up; but all was quiet again, except the cackle of fowls in our hen-coop, which hung over the side of the vessel, about three feet from the cabin-door. next morning i found my poultry loose about the canoe, and a large rent in the bottom of the hen-coop, which was about two feet from the surface of the water. a couple of fowls were missing. "antonio said the depredator was the sucumjú, the indian name for the anaconda, or great water-serpent, which had for months past been haunting this part of the river, and had carried off many ducks and fowls from the ports of various houses. i was inclined to doubt the fact of a serpent striking at its prey from the water, and thought an alligator more likely to be the culprit, although we had not yet met with alligators in the river. some days afterward, the young men belonging to the different settlements agreed together to go in search of the serpents. they began in a systematic manner, forming two parties, each embarked in three or four canoes, and starting from points several miles apart, whence they gradually approximated, searching all the little inlets on both sides of the river. the reptile was found at last, sunning itself on a log at the mouth of a muddy rivulet, and despatched with harpoons. i saw it the day after it was killed. it was not a very large specimen, measuring only eighteen feet nine inches in length, and sixteen inches in circumference at the widest part of the body." alligators. "our rancho was a large one, and was erected in a line with the others, near the edge of the sand-bank, which sloped rather abruptly to the water. during the first week, the people were all more or less troubled by alligators. some half-dozen full-grown ones were in attendance off the praia, floating about on the lazily flowing, muddy water. the dryness of the weather had increased since we left shimuni, the currents had slackened, and the heat in the middle of the day was almost insupportable. but no one could descend to bathe without being advanced upon by one or other of these hungry monsters. there was much offal cast into the river; and this, of course, attracted them to the place. every day, these visitors became bolder: at length, they reached a pitch of impudence that was quite intolerable. cardozo had a poodle-dog named carlito, which some grateful traveller whom he had befriended had sent him from rio janeiro. he took great pride in this dog, keeping it well sheared, and preserving his coat as white as soap and water could make it. we slept in our rancho, in hammocks slung between the outer posts; a large wood fire (fed with a kind of wood abundant on the banks of the river, which keeps alight all night) being made in the middle, by the side of which slept carlito on a little mat. one night, i was awoke by a great uproar. it was caused by cardozo hurling burning firewood with loud curses at a huge cayman, which had crawled up the bank, and passed beneath my hammock (being nearest the water) towards the place where carlito lay. the dog raised the alarm in time. the reptile backed out, and tumbled down the bank into the river; the sparks from the brands hurled at him flying from his bony hide. cardozo threw a harpoon at him, but without doing him any harm." the puma. "one day, i was searching for insects in the bark of a fallen tree, when i saw a large, cat-like animal advancing towards the spot. it came within a dozen yards before perceiving me. i had no weapon with me but an old chisel, and was getting ready to defend myself if it should make a spring; when it turned round hastily, and trotted off. i did not obtain a very distinct view of it; but i could see its color was that of the puma, or american lion, although it was rather too small for that species. "the puma is not a common animal in the amazons forests. i did not see altogether more than a dozen skins in the possession of the natives. the fur is of a fawn-color. the hunters are not at all afraid of it, and speak in disparaging terms of its courage. of the jaguar they give a very different account." the great ant-eater. "the great ant-eater, _tamandua_ of the natives, was not uncommon here. after the first few weeks of residence, i was short of fresh provisions. the people of the neighborhood had sold me all the fowls they could spare. i had not yet learned to eat the stale and stringy salt fish which is the staple food of these places; and for several days i had lived on rice-porridge, roasted bananas, and farinha. florinda asked me whether i could eat tamandua. i told her almost any thing in the shape of flesh would be acceptable: so she went the next day with an old negro named antonio, and the dogs, and, in the evening, brought one of the animals. the meat was stewed, and turned out very good, something like goose in flavor. the people of caripí would not touch a morsel, saying it was not considered fit to eat in those parts. i had read, however, that it was an article of food in other countries of south america. during the next two or three weeks, whenever we were short of fresh meat, antonio was always ready, for a small reward, to get me a tamandua. "the habits of the animal are now pretty well known. it has an excessively long, slender muzzle, and a worm-like, extensile tongue. its jaws are destitute of teeth. the claws are much elongated, and its gait is very awkward. it lives on the ground, and feeds on termites, or white ants; the long claws being employed to pull in pieces the solid hillocks made by the insects, and the long flexible tongue to lick them up from the crevices." the jaguar. our traveller, though he resided long and in various parts of the amazon country, never saw there a jaguar. how near he came to seeing one appears in the following extract. this animal is the nearest approach which america presents to the leopards and tigers of the old world. "after walking about half a mile, we came upon a dry water-course, where we observed on the margin of a pond the fresh tracks of a jaguar. this discovery was hardly made, when a rush was heard amidst the bushes on the top of a sloping bank, on the opposite side of the dried creek. we bounded forward: it was, however, too late; for the animal had sped in a few minutes far out of our reach. it was clear we had disturbed on our approach the jaguar while quenching his thirst at the water-hole. a few steps farther on, we saw the mangled remains of an alligator. the head, fore-quarters, and bony shell, were all that remained: but the meat was quite fresh, and there were many footmarks of the jaguar around the carcass; so that there was no doubt this had formed the solid part of the animal's breakfast." parÃ�. "i arrived at pará on the th of march, , after an absence in the interior of seven years and a half. my old friends, english, american, and brazilian, scarcely knew me again, but all gave me a very warm welcome. i found pará greatly changed and improved. it was no longer the weedy, ruinous, village-looking place that it had appeared when i first knew it in . the population had been increased to twenty thousand by an influx of portuguese, madeiran, and german immigrants; and, for many years past, the provincial government had spent their considerable surplus revenue in beautifying the city. the streets, formerly unpaved, or strewed with stones and sand, were now laid with concrete in a most complete manner: all the projecting masonry of the irregularly-built houses had been cleared away, and the buildings made more uniform. most of the dilapidated houses were replaced by handsome new edifices, having long and elegant balconies fronting the first floors, at an elevation of several feet above the roadway. the large swampy squares had been drained, weeded, and planted with rows of almond and other trees; so that they were now a great ornament to the city, instead of an eye-sore as they formerly were. sixty public vehicles, light cabriolets, some of them built in pará, now plied in the streets, increasing much the animation of the beautified squares, streets, and avenues. i was glad to see several new book-sellers' shops; also a fine edifice devoted to a reading-room, supplied with periodicals, globes, and maps; and a circulating library. there were now many printing-offices, and four daily newspapers. the health of the place had greatly improved since ,--the year of the yellow-fever; and pará was now considered no longer dangerous to new-comers. "so much for the improvements visible in the place; and now for the dark side of the picture. the expenses of living had increased about fourfold; a natural consequence of the demand for labor and for native products of all kinds having augmented in greater ratio than the supply, in consequence of large arrivals of non-productive residents, and considerable importations of money, on account of the steamboat-company and foreign merchants. "at length, on the d of june, i left pará,--probably forever. i took a last view of the glorious forest for which i had so much love, and to explore which i had devoted so many years. the saddest hours i recollect ever to have spent were those of the succeeding night, when, the pilot having left us out of sight of land, though within the mouth of the river, waiting for a wind, i felt that the last link which connected me with the land of so many pleasing recollections was broken." the end. press of geo. c. rand & avery, no. , cornhill, boston. +------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the | | original document have been preserved. | | | | typographical errors corrected in the text: | | | | page sascatchawan changed to saskatchawan | | page cameawait changed to cameahwait | | page chinnook changed to chinook | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page killamucks changed to killimucks | | page wakiacums changed to wahkiacums | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page sacajaweah chanaged to sacajawea | | page kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page palmitoes changed to palmitos | | page groweth changed to growth | | page pursuaded changed to persuaded | +------------------------------------------------+ available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/conquesttruestor dyeerich transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). the conquest the true story of lewis and clark by eva emery dye * * * * * just ready [illustration: william clark] [illustration: meriwether lewis] the expedition of lewis and clark reprinted from the edition of with an introduction and index by james k. hosmer, ll.d. notwithstanding that in america few names are more familiar upon the tongue than those of lewis and clark, it is a singular fact that the journals of their expedition have for a long time been practically unattainable. the lack thus existing, felt now more and more as the centenary of the great exploration draws near, this new edition has been planned to fill. the text used is that of the edition, which must hold its place as the only account approaching adequacy. dr. hosmer, well-known for his work in western history, has furnished an introduction, giving the events which led up to the great expedition and showing the vast development that has flowed from it, in a way to make plain the profound significance of the achievement. there has also been added an elaborate analytic index, a feature which the original edition lacked. the publishers offer this work in the belief that it will fill all requirements and become the standard popular edition of this great american classic. _in two square octavo volumes, printed from new type of a large clear face, with new photogravure portraits and fac-simile maps._ in box, $ . net; delivered, $ . . a. c. mcclurg & co., chicago * * * * * the conquest * * * * * by mrs. dye mcloughlin & old oregon a chronicle fourth edition mo. $ . "a graphic page of the story of the american pioneer."--_n.y. mail and express._ * * * * * [illustration: from a rare painting. "judith"] the conquest the true story of lewis and clark by eva emery dye author of "mcloughlin and old oregon" chicago a. c. mcclurg & company copyright a. c. mcclurg & co entered at stationers' hall, london published nov. , university press · john wilson and son · cambridge, u. s. a. note of acknowledgment the author hereby acknowledges obligation to the lewis and clark families, especially to william hancock clark of washington, d.c., and john o'fallon clark of st. louis, grandsons of governor clark, and to c. harper anderson of ivy depot, virginia, the nephew and heir of meriwether lewis, for letters, documents, and family traditions; to mrs. meriwether lewis clark of louisville and mrs. jefferson k. clark of new york, widows of governor clark's sons, and to more than twenty nieces and nephews; to reuben gold thwaites of the university of wisconsin, for access to the valuable draper collection of clark, boone, and tecumseh manuscripts, and for use of the original journals of lewis and clark which mr. thwaites is now editing; to george w. martin of the kansas historical society at topeka, for access to the clark letter-books covering william clark's correspondence for a period of thirty years; to colonel reuben t. durrett of louisville, for access to his valuable private library; to mr. horace kephart of the mercantile library, and mr. pierre chouteau, st. louis; to the historical societies of missouri, at st. louis and columbia; to mrs. laura howie, for montana manuscripts at helena; to miss kate c. mcbeth, the greatest living authority on nez percé tradition; to the descendants of dr. saugrain, and to the families and friends of sergeants pryor, gass, floyd, ordway, and privates bratton, shannon, drouillard, of the lewis and clark expedition; also to the librarian of congress for copies of government documents. e. e. d. oregon city, oregon, september , . contents book i when red men ruled page i. a child is born ii. the clark home iii. exit dunmore iv. the wilderness road v. a barrel of gunpowder vi. the feudal age vii. kaskaskia viii. the spanish donna ix. vincennes x. the city of the strait xi. a prisoner of war xii. two wars at once xiii. the key of the country xiv. behind the curtain xv. the attack on st. louis xvi. old chillicothe xvii. "detroit must be taken" xviii. on the ramparts xix. exit cornwallis xx. the old virginia home xxi. down the ohio xxii. mulberry hill xxiii. mississippi troubles xxiv. st. clair xxv. the sword of "mad anthony" wayne xxvi. the spaniard xxvii. the brothers xxviii. the maid of fincastle xxix. the president's secretary xxx. the president talks with meriwether book ii into the west i. the louisiana purchase ii. the knight of the white house iii. recruiting for oregon iv. the feud is ended v. the cession of st. louis vi. sergeant ordway writes a letter vii. into the land of anarchy viii. "the sioux! the sioux!" ix. the romance of the mandans x. the first dakota christmas xi. the british fur traders xii. farewell to fort mandan xiii. toward the sunset xiv. the shining mountains xv. a woman pilot xvi. idaho xvii. down the columbia xviii. fort clatsop by the sea xix. a whale ashore xx. a race for empire xxi. "a ship! a ship!" xxii. back to civilisation xxiii. camp chopunnish xxiv. over the bitter root range xxv. beware the blackfeet xxvi. down the yellowstone xxvii. the home stretch xxviii. the old stone forts of st. louis xxix. to washington xxx. the plaudits of a nation book iii the red head chief i. the shadow of napoleon ii. american rule in st. louis iii. farewell to fincastle iv. the boat horn v. a bride in st. louis vi. the first fort in montana vii. a mystery viii. a lonely grave in tennessee ix. trade follows the flag x. tecumseh xi. clark guards the frontier xii. the story of a sword xiii. portage des sioux xiv. "for our children, our children" xv. too good to the indians xvi. the red head chief xvii. the great council at prairie du chien xviii. the lords of the rivers xix. four indian ambassadors xx. black hawk xxi. a great life ends xxii. the new west the conquest book i _when red men ruled_ i _a child is born_ the old brick palace at williamsburg was in a tumult. the governor tore off his wig and stamped it under foot in rage. "i'll teach them, the ingrates, the rebels!" snatching at a worn bell-cord, but carefully replacing his wig, he stood with clinched fists and compressed lips, waiting. "they are going to meet in williamsburg, eh? i'll circumvent them. these virginia delegates! these rebellious colonists! i'll nip their little game! the land is ripe for insurrection. negroes, indians, rebels! there are enough rumblings now. let me but play them off against each other, and then these colonists will know their friends. let but the indians rise--like naked chicks they'll fly to mother wings for shelter. i'll show them! i'll thwart their hostile plans!" again lord dunmore violently rang the bell. a servant of the palace entered. "here, sirrah! take this compass and dispatch a messenger to daniel boone. bade him be gone at once to summon in the surveyors at the falls of the ohio. an indian war is imminent. tell him to lose no time." the messenger bowed himself out, and a few minutes later a horse's hoofs rang down the cobblestone path before the governor's mansion of his majesty's colony of virginia in the year of our lord . lord dunmore soliloquised. "lewis is an arrant rebel, but he is powerful as old warwick. i'll give him a journey to travel." again he rang the bell and again a servant swept in with low obeisance. "you, sirrah, dispatch a man as fast as horse or boat can speed to bottetourt. tell andrew lewis to raise at once a thousand men and march from lewisburg across mt. laurel to the mouth of the great kanawha. here are his sealed orders." the messenger took the packet and went out. "an indian war will bring them back. i, myself, will lead the right wing, the pick and flower of the army. i'll make of the best men my own scouts. to myself will i bind this boone, this kenton, morgan, and that young surveyor, george rogers clark, before these agitators taint their loyalty. i, myself, will lead my troops to the shawnee towns. let lewis rough it down the great kanawha." it was the sixth of june when the messenger drew rein at boone's door in powell's valley. the great frontiersman sat smoking in his porch, meditating on the death of that beloved son killed on the way to kentucky. the frightened emigrants, the first that ever tried the perilous route, had fallen back to powell's valley. boone heard the message and looked at his faithful wife, rebecca, busy within the door. she nodded assent. the messenger handed him the compass, as large as a saucer. for a moment boone balanced it on his hand, then slipped it into his bosom. out of a huge wooden bowl on a cross-legged table near he filled his wallet with parched corn, took his long rifle from its peg over the door, and strode forth. other messengers were speeding at the hest of lord dunmore, hither and yon and over the blue ridge. andrew lewis was an old indian fighter from dinwiddie's day,--dinwiddie, the blustering, scolding, letter-writing dinwiddie, who undertook to instruct andrew lewis and george washington how to fight indians! had not the shawnees harried his border for years? had he not led rangers from fairfax's lodge to the farthest edge of bottetourt? side by side with washington he fought at long meadows and spilled blood with the rest on braddock's field. more than forty years before, his father, john lewis, had led the first settlers up the shenandoah. they had sown it to clover, red clover, red, the indians said, from the blood of red men slain by the whites. but what were they to do when peaceful settlers, fugitives from the old world, staked their farms on vacant land only to be routed by the scalp halloo? which was preferable, the tyranny of kings or the indian firestake? hunted humanity must choose. the shawnees, too, were a hunted people. driven from south and from north, scouted by the cherokees, scalped by the iroquois, night and day they looked for a place of rest and found it not. beside the shining shenandoah, daughter of the stars, they pitched their wigwams, only to find a new and stronger foe, the dreaded white man. do their best, interests would conflict. civilisation and savagery could not occupy the same territory. and now a party of emigrants were pressing into the mingo country on the upper ohio. early in april the family of logan, the noted mingo chief, was slaughtered by the whites. it was a dastardly deed, but what arm had yet compassed the lawless frontier? all indians immediately held accountable all whites, and burnings and massacres began in reprisal. here was an indian war at the hand of lord dunmore. few white men had gone down the kanawha in those days. washington surveyed there in , and two years later george rogers clark carried chain and compass in the same region. that meant settlers,--now, war. but lewis, blunt, irascible, shrank not. of old cromwellian stock, sternly aggressive and fiercely right, he felt the land was his, and like the men of bible times went out to smite the heathen hip and thigh. buckling on his huge broadsword, and slipping into his tall boots and heavy spurs, he was off. at his call they gathered, defenders of the land beyond the blue ridge, scotch-irish, protestants of protestants, long recognised by the cavaliers of tidewater virginia as a mighty bulwark against the raiding red men. charles lewis brought in his troop from augusta, kinsfolk of the covenanters, fundamentally democratic, presbyterian irish interpreting their own bibles, believing in schools, born leaders, dominating their communities and impressing their character on the nation yet unborn. it was august when, in hunting shirts and leggings, they marched into rendezvous at staunton, with long knives in their leathern belts and rusty old firelocks above their shoulders. in september they camped at lewisburg. flour and ammunition were packed on horses. three weeks of toil and travail through wilderness, swamp, and morass, and they were at the mouth of the great kanawha. but where was dunmore? with his thousand men he was to march over the braddock road to meet them there on the ohio. rumour now said he was marching alone on the shawnee towns. "and so expose himself!" ejaculated lewis. but just then a runner brought word from lord dunmore, "join me at the shawnee towns." "what does it mean?" queried lewis of his colonels, charles lewis of augusta, fleming of bottetourt, shelby and field of culpepper. "it looks like a trap. not in vain have i grown gray in border forays. there's some mistake. it will leave the whole western portion of virginia unprotected." brief was the discussion. before they could cross the ohio, guns sounded a sharp surprise. andrew lewis and his men found themselves penned at point pleasant without a hope of retreat. behind them lay the ohio and the kanawha, in front the woods, thick with delawares, iroquois, wyandots, shawnees, flinging themselves upon the entrapped army. daylight was just quivering in the treetops when the battle of point pleasant began. at the first savage onset fleming, charles lewis, and field lay dead. it was surprise, ambuscade, slaughter. grim old andrew lewis lit his pipe and studied the field while his riflemen and sharp-shooters braced themselves behind the white-armed sycamores. there was a crooked run through the brush unoccupied. while the surging foes were beating back and forth, andrew lewis sent a party through that run to fall upon the indians from behind. a hercules himself, he gathered up his men with a rush, cohorns roaring. from the rear there came an answering fire. above the din, the voice of cornstalk rose, encouraging his warriors, "be strong! be strong!" but panic seized the indians; they broke and fled. andrew lewis looked and the sun was going down. two hundred whites lay stark around him, some dead, some yet to rise and fight on other fields. the ground was slippery with gore; barked, hacked, and red with blood, the white-armed sycamores waved their ghostly hands and sighed, where all that weary day red men and white had struggled together. and among the heaps of indian slain, there lay the father of a little shawnee boy, tecumseh. cornstalk, chief of the shawnees, red hawk, pride of the delawares, and logan, logan the great mingo, were carried along in the resistless retreat of their people, down and over the lurid ohio, crimson with blood and the tint of the setting sun. on that october day, , civilisation set a milestone westward. lewis and his backwoodsmen had quieted the indians in one of the most hotly contested battles in all the annals of indian warfare. "let us go on," they said, and out of the debris of battle, lewis and his shattered command crossed the ohio to join lord dunmore at the shawnee towns. "we have defeated them. now let us dictate peace at their very doors," said lewis. but dunmore, amazed at this success of rebel arms, sent the flying word, "go back. retrace your steps. go home." lewis, astounded, stopped. "go back now? what does the governor mean? we must go on, to save him if nothing else. he is in the very heart of the hostile country." and he pressed on. again the messenger brought the word, "retreat." "retreat?" roared lewis, scarce believing his ears. "we've reached this goal with hardship. we've purchased a victory with blood!" there was scorn in the old man's voice. "march on!" he said. but when within three miles of the governor's camp, lord dunmore himself left his command and hastened with an indian chief to the camp of lewis. dunmore met him almost as an indian envoy, it seemed to lewis. "why have you disobeyed my orders?" thundered the governor, drawing his sword and reddening with rage. "i say go back. retrace your steps. go home. i will negotiate a peace. there need be no further movement of the southern division." his manner, his tone, that indian!--the exhausted and overwrought borderers snatched their bloody knives and leaped toward the governor. andrew lewis held them back. "this is no time for a quarrel. i will return." and amazed, enraged, silenced, andrew lewis began his retreat from victory. but suspicious murmurings rolled along the line. "he ordered us there to betray us." "why is my lord safe in the enemy's country?" "why did the indians fall upon us while the governor sat in the shawnee towns?" "that sword--" andrew lewis seemed not to hear these ebullitions of his men, but his front was stern and awful. as one long after said, "the very earth seemed to tremble under his tread." all virginia rang with their praises, as worn and torn and battered with battle, lewis led his troop into the settlements. leaving them to disperse to their homes with pledge to reassemble at a moment's notice, he set forth for williamsburg where news might be heard of great events. on his way he stopped at ivy creek near charlottesville, at the house of his kinsman, william lewis. an infant lay in the cradle, born in that very august, while they were marching to battle. "and what have you named the young soldier?" asked the grim old borderer, as he looked upon the sleeping child. "meriwether lewis, meriwether for his mother's people," answered the proud and happy father. "and will you march with the minute men?" "i shall be there," said william lewis. ii _the clark home_ "what do you see, william?" a red-headed boy was standing at the door of a farmhouse on the road between fredericksburg and richmond, in the valley of the rappahannock. "the soldiers, mother, the soldiers!" excitedly the little four-year-old flew down under the mulberry trees to greet his tall and handsome brother, george rogers clark, returning from the dunmore war. busy, sewing ruffles on her husband's shirt and darning his long silk stockings, the mother sat, when suddenly she heard the voice of her son with his elder brother. "i tell you, jonathan, there is a storm brewing. but i cannot take an oath of allegiance to the king that my duty to my country may require me to disregard. the governor has been good to me, i admit that. i cannot fight him--and i will not fight my own people. heigh-ho, for the kentucky country." dropping her work, mrs. clark, ann rogers, a descendant of the martyr of smithfield, and heir through generations of "iron in the blood and granite in the backbone," looked into the approaching, luminous eyes. "i hope my son has been a credit to his country?" "a credit?" exclaimed jonathan. "why, mother, lord dunmore has offered him a commission in the british army!" "but i cannot take it," rejoined george rogers, bending to press a kiss on the cheek of his brown-eyed little mother. "lord dunmore means right, but he is misunderstood. and he swears by the king." "and do we not all swear by the king?" almost wrathfully exclaimed john clark, the father, entering the opposite door at this moment. "who has suffered more for the king than we self-same cavaliers, we who have given virginia her most honourable name--'the old dominion'? let the king but recognise us as britons, entitled to the rights of englishmen, and we will swear by him to the end." it was a long speech for john clark, a man of few words and intensely loyal, the feudal patriarch of this family, and grandson of a cavalier who came to virginia after the execution of charles i. but his soul had been stirred to the centre, by the same wrongs that had kindled patrick henry and thomas jefferson. these were his friends, his neighbours, who had the same interests at stake, and the same high love of liberty. "if the king would have us loyal, aye, then, let him be loyal to us, his most loyal subjects. did not patrick henry's father drink the king's health at the head of his regiment? did not thomas jefferson's grandsires sit in the first house of burgesses in the old church at jamestown, more than a century before the passage of the stamp act? and who swore better by the king? none of us came over here from choice! we came because we loved our king and would not bide his enemies." george rogers clark looked approvingly at his father, and yet, he owed fealty to lord dunmore. even as a stripling he had been singled out for favours. "i see the storm gathering," he said. "if i choose, it must be with my people. but i need not choose,--i will go to kentucky." it was the selfsame thought of daniel boone. "but here are the children!" nine-year-old lucy danced to her brother, william still clung to his hand, and their bright locks intermingled. "three red-headed clarks," laughed the teasing jonathan. more than a century since, the first john clark settled on the james, a bachelor and tobacco planter. but one day mary byrd of westover tangled his heart in her auburn curls. in every generation since, that red hair had re-appeared. "a strain of heroic benevolence runs through the red-headed clarks," said an old dame who knew the family. "they win the world and give it away." but the dark-haired clarks, they were the moneymakers. already jonathan, the eldest, had served as clerk in the spottsylvania court at fredericksburg, where he often met colonel george washington. three younger brothers, john, richard, and edmund, lads from twelve to seventeen, listened not less eagerly than ann, elizabeth, lucy, and fanny, the sisters of this heroic family. but george was the adventurer. when he came home friends, neighbours, acquaintances, gathered to listen. the border wars had kindled military ardour with deeds to fire a thousand tales of romance and fireside narrative. moreover, george was a good talker. but he seemed uncommonly depressed this night,--the choice of life lay before him. at sixteen george rogers clark had set out as a land surveyor, like washington and boone and wayne, penetrating and mapping the western wilds. to survey meant to command. watched by red men over the hills, dogged by savages in the brakes, scalped by demons in the wood, the frontier surveyor must be ready at any instant to drop chain and compass for the rifle and the knife. like wayne and washington, clark had drilled boy troops when he and madison were pupils together under the old scotch dominie, donald robertson, in albemarle. while still in his teens george and a few others, resolute young men, crossed the alleghanies, went over braddock's route, and examined fort necessity where washington had been. they floated down the monongahela to fort pitt. in the angle of the rivers, overlooking the flood, mouldered the remains of old fort du quesne, blown up by the french when captured by the english. the mound, the moat, the angles and bastions yet remained, but overgrown with grass, and cattle grazed where once an attempt had been made to plant mediæval institutions on the sod of north america. as if born for battles, clark studied the ground plans. "two log gates swung on hinges here," explained the colonel from fort pitt, "one opening on the water and one on the land side with a mediæval drawbridge. every night they hauled up the ponderous bridge, leaving only a dim dark pit down deep to the water." with comprehensive glance george rogers clark took in the mechanism of intrenchments, noted the convenient interior, with magazine, bake-house, and well in the middle. "so shall i build my forts." pencil in hand the young surveyor had the whole scheme instantly sketched. the surprised colonel took a second look. seldom before had he met so intelligent a study of fortifications. "are you an officer?" "i am major of virginia militia under lord dunmore." with a missionary to the indians, clark slid down the wild ohio and took up a claim beyond the farthest. here for a year he lived as did boone, beating his corn on a hominy block and drying his venison before his solitary evening fire. then he journeyed over into the scioto. so, when the dunmore war broke out, here was a scout ready at hand for the governor. major clark knew every inch of the braddock route and every trail to the shawnee towns. when a fort was needed, it was the skilled hand and fertile brain of george rogers clark that planned the bastioned stockade that became the nucleus of the future city of wheeling. then dunmore came by. like a war-horse, clark scented the battle of point pleasant afar off. "and i not there to participate!" he groaned. but dunmore held him at his own side, with morgan, boone, and kenton, picked scouts of the border. when back across the ohio the mingoes came flying, clark wild, eager, restless, was pacing before dunmore's camp. beaten beyond precedent by the mighty valour of andrew lewis, cornstalk and his warriors came pleading for peace. "why did you go to war?" asked dunmore. "long, long ago there was a great battle between the red indians and the white ones," said cornstalk, "and the red indians won. this nerved us to try again against the whites." but logan refused to come. "go," said lord dunmore, to george rogers clark and another, "go to the camp of the sullen chief and see what he has to say." they went. the great mingo gave a vehement talk. they took it down in pencil and, rolled in a string of wampum, carried it back to the camp of lord dunmore. in the council clark unrolled and read the message. like the wail of an old roman it rang in the woods of ohio. "i appeal to any white man if ever he entered logan's cabin and he gave him not meat; if he ever came cold and naked and he clothed him not. during the course of the last long and bloody war, logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed and said, 'logan is the friend of the white man.' i had even thought to have lived with you but for the injuries of one man. colonel cresap, last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of logan, not even sparing my women and children. there runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. this drove me to revenge. i have sought it; i have killed many; i have fully glutted my vengeance; for my country i rejoice at the beams of peace. but do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. logan never felt fear. he will not turn on his heel to save his life. who is there to mourn for logan? not one." one by one, half a dozen of clark's army comrades had dropped in around the hickory flame, while the substance of logan's tale unfolded. "and was cresap guilty?" "no," answered george rogers clark, "i perceived he was angry to hear it read so before the army and i rallied him. i told him he must be a very great man since the indians shouldered him with everything that happened." little william had fallen asleep, sitting in the lap of his elder brother, but, fixed forever, his earliest memory was of the dunmore war. there was a silence as they looked at the sleeping child. a little negro boy crouched on the rug and slumbered, too. his name was york. iii _exit dunmore_ on the last day of that same august in which meriwether lewis was born and andrew lewis was leading the virginia volunteers against the shawnees, patrick henry and george washington set out on horseback together for philadelphia, threading the bridle-paths of uncut forests, and fording wide and bridgeless rivers to the continental congress. it had been nine years since patrick henry, "alone and unadvised," had thrilled the popular heart with his famous first resolutions against the stamp act. from the lobby of the house of burgesses, thomas jefferson, a student, looked that morning at the glowing orator and said in his heart, "he speaks as homer wrote." it was an alarm bell, a call to resistance. "cæsar had his brutus, charles the first his cromwell, and george the third"--how the staid, bewigged, beruffled old burgesses rose in horror!--"and george the third may profit by their example." "most indecent language," muttered the burgesses as they hurried out of the capitol, pounding their canes on the flagstone floor. but the young men lifted him up, and for a hundred years an aureole has blazed around the name of patrick henry. the congress at philadelphia adjourned, and the delegates plodded their weary way homeward through winter mire. from his indian war lord dunmore came back to williamsburg to watch the awakening of virginia. then came that breathless day when dunmore seized and carried off the colony's gunpowder. the virginians promptly demanded its restoration. the minute men flew to arms. "by the living god!" cried dunmore, "if any insult is offered to me or to those who have obeyed my orders, i will declare freedom to the slaves and lay the town in ashes." patrick henry called together the horsemen of hanover and marched upon williamsburg. the terrified governor sent his wife and daughters on board a man-of-war and fortified the palace. and on came patrick henry. word flew beyond the remotest blue ridge. five thousand men leaped to arms and marched across country to join patrick henry. but at sunrise on the second day a panting messenger from dunmore paid him for the gunpowder. patrick henry, victorious, turned about and marched home to hanover. again lord dunmore summoned the house of burgesses. they came, grim men in hunting shirts and rifles. then his lordship set a trap at the door of the old powder magazine. some young men opened it for arms and were shot. before daylight lord dunmore evacuated the palace and fled from the wrath of the people. on shipboard he sailed up and down for weeks, laying waste the shores of the chesapeake, burning norfolk and cannonading the fleeing inhabitants. andrew lewis hastened down with his minute men. his old scotch ire was up as he ran along the shore. he pointed his brass cannon at dunmore's flagship, touched it off, and lord dunmore's best china was shattered to pieces. "good god, that i should ever come to this!" exclaimed the unhappy governor. he slipped his cables and sailed away in a raking fire, and with that tragic exit all the curtains of the past were torn and through the rent the future dimly glimmered. after dunmore's flight, every individual of the nobler sort felt that the responsibility of the country depended upon him, and straightway grew to that stature. men looked in one another's faces and said, "we ourselves are kings." around the great fire little william clark heard his father and brothers discuss these events, and vividly remembered in after years the lightning flash before the storm. he had seen his own brothers go out to guard henry from the wrath of dunmore on his way to the second continental congress. and now dunmore had fled, and as by the irony of fate, on the day after the signing of the declaration of independence, patrick henry became the first american governor of virginia, with headquarters at the palace. iv _the wilderness road_ daniel boone threw back his head and laughed silently. for a hundred miles in the barrier ridge of the alleghanies there is but a single depression, cumberland gap, where the cumberland river breaks through, with just room enough for the stream and a bridle path. through this gap as through a door boone passed into the beautiful kentucky, and there, by the dark and rushing water of dick's river, george rogers clark and john floyd were encamped. the young men leaped to their feet and strode toward the tall, gaunt woodsman, who, axe in hand, had been vigorously hewing right and left a path for the pioneers. "they are coming,--boone's trace must be ready. can you help?" boone removed his coonskin cap and wiped his perspiring face with a buckskin handkerchief. his forehead was high, fine-skinned, and white. "that is our business,--to settle the country," answered the young surveyors, and through the timber, straight as the bird flies over rivers and hills, they helped boone with the wilderness road. it was in april of . kentucky gleamed with the dazzling dogwood as if snows had fallen on the forests. as their axes rang in the primeval stillness, another rover stepped out of the sycamore shadows. it was simon kenton, a fair-haired boy of nineteen, with laughing blue eyes that fascinated every beholder. "any more of ye?" inquired boone, peering into the distance behind him. "none. i am alone. i come from my corn-patch on the creek. are you going to build?" "yes, when i reach a certain spring, and a bee-tree on the kentucky river." "let us see," remarked floyd. "we may meet indians. i nominate major clark generalissimo of the frontier." "and floyd surveyor-in-chief," returned clark. "an' thee, boy, shall be my chief guard," said daniel boone, laying his kindly hand on the lad's broad shoulder. "an' i--_am the people_." the boones were quakers, the father of daniel was intimate with penn; his uncle james came to america as penn's private secretary; sometimes the old hunter dropped into their speech. but people were coming. one richard henderson, at a treaty in the hill towns of the cherokees, had just paid ten thousand pounds for the privilege of settling kentucky. boone left before the treaty was signed and a kindly old cherokee chieftain took him by the hand in farewell. "brother," he said, "we have given you a fine land, but i believe you will have much trouble in settling it." they were at hand. through the cumberland gap, as through a rift in a holland dyke, a rivulet of settlers came trickling down the newly cut wilderness road. under the green old trees a mighty drama was unfolding, a homeric song, the epic of a nation, as they piled up the bullet-proof cabins of boonsboro. this rude fortification could not have withstood the smallest battery, but so long as the indians had no cannon this wooden fort was as impregnable as the walls of a castle. in a few weeks other forts, harrodsburg and logansport, dotted the canebrakes, and the startled buffalo stampeded for the salt licks. in september boone brought out his wife and daughters, the first white women that ever trod kentucky soil. "ugh! ugh! ugh!" a hundred shawnees from their summer hunt in the southern hills came trailing home along the warrior's path, the indian highway north and south, from cumberland gap to the scioto. "ugh! ugh! ugh!" they pause and point to the innumerable trackings of men and beasts into their beloved hunting grounds. astonishment expands every feature. they creep along and trace the road. they see the settlements. it cannot be mistaken, the white man has invaded their sacred arcanum. amazement gives place to wrath. every look, every gesture bespeaks the red man's resolve. "we will defend our country to the last; we will give it up only with our lives." forthwith a runner flies over the hills to johnson hall on the mohawk. sir william is dead, dead endeavouring to unravel the perplexities of the dunmore war, but his son, sir guy, meets the complaining shawnees. "the cherokees sold kentucky? that cannot be. kentucky belongs to the king. my father bought it for him at fort stanwix, of the iroquois. the cherokees have no right to sell kentucky. go in and take the land." and so, around their campfires, and at the lake forts of the british, the shawnee-iroquois planned to recover kentucky. v _a barrel of gunpowder_ scarcely was jefferson home from signing the declaration when back from kentucky came little william's tall strong brother, george rogers clark, elected by those far-away settlers, in june of , to represent them in the assembly of virginia. cut by a thousand briars, with ragged clothes and blistered feet, clark looked in at the home in caroline and hurried on to williamsburg. "the assembly adjourned? then i must to the governor. before the assembly meets again i may effect what i wish." patrick henry was lying sick at his country-home in hanover when the young envoy from kentucky was ushered to his bedside. pushing his reading spectacles up into his brown wig, the governor listened keenly as the young man strode up and down his bed-chamber. the scintillant brown eyes flashed. "your cause is good. i will give you a letter to the council." "five hundredweight of gunpowder!" the council lifted their eyebrows when clark brought in his request. "virginia is straining every nerve to help washington; how can she be expected to waste gunpowder on kentucky?" "let us move those settlers back to virginia at the public expense," suggested one, "and so save the sum that it would take to defend them in so remote a frontier." "move boone and kenton and logan back?" clark laughed. too well he knew the tenacity of that border germ. "so remote a frontier? it is your own back door. the people of kentucky may be exterminated for the want of this gunpowder which i at such hazard have sought for their relief. then what bulwark will you have to shield you from the savages? the british are employing every means to engage those indians in war." clark knew there was powder at pittsburg. one hundred and thirty-six kegs had just been brought up by lieutenant william linn with infinite toil from new orleans, the first cargo ever conveyed by white men up the mississippi and ohio. "we will lend you the powder as to friends in distress, but you must be answerable for it and pay for its transportation." clark shook his head,--"i cannot be answerable, nor can i convey it through that great distance swarming with foes." "we can go no farther," responded the council, concluding the interview. "god knows we would help you if we could, but how do we even know that kentucky will belong to us? the assistance we have already offered is a stretch of power." "very well," and clark turned on his heel. "a country that is not worth defending is not worth claiming. since virginia will not defend her children, they must look elsewhere. kentucky will take care of herself." his words, that manner, impressed the council. "what will kentucky do?" to his surprise, the next day clark was recalled and an order was passed by the virginia council for five hundred pounds of gunpowder, "for the use of said inhabitants of kentucki," to be delivered to him at pittsburg. hardly a month old was the declaration of independence when the new nation reached out to the west. "did you get the powder?" was the first greeting of young william clark as his brother re-entered the home in caroline. "yes, and i fancy i shall get something more." "what is it?" inquired the little diplomat, eager as his brother for the success of his embassy. "recognition of kentucky." and he did, for when he started back major clark bore the word that the assembly of virginia had made kentucky a county. with that fell henderson's proprietary claim and all the land was free. with buoyant heart clark and jones, his colleague, hastened down to pittsburg. seven boatmen were engaged and the precious cargo was launched on the ohio. but indians were lurking in every inlet. scarce were they afloat before a canoe darted out behind, then another and another. with all the tremendous energy of life and duty in their veins, clark and his boatmen struck away and away. for five hundred miles the chase went down the wild ohio. at last, eluding their pursuers, almost exhausted, up limestone creek they ran, and on kentucky soil, dumped out the cargo and set the boat adrift. while the indians chased the empty canoe far down the shore, clark hid the powder amid rocks and trees, and struck out overland for help from the settlements. at dead of night he reached harrod's station. kenton was there, and with twenty-eight others they set out for the creek and returned, each bearing a keg of gunpowder on his shoulder. vi _the feudal age_ what a summer for the little forts! dressed in hunting shirt and moccasins, his rifle on his shoulder, his tomahawk in his belt, now leading his eager followers on the trail of the red marauders, now galloping at the head of his horsemen to the relief of some beleaguered station, clark guarded kentucky. no life was safe beyond the walls. armed sentinels were ever on the watchtowers, armed guards were at the gates. and outside, indians lay concealed, watching as only indians can watch, nights and days, to cut off the incautious settler who might step beyond the barricades. by instinct the settlers came to know when a foe was near; the very dogs told it, the cattle and horses became restless, the jay in the treetop and the wren in the thorn-hollow chattered it. even the night-owl hooted it from the boughs of the ghostly old sycamore. in this, the feudal age of north america, every man became a captain and fought his own battles. like knights of old, each borderer, from ticonderoga to wheeling and boonsboro, sharpened his knife, primed his flintlock, and started. no martial music or gaudy banner, no drum or bugle, heralded the border foray. silent as the red man the stark hunter issued from his wooden fort and slid among the leaves. silent as the panther he stole upon his prey. but all at once the hill homes of the cherokees emptied themselves to scourge kentucky. shawnees of the scioto, chippewas of the lakes, delawares of the muskingum hovered on her shores. march, april, may, june, july, august,--the days grew hot and stifling to the people cooped up in the close uncomfortable forts. there had been no planting, scarce even a knock at the gate to admit some forest rover, and still the savages sat before boonsboro. clark was walled in at harrodsburg, logan at logansport. ammunition was failing, provisions were short; now and then there was a sally, a battle, a retreat, then the dressing of wounds and the burial of the dead. every eye was watching clark, the leader whose genius consisted largely in producing confidence. in the height of action he brooded over these troubles; they knew he had plans; the powder exploit made them ready to rely upon him to any extent. he would meet those indians, somewhere. men bound with families could not leave,--clark was free. timid men could not act,--clark was bold. narrow men could not see,--clark was prescient. more than any other he had the napoleonic eye. glancing away to the lakes and detroit, the scalp market of the west, he reasoned in the secrecy of his own heart: "these indians are instigated by the british. through easily influenced red men they hope to annihilate our frontier. never shall we be safe until we can control the british posts." unknown to any he had already sent scouts to reconnoitre those very posts. "and what have you learned?" he whispered, when on the darkest night of those tempestuous midsummer days they gave the password at the gate. "what have we learned? that the forts are negligently guarded; that the french are secretly not hostile; that preparations are on foot for an invasion of kentucky with british, indians, and artillery." "i will give them something to do in their own country," was clark's inward comment. without a word of his secret intent, clark buckled on his sword, primed his rifle, and set out for virginia. with regret and fear the people saw him depart, and yet with hope. putting aside their detaining hands, "i will surely return," he said. with almost superhuman daring the leather-armoured knight from the beleaguered castle in the wood ran the gauntlet of the sleeping savages. all the wilderness road was lit with bonfires, and woe to the emigrant that passed that way. cumberland gap was closed; fleet-winged he crossed the very mountain tops, where never foot of man or beast had trod before. scarce noting the hickories yellow with autumn and the oaks crimson with indian summer, the young man passed through charlottesville, his birthplace, and reached his father's house in caroline at ten o'clock at night. in his low trundle-bed little william heard that brother's step and sprang to unclose the door. like an apparition george rogers clark appeared before the family, haggard and worn with the summer's siege. all the news of his brothers gone to the war was quickly heard. "and will you join them?" "no, my field is kentucky. to-morrow i must be at williamsburg." the old colonial capital was aflame with hope and thanksgiving as clark rode into duke of gloucester street. burgoyne had surrendered. men were weeping and shouting. in the _mêlée_ he met jefferson and proposed to him a secret expedition. in the exhilaration of the moment jefferson grasped his hand,--"let us to the governor." crowds of people were walking under the lindens of the governor's palace. out of their midst came dorothea, the wife of patrick henry, and did the honours of her station as gracefully as, thirty years later, dolly madison, her niece and namesake, did the honours of the white house. again patrick henry pushed his reading spectacles up into his brown wig and scanned the envoy from kentucky. "well, sirrah, did you get the powder?" "we got the powder and saved kentucky. but for it she would have been wiped out in this summer's siege. all the indians of the lakes are there. i have a plan." "unfold it," said patrick henry. in a few words clark set forth his scheme of conquest. "destroy detroit, vincennes, kaskaskia, and you have quelled the indians. there they are fed, clothed, armed, and urged to prey upon us. i have sent spies to reconnoitre, and have received word that assures me that their capture is feasible." the scintillating blue eyes burned with an inward light, emitting fire, as patrick henry leaned to inquire, "what would you do in case of a repulse?" "cross the mississippi and seek protection from the spaniards," answered the ready chief. with his privy council, mason, wythe, and jefferson, patrick henry discussed the plan, and at their instance the house of delegates empowered george rogers clark "to aid any expedition against their western enemies." "everything depends upon secrecy," said the governor as he gave clark his instructions and twelve hundred pounds in continental paper currency. "but you must recruit your men west of the blue ridge; we can spare none from here." kindred spirits came to clark,--bowman, helm, harrod and their friends, tall riflemen with long buckhorn-handled hunting-knives, enlisting for the west, but no one guessing their destination. despite remonstrances twenty pioneer families on their flat-boats at redstone-old-fort joined their small fleet to his. "we, too, are going to kentucky." jumping in as the last boat pulled out of pittsburg, captain william linn handed clark a letter. he broke the seal. "ye gods, the very stars are for us! the french have joined america!" with strange exhilaration the little band felt themselves borne down the swift-rushing waters to the falls of the ohio. before them blossomed a virgin world. clark paused while the boats clustered round. "do you see that high, narrow, rocky island at the head of the rapids? it is safe from the indian. while the troops erect a stockade and blockhouse, let the families clear a field and plant their corn." axes rang. the odour of hawthorn filled the air. startled birds swept over the falls,--eagles, sea gulls, and mammoth cranes turning up their snowy wings glittering in the sunlight. on the mainland, deer, bear, and buffalo roamed under the sycamores serene as in eden. "halloo-oo!" it was the well-known call of simon kenton, paddling down to corn island with captain john montgomery and thirty kentuckians. "what news of the winter?" "boone and twenty-seven others have been captured by the indians." "boone? we are laying a trap for those very indians," and then and there major clark announced the object of the expedition. some cheered the wild adventure, some trembled and deserted in the night, but one hundred and eighty men embarked with no baggage beyond a rifle and a wallet of corn for each. the snows of the alleghanies were melting. a million rivulets leaped to the blue ohio. it was the june rise, the river was booming. poling his little flotilla out into the main channel clark and his borderers shot the rapids at the very moment that the sun veiled itself in an all but total eclipse at nine o'clock in the morning. it was a dramatic dash, as on and on he sped down the river, bank-full, running like a millrace. vii _kaskaskia_ double manned, relays of rowers toiled at the oars by night and by day. "do you see those hunters?" at the mouth of the tennessee, almost as if prearranged, two white men emerged from the illinois swamps as clark shot by. he paused and questioned the strangers. "we are just from kaskaskia. rocheblave is alone with neither troops nor money. the french believe you long knives to be the most fierce, cruel, and bloodthirsty savages that ever scalped a foe." "all the better for our success. now pilot us." governor rocheblave, watching st. louis and dreaming of conquest, was to be rudely awakened. all along the mississippi he had posted spies and was watching the spaniard, dreaming not of kentucky. out upon the open, for miles across the treeless prairies, the hostile indians might have seen his little handful of one hundred and eighty men, but clark of twenty-six, like the corsican of twenty-six, "with no provisions, no munitions, no cannon, no shoes, almost without an army," was about to change the face of three nations. twilight fell as they halted opposite kaskaskia on the night of july , without a grain of corn left in their wallets. "boys, the town must be taken to-night at all hazards." softly they crossed the river,--the postern gate was open. "brigands!" shouted governor rocheblave, leaping from his bed at midnight when kenton tapped him on the shoulder. it was useless to struggle; he was bound and secured in the old jesuit mansion which did duty as a fort at kaskaskia. "brigands!" screamed fat madame rocheblave in a high falsetto, tumbling out of bed in her frilled nightcap and gown. seizing her husband's papers, plump down upon them she sat. "no gentleman would ever enter a lady's bed-chamber." "right about, face!" laughed kenton, marching away the governor. "never let it be said that american soldiers bothered a lady." in revenge madame tore up the papers, public archives, causing much trouble in future years. "sacred name of god!" cried the french habitants, starting from their slumbers. from their windows they saw the streets filled with men taller than any indians. "what do they say?" "keep in your houses on pain of instant death!" "keep close or you will be shot!" in a moment arose a dreadful shriek of men, women, and children,--"the long knives! the long knives!" the gay little village became silent as death. before daylight the houses of kaskaskia were disarmed. the wild virginians whooped and yelled. the timid people quaked and shuddered. "grant but our lives and we will be slaves to save our families." it was the pleading of father gibault, interceding for his people. "let us meet once more in the church for a last farewell. let not our families be separated. permit us to take food and clothing, the barest necessities for present needs." "do you take us for savages?" inquired clark in amaze. "do you think americans would strip women and children and take the bread out of their mouths? my countrymen never make war on the innocent. it was to protect our own wives and children that we have penetrated this wilderness, to subdue these british posts whence the savages are supplied with arms and ammunition to murder us. we do not war against frenchmen. the king of france is our ally. his ships and soldiers fight for us. go, enjoy your religion and worship when you please. retain your property. dismiss alarm. we are your friends come to deliver you from the british." the people trembled; then shouts arose, and wild weeping. the bells of old kaskaskia rang a joyous peal. "your rights shall be respected," continued colonel clark, "but you must take the oath of allegiance to congress." from that hour father gibault became an american, and all his people followed. "let us tell the good news to cahokia," was their next glad cry. sixty miles to the north lay cahokia, opposite the old spanish town of st. louis. the kaskaskians brought out their stoutest ponies, and on them clark sent off bowman and thirty horsemen. "the big knives?" cahokia paled. "but they come as friends," explained the kaskaskians. without a gun the gates were opened, and the delighted frenchmen joyfully banqueted the kentuckians. the indians were amazed. "the great chief of the long knives has come," the rumour flew. for five hundred miles the chiefs came to see the victorious americans. "i will not give them presents. i will not court them. never will i seem to fear them. let them beg for peace." and with martial front clark bore himself as if about to exterminate the entire indian population. the ruse was successful; the indians flocked to the council of the great chief as if drawn by a magnet. eagerly they leaned and listened. "men and warriors: i am a warrior, not a counsellor." holding up before them a green belt and another the colour of blood, "take your choice," he cried, "peace or war." so careless that magnificent figure stood, so indifferent to their choice, that the hearts of the red men leaped in admiration. "peace, peace, peace," they cried. from all directions the indians flocked; clark became apprehensive of such numbers,--chippewas, ottawas, pottawattamies, sacs, foxes, maumees. "the big knives are right," said the chiefs. "the great king of the french has come to life." without the firing of a gun or the loss of a life, the great tactician subjugated red men and white. clark had no presents to give,--he awed the indians. he devoted great care to the drilling of his troops, and the nations sat by to gaze at the spectacle. the frenchmen drilled proudly with the rest. while clark was holding his councils kenton had gone to vincennes. three days and three nights he lay reconnoitring. he spoke with the people, then by special messenger sent word, "the governor has gone to detroit. you can take vincennes." clark was ready. "do not move against vincennes," pleaded father gibault, "i know my people. let me mediate for you." clark accepted gibault's offer, and the patriot priest hastened away on a lean-backed pony to the wabash. with his people gathered in the little log church he told the tale of a new dominion. there under the black rafters, kissing the crucifix to the united states, the priest absolved them from their oath of allegiance to the british king. "amen," said gibault solemnly, "we are new men. we are americans." to the astonishment of the indians the american flag flew over the ramparts of vincennes. "what for?" they begged to know. "your old father, the king of france, has come to life again. he is mad at you for fighting for the english. make peace with the long knives, they are friends of the great king." the alarmed indians listened. word went to all the tribes. from the wabash to the mississippi, clark, absolute, ruled the country, a military dictator. but the terms of the three-months militia had expired. "how many of you can stay with me?" he entreated. one hundred re-enlisted; the rest were dispatched to the falls of the ohio under captain william linn. "tell the people of corn island to remove to the mainland and erect a stockade fort." thus was the beginning of louisville. captain john montgomery and levi todd (the grandfather of the wife of abraham lincoln) were dispatched with reports and governor rocheblave as a prisoner-of-war to virginia. on arrival of the news the virginia assembly immediately created the county of illinois, and patrick henry appointed john todd of kentucky its first american governor. viii _the spanish donna_ in the year that penn camped at philadelphia the french reared their first bark huts at kaskaskia, in the american bottom below the missouri mouth. here for a hundred years around the patriarchal, mud-walled, grass-roofed cabins had gathered children and grandchildren, to the fourth and fifth generation. around the houses were spacious piazzas, where the genial, social frenchmen reproduced the feudal age of europe. gardens were cultivated in the common fields, cattle fed in the common pastures, and lovers walked in the long and narrow street. the young men went away to hunt furs; their frail bark canoes had been to the distant platte, and up the missouri, no one knows how far. sixty miles north of kaskaskia lay cahokia, and opposite cahokia lay st. louis. now and then a rumour of the struggle of the american revolution came to st. louis, brought by traders over the detroit trail from canada. but the rebellious colonies seemed very far away. in the midst of his busy days at kaskaskia, colonel clark was surprised by an invitation from the spanish governor at st. louis, to dine with him at the government house. father gibault was well acquainted in st. louis. he dedicated, in , the first church of god west of the mississippi, and often went there to marry and baptise the villagers. so, with father gibault, colonel clark went over to visit the governor. "l'americain colonel clark, your excellency." the long-haired, bare-headed priest stood _chapeau_ in hand before the heavy oaken door of the government house, at st. louis. then was shown the splendid hospitality innate to the spanish race. the governor of upper louisiana, don francisco de leyba, was friendly even to excess. he extended his hand to colonel clark. "i feel myself flattered by this visit of de señor le colonel, and honoured, honoured. de fame of your achievement haf come to my ear and awakened in me emotions of de highest admiration. de best in my house is at your service; command me to de extent of your wishes, even to de horses in my stable, de wines in my basement. my servant shall attend you." colonel clark, a man of plain, blunt speech, was abashed by this profusion of compliment. his cheeks reddened. "you do me too much honour," he stammered. all his life, the truth, the plain truth, and nothing but the truth, had been clark's code of conversation. could it be possible that the governor meant all these fine phrases? but every succeeding act and word seemed to indicate his sincerity. "my wife, madam marie,--zis ees de great americain general who haf taken de illinoa, who haf terrified de sauvages, and sent de briton back to canada. and my leetle children,--dees ees de great commandante who ees de friend of your father. "and, my sister,--dees ees de young americain who haf startled de world with hees deeds of valour." if ever clark was off his guard, it was when he thus met unexpectedly the strange and startling beauty of the donna de leyba. each to the other seemed suddenly clothed with light, as if they two of all the world were standing there alone. what the rest said and did, clark never knew, although he replied rationally enough to their questions,--in fact, he carried on a long conversation with the garrulous governor and his amiable dark-haired wife. but the donna, the donna-- far beyond the appointed hour clark lingered at her side. she laughed, she sang. she could not speak a word of english, clark could not speak spanish. nevertheless they fell desperately in love. for the first and only time in his life, george rogers clark looked at a woman. how they made an appointment to meet again no one could say; but they did meet, and often. "the colonel has a great deal of business in st. louis," the soldiers complained. "le great americain colonel kiss te governor's sister," whispered the creoles of st. louis. how that was discovered nobody knows, unless it was that sancho, the servant, had peeped behind the door. clark even began to think he would like to settle in louisiana. and the governor favoured his project. "de finest land in de world, señor, and we can make it worth your while. you shall have de whole district of new madrid. commandants, bah! we are lacking de material. his majesty, de king of spain, will gladly make you noble." "and i, for my part," clark responded, "can testify to all the subjects of spain the high regard and sincere friendship of my countrymen toward them. i hope it will soon be manifest that we can be of mutual advantage to one another." indeed, through de leyba, clark even dreamed of a possible spanish alliance for america, like that with france, and de leyba encouraged it. boon companion with the governor over the wine, and with the fascinating donna smiling upon him, colonel clark became not unbalanced as mark antony did,--although once in a ball-room he kissed the donna before all the people. but there was a terrible strain on clark's nerves at this time. his resources were exhausted, they had long been exhausted, in fact; like napoleon he had "lived on the country." and yet no word came from virginia. continental paper was the only money in clark's military chest. it took twenty dollars of this to buy a dollar's worth of coffee at kaskaskia. even then the frenchmen hesitated. they had never known any money but piastres and peltries; they could not even read the english on the ragged scrip of the revolution. "we do not make money," said the creoles, "we use hard silver." but francis vigo, a spanish trader of st. louis, said, "take the money at its full value. it is good. i will take it myself." in matters of credit and finance the word of vigo was potential. "ah, yes, now you can haf supplies," said the cheerful creoles, "m'sieur vigo will take the money, you can haf de meat an' moccasin." colonel vigo, a st. louis merchant who had large dealings for the supply of the spanish troops, had waited on colonel clark at cahokia and voluntarily tendered to him such aid as he could furnish. "i offer you my means and influence to advance the cause of liberty." the offer was gratefully accepted. when the biting winds of winter swept over kaskaskia, "here," he said, "come to my store and supply your necessities." his advances were in goods and silver piastres, for which clark gave scrip or a check on the agent of virginia at new orleans. gabriel cerré in early youth moved to kaskaskia, where he became a leading merchant and fur trader. "i am bitterly opposed to _les américains_," he said. then he met clark; that magician melted him into friendship, sympathy, and aid. "from the hour of my first interview i have been the sworn ally of george rogers clark!" exclaimed charles gratiot, a swiss trader of cahokia. "my house, my purse, my credit are at his command." clark could not be insensible to this profusion of hospitality, which extended, not only to himself, but to his whole little army and to the cause of his country. the frenchmen dug their potatoes, gathered the fruits of their gnarled apple-trees, and slew the buffalo and bear around for meat. winter came on apace, and yet the new governor had not arrived. colonel clark's headquarters at the house of michel aubrey, one of the wealthiest fur traders of kaskaskia, became a sort of capitol. in front of it his soldiers constantly drilled with the newly enlisted frenchmen. all men came to clark about their business; the piazzas and gardens were seldom empty. in short, the american colonel suddenly found himself the father and adviser of everybody in the village. ix _vincennes_ "i will dispossess these americans," said governor hamilton at detroit. "i will recover vincennes. i will punish kentucky. i will subdue all virginia west of the mountains." and on the seventh of october, , he left detroit with eight hundred men,--regulars, volunteers, and picked indians. the french habitants of vincennes were smoking their pipes in their rude verandas, when afar they saw the gleam of red coats. vincennes sank without a blow and its people bowed again to the british king. "i will quarter here for the winter," said governor hamilton. then he sent an express to the spanish governor at st. louis with the threat, "if any asylum be granted the rebels in your territory, the spanish post will be attacked." in their scarlet tunics, emblem of britain, to chickasaw and cherokee his runners flew. at mackinac the lake indians were to "wipe out the rebels of illinoi'." far over to the sioux went presents and messages, even to the distant assiniboine. thousands of red-handled scalping knives were placed in their hands. emissaries watched kaskaskia. picked warriors lingered around the ohio to intercept any boats that might venture down with supplies for the little virginian army. new year's dawned for . danger hovered over clark at kaskaskia. "not for a whole year have i received a scrape of a pen," he wrote to patrick henry. too small was his force to stand a siege, too far away to hope for relief. he called his kentuckians from cahokia, and day and night toiled at the defences of kaskaskia. how could they withstand the onslaught of hamilton and his artillery? but hark! there is a knocking at the gate, and francis vigo enters. closeted with clark he unfolds his errand. "i am just from vincennes. listen! hamilton has sent his indian hordes in every direction. they are guarding the ohio, watching the settlements, stirring up the most distant tribes to sweep the country. but he has sent out so many that he is weak. at this moment there are not more than eighty soldiers left in garrison, nor more than three pieces of cannon and some swivels mounted." with inspiration born of genius and desperate courage clark made his resolve. "if i don't take hamilton he'll take me; and, by heaven! i'll take hamilton!" but it was midwinter on the bleak prairies of illinois, where to this day the unwary traveller may be frozen stark in the icy chill. clark's men were almost entirely without clothing, ammunition, provisions. can genius surmount destitution? clark turned to vigo. "i have not a blanket, an ounce of bread, nor a pound of powder. can you fit me out in the name of virginia?" francis vigo, a sardinian by birth but republican at heart, answered, "i can fit you out. here is an order for money. down yonder is a swivel and a boatload of powder. i will bid the merchants supply whatever you need. they can look to me for payment." in two days clark's men were fitted out and ready. clad in skins, they stepped out like trappers. on the shore lay a new bateau. vigo's swivel was rolled aboard, and some of the guns of kaskaskia. "now, captain john rogers," said colonel clark to his cousin, "with these forty-eight men and these cannon you go down the mississippi, up the ohio, and enter the wabash river. station yourself a few miles below vincennes; suffer nothing to pass, and wait for me." on the th of february the little galley slid out with rogers and his men. "now who will go with me?" inquired clark, turning to his comrades. "it will be a desperate service. i must call for volunteers." stirred by the daring of the deed, one hundred and thirty young men swore to follow him to the death. all the remaining inhabitants were detailed to garrison kaskaskia and cahokia. the fickle weather-vanes of old kaskaskia veered and whirled, the winds blew hot and cold, then came fair weather for the starting. it was february , , when george rogers clark set out with his one hundred and thirty men to cross the illinois. vigo pointed out the fur-trader's trail to vincennes and detroit. father gibault blessed them as they marched away. the creole girls put flags in the hands of their sweethearts, and begged them to stand by "le colonel." "o mother of god, sweet virgin, preserve my beloved," prayed the donna de leyba in the government house at st. louis. over all the prairies the snows were melting, the rains were falling, the rivers were flooding. hamilton sat at vincennes planning his murders. "next year," he exulted, "there will be the greatest number of savages on the frontier that has ever been known. the six nations have received war belts from all their allies." but clark and his men were coming in the rain. eleven days after leaving kaskaskia they heard the morning guns of the fort. deep and deeper grew the creeks and sloughs as they neared the drowned lands of the wabash. still they waded on, through water three feet deep; sometimes they were swimming. between the two wabashes the water spread, a solid sheet five miles from shore to shore. the men looked out, amazed, as on a rolling sea. but clark, ever ahead, cheering his men, grasped a handful of gunpowder, and with a whoop, the well-known peal of border war, blackened his face and dashed into the water. the men's hearts leaped to meet his daring, and with "death or victory" humming in their brains, they plunged in after. on and on they staggered, buffeting the icy water, stumbling in the wake of their undaunted leader. seated on the shoulders of a tall shenandoah sergeant, little isham floyd, the fourteen-year-old drummer boy, beat a charge. deep and deeper grew the tide; waist deep, breast high, over their shoulders it played; and above, the leaden sky looked down upon this unparalleled feat of human endeavour. never had the world seen such a march. five days they passed in the water,--days of chill and whoops and songs heroic to cheer their flagging strength. the wallets were empty of corn, the men were fainting with famine, when lo! an indian canoe of squaws hove in sight going to vincennes. they captured the canoe, and--most welcome of all things in the world to those famished men--it contained a quarter of buffalo and corn and kettles! on a little island they built a fire; with their sharp knives prepared the meat, and soon the pots were boiling. so exhausted were they that clark would not let them have a full meal at once, but gave cups of broth to the weaker ones. on the sixteenth day clark cheered his men. "beyond us lies vincennes. cross that plain and you shall see it." on february , washington's birthday, fatigued and weary they slept in a sugar camp. "heard the evening and morning guns of the fort. no provisions yet. lord help us!" is the record of bowman's journal. still without food, the d saw them crossing the horseshoe plain,--four miles of water breast high. frozen, starved, they struggled through, and on a little hill captured a frenchman hunting ducks. "no one dreams of your coming at this time of year," said the duck-hunter. "there are six hundred people in vincennes, troops, indians, and all. this very day hamilton completed the walls of his fort." clark pressed his determined lips. "the situation is all that i can ask. it is death or victory." and there in the mud, half frozen, chilled to the marrow, starved, clark penned on his knee a letter: "to the inhabitants of post vincennes: "gentlemen,--being now within two miles of your village with my army, determined to take your fort this night, and not being willing to surprise you, i take this method to request such as are true citizens to remain still in your houses. those, if any there be, that are friends of the king, will instantly repair to the fort, join the hair-buyer general, and fight like men. if any such do not go and are found afterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. on the contrary, those who are the friends of liberty may depend on being well treated, and i once more request them to keep out of the streets. every one i find in arms on my arrival i shall treat as an enemy. george rogers clark." "take this. tell the people my quarrel is with the british. we shall be in vincennes by the rising of the moon. prepare dinner." the messenger flew ahead; upon the captured horses of other duck-hunters clark mounted his officers. it was just at nightfall when they entered the lower gate. "silence those drunken indians," roared hamilton at the sound of guns. but the frenchmen themselves turned their rifles on the fort. under the friendly light of the new moon clark and his men threw up an intrenchment, and from behind its shelter in fifteen minutes the skilled volleys of the border rifle had silenced two of the cannon. "surrender!" was clark's stentorian summons at daylight. hamilton, with the blood of many a borderer on his head,--what had he to hope? hot and hotter rained the bullets. "give me three days to consider." "not an hour!" was clark's reply. "let me fight with you?" said the tobacco's son, the principal chief on the wabash. "no," answered clark, "you sit back and watch us. americans do not hire indians to fight their battles." amazed, the indians fell back and waited. the fort fell, and with it british dominion in the northwest territory. then the galley hove in sight and the flag waved above vincennes. "a convoy up de _rivière_ on its way with goods, from le detroit," whispered a frenchman. directly clark dispatched his boatmen to capture the flotilla. "_sur la feuille ron--don don don_," the _voyageurs_ were singing. merrily rowing down the river came the british, when suddenly out from a bend swung three boats. "surrender!" amid the wild huzzas of vincennes the americans returned, bringing the captive convoy with fifty thousand dollars' worth of food, clothing, and ammunition, and forty prisoners. with a heart full of thanksgiving clark paid and clothed his men out of that prize captured on the wabash. "let the british flag float a few days," he said. "i may entertain some of the hair-buying general's friends." very soon painted red men came striding in with bloody scalps dangling at their belts. but as each one entered, red-handed from murder, clark's long knives shot him down before the face of the guilty hamilton. fifty fell before he lowered the british flag. but from that day the red men took a second thought before accepting rewards for the scalps of white men. "now what shall you do with me?" demanded hamilton. "you? i shall dispatch you as a prisoner of war to virginia." x _the city of the strait_ clark was not an hour too soon. indians were already on the march. "hamilton is taken!" wabasha, the sioux, from the falls of st. anthony, heard, and stopped at prairie du chien. "hamilton is taken!" matchekewis, the gray-haired chief of the chippewas, coming down from sheboygan, heard the astounding word and fell back to st. joseph's. the great hamilton carried away by the rebels! the indians were indeed cowed. the capture of hamilton completed clark's influence. the great red-coat sent away as a prisoner of war was an object-lesson the indians could not speedily forget. out of hamilton's captured mail, clark discovered that the french in the neighbourhood of detroit were not well-affected toward the british, and were ready to revolt whenever favourable opportunity offered. "very well, then, detroit next!" but clark had more prisoners than he knew what to do with. "here," said he, to the captured detroiters, "i am anxious to restore you to your families. i know you are unwilling instruments in this war, but your great king of france has allied himself with the americans. go home, bear the good news, bid your friends welcome the coming of their allies, the americans. and tell captain lernoult i am glad to hear that he is constructing new works at detroit. it will save us americans some expense in building." the city of the strait was lit with bonfires. "we have taken an oath not to fight the virginians," said the paroled frenchmen. the people rejoiced when they heard of hamilton's capture; they hated his tyranny, and, certain of clark's onward progress, prepared a welcome reception for "_les américains_." "see," said the mistress of a lodging house to captain lernoult. "see what viands i haf prepared for le colonel clark." and the captain answered not a word. baptiste drouillard handed him a printed proclamation of the french alliance. everywhere detroiters were drinking, "success to the thirteen united states!" "success to congress and the american arms! i hope the virginians will soon be at detroit!" "now colonel butler and his scalping crew will meet their deserts. i know the colonel for a coward and i'll turn hangman for him!" "don't buy a farm now. when the virginians come you can get one for nothing." "see how much leather i am tanning for the virginians. when they come i shall make a great deal of money." "town and country kept three days in feasting and diversions," wrote clark to jefferson, "and we are informed that the merchants and others provided many necessaries for us on our arrival." but this the colonel did not learn until long after. left alone in command, with only eighty men in the garrison, lernoult could do nothing. bitterly he wrote to his commander-in-chief, "the canadians are rebels to a man. in building the fort they aid only on compulsion." even at montreal the frenchmen kept saying, "a french fleet will certainly arrive and retake the country"; and haldimand, governor general, was constantly refuting these rumours. "now let me help you," again pleaded the tobacco's son to clark at vincennes. "i care not whether you side with me or not," answered the american colonel. "if you keep the peace, very well. if not you shall suffer for your mischief." such a chief! awed, the indians retired to their camps and became spectators. to divert clark, the british officers urged these indians to attack vincennes. the tobacco's son sent back reply, "if you want to fight the bostons at st. vincent's you must cut your way through them, as we are big knives, too!" their fame spread to superior and the distant missouri. "in the vicinity of chicago the rebels are purchasing horses to mount their cavalry." "the virginians are building boats to take michilimackinac." "they are sending belts to the chippewas and ottawas." "the virginians are at milwaukee." so the rumours flew along the lakes, terrifying every briton into strengthening his stronghold. and this, for the time, kept them well at home. "had i but three hundred i could take detroit," said clark. every day now came the word from the french of the city, "come,--come to our relief." "but vincennes must be garrisoned. my men are too few." then a messenger arrived with letters from thomas jefferson, now governor of virginia, with "thanks from the assembly for the heroic service you have rendered," and the promise of troops. now for the first time were the soldiery made aware of the gratitude of their country. tumultuous cheers rent the air. the indians heard, and thought it was news of another victory. "let us march this day on detroit," begged the soldiers, few as they were. half the population of vincennes, and all the indians, would have followed. "too many are ill," clark said to himself. "bowman is dying, the lands are flooded, the rains are falling. an unsustained march might end in disaster. for five hundred troops, i would bind myself a slave for seven years!" to the soldiers he explained, "montgomery is coming with men and powder. let us rendezvous here in june and make a dash at detroit." leaving a garrison in the fort, in answer to imperative call, clark set out with six boatloads of troops and prisoners for a flying trip to kaskaskia. but every step of the way, day and night, "detroit must be taken, detroit must be taken," was the dream of the disturbed commander. "i cannot rest. nothing but the fall of detroit will bring peace to our frontiers. in case i am not disappointed, detroit is already my own." xi _a prisoner of war_ "a prisoner of war? no, indeed, he is a felon, a murderer!" exclaimed the virginians, as weary, wet, and hungry the late governor of detroit sat on his horse in the rain at the door of the governor's palace at williamsburg, where jefferson now resided. the mob gathered to execrate the "hair-buyer general" and escort him to jail. there were twenty-seven prisoners, altogether, brought by a band of borderers, most of the way on foot. every step of the long journey captain john rogers and his men had guarded the "hair-buyer general" from the imprecations of an outraged people. it was the first news of vincennes, as the startled cry ran,-- "governor hamilton, charged with having incited indians to scalp, torture, and burn, is at the door,--hamilton, who gave standing rewards for scalps but none for prisoners; and dejean, chief justice of detroit, the merciless keeper of its jails, a terror to captives with threats of giving them over to savages to be burnt alive; lamothe, a captain of volunteer scalping parties; major hay, one of hamilton's chief officers, and others." "load them with heavy fetters and immure them in a dungeon," said governor jefferson. "too many of our boys are rotting in british prison ships." this from jefferson, so long the humane friend of burgoyne's surrendered troops now quartered at charlottesville! the british commanders blustered and protested, but jefferson firmly replied, "i avow my purpose to repay cruelty, hangings, and close confinement. it is my duty to treat hamilton and his officers with severity. iron will be retaliated with iron, prison ships by prison ships, and like by like in general." washington advised a mitigation of the extreme severity, but jefferson's course had its effect. the british were more merciful thereafter. and with the coming of hamilton came all the wonderful story of the capture of vincennes. and who can tell it? who has told it? historians hesitate. romancers shrink from the task. not one has surpassed george rogers clark's own letters, which read like fragments of the gospel of liberty. before the home fire at caroline, john rogers told the tale. a hush fell. the mother softly wept as she thought of her scattered boys, one in the west, two with washington tracking the snows of valley forge, one immured in a prison ship where patriot martyrs groaned their lives away. little william heard the tale, and his young heart swelled with emotion. john clark listened, then spoke but one sentence. "if i had as many more sons i would give them all to my country." all the way from kentucky daniel boone was sent to the virginia legislature. he said to jefferson: "i doubt these charges against governor hamilton. last spring i was captured by the shawnees and dragged to detroit. governor hamilton took pity on me and offered the indians one hundred dollars for my release. they refused to take it. but he gave me a horse, and on that horse i eventually made my escape." "did that prevent governor hamilton from sending an armed force of british and indians to besiege boonsboro?" inquired jefferson. boone had to admit that it did not. but for that timely escape and warning boonsboro would have fallen. but boone in gratitude went to the dungeon and offered what consolation he could to the imprisoned governor. the fact is, that daniel boone carried ever on his breast, wrapped in a piece of buckskin, that old commission of lord dunmore's. it saved him from the indians; it won hamilton. xii _two wars at once_ the sunbeams glistened on the naked skin of an indian runner, as, hair flying in the wind, from miles away he came panting to clark at kaskaskia. "there is to be an attack on san loui'. wabasha, the sioux, and matchekewis--" "how do you know?" "i hear at michilimackinac,--winnebagoe, sauk, fox, menomonie." clark laughed and gave the messenger a drink of taffia. but the moment the painted savage slid away the colonel prepared to inform his friends at st. louis. "pouf!" laughed the careless commandant, drinking his wine at the government house. "why need we fear? are not our relation wit de indian friendly? never haf been attack on san luis, never will be. be seat, haf wine, tak' wine, señor le colonel." "pouf!" echoed the guests at the governor's table. "some trader angry because he lose de peltry stole in de spanish country. it never go beyond threat." an attack? the very idea seemed to amuse the governor in his cups. but father gibault looked grave. "i, too, have heard such a rumour." "it may be only a belated report of hamilton's scheming," replied clark. "now he is boxed up it may blow over. but in case the english attempt to seize the west bank of this river i pledge you all the assistance in my power." "t'anks, t'anks, my good friend, i'll not forget. in de middle of de night you get my summon." but, unknown to them, that very may, spain declared war against great britain. and great britain coveted the mississippi. madame marie and the charming donna had been listeners. colonel clark handed the maiden a bouquet of wild roses as he came in, but spoke not a word. all the year had she been busy, embroidering finery for "le colonel." such trifles were too dainty for the soldier's life--but he wore them next his heart. while the dinner party overwhelmed the victor with congratulations and drank to his health, clark saw only the donna, child of the convent, an exotic, strangely out of place in this wild frontier. "i am a soldier," he whispered, "and cannot tarry. my men are at the boats, but i shall _watch_ st. louis." her eyes followed him, going away so soon, with father gibault and de leyba down to the river. as he looked back a handkerchief fluttered from an upper window, and he threw her a kiss. "i am not clear but the spaniards would suffer their settlements to fall with ours for the sake of having the opportunity of retaking them both," muttered clark as he crossed the river, suspicious of de leyba's inaction. at kaskaskia forty recruits under captain robert george had arrived by way of new orleans. then montgomery, with another forty, came down the ohio. they must be fed and clothed directly. in the midst of these perplexities appeared john todd, the new governor. "ah, my friend," clark grasped his hand. "now i see myself happily rid of a piece of trouble i take no delight in. i turn the civil government over to you. but our greatest trouble is the lack of money." "money? why, here are continental bills in abundance." "worth two cents on the dollar. 'dose british traders,' say the habitants, 'dey will not take five huntert to one. dey will have nought but skins.' this has brought our virginia paper into disrepute. they will not even take a coin unless it is stamped with the head of a king." "what have you done?" "done? purchased supplies on my own credit. several merchants of this country have advanced considerable sums and i have given them drafts on our virginian agent in new orleans. they come back, protested for want of funds. francis vigo has already loaned me ten thousand dollars in silver piastres." "but virginia will pay it,--she is bound to pay it. the service must not suffer." thus reassured that his course had been right, colonel clark continued: "four posts must be garrisoned to hold this country,--kaskaskia, cahokia, vincennes, and the falls of the ohio,--not one has sufficient defence. colonel montgomery's force is not half what i expected. but if i am not deceived in the kentuckians i shall yet be able to complete my designs on detroit. i only want sufficient men to make me appear respectable in passing among the savages." the cautious french settlers were a trial to clark. father gibault tried to persuade them, parting with his own tithes and horses to set an example to his parishioners to make equal sacrifices to the american cause. altogether, father gibault advanced seven thousand eight hundred livres, french money, equal to fifteen hundred and sixty dollars,--his little all. governor todd said, "if the people will not spare willingly, you must press it." "i cannot press it," answered clark. "we must keep the inhabitants attached to us by every means in our power. rather will i sign notes right and left on my own responsibility to procure absolute necessities to hold illinois, trusting to virginia to make it right." then after a thoughtful pause,--"i cannot think of the consequences of losing possession of the country without resolving to risk every point rather than suffer it." the bad crops of and the severity of the winter of made distress in illinois. nevertheless the cheerful habitants sold their harvests to clark and received in payment his paper on new orleans. "you encourage me to attempt detroit," clark wrote to jefferson. "it has been twice in my power. when i first arrived in this country, or when i was at vincennes, could i have secured my prisoners and had only three hundred men, i should have attempted it, and i since learn there could have been no doubt of my success. but they are now completing a new fort, too strong i fear for any force that i shall ever be able to raise in this country." then he hurried back to vincennes. thirty only were there of the three hundred expected. an indian army camped ready to march at his call. "never depend upon injuns," remarked simon kenton, reappearing after an absence of weeks. "kenton? well, where have you been? you look battered." "battered i am, but better, the scars are almost gone. captured by shawnees, made to run the gauntlet twice, then dragged to st. dusky to be burnt at the stake." "how did you escape?" "one of your detroit frenchmen, pierre drouillard, late interpreter for your captured hamilton, told them the officers at detroit wanted to question me about the big knife. ha! ha! it took a long powwow and plenty of wampum, and the promise to bring me back." "did he intend to do it?" "lord, no! as soon as we were out of sight he told me, 'never will i abandon you to those inhuman wretches,' a trader's wife enabled me to escape from detroit." "do you think i can take detroit?" "take it, man? as easy as you took vincennes. only the day of surprise is past. a cloud of red injuns watch the approaches. you must have troops." troops! troops! none came. none could come. what had happened? taking with him one of hamilton's light brass cannon to fortify the falls of the ohio, clark discovered that at the very time of his capture, hamilton had appointed a great council of indians to meet at the mouth of the tennessee. "the cherokees have risen on the tennessee settlements, and the regiments intended for you have turned south." the sword and belt of hamilton had done their work. america was fighting two wars at once. xiii _the key of the country_ "the falls is the key of the country. it shall be my depot of supplies. here will i build a fort. a great city will one day arise on this spot." and in honour of the king who had helped america, clark named it louisville. axes, hammers, and saws made music while clark's busy brain was planning parks and squares to make his city the handsomest in america. but, ever disturbing this recreation, "detroit" was in his soul. "public interest requires that i reside here until provision can be made for the coming campaign." "since clark's feat the world is running mad for kentucky," said the neighbours in caroline. through all that autumn, emigrants were hurrying down to take advantage of the new land laws of virginia. "a fleet of flatboats!" shouted the workmen at the falls. down with others from pittsburg, when the autumn rains raised the river, came clark's old comrade, john floyd, and his brothers and his bride, jane buchanan. one of those brothers was isham floyd, the boy drummer of vincennes. "i, too, shall build a fort," said john floyd to his friends, "here on bear grass creek, close to louisville." still emigrants were on their way, when a most terrific winter set in. stock was frozen, wild beasts and game died. the forests lay deep with snow, and rivers were solid with ice. the cabins of louisville were crowded, the fort was filled with emigrants. food gave out, corn went up to one hundred and fifty dollars a bushel in depreciated continental currency. even a cap of native fur cost five hundred dollars. the patient people shivered under their buffalo, bear, and elk-skin bedquilts, penned in the little huts, living on boiled buffalo beef and venison hams, with fried bear or a slice of turkey breast for bread, and dancing on christmas night with pineknot torches bracketed on the walls. "did you not say the conquerors of vincennes waded through the drowned lands in february?" asked a fair one of her partner at the dance. "yes, but that was an open winter. this, thank god, is cold enough to deter our enemies from attempting to recover what they have lost." "but colonel clark said the weather was warm?" "warm, did you say? who knows what clark would have called warm weather in february? the water up to their armpits could not have been warm at that time of year." the spring waters broke; a thousand emigrants went down the ohio to louisville. and carcasses of bear, elk, deer, and lesser game floated out of the frozen forests. during the june rise more than three hundred flatboats arrived at the falls loaded with wagons; for months long trains were departing from louisville with these people bound for the interior. floyd's fort on the bear grass became a rendezvous; the little harbour an anchorage for watercraft. "we must establish a claim to the mississippi," wrote jefferson to clark. "go down to the mouth of the ohio and build a fort on chickasaw bluff. it will give us a claim to the river." while clark was preparing, an express arrived from kaskaskia,-- "we are threatened with invasion. fly to our relief." without money save land warrants, without clothing save skins, depending on their rifles for food, clark's little flotilla with two hundred men set down the ohio, on the very flood that was bringing the emigrants, to clinch the hold on illinois. "i have now two thousand warriors on the lakes. the wabash indians have promised to amuse mr. clark at the falls." de peyster, the new commandant at detroit, was writing to general haldimand at quebec. even as clark left, a few daring savages came up and fired on the fort at louisville. "she is strong enough now to defend herself," said clark as he pulled away. colonel bird, working hard at detroit, started his pottawattamies. they went but a little way. "ugh! ugh! ugh! long knives coming!" pell-mell, back they fell, to be fitted out all over again. "these unsteady rogues put me out of all patience!" exclaimed the angry colonel bird. "they are always cooking or counciling. indians are most happy when most frequently fitted out." "such is the dependence on indians without troops to lead them," sagely remarked de peyster. "but without them we could not hold the country." "it is distressing," wrote governor haldimand, "to reflect that notwithstanding the vast treasure lavished upon these people, no dependence can be had on them." "amazing sum!" he exclaimed when the bills came in. "i observe with great concern the astonishing consumption of rum at detroit. this expense cannot be borne." however, the pottawattamies sharpened their hatchets and, newly outfitted, set out for the rapids of the ohio. "bring them in alive if possible," was the parting admonition of de peyster, warned by the obloquy of hamilton. vain remonstrance with four hundred and seventy-six dozen scalping knives at bird's command! from every unwary emigrant along the ohio, daily the delawares and shawnees brought their offerings of scalps to detroit, and throwing them down at the feet of the commander said, "father, we have done as you directed us; we have struck your enemies." the bounty was paid; the scalps were counted and flung into a cellar under the council house. and de peyster, really a good fellow, like andré, a _bon vivant_ and lover of books and music, went on with his cards, balls, and assemblies, little feeling the iron that goes to the making of nations. "kentuckians very bad people! ought to be scalped as fast as taken," said the indians. xiv _behind the curtain_ "we must dislodge this american general from his new conquest," said the british officers, "or tribe after tribe will be gained over and subdued. thus will be destroyed the only barrier which protects the great trading establishments of the northwest and hudson's bay. nothing could then prevent the americans from gaining the source of the mississippi, gradually extending themselves by the red river to lake winnipeg, from whence the descent of nelson's river to york fort would in time be easy." another strong factor in this decision was the dissatisfaction of the british traders with the new movement that was deflecting the fur trade down the mississippi. the french families of cahokia and kaskaskia sent their furs down to new orleans, greatly to the displeasure of their late english rulers, who wanted them to go to canada, by the st. louis trail to detroit. "why should it not continue over the old detroit trail to montreal?" they questioned. "is our fur trade to be cut off by these beggarly rebels and spaniards? it belongs to canada, canada shall have it!" so all north america was fought over for the fur trade. "i will use my utmost endeavours to send as many indians as i can to attack the spanish settlements, early in february," said pat sinclair, the british commander at michilimackinac. "i have taken steps to engage the sioux under their own chief, wabasha, a man of uncommon abilities. wabasha is allowed to be a very extraordinary indian and well attached to his majesty's interest." and wabasha, king of the buffalo plains above the falls of st. anthony, _was_ an extraordinary indian. in old days he fought for pontiac, but after de peyster brought the sioux, the proudest of the tribes, to espouse the english cause, every year wabasha made a visit to his british father at michilimackinac. on such a visit as this he came from prairie du chien after hearing that hamilton was taken, and was received with songs and cannonading: "hail to great wabashaw! cannonier--fire away, hoist the fort-standard, and beat all the drums; ottawa and chippewa, whoop! for great wabashaw! he comes--beat drums--the sioux chief comes. "hail to great wabashaw! soldiers your triggers draw, guard,--wave the colours, and give him the drum! choctaw and chickasaw, whoop for great wabashaw! raise the port-cullis!--the king's friend is come." by such demonstrations and enormous gifts, the indians were held to the british standard. it was wabasha and his brothers, red wing and little crow, who in gave a deed to jonathan carver of all the land around st. anthony's falls, on which now stand the cities of st. paul and minneapolis, but no government confirmation of the deed has ever been discovered. "the reduction of st. louis will be an easy matter, and of the rebels at kaskaskia also," continued sinclair. "all the traders who will secure the posts on the spanish side of the mississippi have my promise for the exclusive trade of the missouri." the northwest red men were gathering,--menomonies, sacs, foxes, winnebagoes,--at the portage of the wisconsin and fox rivers, collecting all the corn and canoes in the country, to set out on the tenth of march. again sinclair writes, "seven hundred and fifty men set out down the mississippi the second of may." another party assembled at chicago to come by the illinois,--indians, british, and traders. "captain hesse will remain at st. louis," continued governor sinclair. "wabasha will attack ste. genevieve and the rebels at kaskaskia. two vessels leave here on the second of june to attend matchekewis, who will return by the illinois river with prisoners." very well de peyster knew matchekewis, the puissant chief who "at foot-ball sport with arms concealed, surprised the fort," at michilimackinac in pontiac's war. it was matchekewis himself who kicked the ball over the pickets, and rushing in with his band fell on the unprepared ranks of the british garrison. on the reoccupation of mackinac, matchekewis had been sent to quebec and imprisoned, but, released and dismissed with honours and a buffalo barbecue, now he was leading his chippewas for the king. all this was part of a wider scheme, devised in london, for the subjugation of the mississippi. xv _the attack on st. louis_ scarce had clark time to set his men to work on fort jefferson, on the chickasaw bluffs overlooking the mississippi, before he received two other expresses, one from montgomery, one from the spanish governor himself,--"haste, haste to our relief." not wishing to alarm his men, clark picked out a strong escort,--"i shall be gone a few days. finish the fort. keep a constant guard." they thought he had gone to kentucky. all through the year the frenchmen remembered clark's warning. at last, so great became the general apprehension, that the people themselves, directed by madame rigauche, the school-mistress, erected a sort of defence of logs and earth, five or six feet high, and posted a cannon in each of the three gates. "pouf! pouf!" laughed the governor. but he did not interfere. but so many days elapsed, so little sign of change appeared in the accustomed order of things, that the reassured frenchmen went on as usual digging in their fields, racing their horses, and clicking their billiard balls. night after night they played their fiddles and danced till dawn on their footworn puncheon floors. and all the while the lake indians of the north were planning and counselling. all through the spring they were gathering at rendezvous, paddling down lake michigan's shore into the chicago river, and then by portage into the illinois, where they set up the cry, "on to st. louis!" so long had been the fear allayed, so much the rumour discredited, that when old man quenelle came back across the river, white with excitement, the people listened to his tale as of one deranged. "what? do you ask? what?" his teeth chattered. "ducharme, ducharme the absconder, meet me across te river an' say--'te injun comin'!' fifteen huntert down te river of te illinois!" terrified was the old man. hearers gathered round plying him with questions. the incredulous laughed at his incoherence. "what? what?" he gasped. "you laugh?" some believed him. dismay began to creep over the more timid ones. "what is it?" inquired the burly governor de leyba, bustling up. "what? that same old yarn to frighten the people? quenelle is an old dotard. take him to prison." thus reassured, again the people went on with work, games, festivity. but now the people of cahokia became excited. early in march colonel gratiot sent a boatload of goods for trade to prairie du chien. it was captured by indians on the mississippi. breathless half-breed runners reported the apparition upon the waters,--"all te waves black with canoes. a great many sauvages." "clark," was the spoken and unspoken thought of all. "clark, the invincible, where is he?" some said, "he is camped with his long knives in the american bottom." "no, he is building a fort at the chickasaw bluffs." hurriedly the villagers prepared an express for clark. charles gratiot was sent, the brainiest man in cahokia, one who could speak english, and, moreover, a great friend of clark. on the swiftest canoe charles gratiot launched amid the prayers of cahokia. down he swept on the mississippi with the precious papers calling for succour. safely he passed a thousand snags, safely reached the bluffs of chickasaw, and saw the fort. toiling up he gave his message. "colonel clark? he is gone. we think he left for louisville." without delay a messenger was dispatched to follow his supposed direction. meanwhile, clark and his soldiers, joining montgomery by land, had hurried to cahokia. immediately he crossed to st. louis. it was the feast of corpus christi, may . service in the little log chapel was over. "come," said the people in holiday attire, "let us gather strawberries on the flowery mead." from their covert, peeped the indians. "to-morrow!" they said, "to-morrow!" out of the picnic throng, with lap full of flowers, the beautiful donna ran to greet her lover. "so long"--she drew a sigh--"i haf watched and waited!" love had taught her english. never had the donna appeared so fair, with shining eyes and black hair waving on her snowy shoulders. with tumultuous heart colonel clark bent and kissed her. "vengeance i swear on any indian that shall ever mar this lovely head!" then crushing her hand with the grip of a giant,--"wait a little, my dear, i must see your brother the governor." outside the maiden waited while clark entered the government house. at last don francisco de leyba was come to his senses: "i fear, but i conceal from de people. i sent for lieutenant cartabona from de ste. genevieve. he haf arrived with twenty-five soldier. will you not command of both side de river? i need you. you promised." de leyba wore a long scarf of crape for his lately deceased wife. clark had never seen him look so ill; he was worn out and trembling. the ruffle at his wrist shook like that of a man with palsy. clark took the nervous hand in his own firm grasp. "certainly, my friend, i will do everything in my power. what are your defences?" "we haf a stockade, you note it? de cannon at gates? i assure de people no danger, de rumour false; i fear dey scarce will believe now." together they went out to review cartabona's soldiers and the works of defence. "le colonel clark! le colonel clark!" the people cheered as he passed. "now we are safe!" de leyba had sent out a hunter to shoot ducks for the colonel's dinner. and while the governor and clark were in discussion, the hunter met a spy. "who commands at cahokia?" inquired the stranger. "colonel clark; he has arrived with a great force." "colonel clark! oh, no," answered the spy in amazement, "that cannot be! clark is in kentucky. we have just killed an express with dispatches to him there." "i don't know about that," answered the hunter, in his turn surprised. "colonel clark is at this moment in st. louis, and i have been sent to kill some ducks for his dinner." the stranger disappeared. clark was in st. louis about two hours. "cartabona is here. i shall be ready to answer his slightest signal. be sure i shall answer." he turned to go. "going? no, no, señor colonel, i cannot permit--" the hands of governor de leyba shook still more. "i expect you to dine,--haf sent a hunter for ducks." but when did george rogers clark ever stop to eat when there was fighting on hand? hastily recrossing the river, he put cahokia into immediate defence. the next day dawned clear and bright, but the people, wearied with all-night dancing, slumbered late. grandfather jean marie cardinal had not danced. he was uncommonly industrious that morning. hastening away in the dewy dawn, he went to planting corn in his slightly plowed fields. gradually others strolled out on the grand prairie. it was high noon when an indian down by the spring caught the eye of grandfather jean marie cardinal. "he must not give the alarm," thought the savage, so on the instant he slew and scalped him where he stood. then all was tumult. the people in the village heard the sound of firearms. lieutenant cartabona and his garrison fired a gunshot from the tower to warn the scattered villagers in the fields. erelong they came stumbling into the north gate half dead with fright and exhaustion. "the chippewas! the chippewas!" they had crossed the river and murdered the family of françois bellhome. "_sacre dieu! le sauvage! la tour! la tour!_" cried the frantic habitants, but the tower was occupied by cartabona and his coward soldiers. every man rushed to the place des armes, powder-horn and bullet-pouch in hand. "to arms! to arms!" was the terrified cry. "where is the garrison? where is the governor?" but they came not forth. cartabona and his men continued to garrison the tower. the governor cowered in the government house with doors shut and barricaded. women and children hid in the houses, telling their beads. it was about noon when the quick ear of clark, over in cahokia, heard the cannonading and small arms in st. louis. he sent an express. "here, murray and jaynes, go over the river and inquire the cause." slipping through the cottonwood trees, the express met an old negro woman on a keen run for cahokia. she screamed, "run, boston, run! a great many salvages!" all together ran back, just in time to meet colonel clark marching out of the east gate. in the thick woods of cahokia creek he caught a view of the foe. "boom!" rang his brass six-pounder,--tree-tops and indians fell together. amazed at this rear fire the indians turned in confusion. one terrified look,--"it is the long knife! we have been deceived. we will not fight the long knife!" with one wild whoop they scurried to their boats. the handful of traders, deserted, raised the siege and retired. it was the period of the spring rise of the powerful and turbulent mississippi, which, undermining its shores, dumped cottonwood trees into the river. "the whole british army is coming on rafts!" in terror seeing the supposed foe advancing, cartabona's soldiers began firing at the white-glancing trees on the midnight waters. on, on came the ghostly flotilla. "cease firing!" demanded de leyba emerging from his retreat. "de cowardly, skulking old goffner! hide heself! abandon de people!" in wrath they tore toward him, sticks and stones flying. the governor fled, and the daft spaniards, watching the river, spiked the cannon, preparing to fly the moment the british landed. cahokia trembled all night long. there were noises and howls of wolves, but no indians. clark himself in the darkness made the rounds of his sentinels. even through the shadows they guessed who walked at night. "pass, grand round, keep clear of my arms and all's well," was the successive cry from post to post in the picket gardens of old cahokia. with the first pale streak of dawn the sleepless habitants looked out. all was still. the indians were gone, but over at st. louis seven men were found dead, scalped by the retreating foe. many more were being carried off prisoners, but clark's pursuing party rescued thirty. the prisoners, dragged away to the north by their captors, suffered hardships until restored at the end of the war, in . when clark heard of the incompetence of de leyba he was furious. on his way to the government house, he saw the lovely donna at her casement. her hair was dishevelled, her eyes wet with tears. she extended her hand. clark took one step toward her, and then pride triumphed. "never will i become the father of a race of cowards," and turning on his heel he left st. louis forever. in one month de leyba was dead, some said by his own hand. he knew that auguste chouteau had gone to complain of him at new orleans,--the people believed he had been bribed by great britain; he knew that only disgrace awaited him, and he succumbed to his many disasters and the universal obloquy in which he was held. he was buried in the little log chapel, beneath the altar, by the side of his wife, where his tomb is pointed out to this day. and the beautiful donna de leyba? she waited and wept but clark came not. then, taking with her the two little orphan nieces, rita and perdita, she went down to new orleans. here for a time she lingered among friends, and at last, giving up all hope, retired to the ursuline convent and became a nun. presently auguste chouteau returned from new orleans with the new governor, don francisco de cruzat, who pacified fears and fortified the town with half-a-dozen circular stone turrets, twenty feet high, connected by a stout stockade of cedar posts pierced with loopholes for artillery. on the river bank a stone tower called the half moon, and west of it a square log tower called the bastion, still stood within the memory of living men. "next year a thousand sioux will be in the field under wabasha," wrote sinclair to haldimand, his chief in canada. but the sioux had no more desire to go back to "the high walled house of thunder," where the cannon sounded not "hail to great wabashaw!" their own losses were considerable, for clark ordered an immediate pursuit. some of the spaniards, grateful for the succour of the americans, crossed the river and joined montgomery's troops in his chase after the retreating red men. "the americans are coming," was the scare-word at prairie du chien. "better get up your furs." with wabasha's help the traders hastily bundled three hundred packs of their best furs into canoes, and setting fire to the remaining sixty packs, burned them, together with the fort, while they hurried away to michilimackinac. matchekewis went by the lakes. "two hundred illinois cavalry arrived at chicago five days after the vessels left," is the record of the haldimand papers. the watchfulness and energy of clark alone saved illinois; nevertheless, de peyster felt satisfied, for he thought that diversion kept clark from detroit. after the terror was all over, long in the annals of the fireside, the french of st. louis related the feats of "_l'année du coup_." "auguste chouteau, he led te defence, he and he brother." "no, madame rigauche, te school-meestress, she herself touch te cannon." "well, at any rate, we hid in te chouteau garden, behind te stone wall." xvi _old chillicothe_ with a wrench at his hot heart stifled only by wrath and determination, clark strode from st. louis. at cahokia french deserters were talking to montgomery. "a tousand british and indians on te march to kentucky with cannon." "when did they start?" thundered clark. the frenchman dodged as if shot. "dey start same time dis. colonel bird to keep clark busy in kentucky so sinclair get san loui' an' brak up te fur trade." for once in his life clark showed alarm. "i know the situation of that country. i shall attempt to get there before bird does." drawing montgomery aside, he said, "and you, colonel, chase these retreating indians. chase them to michilimackinac if possible. destroy their towns and crops, distress them, convince them that we will retaliate and thus deter them from joining the british again." without pausing to breathe after the fatigue of the last few days, with a small escort clark launched a boat and went flying down to chickasaw bluffs. disguised as indians, feathered and painted, he and a few others left fort jefferson. clark's army the year before had carried glowing news of illinois. already emigration had set in. on the way now he met forty families actually starving because they could not kill buffaloes. a gun?--it was a part of clark. he used his rifle-barrelled firelock as he used his hands, his feet, his eyes, instantly, surely, involuntarily. he showed them how to strike the buffalo in a vital part, killed fourteen, and hurried on, thirty miles a day, fording stream and swamp and tangled forest to save kentucky. kentucky was watching for her deliverer. into his ear was poured the startling tale. with simon girty, the renegade, and six hundred indians, down the high waters of the miami and up the licking, bird came to ruddle's station and fired his cannon. down went the wooden palisades like a toy blockhouse before his six-pounders. "surrender!" came the summons from colonel bird. "yes, if we can be prisoners to the british and not to the indians." bird assented. the gates were thrown open. indians flew like dogs upon the helpless people. "you promised security," cried captain ruddle. "i cannot stop them," said bird. "i, too, am in their power." madly the indians sacked the station and killed the cattle. loading the household goods upon the backs of the unfortunate owners, they drove them forth and gave their cabins to the flames. the same scenes were enacted at martin's station. the indians were wild for more. but bird would not permit further devastation. he could easily have taken every fort in kentucky, not one could have withstood his artillery; but to his honour be it said, he led his forces out. loaded with plunder, the wretched captives, four hundred and fifty men, women, and children, were driven away to detroit. whoever faltered was tomahawked. clark immediately called on the militia of kentucky. hastening to harrodsburg he found the newcomers wild over land entries. "land!" they cried, "you can have all you can hold against the indians." it was a grewsome joke. the indians would not even let them survey. like a military dictator, clark closed the land office,--"nor will it be opened again until after this expedition." immediately a thousand men enlisted. logan, linn, floyd, harrod, all followed the banner of clark. boone and kenton set on ahead as guides, into the land they knew so well. "is it not dangerous to invade the shawnee country?" inquired one. "i was not born in the woods to be scared by an owl," was clark's sententious reply. all the provisions they had for twenty-five days was six quarts of parched corn each, except what they got in the indian country. canoeing down the licking, on the first day of august they crossed the ohio. scarce touching shore they heard the scalp halloo. some fell. within fifteen minutes clark had his axes in the forest building a blockhouse for his wounded. on that spot now stands cincinnati. on pressed clark in his retaliatory dash,--before the shawnees even suspected, the kentuckians were at old chillicothe. they flew to arms, but the long knives swooped down with such fury that simon girty drew off. "it is folly to fight such madmen." chillicothe went down in flames; piqua followed; fields, gardens, more than five hundred acres of corn were razed to the level of the sod. piqua was tecumseh's village; again he learned to dread and hate the white man. "that will keep them at home hunting for a while," remarked clark, turning back to the future cincinnati. xvii _"detroit must be taken"_ again george rogers clark sped through cumberland gap, fair as a tyrolean vale, to virginia. and dashing along the same highway, down the valley of virginia, came the minute men of the border, in green hunting shirts, hard-riders and sharp-shooters of fincastle. "hey and away, and what news?" the restless mountaineers of the appalachians, almost as fierce and warlike as the goths and vandals of an earlier day, answered: "we have broken the back of tarleton's army at king's mountain, cornwallis is facing this way, and cruisers are coming up into the chesapeake." "marse gawge! marse gawge!" this time it was little york, the negro, who, peeping from the slave quarters of old york and rose, detected the stride of george rogers clark out under the mulberry trees. the long, low, virginia farmhouse was wrapped in slumber, an almost funeral pall hung over the darkened porch, as john clark stepped out to grasp the hand of his son. "three of my boys in british prisons, we looked for nothing less for you, george. william alone is left." "girls do not count, i suppose," laughed the saucy lucy, peeping out in her night-curls with a candle in her hand. "over at bowling green the other day, when all the gallants were smiling on me, one jealous girl said, 'i do not see what there is so interesting about lucy clark. she is not handsome, and she has red hair.' 'ah,' i replied, 'i can tell her. they know i have five brothers all officers in the revolutionary army!'" "what, edmund gone, too?" exclaimed george. "he is but a lad!" "big enough to don the buff and blue, and shoulder a gun," answered the father. "he would go,--left school, led all his mates, and six weeks later was taken prisoner along with jonathan and the whole army." that was the fall of charleston, in the very may when clark was saving st. louis. "we are all at war," spoke up elizabeth, the elder sister, sadly. "even the boys drill on mimic battlefields; all the girls in virginia are spinning and weaving clothes for the soldiers; mrs. washington keeps sixteen spinning-wheels busy at mount vernon; mother and all the ladies have given their jewels to fit out the army. mrs. jefferson herself led the call for contributions, and mrs. lewis of albemarle collected five thousand dollars in continental currency. father has given up his best horses, and jefferson impressed his own horses and waggons at monticello to carry supplies to general gates. all the lads in the country are moulding bullets and making gun-powder. we haven't a pewter spoon left." "an' we niggers air raisin' fodder," ventured the ten-year-old york. york had his part, along with his young master, william. daily they rode together down the rappahannock, carrying letters to fielding lewis at fredericksburg. it was there, at kenmore house, that they met meriwether lewis, visiting his uncle and aunt betty, the sister of washington. "and when she puts on his _chapeau_ and great coat, she looks exactly like the general," said william. "what has become of my captured governors?" george asked of his father. "i hear that hamilton was offered a parole on condition that he would not use his liberty in any way to speak or influence any one against the colonies. he indignantly refused to promise that, and so was returned to close captivity. but i think when boone came up to the legislature he used some influence; at any rate hamilton was paroled and went with hay to england. rocheblave broke his parole and fled to new york." the five fireplaces of the old clark home roared a welcome that day up the great central chimney, and candles gleamed at evening from dormer window to basement when all the neighbours crowded in to hail "the washington of the west." "now, rose, you and nancy bake the seed cakes and have beat biscuit," said mrs. clark to the fat cook in the kitchen. "york has gone after the turkeys." "events are in desperate straits," said george at bedtime; "i must leave at daylight." but earlier yet young william was up to gallop a mile beside his brother on the road to richmond, whither the capital had been removed for greater safety. "is this the young virginian that is sending home all the western governors?" exclaimed the people. an ovation followed him all the way. "what is your plan?" asked governor jefferson, after the fiery cavalier had been received with distinction by the virginia assembly. "my plan is to ascend the wabash in early spring and strike before reinforcements can reach detroit, or escape be made over the breaking ice of the lakes. the rivers open first." george rogers clark, born within three miles of monticello, had known jefferson all his life, and save patrick henry no one better grasped his plans. in fact, jefferson had initiative and was not afraid of untried ventures. "my dear colonel, i have already written to washington that we could furnish the men, provisions, and every necessary except powder, had we the money, for the reduction of detroit. but there is no money,--not even rich men have seen a shilling in a year. washington to the north is begging aid, gates in the south is pleading for men and arms, and not a shilling is in the treasury of virginia." "but detroit must be taken," said clark with a solemn emphasis. "through my aides i have this discovery: a combination is forming to the westward,--a confederacy of british and indians,--to spread dismay to our frontier this coming spring. we cannot hesitate. the fountain head of these irruptions must be cut off, the grand focus of indian hostilities from the mohawk to the mississippi." even as he spoke, jefferson, pen in hand, was noting points in another letter to washington. "we have determined to undertake it," wrote jefferson, "and commit it to clark's direction. whether the expense of the enterprise shall be defrayed by the continent or state we leave to be decided hereafter by congress. in the meantime we only ask the loan of such necessaries as, being already at fort pitt, will save time and expense of transportation. i am, therefore, to solicit your excellency's order to the commandant at fort pitt for the articles contained in the annexed list." clark had the list in hand. "it is our only hope; there is not a moment to be lost." on fleet horses the chain of expresses bore daily news to the camp of washington, but before his answer could return, another express reined up at richmond. "benedict arnold, the traitor, has entered the capes of virginia with a force of two thousand men." it was new year's eve and richmond was in a tumult. on new year's day every legislator was moving his family to a place of safety. the very winds were blowing arnold's fleet to richmond. virginia had laid herself bare of soldiers; every man that could be spared had been sent south. and arnold? with what rage george rogers clark saw him destroy the very stores that might have taken detroit,--five brass field-pieces, arms in the capitol loft and in waggons on the road, five tons of powder, tools, quartermaster's supplies. then the very wind that had blown arnold up the river turned and blew him back, and the only blood shed was by a handful of militia under george rogers clark, who killed and wounded thirty of arnold's men. "i have an enterprise to propose," said the governor to clark on return. "i have confidence in your men from the western side of the mountains. i want to capture arnold and hang him. you pick the proper characters and engage them to seize this greatest of all traitors. i will undertake, if they are successful, that they shall receive five thousand guineas reward among them." "i cannot, arnold is gone, i must capture detroit." more determined than ever, clark and jefferson went on planning. "yes, you must capture detroit and secure lake erie. you shall have two thousand men, and ammunition and packhorses shall be at the falls of the ohio, march , ready for the early break of the ice." washington's consent had come, and orders for artillery. with washington and jefferson at his back, clark made indefatigable efforts to raise two thousand men to rendezvous march . up the blue ridge his agents went and over to the holston; he wrote to western pennsylvania; he visited redstone-old-fort, and hurried down to fort pitt. fort pitt itself was in danger. the wabash broke and ran untrammelled, but clark was not ready. cornwallis was destroying gates at camden; de kalb fell, covered with wounds; sumter was cut to pieces by tarleton. the darkest night had come in a drama that has no counterpart, save in the napoleonic wars that shook europe in the cause of human liberty. war, war, raged from the atlantic to the mississippi. the land was covered with forts and blockhouses. every hamlet had its place of refuge. mills were fortified, and private houses. every outlying settlement was stockaded. every log house had its pickets and portholes. chains of posts followed the river fords and mountain gaps from ticonderoga to the mohawk, from the susquehanna to the delaware, to the cumberland, to the tennessee. anxious sentinels peered from the watchtowers of wooden castles. guns stood on the ramparts. the people slept in barracks. moats and drawbridges, chained gates and palisades, guarded the sacred citadels of america. "and what if england wins?" said one to washington. "we can still retire to the ohio and live in freedom," for, like the last recesses of the swiss alps, it was thought no nation could conquer the alleghanies. in desperation and unaware of the virginian crisis behind him, george rogers clark embarked four hundred men, all he could get of the promised two thousand. only a line he sent to jefferson, "i have relinquished all hope," but jefferson at that hour was flying from tarleton, cornwallis was coming up into virginia, and washington with his ragged band of veteran continentals was marching down to yorktown. there was no time to glance beyond the mountains. all the northwest, in terror of clark, was watching and fearing. if a blow was struck anywhere, "clark did it." shawnees and delawares, wyandots at the north, choctaws and chickasaws and cherokees at the south, british and indians everywhere, were rising against devoted kentucky. as clark stepped on his boats at pittsburg word flew to remotest tribes,-- "the long knives are coming!" the red man trembled in his wigwam, detroit redoubled its fortifications, and clark's forlorn little garrisons in the prairies of the west hung on to illinois. in those boats clark bore provisions, ammunition, artillery, quartermaster's stores, collected as if from the very earth by his undying energy,--everything but men, men! major william croghan stood with him on the wharf at pittsburg, burning, longing to go, but honour forbade,--he was out on parole from charleston. peeping, spying, gliding, indians down the ohio would have attacked but for fear of clark's cannon. the "rear guard of the continental army" little knew the young virginian, the terror of his name. for him, canada staid at home to guard detroit when she might have wrested yorktown. with shouts of thanksgiving louisville greeted clark and his four hundred; the war had come up to their very doors. never had the indians so hammered away at the border. across the entire continent the late intermittent cannon shots became a constant volley. every family had its lost ones,--"my father, my mother, my wife, my child, they slaughtered, burned, tortured,--_i will hunt the indian till i die!_" detroit, niagara, michilimackinac--the very names meant horror, for there let loose, the red bloodhounds of war, the most savage, the most awful, with glittering knives, pressed close along the ohio. the buffalo meat for the expedition rotted while clark struggled, anguished in spirit, a lion chained, "stationed here to repel a few predatory savages when i would carry war to the lakes." but troops yet behind, "almost naked for want of linen and entirely without shoes," were trying to join clark down the wild ohio. joseph brandt cut them off,--lochry and shannon and one hundred pennsylvanians,--not one escaped to tell the tale. clark never recovered, never forgot the fate of lochry. "had i tarried but one day i might have saved them!" in the night-time he seemed to hear those struggling captives dragged away to detroit,--"detroit! lost for the want of a few men!" for the first time the over-wrought hero gave way to intoxication to drown his grief,--and so had clark then died, "detroit" might have been found written on his heart. despair swept over westmoreland where lochry's men were the flower of the frontier. only fourteen or fifteen rifles remained in hannastown,--the indians swooped and destroyed it utterly. xviii _on the ramparts_ in all his anguish about detroit, with the energy of desperation clark now set to work making louisville stronger than ever. "boys, we must have defences absolutely impregnable; we know not at what moment cannon may be booming at our gates." a new stronghold was founded, and around it a moat eight feet deep and ten feet wide; surrounding the moat itself, was built a breastwork of log pens, filled with earth and picketed ten feet high on top of the breastwork. an acre was thus enclosed, and in that acre was a spring that bubbles still in the streets of louisville. within were mounted a double six-pounder captured at vincennes, four cannon, and eight swivels, and heaped around were shells, balls, and grapeshot brought for the detroit campaign. with bakehouse and blockhouse, bastion and barrack, no enemy ever dared attack fort nelson. "general clark is too hard on the militia," the soldier boys complained, but the hammering and pounding and digging went on until louisville was the strongest point beyond the alleghanies. back and back came the indians, in battles and forays, and still in this troublous time settlers were venturing by flatboat and over the wilderness road into the blue grass country. they seemed to fancy that clark had stilled the west, that here the cannon had ceased to rattle. emigrants on packhorses bound for the land of cane and turkeys saw bodies of scalped white men every day. logan and his forest rangers, like knights of old, guarded the wilderness road. kenton and his scouts patrolled the ohio, crossing and recrossing on the track of marauding savages. boone watched the licking; floyd held the bear grass. fort nelson was done,--its walls were cannon-proof. clark's gunboat lay on the water-front when a messenger passed the sentinel with a letter. in the little square room that clark called his headquarters, the envoy waited. the young commandant read and bowed his head,--was it a moment of irresolution? "who could have brought this letter?" "any indian would bring it for a pint of rum," answered a well-known voice. pulling off a mask, connolly stood before him. it was as if lord dunmore had risen from the floor,--connolly had been lord dunmore's captain commandant of all the land west of the blue ridge. what was he saying? "as much boundary of land on the west bank of the ohio as you may wish, and any title under that of a duke, if you will abandon louisville. i am sent to you by hamilton." "what!" gasped clark. "shall i become an arnold and give up my country? never! go, sir, before my people discover your identity." resolved to lock the secret in his own heart, clark spoke to no one. but that same night a similar offer was made to john floyd on the bear grass. he mentioned it to clark. "we must never tell the men," they agreed; "starving and discouraged they might grasp the offer to escape the indian tomahawk." but years after clark told his sister lucy, and floyd told his wife, jane buchanan,--and from them the tale came down to us. as if enraged at this refusal, british and indians rallied for a final onslaught. "the white men are taking the fair kain-tuck-ee, the land of deer and buffalo. if you beat clark this time you will certainly recover your hunting-grounds," said de peyster at the council fire. in unprecedented numbers the redmen crossed the ohio,--station after station was invested; then followed the frightful battle of blue licks where sixty white men fell in ten minutes. kentucky was shrouded in mourning. again clark followed swift with a thousand mounted riflemen. among the indians dividing their spoils and their captives there sounded a sharp alarm, "the long knives! the long knives!" "a mighty army on its march!" barely had the shawnees time to fly when clark's famished kentuckians entered old chillicothe. fires were yet burning, corn was on the roasting sticks, but the foe was gone. "the property destroyed was of great amount, and the quantity of provisions burned surpassed all idea we had of the indian stores," clark said in after years. this second destruction of their villages and cornfields chilled the heart of the indians. their power was broken. never again did a great army cross the ohio. but standing again on the ruins of old chillicothe, "i swear vengeance!" cried the young tecumseh. and clark, the long knife, mourned in his heart. "this might have been avoided! this might have been avoided! never shall we have peace on this frontier until detroit is taken!" xix _exit cornwallis_ "the boy cannot escape me!" lafayette was all that lay between cornwallis and the subjugation of virginia. the lithe little frenchman, only twenty-three years old, danced ever on and on before him, fatiguing the redcoats far into the heats of june. the virginia legislature adjourned to charlottesville. in vain cornwallis chased the boy and sent tarleton on his raid over the mountains, "to capture the governor." like a flash he came, the handsome, daring, dashing colonel tarleton, whose name has been execrated for a hundred years. virginia was swept as by a tornado. never a noise in the night, never a wind could whistle by, but "tarleton's troop is coming!" "tarleton's troop!" little john randolph, a boy of eight, his mother then lying in childbed, was gathered up and hurried away ninety miles up the appomattox. "tarleton's troop!" beside the dead body of her husband sat the mother of four-year-old henry clay, with her seven small children shuddering around her. standing on a rock in the south anna river, the great preacher had addressed his congregation in impassioned oratory for the last time, and now on a bier he lay lifeless, while the gay trooper raided the lands of his children. even tarleton was moved by the widow's pallor as he tossed a handful of coins on her table. she arose and swept them into the fireplace,--"never will i touch the invaders' gold." "tarleton's troop!" back at waxhaw, south carolina, a lad by the name of andrew jackson bore through life the scars of wounds inflicted by tarleton's men. at that very hour, alone on foot his mother was returning from deeds of mercy to the patriots caged in prison pens by tarleton. but the streams were cold, the forests dark; losing her way, overworn and weary, sank and died the mother of andrew jackson. "tarleton's troop!" jack jouett at the cuckoo tavern at louisa saw white uniforms faced with green, and fluttering plumes, and shining helmets riding by. the fiery huguenot blood rose in him. before daylight jack's hard-ridden steed reined up at monticello. "tarleton's troop, three hours behind me! fly!" there was panic and scramble,--some of the legislators were at monticello. there was hasty adjournment and flight to staunton, across the blue ridge. assisting his wife, the slender, graceful mrs. jefferson, into a carriage, the governor sent her and the children under the care of jupiter, the coachman, to a neighbouring farmhouse, while he gathered up his state papers. "what next, massa?" martin, the faithful body-servant, watching his master's glance and anticipating every want, followed from room to room. "the plate, martin," with a wave of the hand jefferson strode out from his beloved monticello. with cæsar's help martin pulled up the planks of the portico, and the last piece of silver went under the floor as a gleaming helmet hove in sight. dropping the plank, imprisoning poor cæsar, martin faced the intruder. "where is your master? name the spot or i'll fire!" "fire away, then," answered the slave. the trooper desisted. tarleton and his men took food and drink, but destroyed nothing. the fame of jefferson's kindness to burgoyne's captured army had reached even tarleton, for in that mansion books and music had been free to the imprisoned british officers. "an' now who be ye, an' whar are ye from?" an old woman peered from the door of a hut in a gorge of the hills, late in the afternoon. "we are members of the virginia legislature fleeing from tarleton's raid." "ride on, then, ye cowardly knaves! here my husband and sons have just gone to charlottesville to fight for ye, an' ye a runnin' awa' wi' all yer might. clar out; ye get naething here." "but, my good woman, it would never do to let the british capture the legislature." "if patterick hennery had been in albemarle, the british dragoons would naever ha' passed the rivanna." "but, my good woman, here is patrick henry." "patterick hennery? patterick hennery? well, well, if patterick hennery is here it must be all right. coom in, coom in to the best i have." but daniel boone and three or four others were captured, and carried away to cornwallis to be released soon after on parole. "tarleton's troop!" cried little meriwether lewis, seven years old. sweeping down the rivanna came the desperado to the home of colonel nicholas lewis, away in the continental army. "what a paradise!" exclaimed tarleton, raising his hands. "why, then, do you interrupt it?" inquired mrs. lewis, alone at home with her small children and slaves. the trooper slept that night in his horseman's cloak on the kitchen floor. at daylight mrs. lewis was awakened by a clatter in her henyard. ducks, chickens, turkeys, the troopers were wringing their necks. one decrepit old drake only escaped by skurrying under the barn. bowing low till his plume swept the horse's mane, tarleton galloped away. the wrath of aunt molly! "here, pompey, you just catch that drake. ride as fast as you can, and present it to colonel tarleton with my compliments." on flying steed, drake squawking and flouncing on his back, the darkey flew after the troopers. "well, pompey, did you overtake colonel tarleton?" was aunt molly's wrathful inquiry. "yes'm." "what did he say?" "he put de drake in his wallet, and say he much obleeged!" little meriwether, sitting on the gate-post, laughed at his aunt's discomfiture. the roll of a drum broke the stillness of sabbath in the blue ridge. "tarleton's troop!" by the bed of her sick husband sat a spartan mother at staunton. her sons were in the army at the north, but three young lads, thirteen, fifteen, and seventeen were there. placing their father's old firelock in their hands, "go forth, my children," she said, "repel the foot of the invader or see my face no more." but tarleton did not force the mountain pass,--the boys went on down to join lafayette. from farm and forest, children and grandsires hurried to lafayette. the proud earl retired to the sea and stopped to rest at the little peninsula of yorktown, waiting for reinforcements. down suddenly from the north came washington with his tattered continentals and rochambeau's gay frenchmen, and the french fleet sailed into the chesapeake. cornwallis was bottled up at yorktown. the boy, lafayette, had simply put the stopper in the bottle and waited. seventy cannon rolled in on yorktown. george rogers clark, all the west, was appealing to washington, but the great chief unmoved kept his eye on lord cornwallis. on the th of october, , the aristocratic marquis, who had commenced his career as aide-de-camp to a king, surrendered to the rebels of america. "'wallis has surrendered! surrendered! surrendered!" meriwether lewis and william clark flung up their caps with other boys and shouted with the best of them, "'wallis has surrendered!" after the surrender of cornwallis, washington and lafayette and the officers of the french and american armies went to fredericksburg to pay their respects to mary, the mother of washington. the entire surrounding country was watching in gala attire, and among them the old cavalier, john clark of caroline. on his white horse washington passed the mulberry trees. quick as a flash little william turned,--"why, father, he does look like my brother george! is that why people call our george the 'washington of the west'?" a provisional treaty was signed at paris, november , , a few days after the return of george rogers clark from that last chillicothe raid. slowly, by pack-horse and flatboat, the news reached kentucky. the last of the british army sailed away. washington made his immortal farewell, and went back to his farm, arriving on christmas eve. bonfires and rockets, speeches, thanksgiving and turkey, ended the year . but with his return from the last scene at yorktown, the father of meriwether lewis lay down and died, a martyr of the revolution. xx _the old virginia home_ back over boone's trace, the wilderness road he had travelled so many times, went general george rogers clark sometime in the early spring of , past the thrifty fields of fincastle and the shenandoah germans, with their fat cattle and huge red barns. every year the stout pennsylvanians were building farther and farther up. year by year the fields increased, and rosy girls stacked the hay in defiance of all virginian customs across the ridge. but the man who a thousand miles to the west held illinois by the prowess of his arm and the terror of his name, sprang not with the buoyant step of six years before when he had gone to virginia after the gunpowder. his thoughts were at kaskaskia, vincennes, louisville, where his unsustained garrisons were suffering for food and clothing. "peace, peace, peace!" he muttered. "'tis but a mockery. must kentucky lie still and be scalped?" still the savages raided the border, not in numbers, but in squads, persistent and elusive. isham floyd, the boy drummer of vincennes, had been captured by the savages and three days tortured in the woods, and burnt at the stake. "my boy-brother in the hands of those monsters?" exclaimed the great-hearted john floyd of the bear grass. a word roused the country, the savages were dispersed, but poor isham was dead. and beside him lay his last tormentor, the son of an indian chief, shot by the avenging rifle of john floyd. riding home with a heavy heart on the th of april, a ball struck colonel floyd, passed through his arm, and entered his breast. behind the trees they caught a glimpse of the smoking rifle of big foot, that chief whose son was slain. leaping from his own horse to that of his brother, charles floyd sustained the drooping form until they reached the bear grass. "charles," whispered the dying man, "had i been riding pompey this would not have happened. pompey pricks his ears and almost speaks if a foe is near." at the feet of jane buchanan her brave young husband was laid, his black locks already damp with the dew of death. "papa! papa!" little two-year-old george rogers clark floyd screamed with terror. ten days later the stricken wife, jane buchanan, gave birth to another son, whom they named in honour of his heroic father. with such a grief upon him, general george rogers clark wended his lonesome way through the cumberland gap to virginia. now in the night-time he heard young isham cry. not a heart in kentucky but bewailed the fate of the drummer boy. and john floyd, his loss was a public calamity. "john floyd, john floyd," murmured clark on his lonely way, "the encourager of my earliest adventures, truest heart of the west!" lochry's men haunted him while he slept. "had i not written they would not have come!" his debts, dishonoured, weighed like a pall, and deep, deep, down in his heart he knew at last how much he loved that girl in the convent at new orleans. at times an almost ungovernable yearning came over him to go down and force the gates of her voluntary prison-house. in may he was at richmond. a new governor sat in the chair of jefferson and patrick henry. to him clark addressed an appeal for the money that was his due. but virginia, bankrupt, impoverished, prostrate, answered only,--"we have given you land warrants, what more can you ask?" with heavy heart clark travelled again the road to caroline. there was joy in the old virginia home, and sorrow. once more the family were reunited. first came colonel jonathan, with his courtly and elegant army comrade major william croghan, an irish gentleman, nephew of sir william johnson, late governor of new york, and of the famous george croghan, sir william's indian deputy in the west. in fact young croghan crossed the ocean with sir william as his private secretary, on the high road to preferment in the british army. but he looked on the struggling colonists, and mused,-- "their cause is just! i will raise a regiment for washington." while all his relatives fought for the king, he alone froze and starved at valley forge, and in that frightful winter of marched with jonathan clark's regiment to the relief of charleston. and charleston fell. "restore your loyalty to great britain and i will set you free," said major general prevost, another one of croghan's uncles. "i cannot," replied the young rebel. "i have linked my fate with the colonies." nevertheless general prevost released him and his colonel, jonathan clark, on parole. lieutenant edmund was held a year longer. directly to the home in caroline, colonel jonathan brought his irish major. and there he met--lucy. then, with the exchange of prisoners, edmund came, damaged it is true, but whole, and john, john from the prison ships, ruined. at sight of the emaciated face of her once handsome boy, the mother turned away and wept. five long years in the prison ship had done its work. five years, where every day at dawn the dead were brought out in cartloads. stifled in crowded holds and poisoned with loathsome food, in one prison ship alone in eighteen months eleven thousand died and were buried on the brooklyn shore. and then came the general, george rogers, and captain richard, from the garrison of kaskaskia where he had helped to hold the illinois. in tattered regimentals and worn old shirts they came,--the army of the revolution was disbanded without a dollar. "and i, worse than without a dollar," said general george rogers. "my private property has been sacrificed to pay public debts." but from what old treasure stores did those girls bring garments, homespun and new and woolly and warm, prepared against this day of reunion? the soldiers were children again around their father's hearth, with mother's socks upon their feet and sister's arms around their necks. jonathan, famous for his songs, broke forth in a favourite refrain from robin hood:-- "and mony ane sings o' grass, o' grass, and mony ane sings o' corn, and mony ane sings o' robin hood kens little where he was born. "it wasna in the ha', the ha', nor in the painted bower, but it was in the gude greenwood amang the lily flower." "and you call us lily flowers?" cried fanny, the beauty and the pet. "the lilies of the field, they toil not, neither do they spin; and here have we been spinning for weeks and weeks to dress you boys again." "and what has william been doing?" "learning to follow in the footsteps of my brothers," answered the lad of thirteen. "another year and i, too, could have gone as a drummer boy." "thank god, you'll never have to," ejaculated the general solemnly. the old house rang with merriment as it had not in years. the negroes, york and old york and rose his wife, jane and julia and cupid and harry, and nancy the cook, were jubilantly preparing a feast for welcome. other guests were there,--colonel anderson, aide-de-camp of lafayette, who was to wed elizabeth, the sister next older than william; and charles mynn thruston, son of the "fighting parson," and dennis fitzhugh, daft lovers of the romping fanny. since before the revolution jonathan had been engaged to sarah hite, the daughter of joist hite, first settler of the shenandoah. thousands of acres had her father and hundreds of indentured white servants. joist hite's claim overlay that of lord fairfax; they fought each other in the courts for fifty years. should hite win, sarah would be the greatest heiress in virginia. from the sight of happy courtship george rogers turned and ever and anon talked with his parents, "solemn as the judgment," said fanny. a few blissful days and the time for scattering came. again the old broad-porticoed farmhouse was filled with farewells,--negro slaves held horses saddled. "but we shall meet in kentucky," said old john clark the cavalier. george rogers bade them good-bye, waved a last kiss back, whipped up his horse, and entered the forest. in october john died. a vast concourse gathered under the mulberry trees where the young lieutenant lay wrapped in the flag of his country, a victim of the prison ship. great was the indignation of friends as they laid him away. and now preparations were rapidly carried forward for removal to kentucky. xxi _down the ohio_ there was truce on the border. the wondering redmen heard that the great king had withdrawn across the big water and that the long knives were victors in the country. with wondering minds shawnee and delaware, wyandot and miami, discussed around their council fires the changed situation. very great had the redcoats appeared in the eyes of the savages, with their dazzling uniforms, and long, bright, flashing swords. but how terrible were the virginians of the big knives! the continental armies had been dispersed, but now from their old war-ravaged homes of the atlantic shore they looked to the new lands beyond the alleghanies. congress would pay them in these lands, and so the scarred veterans of a hundred battles launched on the emigrant trail. in the clark home there was busy preparation. out of attic and cellar old cedar chests were brought and packed with the precious linen, fruit of many a day at the loom. silver and pewter and mahogany bureaus, high-post bedsteads and carved mirrors, were carefully piled in the waggons as john clark, cavalier, turned his face from tidewater virginia. neighbours called in to bid them farewell. mrs. clark made a last prayer at the grave of her son, the victim of the prison ship. "william, have you brought the mulberry cuttings?" called the motherly lucy. "william, have you the catalpa seeds?" cried fanny. leaving the old home with jonathan to be sold, the train started out,--horses, cattle, slaves, york riding proudly at the side of his young master william, old york and rose, nancy, jane, julia, cupid and harry and their children, a patriarchal caravan like that of abraham facing an earlier west two thousand years before. before and behind were other caravans. all virginia seemed on the move, some by rockfish gap and staunton, up the great valley of virginia to the wilderness road, on packhorses; others in waggons, like the clarks, following the braddock route down to redstone-old-fort on the monongahela, where boats must be built. and here at redstone was george rogers clark, come up to meet them from the falls. in short order, under his direction, boatbuilders were busy. york and old york took a hand, and william, in a first experience that was yet to find play in the far idaho. the teasing fanny looked out from her piquant sun-bonnet. lucy, more sedate, was accompanied by her betrothed, major croghan. "my uncle, george croghan, has lately died in new york and left me his heir. i shall locate in louisville," was the major's explanation to his friend's inquiry. "and what is the news from virginia?" "your old friend patrick henry is governor again. jonathan visited him last week," was william's reply. "and jonathan's wife, sarah hite, bids fair to secure her fortune," added fanny. "you see, when old lord fairfax heard of cornwallis's surrender he gave up. 'put me to bed, jo,' he said, 'it is time for me to die,' and die he did. now his lands are in the courts." "mrs. jefferson, who was ill, died as a result of the excitement of the flight from tarleton," said lucy. "to get away from his sorrow, mr. jefferson has accepted the appointment of minister to france to succeed dr. franklin, and has taken martha and maria with him. they will go to school in paris." george rogers clark was a silent man. he spoke no word of his recent trip to philadelphia, in which dr. franklin had grasped his hand and said, "young man, you have given an empire to the republic." "general washington has just returned from a horseback journey down into this country," added major croghan. "he has lands on the ohio." "and have _you_ no word of yourself or of kentucky?" general clark handed his father a notification from the assembly of virginia. he read it aloud. "the conclusion of the war, and the distressed situation of the state with respect to its finances, call on us to adopt the most prudent economy. you will, therefore, consider yourself out of command." "and you are no longer in the army?" "no, nor even on a footing with the continentals. i was simply a soldier of the virginia militia, and, as such, have no claim even for the half pay allotted to all continental officers." "but virginia has ceded her western territories to congress with the distinct stipulation that expenses incurred in subduing any british posts therein, or in acquiring any part of the territory, shall be reimbursed by the united states." "is there any hope there? what has congress? an empty treasury. and who is to pay the bills incurred in the illinois conquest? shall i, a private individual?" "that would be impossible," commented the father. "but i am not disheartened," continued george rogers. "when the indians are quiet, my men hope to build a city on the land granted us opposite the falls. and here is something from jefferson, written before he left for europe." william stood attentive while the letter was read. "annapolis, december , . dear sir,--i find they have subscribed a very large sum of money in england for exploring the country from the mississippi to california. they pretend it is only to promote knowledge. i am afraid they have thought of colonising into that quarter. some of us have been talking here in a feeble way of making an attempt to search that country, but i doubt whether we have enough of that kind of spirit to raise the money. how would you like to lead such a party? though i am afraid our prospect is not worth the question. your friend and humble servant, thomas jefferson." "does he want you to lead an exploring party to the pacific ocean?" inquired william with intense interest. "that is the substance of it. and i should want you to accompany me." little did either then dream that william clark would lead that party, with another. the boats were ready. surmounted by the stars and stripes of the "old thirteen" they started on their journey. suddenly the monongahela closed with ice and locked them at pittsburg, where flurries of snow set the sleigh-bells ringing. through deep drifts, under the guns of fort pitt, files of philadelphia traders were buying up skins and tallow, to carry back over the mountains in their packsaddles that had come out loaded with salt and gunpowder. squaws were exchanging peltries for the white man's tea and sugar. a great concourse of emigrants was blocked for the winter. every cabin was crowded. after great exertions george had secured quarters quite unlike the roomy old virginian home. "i must be gone to make peace with those indians who have been acting with the british, and take steps toward securing titles beyond the ohio." accompanied by two other commissioners, general clark set out for fort mcintosh. it was january before the indians gathered with pierre drouillard, interpreter now for the united states. "by the treaty of peace with england this land belongs to the thirteen fires," was the basis of argument. "you have been allies of england, and now by the law of nations the land is ours." "no! no!" fiercely cried buckongahelas. "but we will divide with you. you are to release your white captives, and give up a part of your ohio lands. the rest you can keep. detroit and michilimackinac belong to the thirteen fires." then boundaries were drawn. "no! no!" cried buckongahelas. clark heeded not. after deliberation the chiefs signed,--wyandot, ottawa, chippewa,--all but buckongahelas. "i am a friend of great britain!" roared the delaware king. then to the surprise of all, suddenly striding past the other commissioners, the swarthy chief took the hand of general clark. "i thank the great spirit for having this day brought together two such warriors as buckongahelas and the long knife." clark smiled and returned the compliment. "will the gorge break?" every frontiersman was asking when george returned to pittsburg. piled back for seventy miles the alleghany was a range of ice, heaped floe on floe. where the muddy monongahela blends with the crystal alleghany the boats lay locked with a hundred others, awaiting the deluge. suddenly the melting snows of the alleghanies burst; the ice loosened, tearing and cutting the branches of trees overhanging the river; and slowly, with the ice, moved the great fleet of flatboats. ever narrower and deeper and swifter, the ohio leaped with tremendous rush down its confined channel. the trees on the uninhabited shores, never yet cut away, held the embankment firm, and racing down on the perilous flood came the clarks to the falls of the ohio, in march of . fascinated by the rush of waves, fourteen-year-old william poled like a man. could he dream what destruction lay in their course? "_l'année des grandes eaux_," , is famous in the annals of the west as the year of great waters. the floods came down and drowned out old ste. genevieve and drove the inhabitants back to the higher terrace on which that village stands to-day. above, the whole american bottom was a swift running sea, kaskaskia and cahokia were submerged by the simultaneous melting of the snows, and nothing but its high bold shore of limestone rock saved st. louis itself. paddling around in his boat, auguste chouteau ate breakfast on the roofs of ste. genevieve. at louisville barely could boats be pulled in to the bear grass. below, waves foamed and whirled among the rocks, that to-day have been smoothed by the hand of man into a shallow channel. guided by skilful hands, many a trader's boat that year took the chute of the falls like an arrow; over the ledges that dammed the water back, down, down they slid out of sight into that unknown west, where william knew not that his brother had paved the way to louisiana. "have you found us a tract?" inquired the anxious mother. "land, mother? i own a dukedom, my soldiers and i, one hundred and fifty thousand acres, on the indian side of the river. we have incorporated a town there, clarksville they call it. it will be a great city,--but louisville is safer at present." that spring they lived at fort nelson, with watchmen on the ramparts. "but we saw no indians in coming down!" "true enough, the flood was a surprise so early in the year. wait a little, and you will hear more of this terrifying river-route, where in low water it takes seven weeks to run from redstone to the bear grass. then the murderous clutches of the indians have free play among the helpless emigrants. let us be thankful for what you escaped." almost while they were speaking a band of indians glided out of the woods not far away, snatched a boy from a fence, and shot his father in the field. "don't kill me, just take me prisoner," said little tommy, looking up into the warrior's face. at that instant an elder brother's rifle felled the indian, and the boy was saved to become the father of abraham lincoln. xxii _mulberry hill_ on a beautiful eminence three miles south of louisville, john clark built his pioneer kentucky home. louisville itself consisted of but a few log cabins around a fortification built by george rogers clark. this family home, so far from the centre, was stockaded by itself, a double log house, two and a half stories high, with hall through the middle. every night a negro stood sentinel, there were portholes in the pickets, and indians hid in the canebrakes. once while the young ladies were out walking an indian shot a little negro girl and they carried her back wounded, behind the pickets at mulberry hill. the floor of the long dining-room was of wood, hard as a bone, and over the seven-foot mantel stag-horns and swords of the revolution were lit by the light of the cavernous fireplace. rigid economy and untiring industry had been the rule at the old clark home in caroline, and not less was it here. there were no pianos, but until midnight the hum of the wheel made music. enchanted the young people listened to tale and song and hum of wheel, while down the great chimney top calmly smiled the pensive stars. little thought they of bare walls, low rafters, or small windows. after the boys hauled in the logs on a hand-sled, and built up a great flame, the whole world seemed illuminated. the pewter basins shone like mirrors, and while their fingers flew in the light of the fire, stories were told of kaskaskia, vincennes, st. louis. but the donna? clark never spoke of her. it was a hidden grief that made him ever lonely. when he saw the lovelight all around him and sometimes left the room, the mother wondered why sudden silence came upon the group. at mulberry hill lucy was married to major croghan, who, on a farm five miles out, built locust grove, an english mansion of the olden style, in its day the handsomest in louisville. and fanny? she was the belle of kentucky. in powdered wig and ruffles many a grave virginian tripped with her the minuet and contra dances of the revolution. more and more young william became enamoured of the indian dress, and went about gaily singing the songs of robin hood and hacking the meat with his hunting knife. out over the game-trails of kentucky, like the beaten streets of fredericksburg, the only city he ever knew, young william went with the boones, kenton, and his own famous brother, george rogers clark, in peltry cap and buckskin hunting-shirt girded with a leathern belt. led by them, with what eagerness he shot his first buffalo, deep in the woods of kentucky. not much longer could bears, deer, and buffalo retreat to the cane. with the coming of the clarks an emigration set in that was to last for a hundred years. even amusements partook of sportive adventure. now it was the hunter's horn summoning the neighbours to a bear chase in the adjoining hills. william surpassed the indian himself in imitating the bark of the wolf, the hoot of the owl, the whistle of the whippoorwill. daniel boone came often to mulberry hill in leggings and moccasins, ever hunting, hunting, hunting beaver, bear and coon, wolves and wild-cats, deer and foxes, and going back to trade their skins in maryland for frontier furniture, knives and buttons, scissors, nails, and tea. upon his shot-pouch strap boone fastened his moccasin awl with a buckhorn handle made out of an old clasp-knife, and carried along with him a roll of buckskin to mend his mocassins. while the grizzled hunter stitched deftly at his moccasins, william and york sat by, engaged in the same pastime, for wherever william went, york was his shadow. "since poor richard's uncertain fate i can never trust the boy alone," said his mother. "york, it is your business to guard your young master." and he did, to the ends of the earth. when "uncle daniel," rolled in a blanket, threw himself down on a bed of leaves and slept with his feet to the fire to prevent rheumatism, york and william lay down too, sleeping by turns and listening for indians. at daylight, loosely belting their fringed hunting shirts into wallets for carrying bread, a chunk of jerked beef, or tow for the gun, with tomahawk on the right side and scalping knife on the left, each in a leathern case, again they set off under the reddening forest. skilled in the lore of woodcraft, watchful of clouds and stars and sun, an intimate student of insect life and own brother to the wily beaver, bear, and buffalo, william clark was becoming a scientist. returning from the chase with the same sort of game that graced the saxon board before the norman conquest, he sat down to hear the talk of statesmen. for when clark's commission was revoked, kentucky, unprotected, called a convention to form a state. affairs that in european lands are left to kings and their ministers, were discussed in the firelight of every cabin. public safety demanded action. exposed on three sides to savage inroads, with their virginia capital hundreds of miles beyond forest, mountains, and rivers, no wonder kentucky pleaded for statehood. in a despotic country the people sleep. here every nerve was awake. discussion, discussion, discussion, made every fireside a school of politics; even boys in buckskin considered the nation's welfare. before he was seventeen william clark was made an ensign and proudly donned the eagle and blue ribbon of the cincinnati, a society of the soldiers of the revolution of which washington himself was president. educated in the backwoods and by the cabin firelight, young william was already developing the striking bearing and bold unwavering character of his brother. "what can have become of richard?" every day the mother heart glanced down the long avenue of catalpas that were growing in front of mulberry hill. of the whole family, the gentle affectionate richard was an especial favourite. he was coming from kaskaskia to see his mother, but never arrived. one day his horse and saddlebags were found on the banks of the wabash. was he killed by the indians, or was he drowned? no one ever knew. again george rogers clark was out making treaties with the indians to close up the revolution, but british emissaries had been whispering in their ears, "make the ohio the boundary." at last, after long delays, a few of the tribes came in to the council at the mouth of the great miami, some in friendship, some like the shawnees, rudely suggestive of treachery. "the war is over," explained general clark as chairman; "we desire to live in peace with our red brethren. if such be the will of the shawnees, let some of their wise men speak." there was silence as they whiffed at the council pipes. then a tall chief arose and glanced at the handful of whites and at his own three hundred along the walls of the council house. "we come here to offer you two pieces of wampum. you know what they mean. choose." dropping the beaded emblems upon the table the savage turned to his seat by the wall. pale, calm as a statue, but with flashing eye, clark tangled his slender cane into the belts and--flung them at the chiefs. "ugh!" every indian was up with knife unsheathed, every white stood with hand on his sword. into their very teeth the long knife had flung back the challenge, "peace, or war." like hounds in leash they strained, ready to leap, when the lordly long knife raised his arm and grinding the wampum beneath his heel thundered,-- "_dogs, you may go!_" one moment they wavered, then broke and fled tumultuously from the council house. all night they debated in the woods near the fort. in the morning, "let me sign," said buckongahelas. smiling, clark guided the hand of the boastful delaware, and all the rest signed with him. xxiii _mississippi troubles_ for the first time in their stormy history, the front and rear gates of the kentucky forts lay back on their enormous wooden hinges, and all day long men and teams passed in and out with waggon loads of grain from the harvest fields. so hushed and still was the air, it seemed the old indian days were gone for ever. at night the animals came wandering in from the woods, making their customary way to the night pens. fields of corn waved undisturbed around the forts. but the truce was brief. already the cherokees were slaughtering on the wilderness road, and beyond the ohio, shawnee and delaware, wild at the sight of the white man's cabin, rekindled the fires around the stake. thousands of emigrants were coming over the mountains from carolina, and down the ohio from pittsburg social boats lashed together rode in company, bark canoes, pirogues, flatboats, keelboats, scows, barges, bateaux and brigades of bateaux, sweeping down with resistless english, scotch, irish, germans, huguenots, armed for the battle of the races. still the powerful fur traders of quebec and montreal hung on to detroit and mackinac, still de peyster opposed giving up the peninsulas of michigan. "pen the young republic east of the alleghanies," said france, spain, england, when the peace treaty was under consideration. but clark's conquest compelled them to grant the illinois. before the ink was dry on the documents, kentucky was trading down the great river of de soto. "the west must trade over the mountains," said the merchants of philadelphia and baltimore. "the west will follow its rivers," answered kentucky. "spain is mistress of the mississippi," said the spanish king to john jay, the american minister at madrid. in vain flatboatmen with wheat and corn said, "we are from kentucky." "what kaintucke?" brayed the commandant at natchez. "i know no kaintucke. spain own both side de river. i am ordered to seize all foreign vessel on de way to new orleong." without the spaniard the trip was sufficiently hazardous. indians watched the shores. pirates infested the bayous. head winds made the frail craft unmanageable,--snags leered up like monsters to pierce and swallow. but every new settler enlarged the fields, and out of the virgin soil the log granaries were bursting. "carry away our grain, bring us merchandise," was the cry of expanding kentucky. but to escape the indian was to fall into the hands of the spaniard, and the spaniard was little more than a legalised pirate. even the goods of the frenchmen were seized with the warning, "try it again and we'll send you to brazil." the frenchmen resented this infringement on their immemorial right. since the days of the daring and courageous bienville who founded new orleans, no man had said them nay. a tremendous hatred of the spaniard grew up in the hearts of the frenchmen. in the midst of these confiscations there was distress and anarchy in the illinois. the infant republic had not had time to stretch out there the strong arm of law. floods and continental money had ruined the confiding frenchmen; the garrisons were in destitution; they were writing to clark:-- "our credit is become so weak among the french that one dollar's worth of provisions cannot be had without prompt payment, were it to save the whole country." "and why has our british father made no provision for us," bewailed the indians, "who at his beck and call have made such deadly enemies of the long knives? our lands have been ravaged by fire and sword, and now we are left at their mercy." "let us drive the red rascals out," cried the infuriated settlers. "no," said washington, who understood and pitied the red men. "forgive the past. dispossess them gradually by purchase as the extension of settlement demands the occupation of their lands." but five thousand impoverished indians in the ohio country kept thirty thousand settlers in hot water all the time. no lock on a barn door could save the horses, no precaution save the outlying emigrant from scalping or capture. red banditti haunted the streams and forests, dragging away their screaming victims like ogres of mediæval tragedy. clark grew sick and aged over it. "no commission, no money, no right to do anything for my suffering country!" "your brother, the general, is very ill," said old john clark, coming out of the sick chamber at mulberry hill. in days to come there were generals and generals in the clark family, but george rogers was always "the general." into ten years the youthful commander had compressed the exposure of a lifetime. mental anguish and days in the icy wabash told now on his robust frame, and inflammatory rheumatism set in from which he never recovered. "the americans are your enemies," emissaries from detroit were whispering at vincennes. "the government has forsaken you. they take your property, they pay nothing." "we have nothing to do with the united states," said the french citizens, weary of a congress that heeded them not. "we consider ourselves british subjects and shall obey no other power." even clark's old friend, the tobacco's son, had gone back to his british father, and as always with indians, dug up the red tomahawk. a committee of american citizens at vincennes sent a flying express to clark. "this place that once trembled at your victorious arms, and these savages overawed by your superior power, is now entirely anarchical and we shudder at the daily expectation of horrid murder. we beg you will write us by the earliest opportunity. knowing you to be a friend of the distressed we look to you for assistance." such a call could not be ignored. kentucky was aroused and summoned her favourite general to the head of her army. from a sick bed he arose to lead a thousand undisciplined men, and with him went his brother william. the sultry sun scorched, the waters were low, provisions did not arrive until nine days after the soldiers, and then were spoiled. fatigued, hungry, three hundred revolted and left; nevertheless, the indians had fled and vincennes was recovered. just then up the wabash came a spaniard with a boatload of valuable goods. clark promptly confiscated the cargo, and out of them paid his destitute troops. "it is not alone retaliation," said clark, "it is a warning. if spain will not let us trade down the river, she shall not trade up." kentucky applauded. they even talked of sending clark against the spaniards and of breaking away from a government that refused to aid them. "general clark seized spanish goods?" virginia was alarmed and promptly repudiated the seizure. "we are not ready to fight spain." clark's friends were disturbed. "you will be hung." clark laughed. "i will flee to the indians first." "we have as much to fear from the turbulence of our backwoodsmen," said washington, "as from the hostility of the spaniards." but at this very time, unknown to washington, the spaniards were arming the savages of the south, to exterminate these reckless ambitious frontiersmen. louisiana feared these unruly neighbours. intriguers from new orleans were whispering, "break with the atlantic states and league yourself with spain." then came the rumour, "jay proposes to shut up the mississippi for twenty-five years!" never country was in such a tumult. "we are sold! we are vassals of spain!" cried the men of the west. "what? close the mississippi for twenty-five years as a price of commercial advantage on the atlantic coast? twenty-five years when our grain is rotting? twenty-five years must we be cut off when the wilderness road is thronged with packtrains, when the ohio is black with flatboats? where do they think we are going to pen our people? where do they think we are going to ship our produce? better put twenty thousand men in the field at once and protect our own interests." the bond was brittle; how easily might it be broken! even spain laughed at the weakness of a union that could not command kentucky to give up its river. and kentucky looked to clark. "we must conquer spain or unite with her. we must have the mississippi. will you march with us on new orleans?" then, happily, virginia spoke out for the west. "we must aid them. the free navigation of the mississippi is the gift of nature to the united states." the very next day madison announced in the virginia assembly, "i shall move the election of delegates to a constitutional convention." the stability of the union seemed pivoted upon an open river to the gulf. veterans of the revolution and of the continental congress met to frame a constitution in . after weeks of deliberation with closed doors, the immortal congress adjourned. the constitution was second only to the declaration of independence. without kings or princes a free people had erected a continental republic. the constitution was adopted, and all the way into kentucky wilds were heard the roaring of cannon and ringing of bells that proclaimed the father of his country the first president of the united states. "we must cement the east and the west," said washington. but that west was drifting away--with its mississippi. about this time young daniel boone said, "father, i am going west." just eighteen, one year older than william clark, in the summer of , he concluded to strike out for the mississippi. "well, dannie boy, thee take the compass," said his father. it was the old guide, as large as a saucer, that lord dunmore gave boone when he sent him out to call in the surveyors from the falls of the ohio thirteen years before. mounted on his pony, with a wallet of corn and a rifle on his back, boone rode straight on westward thirty days without meeting a single human being. pausing on the river bank opposite st. louis he hallooed for an hour before any one heard him. "dat some person on de oder shore," presently said old rené kiercereaux, the chorister at the village church. a canoe was sent over and brought back boone. as if a man had dropped from the moon, french, spanish, and indian traders gathered. he spoke not a word of french, but auguste chouteau's slave petrie could talk english. "son of boone, de great hunter? come to my house!" "come to _my_ house!" the hospitable creoles strove with one another for the honour of entertaining the son of daniel boone. for twelve years he spent his summers in st. louis and his winters in western missouri, hunting and trapping. "the best beaver country on earth," he wrote to his father. "you had better come out." "eef your father, ze great colonel boone, will remove to louisiana," said señor zenon trudeau, the lieutenant-governor, "eef he will become a citizen of spain, de king will appreciate de act and reward him handsomely." xxiv _st. clair_ "kentucky! kentucky! i hear nothing else," exclaimed the fighting parson of the revolution, who had thrown aside his prayer-book and gown to follow the armies of washington. "if this western exodus continues virginia bids fair to be depopulated." even jack jouett, who had ridden to warn jefferson of tarleton's raid, had gone to become an honoured member of kentucky's first legislature. "father, let me go." charles mynn thruston, the son of the fighting parson, had long desired to follow fanny clark, but his father held him back. smiling now at the ardour of his son, he said, "you may go, my boy. i am thinking of the western country myself." preparations were immediately made, business affairs settled, and a farewell dinner brought friends to historic mount zion, the famous shenandoah seat of the fighting parson. "a strangah desiahs to know, sah, if he can get dinnah, sah," announced black sambo. "certainly, certainly." parson thruston was the soul of hospitality. "bring him at once to the table, sambo." the stranger seated himself and ate in silence. "i perceive," remarked the parson after the courses had been removed, "i perceive that you are a traveller. may i inquire whence you come?" every ear was intent. "from kentucky, sir," answered the stranger. "ah, that is fortunate. i am about to leave for that country myself," exclaimed young thruston, "and shall be glad to hear such news as you may have to communicate." the stranger smiled and pondered. "the only interesting incident that i recall before my departure from louisville, was the marriage of the kentucky belle, miss fanny clark, to dr. o'fallon." as if struck by a bolt from heaven, charles mynn thruston fell unconscious to the floor. dr. o'fallon was a young irish gentleman of talent and learning. an intimate friend of the governor of south carolina, just before the revolution he had come to visit america, but espousing the cause of the colonists, the governor promptly clapped him into prison. "imprisoned o'fallon!" the people of charleston arose, liberated him, and drove the governor to the british fleet in the harbour. dr. o'fallon enlisted as a private soldier. but surgeons were needed,--he soon proved himself one of skill unexcelled in america. general washington himself ordered him north, and made him surgeon-general in his own army. here he remained until the close of the war, and was thanked by congress for his services. and now he had visited kentucky to assist in securing the navigation of the mississippi, and met--fanny. with the charming fanny as his wife, dr. o'fallon rode many a mile in the woods, the first great doctor of louisville. other emigrants were bringing other romances, and other tragedies. "ohio! ohio! we hear nothing but ohio!" said the people of new england. one rainy april morning the "mayflower," a flatboat with a second plymouth colony, turned into the muskingum and founded a settlement. "marie, marie antoinette,--did she not use her influence in behalf of franklin's mission to secure the acknowledgment of american independence? let us name our settlement marietta." so were founded the cities of the french king and queen, louisville and marietta. a few months later, kentuckians went over and started cincinnati on the site of george rogers clark's old block-house. into the ohio, people came suddenly and in swarms, "institutional englishmen," bearing their household gods and shaping a state. "these men come wearing hats," said the indians. frenchmen wore handkerchiefs and never tarried. surveyors came. squatting around their fires, with astonishment and fear the indians watched "the white man's devil," squinting over his compass and making marks in his books. wherever the magical instrument turned all the best lands were bound with chains fast to the white man. the indians foresaw their approaching destruction and hung nightly along the river shore, in the thick brush under the sycamores, stealing horses and sinking boats. with tomahawk in hand, a leader among them was young tecumseh. "the ohio shall be the boundary. no white man shall plant corn in ohio!" cried the indian. "keep the ohio for a fur preserve," whispered detroit at his back. while wedding bells were ringing at mulberry hill, marietta was suffering. the gardens were destroyed by indian marauders, the game was driven off, and great was the privation within the walled town. that was the winter when governor st. clair came with his beautiful daughter louisa, the fleetest rider in the chase, the swiftest skater on the ice, and, like all pioneer girls, so skilled with the rifle that she could bring down the bird on the wing, the squirrel from the tree. creeping out over the crusty february snow, every family in the settlement had its kettle in the sugar orchard boiling down the maple sap. corn-meal and sap boiled down together formed for many the daily food. but with all the bravado of their hearts, men and women passed sleepless vigils while the sentinel stood all night long in the lonely watchtower of the middle blockhouse. at any moment might arise the cry, "the indians! the indians are at the gates!" and with the long roll of the drum beating alarm every gun was ready at a porthole and every white face straining through the dark. when screaming wild geese steering their northern flight gave token of returning spring, when the partridge drummed in the wood and the turkey gobbled, when the red bird made vocal the forest and the hawthorn and dogwood flung out their perfume, then too came the indian from his winter lair. "ah," sighed many a mother, "i prefer the days of gloom and tempest, for then the red man hugs his winter fire." always among the first in pursuit of marauding indians, william clark as a cadet had already crossed the ohio with general scott, "a youth of solid and promising parts and as brave as cæsar," said dr. o'fallon. joseph brant, thayendanegea, presented a memorial to congress insisting upon the ohio as the indian boundary. his son came down to marietta. "ah, yes," was the whispered rumour at marietta, "young brant, the educated son of the famous mohawk leader, aspires to the hand of louisa st. clair." but the revolutionary general spurned his daughter's dusky suitor. the next day after new year's, , the indians swept down on marietta with the fiendish threat, "before the trees put forth their leaves again no white man's cabin shall smoke beyond the ohio." "capture st. clair alive," bade the irate mohawk chieftain. "shoot his horse under him but do not kill him." did he hope yet to win consent to his marriage with louisa? the next heard of st. clair was when the last shattered remnant of his prostrate army fell back on cincinnati, a defeat darker, more annihilating, more ominous than braddock's. "my god," exclaimed washington, "it's all over! st. clair's defeated--routed; the officers are nearly all killed, the men by wholesale; the rout is complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise into the bargain." no wonder secretary lear stood appalled as the great man poured forth his wrath in the house at philadelphia. fifteen hundred went out from cincinnati,--five hundred came back. a thousand scalps had thayendanegea. the news came to mulberry hill like a thunderbolt. kentucky, even pittsburg, looked for an immediate savage inundation,--for was not all that misty west full of warriors? the old fear leaped anew. like an irresistible billow they might roll over the unprotected frontier. from his bed of sickness general clark started up. "ah, detroit! detroit! hadst thou been taken my countrymen need not have been so slaughtered." at marietta, up in the woods and on the side hills, glittered multitudes of fires, the camps of savages. hunger added its pangs to fear. the beleaguered citizens sent all the money they could raise by two young men to buy salt, meat, and flour at redstone-old-fort on the monongahela. suddenly the river closed with ice; in destitution marietta waited. "they have run off with the money," said some. "they have been killed by indians," said others. but again, as suddenly, the ice broke, and early in march the young men joyfully moored their precious kentucky ark at the upper gate of the garrison at marietta. xxv _the sword of "mad anthony" wayne_ "another defeat will ruin the reputation of the government," said washington, as he sent out "mad anthony" wayne, the uproarious quaker general, with ruffles, queue, and cocked hat, the stormer of stony point in the revolution. in vain wayne sent commissioners to treat with the indians. elated with recent victories, "the ohio shall be the boundary," was the defiant answer. an indian captured and brought to wayne said of the british: "all their speeches to us are red, red as blood. all the wampum and feathers are painted red. our war-pipes and hatchets are red. even the tobacco is red for war." "my mind and heart are upon that river," said cornplanter, an indian chief, pointing to the ohio. "may that water ever continue to be the boundary between the americans and the indians." commissioned by washington first lieutenant of the fourth sub-legion, on the first of september, , william clark crossed the ohio and spent the winter at legionville where wayne was collecting and drilling his army. "i will have no six months men," said wayne. "two years will it take to organise, drill, and harden them before we think of taking the field." "we are certain to be scalped," whispered timorous ones, remembering st. clair's slaughter. hundreds deserted. the very word indian inspired terror. but horse, foot, and artillery, he drilled them, the tremblers took courage, and the government, at last awakened, stood firmly behind with money and supplies. "remember, stony point was stormed with unloaded muskets. see! you must know the use of the broadsword and of the bayonet, a weapon before which the savages cannot stand." at work went "mad anthony" teaching his men to load and fire upon the run, to leap to the charge with loud halloos, anticipating all possible conditions. "charge in open order. each man rely on himself, and expect a personal encounter with the enemy." the men caught his spirit. wayne's legion became a great military school. now he was drilling superb kentucky cavalry, as perfectly matched as the armies of europe, sorrel and bay, chestnut and gray, bush-whacking and charging, leaping ravines and broken timber, outdoing the indians themselves in their desperate riding. and with all this drill, wayne was erecting and garrisoning forts. in the fall of , lieutenant clark was dispatched to vincennes. "it appears that all active and laborious commands fall on me," he wrote to his brother jonathan, in virginia. "not only labour, but i like to have starved,--was frozen up in the wabash twenty days without provisions. in this agreeable situation had once more to depend on my rifle." after several skirmishes with indians, lieutenant clark returned to fort washington (cincinnati) in may, to be immediately dispatched with twenty-one dragoons and sixty cavalry to escort seven hundred packhorses laden with provisions and clothing to greenville, a log fort eighty miles north of cincinnati. the shawnees were watching. upon this rich prize fell an ambuscade of sixty indians. eight men were killed, the train began to retreat, when clark came dashing up from the rear, put the assailants to flight, and saved the day. for this he was thanked by general wayne. washington, jefferson, the whole country impatiently watched for news of wayne on the ohio. drill, drill, drill,--keeping out a cloud of scouts that no peering indian might discover his preparations, wayne exercised daily now with rifle, sabre, and bayonet until no grizzly frontiersman surpassed his men at the target, no fox-hunter could leap more wildly, no swordsman more surely swing the sharp steel home. at the sight young tennesseeans and kentuckians, virginians of the border and pennsylvanians of lifetime battle, were eager for the fray. about midsummer, , wayne moved out with his legion, twenty-six hundred strong, and halted at fort greenville for sixteen hundred kentucky cavalry. brigades of choppers were opening roads here and there to deceive. "this general that never sleeps is cutting in every direction," whispered the watchful shawnees. "he is the black snake." for a last time wayne offered peace. his messengers were wantonly murdered. the issue at fallen timbers lasted forty minutes,--the greatest indian battle in forty years of battle. two thousand indians crouching in the brush looked to see the americans dismount and tie their horses as they did in st. clair's battle,--but no, bending low on their horses with gleaming sabres and fixed bayonets, on like a whirlwind came thundering the american cavalry. "what was it that defeated us? it was the big wind, the tornado," said the indians. matchekewis was there from sheboygan with his warriors, the black partridge from illinois, and buckongahelas. the shawnees had their fill of fighting that day; tecumseh fell back at the wild onset, retreating inch by inch. william clark led to the charge a column of kentuckians and drove the enemy two miles. but why enumerate in this irresistible legion, where all were heroes on that th of august, . wayne's victory ended the revolution. ninety days after, lord st. helens gave up ohio in his treaty with jay, and england bound herself to deliver the northwestern posts that her fur traders had hung on to so vainly. niagara, michilimackinac, detroit, keys to the lakes, _entrepôts_ to all the fur trade of the northwest, were lost to britain for ever. it was hardest to give up detroit,--it broke up their route and added many a weight to the weary packer's back when the fur trade had to take a more northern outlet along the ottawa. it was ten o'clock in the morning of july , , when the detroiters peering through their glasses espied two vessels. "the yankees are coming!" a thrill went through the garrison, and even through the flag that fluttered above. the last act in the war of independence was at hand. the four gates of detroit opened to be closed no more, as the drawbridge fell over the moat and the americans marched into the northern stronghold. it was lernoult's old fort built so strenuously in that icy winter of - , when "clark is coming" was the watchword of the north. scarce a picket in the stockade had been changed since that trying time. blockhouse, bastion, and battery could so easily have been taken, that even at this day we cannot suppress a regret that clark had not a chance at detroit! barefooted frenchmen, dark-eyed french girls, and indians, indians everywhere, came in to witness the transfer of detroit. at noon, july , , the english flag was lowered and the stars and stripes went up where clark would fain have hung them seventeen years before. and the old cellar of the council house! like a tomb was its revelation, for there, mouldered with the must of years, lay two thousand scalps, long tresses of women, children's golden curls, and the wiry locks of men, thrown into that official cellar in those awful days that now were ended. the merry frenchmen on their pipestem farms,--for every inhabitant owned his pathway down to the river,--the merry frenchmen went on grinding their corn by their old dutch windmills, went on pressing their cider in their gnarled old apple orchards. they could not change the situation if they would, and they would not if they could. the lazy windmills of detroit swung round and round as if it had been ever thus. still the indians slid in and out and still the british traders lingered, loath to give up the fur trade of the lakes. the next year after wayne's victory the last buffalo in ohio was killed, and in the first american cabins were built at cleveland and chillicothe. for the first time the ohio, the great highway, was safe. passenger boats no longer had bullet-proof cabins, no longer trailed cannon on their gunwales. in that year twenty thousand emigrants passed down the ohio. astonished and helpless the red men saw the tide. by there were more whites in the mississippi valley than there were indians in all north america. xxvi _the spaniard_ early in april of a company of french merchants sat at a dinner in new orleans. before them magnolias bloomed in the plaza. out in the harbour their vessels were flying the spanish flag. "spain has declared war against france. a french frigate is sailing for the gulf." like a bomb the announcement burst in their midst. the fine and handsome face of charles de pauw was lit with determination. he had come over with lafayette, and had invested a fortune in the new world. "my ships are in danger. i will haul down the spanish colours and float the american flag. long enough have the frenchmen of missouri and illinois endured the spanish yoke. long enough have our cargoes been confiscated and our trade ruined by unnecessary and tyrannical restrictions." "but america will not help us." "the kentuckians will," answered de pauw. "already they are begging george rogers clark to march on new orleans." a huzza rang round the table. "we shall be here to help him." "every settlement that borders the mississippi will join with us. spain rules to pittsburg, dictates prices, opens and closes markets. will americans endure that? from new orleans to british america, spain stretches an invisible cordon, 'thus far and no farther.' all beyond is the private park of don carlos iv." "what will congress do?" "congress?" echoed another. "what does it matter to those people beyond the alleghanies? they are very far away. europe is not so remote. our interests lie with mississippi and the sea." "but that would dismember the union." "will it dismember the union for the louisianians to break their fetter from spain and thereby give us a market clear of duty? the kentuckians, equally with us, are irritated at the spanish government. we have a right to strike spain." charles de pauw renamed his schooner the "maria" and sailed out of the gulf under the stars and stripes. on the way to new york he met the frigate returning that brought the french minister, charles genet, to charleston. acres of flatboats lay freighted on the dimpling ohio. corn, wheat, oats, rye,--the worn-out tobacco lands of virginia knew nothing like it. but the spaniard stood at the gate and locked up the river. "a king?" americans laughed at the fancy. "a king to check or hinder us in our rights? who shall refuse us? are we not americans?" "the mississippi is ours," cried kentucky. "by the law of nature, by the authority of numbers, by the right of necessity. if congress will not give it to us, we must take it ourselves." and now france-- george rogers clark was profoundly moved by the french crusade for liberty. "we owe it to france to help her. was not france our friend in the time of trouble?" then he wrote to the french minister, tendering his services to france in her arduous struggle: "i would begin with st. louis, a rich, large, and populous town, and by placing two or three frigates within the mississippi's mouth (to guard against spanish succours) i would engage to subdue new orleans, and the rest of louisiana. if farther aided i would capture pensacola; and if santa fé and the rest of new mexico were objects--i know their strength and every avenue leading to them, for conquest.--all the routes as well as the defenceless situation of those places are perfectly known to me and i possess draughts of all their defences, and estimates of the greatest force which could oppose me. if france will be hearty and secret in this business my success borders on certainty.--the route from st. louis to santa fé is easy, and the places not very distant.... to save congress from a rupture with spain on our account, we must first expatriate ourselves and become french citizens. this is our intention." on its errand of good or ill the letter sped to the french minister to the united states, and lo! that minister was genet, just landed at charleston. genet had come from revolutionary france, at this moment fighting all europe, so frightfully had upblazed the tiny spark of liberty borne back by the soldiers of rochambeau. andré michaux was instructed to hasten to the falls of the ohio with this message to george rogers clark: "the french minister has filled out this blank commission from his government making you a marshal of france, major general and commander-in-chief of the french legion on the mississippi." thus had genet answered the letter. new orleans was watching. "the americans are threatening us with an army assembling on the ohio," wrote carondelet in alarm to spain. "ill-disposed and fanatical citizens in this capital," he added, "restless and turbulent men infatuated with liberty and equality, are increased with every vessel that comes from the ports of france." he begged spain to send him troops from cuba. he begged the captain general of cuba to send him troops from havana. gayoso put his fort at vicksburg in defence and carondelet sent up a division of galleys to new madrid and st. louis. but carondelet, the governor of louisiana, had his hands full. frenchmen of his own city were signing papers to strike a blow for france. he would build defences,--they opposed and complained of his measures. merchants and others whose business suffered by the uncertainties of commerce took no responsibility as the domineering little baron endeavoured to fortify new orleans with palisaded wall, towers, and a moat seven feet deep and forty feet wide. "it may happen that the enemy will try to surprise the plaza on a dark night," said the baron. all the artillery was mounted. haughty spanish cavaliers with swords and helmets paced the parapets of the grim pentagonal bastions. watchmen with spears and lanterns guarded the gates below. the city was in terror of assault. at every rise of the river carondelet looked for a filibustering army out of the north. by every ship runners were sent to spain. news of the intended raid penetrated even the ursuline convent. sister infelice paled when she heard it, gave a little gasp, and fainted. "clearly she fears, the gentle sister fears these northern barbarians," remarked the mother superior. "take her to her chamber." and st. louis,--not since had she been so alarmed. the governor constructed a square redoubt flanked by bastions, dug a shallow moat, and raised a fort on the hill. seventeen grenadiers with drawn sabres stood at the drawbridge. "immediately on the approach of the enemy, retreat to new madrid," was the order of this puissant governor. george rogers clark, who had planned and executed the conquest of illinois, burned now for the conquest of louisiana. and the west looked to him; she despised and defied the spaniard as she despised and defied the indian. they blocked the way, they must depart. clark's old veteran officers christy, logan, montgomery, sent word they would serve under his command. the french squadron at philadelphia was to set sail for the gulf. major fulton and michaux, clark's right-hand men, travelled all over the west enlisting men, provisions, and money. de pauw engaged to furnish four hundred barrels of flour and a thousand-weight of bacon, and to send brass cannon over the mountains. in december clark's men were already cutting timber to build boats on the bear grass. five thousand men were to start in the spring, provided congress did not oppose and genet could raise a million dollars. in despair carondelet wrote home, saying that if the project planned was carried into effect, he would have no other alternative but to surrender. "having no reinforcements to hope for from havana, i have no further hope than in the faults the enemy may commit and in accidents which may perhaps favour us." carondelet gave up. in march he wrote again, "the commandant at post vincennes has offered cannon for the use of the expedition." early in january clark was writing to de pauw, "have your stores at the falls by the th of february, as in all probability we shall descend the river at that time." montgomery reported, "arms and ammunition, five hundred bushels of corn and ten thousand pounds of pork, also twenty thousand weight of buffalo beef, eleven hundred weight of bear meat, seventy-four pair venison hams, and some beef tongues." with two hundred men montgomery lay at the mouth of the ohio ready to cross over. not ninety spaniards of regular troops were there to defend st. louis, and two hundred militia, and the governor had only too much reason to fear that st. louis would open her gates and join the invader. all that was lacking was money. hundreds of kentuckians waited the signal to take down their guns and march on new orleans. but the ministers of spain and of great britain had not been quiet. they both warned washington. could he hold the lawless west? it was a problem for statesmen. jefferson wrote to governor shelby of kentucky to restrain the expedition. "i have grave doubts," governor shelby answered, "whether there is any legal authority to restrain or to punish them. for, if it is lawful for any one citizen of the state to leave it, it is equally so for any number of them to do it. it is also lawful for them to carry any quantity of provisions, arms, and ammunition.--i shall also feel but little inclination to take an active part in punishing or retaining any of my fellow citizens for a supposed intention only, to gratify the fears of the ministers of a prince who openly withholds from us an invaluable right, and who secretly instigates against us a most savage and cruel enemy." washington promptly issued a proclamation of neutrality and requested the recall of genet. from the new minister of france clark received formal notice that the conquest of louisiana was abandoned. but spain had had her fright. she at once opened the river, and the mass of collected produce found its way unimpeded to the sea. in june congress passed a law for ever forbidding such expeditions. "i have learned that the spaniards have built a fort at chickasaw bluff, on this side of the river," said general wayne, one night in september, , summoning william clark to his headquarters. "i desire you to go down to the commanding officer on the west side and inquire his intentions." why, of all that army, had wayne chosen the young lieutenant of the fourth sub-legion for this errand? was it because he bore the name of clark? very well; both knew why spain had advanced to the chickasaw bluff. as washington went forty years before to inquire of the french, "why are you building forts on the ohio?" so now william clark, on board the galiot, "la vigilante," dropped down to new madrid and asked the spaniard, "why are you building forts on the mississippi?" down came charles de hault de lassus, the commandant himself. "i assure you we have been very far from attempting to usurp the territory of a nation with whom we desire to remain in friendship," protested the courtly commandant with a wave of his sword and a flutter of his plume. "but the threats of the french republicans living in the united states,"--he paused for a reply. "calm yourself," replied lieutenant clark. "read here the pacific intentions of my country." none better than william clark understood the virtues of conciliation and persuasion. "i assure you that the united states is disposed to preserve peace with all the powers of europe, and with spain especially." with mutual expressions of esteem and cordial parting salvos, lieutenant clark left his spanish friends with a mollified feeling toward "those turbulent americans." nevertheless george rogers clark had opened the river, to be closed again at peril. among the soldiers at wayne's camp that winter was lieutenant meriwether lewis, "just from the whiskey rebellion," he said. between him and william clark, now captain clark, there sprang up the most intimate friendship. "the nature of the insurrection?" remarked lewis in his camp talks with clark. "why, the pennsylvania mountaineers about redstone-old-fort refused to pay the whiskey tax, stripped, tarred, and feathered the collectors! 'the people must be taught obedience,' said general washington, and, after all peaceable means failed, he marched fifteen thousand militia into the district. the thought that washington was coming at the head of troops made them reconsider. they sent deputations to make terms about the time of wayne's battle. we built log huts and forted for the winter on the monongahela about fifteen miles above pittsburg." "and so the spaniards have come to terms?" queried lewis as clark still remained silent. "yes, they have opened the river." "i came near being in the midst of that," continued lewis. "michaux came to charlottesville. i was eighteen, just out of school and eager for adventure. michaux was to explore the west. mr. jefferson had a plan for sending two people across the rocky mountains. i begged to go, and probably should, had not michaux been recalled when the new french minister came in." "rest assured," replied clark solemnly, "no exploration of the west can ever be made while spain holds louisiana." xxvii _the brothers_ "my claim is as just as the book we swear by." the hero of the heroic age of the middle west was discussing his debts for the conquest of illinois. "i have given the united states half the territory they possess, and for them to suffer me to remain in poverty in consequence of it will not redound to their honour. i engaged in the revolution with all the ardour that youth could possess. my zeal and ambition rose with my success, determined to save those countries which had been the seat of my toil, at the hazard of my life and fortune. "at the most gloomy period of the war when a ration could not be purchased on public credit, i risked my own credit, gave my bonds, mortgaged my lands for supplies, paid strict attention to every department, flattered the friendly and confused the hostile tribes of indians, by my emissaries baffled my internal enemies (the most dangerous of all to public interest), and carried my point. "thus at the end of the war i had the pleasure of seeing my country secure, but with the loss of my manual activity. demands of very great amount were not paid, others with depreciated paper. now suits are commenced against me, for those sums in specie. my military and other lands, earned by my services, are appropriated for the payment of these debts, and demands yet are remaining, to a considerable amount more than the remains of a shattered fortune will pay. "this is truly my situation. i see no other recourse remaining but to make application to my country for redress." brooding over his troubles, george rogers clark had built himself a little cabin at the point of rock, overlooking the falls of the ohio, and gone into a self-chosen st. helena. the waves dashed and roared below and the mist arose, as he looked out on corn island, scene of his earliest exploit. a library of handsome books was the principal ornament the house contained. reading, hunting, fishing, he passed his days, while the old negro servants attended to the kitchen and the garden. "i have come," answered his brother william, "i have retired from the army, to devote myself to you. now what can be done?" "done? look at these bills. gratiot's is paid, thank god, or he would have been a ruined man. monroe helped him through with that. and menard's? that is shelved at richmond for fifty years." general clark turned the leaves of his note-book. "and vigo? but for him i could never have surprised vincennes. he was the best friend i had, and the best still, except you, william." a singular affection bound these two brothers. it seemed almost as if william took up the life of george rogers where it was broken off, and carried it on to a glorious conclusion. "virginia acknowledges vigo's debt, certifies that it has never been paid but she has ceded those lands to the government. who then shall pay it but congress? the debt was necessary and lawful in contracting for supplies for the conquest of illinois. could i have done with less? god knows we went with parched corn only in our wallets and depended on our rifles for the rest. tell him to keep the draft, virginia will pay it, or congress, some time or other, with interest." again, at william's persuasion, the general came home to mulberry hill. an expert horseman, everybody in louisville knew captain clark, who, wrapped in his cloak, came spurring home night after night on his blooded bay, with york at his side, darkness nor swollen fords nor wildly beating storms stopping his journey as he came bearing news to his brother. "i have ridden for brother george in the course of this year upwards of three thousand miles," wrote the captain to his brother edmund, in december, , "continually in the saddle, attempting to save him, and have been serviceable to him in several instances. i have but a few days returned from vincennes attending a suit for twenty-four thousand dollars against him." these long journeys included tours to st. louis, vincennes, kaskaskia, among the general's old debtors, proving that the articles for which he was sued were for his troops, powder and military stores. "the general is very ill again," said father clark, walking up and down the entry before the chamber door. the old man's severe countenance always relaxed when he spoke of "the general." of all his children, george rogers was the one least expected to fall into dissipation, but now in rheumatic distress, old before his time, george rogers sometimes drank. "cover him, shield him, let not the world witness my brother's weakness," william would say at such times, affectionately detaining him at mulberry hill. glancing into the dining-room, the white-haired cavalier noticed fanny and her children and others sitting around the table. preoccupied, the old man approached, and leaning over a chair delivered an impressive grace. "now, my children, you can eat your dinner. do not wait for me," and again he took up his walk in the entry outside the chamber door. a smile wreathed the faces of all; there was no dinner; they were simply visiting near the table. with children and grandchildren around him, the house at mulberry hill was always full. at christmas or thanksgiving, when lucy came with her boys from locust grove, "well, my children," father clark would say, "if i thought we would live, mother and i, five years longer, i would build a new house." but the day before christmas, , the silky white hair of ann rogers clark was brushed back for the last time, in the home that her taste had beautified with the groves and flowers of mulberry hill. more and more frequently the old cavalier retired to his rustic arbour in the garden. "i must hunt up father, he will take cold," william would say; and there on a moonlight night, on his knees in prayer, the old man would be found, among the cedars and honeysuckles of mulberry hill. "why do you dislike old john clark," some one asked of a neighbour when the venerable man lay on his death-bed. "what? i dislike old john clark? i revere and venerate him. his piety and virtues may have been a reproach, but i reverence and honour old john clark." by will the property was divided, and the home at mulberry hill went to william. "in case jonathan comes to kentucky he may be willing to buy the place," said william. "if he does i shall take the cash to pay off these creditors of yours." "will you do that?" exclaimed george rogers clark gratefully. "i can make it good to you when these lands of mine come into value." "never mind that, brother, never mind that. the honour of the family demands it. and those poor frenchmen are ruined." "indians are at the falls!" startled, even now the citizens of louisville were ready to fly out with shotguns in memory of old animosities. nothing chills the kindlier impulses like an indian war. children age, young men frost and wrinkle, women turn into maniacs. every log hut had its bedridden invalid victim of successive frights and nervous prostration. only the stout and sturdy few survived in after days to tell of those fierce times when george rogers clark was the hope and safety of the border. to these, the indian was a serpent in the path, a panther to be hunted. "hist! go slow. 'tis the delaware chiefs come down to visit george rogers clark," said simon kenton. in these days of peace, remembering still their old terror of the long knife, a deputation of chiefs had come to visit clark. in paint and blankets, with lank locks flapping in the breeze, they strode up the catalpa avenue, sniffing the odours of mulberry hill. general clark looked from the window. buckongahelas led the train, with pierre drouillard, the interpreter. drouillard had become, for a time, a resident of kentucky. simon kenton, hearing that the preserver of his life had fallen into misfortune since the surrender of detroit, sent for him, gave him a piece of his farm, and built him a cabin. george drouillard, a son, named for george iii., was becoming a famous hunter on the mississippi. "we have come," said buckongahelas, "to touch the long knife." before clark realised what they were doing, the indians had snipped off the tail of his blue military coat with their hunting knives. "this talisman will make us great warriors," said buckongahelas, carefully depositing a fragment in his bosom. clark laughed, but from that time the delaware king and his braves were frequent visitors to the long knife, who longed to live in the past, forgetting misfortune. but george rogers clark was not alone in financial disaster. st. clair had expended a fortune in the cause of his country and at last, accompanied by his devoted daughter, retired to an old age of penury. boone, too, had his troubles. never having satisfied the requirements of law concerning his claim, he was left landless in the kentucky he had pioneered for civilisation. late one november day in he was seen wending his way through the streets of cincinnati, with rebecca and all his worldly possessions mounted on packhorses. "where are you going?" queried an old-time acquaintance. "too much crowded, too many people. i am going west where there is more elbow room." "ze celebrated colonel boone ees come to live een louisiana," said the spanish officers of st. louis. the stars and stripes and the yellow flag of spain were hung out side by side, and the garrison came down out of the stone fort on the hill to parade in honour of daniel boone. no such attentions had ever been paid to daniel boone at home. he dined with the governor at government house and was presented with a thousand arpents of land, to be located wherever he pleased, "in the district of the femme osage." beside a spring on a creek flowing into the missouri boone built his pioneer cabin, beyond the farthest border settlement. "bring a hundred more american families and we will give you ten thousand arpents of land," said the governor. back to his old kentucky stamping ground went boone, and successfully piloted out a settlement of neighbours and comrades. directly, colonel daniel boone was made commandant of the femme osage district. his word became law in the settlement, and here he held his court under a spreading elm that stands to-day, the judgment tree of daniel boone. xxviii _the maid of fincastle_ in the autumn days as the century was closing, william clark set out for virginia, as his brother had done in other years. kentucky was filled with old forts, neglected bastions, moats, and blockhouses, their origin forgotten. already the builders had passed on westward. the boone trace was lined now with settlements, a beaten bridle-path thronged with emigrant trains kicking up the dust. through the frowning portals of cumberland gap, captain clark and his man york galloped into virginia. from the southern border of virginia to the potomac passes the old highway, between the alleghanies and the blue ridge. cantering thoughtfully along under the broad-leaved locusts and laurels, a melody like the laugh of wood-nymphs rippled from the forest. "why don't he go?" cried a musical feminine voice. "oh, harriet, harriet!" with more laughter came a rustling of green leaves. parting the forest curtain to discover the source of this unusual commotion, captain clark descried two girls seated on a small pony, switching with all their slender energy. "his feet are set. he will not move, judy." leaping at once from his saddle, the captain bowed low to the maidens in distress. "can i be of any assistance?" the sudden apparition of a handsome soldier in tri-cornered hat and long silk hose quite took their breath away. "thank you, sir knight," answered the blonde with a flush of bewitching colour. "firefly, my pony, seems to object to carrying two, but we cannot walk across that ford. my cousin and i have on our satin slippers." the captain laughed, and taking the horse's bridle easily led them beyond the mountain rill that dashed across their pathway. "and will you not come to my father's house?" inquired the maiden. "it is here among the trees." clark looked,--the roof and gables of a comfortable virginian mansion shone amid the greenery. "i fear not. i must reach colonel hancock's to-night." "this is colonel hancock's," the girls replied with a smothered laugh. at a signal, york lifted the five-barred gate and all passed in to the long green avenue. "the brother of my old friend, general george rogers clark!" exclaimed colonel hancock. "glad to see you, glad to see you. many a time has he stopped on this road." the hancocks were among the founders of virginia. with john smith the first one came over "in search of forrest for his building of ships," and was "massacred by ye salvages at thorp's house, berkeley hundred." general hancock, the father of the present colonel, equipped a regiment for his son at the breaking out of the revolution. on pulaski's staff, the young colonel received the body of the illustrious pole as he fell at the siege of savannah. from his sea island plantations and the sound of war in south carolina, general hancock, old and in gout, set out for virginia. but pulaski had fallen and his son was a prisoner under cornwallis. attended only by his daughter mary and a faithful slave, the general died on the way and was buried by uncle primus on the top of king's mountain some weeks before the famous battle. released on parole and finding his fortune depleted, colonel george hancock read blackstone and the virginia laws, took out a license, married, and settled at fincastle. here his children were born, of whom judy was the youngest daughter. later, by the death of that heroic sister mary, a niece had come into the family, harriet kennerly. these were the girls that captain clark had encountered in his morning ride among the mountains of fincastle. "your brother, the general, and i journeyed together to philadelphia, when he was commissioner of indian affairs. is he well and enjoying the fruits of his valour?" continued the colonel. "my brother is disabled, the result of exposure in his campaigns. he will never recover. i am now visiting virginia in behalf of his accounts with the assembly,--they have never been adjusted. he even thought you, his old friend, might be able to lend assistance, either in virginia or in congress." "i am honoured by the request. you may depend upon me." colonel george hancock had been a member of the fourth congress in washington's administration, and with a four-horse family coach travelled to and from philadelphia attending the sessions. here the little judy's earliest recollections had been of the beautiful dolly todd who was about to wed mr. madison. jefferson was secretary of state then, and his daughters, maria and martha, came often to visit judy's older sisters, mary and caroline. judy's hair was a fluff of gold then; shading to brown, it was a fluff of gold still, that granny molly found hard to keep within bounds. harriet, her cousin, of dark and splendid beauty, a year or two older, was ever the inseparable companion of judy hancock. "just fixing up the place again," explained colonel hancock. "it has suffered from my absence at philadelphia. a tedious journey, a tedious journey from fincastle." but to the children that journey had been a liberal education. the long bell-trains of packhorses, the rumbling conestogas, the bateaux and barges, the great rivers and dense forests, the lofty mountains and wide farmlands, the towns and villages, philadelphia itself, were indelibly fixed in their memory and their fancy. several times in the course of the next few years, william clark had occasion to visit virginia in behalf of his brother, and each time more and more he noted the budding graces of the maids of fincastle. xxix _the president's secretary_ the funeral bells of washington tolled in . president washington was dead. napoleon was first consul of france. the old social systems of europe were tottering. the new social system of america was building. the experiment of self-government had triumphed, and out of the storm-tossed seas still grandly rode the constitution. out of the birth of parties and political excitement, thomas jefferson came to the presidency. the stately mansion of monticello was ablaze with light. candles lit up every window. not only monticello, but all charlottesville was illuminated, with torches, bonfires, tar-barrels. friends gathered with congratulations and greeting. as washington had turned with regret from the banks of the potomac to fill the first presidency, and as patrick henry, the gifted, chafed in congressional halls, so now jefferson with equal regret left the shades of monticello. "no pageant shall give the lie to my democratic principles," he said, as in plain citizen clothes with a few of his friends he repaired to the capital and took the oath of office. and by his side, with luminous eyes and powdered hair, sat aaron burr, the vice-president. jefferson, in the simplicity of his past, had penned everything for himself. now he began to feel the need of a secretary. there were many applicants, but the president's eye turned toward the lad who nine years before had begged to go with michaux to the west. "the appointment to the presidency of the united states has rendered it necessary for me to have a private secretary," he wrote to meriwether lewis. "your knowledge of the western country, of the army and of all its interests, has rendered it desirable that you should be engaged in that office. in point of profit it has little to offer, the salary being only five hundred dollars, but it would make you know and be known to characters of influence in the affairs of our country." meriwether was down on the ohio. in two weeks his reply came back from pittsburg. "i most cordially acquiesce, and with pleasure accept the office, nor were further motives necessary to induce my compliance than that you, sir, should conceive that in the discharge of the duties, i could be serviceable to my country as well as useful to yourself." as soon as he could wind up his affairs, captain lewis, one of the handsomest men in the army, appeared in queue and cocked hat, silk stockings and knee buckles, at the president's house in wide and windy washington to take up his duties as private secretary. from his earliest recollection, meriwether lewis had known thomas jefferson, as governor in the days of tarleton's raid, and as a private farmer and neighbour at monticello. after meriwether's mother married captain marks and moved to georgia, jefferson went to france, and his uncle, colonel nicholas lewis, looked after the finances of the great estate at monticello. under the guardianship of that uncle, meriwether attended the school of parson maury, the same school where jefferson had been fitted for college. he remembered, too, that day when jefferson came back from france and all the slaves at monticello rushed out and drew the carriage up by hand, crowding around, kissing his hands and feet, blubbering, laughing, crying. how the slaves fell back to admire the young ladies that had left as mere children! martha, a stately girl of seventeen, and little maria, in her eleventh year, a dazzling vision of beauty. ahead of everybody ran the gay and sunny jack eppes to escort his little sweetheart. both daughters were married now, and with families of their own, so more than ever jefferson depended on meriwether lewis. they occupied the same chamber and lived in a degree of intimacy that perhaps has subsisted between no other president and his private secretary. with his favourite chickasaw horses, arcturus and wildair, the president rode two hours every day, meriwether often with him, directing the workmen on the new capitol, unfinished still amid stone and masonry tools. washington himself chose the site, within an amphitheatre of hills overlooking the lordly potomac where he camped as a youth on braddock's expedition. washington, jefferson, madison, riding ever to and from mount vernon, monticello, and montpelier, discussed the plans and set the architects to work. now it fell to jefferson to carry on what washington had so well begun. thomas jefferson was a social man, and loved a throng about him. the vast and vacant halls of the white house would have been dreary but for the retinue of guests. eleven servants had been brought from monticello, and half-a-dozen from paris,--petit, the butler, m. julien, the cook, a french _chef_, noel, the kitchen boy, and joseph rapin, the steward. every morning rapin went to the georgetown market, and meriwether lewis gave him his orders. "for i need you, meriwether, not only for the public, but as well for the private concerns of the household," said the president affectionately. "and i depend on you to assist in entertaining." "at the head of the table, please," said the president, handing in mrs. madison. "i shall have to request you to act as mistress of the white house." in his own youth jefferson had cherished an affection for dolly madison's mother, the beautiful mary coles, so it became not difficult to place her daughter in the seat of honour. there were old-style virginia dinners, with the art of paris, for ever after his foreign experience jefferson insisted on training his own servants in the french fashion. at four they dined, and sat and talked till night, congressmen, foreigners, and all sorts of people, with the ever-present cabinet. james madison, secretary of state, was a small man, easy, dignified, and fond of conversation, with pale student face like a young theologian just out of the cloister. dolly herself powdered his hair, tied up his queue, and fastened his stock; very likely, too, prescribed his elegant knee breeches and buckles and black silk stockings, swans' down buff vest, long coat, and lace ruffles. "a very tasty old-school gentleman," said the guests of the white house. albert gallatin, secretary of the treasury, born and bred a scholar, was younger than either madison or jefferson, well read, with a slightly genevan accent, and a prominent nose that marked him a man of affairs. but everything revolved about jefferson, in the village of washington and in the country at large. next to general washington he filled the largest space in public esteem. slim, tall, and bony, in blue coat faced with yellow, green velveteen breeches, red plush waist-coat and elaborate shirt frill, long stockings and slippers with silver buckles,--just so had he been ever since his parisian days, picturesquely brilliant in dress and speech, talking, talking, ever genially at the white house. before the "mayflower" brought the first puritans to new england the jeffersons had settled in virginia. the president's mother was a randolph of patrician blood. a hundred servants attended in isham randolph's, her father's house. peter jefferson, his father, was a democrat of democrats, a man of the people. perhaps thomas had felt the sting of randolph pride that a daughter had married a homely rawboned jefferson, but all the man in him rose up for that jefferson from whom he was sprung. thomas jefferson, the son, was just such a thin homely rawboned youth as his father had been. middle age brought him good looks, old age made him venerable, an object of adoration to a people. always up before sunrise, he routed out meriwether. there were messages to send, or letters to write, or orders for rapin before the round disk of day reddened the potomac. no woman ever brushed his gray neglected hair tied so loosely in a club behind; it was jeffersonian to have it neglected and tumbled all over his head. everybody went to the white house for instruction, entertainment; and jefferson--was jefferson. of course he had his enemies, even there. twice a month colonel burr, the vice-president, the great anti-virginian, dined at the white house. attractive in person, distinguished in manner, all looked upon colonel burr as next in the line of presidential succession. he came riding back and forth between washington and his new york residence at richmond hill, and with him the lovely theodosia, the intimate friend of dolly madison and mrs. gallatin. lewis understood some of the bitter and deadly political controversies that were smothered now under the ever genial conversation of the president, for jefferson, the great apostle of popular sovereignty, could no more conceal his principles than he could conceal his personality. everything he discussed,--science, politics, philosophy, art, music. none there were more widely read, none more travelled than the president. but he dearly loved politics. greater, perhaps, was jefferson in theory than in execution. his eye would light with genius, as he propounded his views. "science, did you say? the main object of all science is the freedom and happiness of man, and these are the sole objects of all legitimate government. why, washington himself hardly believed that so liberal a government as this could succeed, but he was resolved to give the experiment a trial. and now, our people are throwing aside the monarchical and taking up the republican form, with as much ease as would have attended their throwing off an old and putting on a new suit of clothes. i am persuaded that no constitution was ever before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire." to jefferson it had fallen to overthrow church establishment and entail and primogeniture in virginia, innovations that were followed by all the rest of the states. "at least," pleaded an opponent, "if the eldest may no longer inherit all the lands and all the slaves of his father, let him take a double share." "no," said jefferson, "not until he can eat a double allowance of food and do a double allowance of work. instead of an aristocracy of wealth, i would make an opening for an aristocracy of virtue and talent." "but see to what mr. jefferson and his levelling system has brought us," cried even john randolph of roanoke, as one after another of the estates of thousands of acres slid into the hands of the people. he prohibited the importation of slaves, and, if he could have done it, would have abolished slavery itself before it became the despair of a people. "franklin a great orator? why, no, he never spoke in congress more than five minutes at a time, and then he related some anecdote which applied to the subject before the house. i have heard all the celebrated orators of the national assembly of france, but there was not one equal to patrick henry." and then, confidentially, sometimes he told a tale of the declaration of independence. "i shall never cease to be grateful to john adams, the colossus of that debate. while the discussion was going on, fatherly old ben franklin, seventy years old, leaning on his cane, sat by my side, and comforted me with his jokes whenever the criticisms were unusually bitter. the congress held its meetings near a livery stable. the members wore short breeches and thin silk stockings, and with handkerchief in hand they were diligently employed in lashing the flies from their legs. so very vexatious was the annoyance, and to so great impatience did it arouse the sufferers, that they were only too glad to sign the declaration and fly from the scene." two visits every year jefferson made to his little principality of two hundred inhabitants at monticello, a short one early in the spring and a longer one in the latter part of summer, when he always took his daughter martha and family from edge hill with him, for it would not seem home without martha to superintend. here jefferson had organised his slaves into a great industrial school, had his own carpenters, cabinet-makers, shoe-makers, tailors, weavers, had a nail forge and made nails for his own and neighbouring estates,--his black mechanics were the best in virginia. even the family coach was made at monticello, and the painting and the masonry of the mansion were all executed by slaves on the place. on the rivanna jefferson had a mill, where his wheat was manufactured into flour and sent down to richmond on bateaux to be sold for a good price, and cotton brought home to be made into cloth on the plantation. no wonder, when the master was gone, so extensive an industrial plant ceased to be remunerative. jefferson was always sending home shrubbery and trees from washington,--he knew every green thing on every spot of his farm; and bacon, the manager, seldom failed to send the cart back laden with fruit from monticello for the white house. while the president at monticello was giving orders to goliah, the gardener, to jupiter, the hostler, to bacon and all the head men of the shops, lewis would gallop home to visit his mother at locust hill just out of charlottesville. before the revolution, meriwether's father, william lewis, had received from george iii. a patent for three thousand acres of choice ivy creek land in albemarle, commanding an uninterrupted view of the blue ridge for one hundred and fifty miles. here meriwether was born, and reuben and jane. "if captain john marks courts you i advise you to marry him," said colonel william lewis to his wife, on his death-bed after the surrender of cornwallis. in a few years she did marry captain marks, and in georgia were born meriwether's half brother and sister, john and mary marks. another spot almost as dear to meriwether lewis was the plantation of his uncle nicholas lewis, "the farm," adjoining monticello. it was here he saw hamilton borne by, a prisoner of war, on the way to williamsburg, and here it was that tarleton made his raid and stole the ducks from aunt molly's chicken yard. a strict disciplinarian, rather severe in her methods, and very industrious was aunt molly, "captain molly" they called her. "even colonel 'nick,' although he can whip the british, stands in wholesome awe of captain molly, his superior in the home guards," said the gossiping neighbours of charlottesville. as a boy on this place, meriwether visited the negro cabins, followed the overseer, or darted on inquiry bent through stables, coach-house, hen-house, smoke-house, dove cote, and milk-room, the ever-attending lesser satellites of every mansion-house of old virginia. "bless your heart, my boy," was aunt molly's habitual greeting, "to be a good boy is the surest way to be a great man." a tender heart had aunt molly, doctress of half the countryside, who came to her for remedies and advice. her home was ever open to charity. as friends she nursed and cared for burgoyne's men, the saratoga prisoners. "bury me under the tulip tree on top of the hill overlooking the rivanna," begged one of the sick british officers. true to her word, aunt molly had him laid under the tulip tree. many generations of lewises and meriwethers lie now on that hill overlooking the red rivanna, but the first grave ever made there was that of the british prisoner so kindly cared for by meriwether lewis's aunt molly. "meriwether and lewis are old and honoured names in virginia. i really believe the boy will be a credit to the family," said aunt molly when the president's secretary reined up on wildair at the gate. the captain's light hair rippled into a graceful queue tied with a ribbon, and his laughing blue eyes flashed as maria wood ran out to greet her old playfellow. aunt molly was maria's grandmother. "very grand is my cousin meriwether now," began the mischievous maria. "long past are those days when as a virginia ranger he prided himself on rifle shirts faced with fringe, wild-cat's paws for epaulettes, and leathern belts heavy as a horse's surcingle." lifting her hands in mock admiration maria smiled entrancingly, "indeed, gay as jefferson himself is our sublime dandy, in blue coat, red velvet waistcoat, buff knee breeches, and brilliant buckles!" and meriwether answered with a kiss. maria wood was, perhaps, the dearest of meriwether's friends, although rumour said he had been engaged to milly maury, the daughter of the learned parson. but how could that be when milly married while meriwether was away soldiering on the ohio? at any rate, now he rode with maria wood, danced with her, and took her out to see his mother at locust hill. the whole family relied on meriwether at locust hill. while only a boy he took charge of the farm, and of his own motion built a carriage and drove to georgia after his mother and the children upon the death of captain marks. back through the cherokee-haunted woods they came, with other travellers journeying the georgia route. one night campfires were blazing for the evening meal, when "whoop!" came the hostile message and a discharge of arms. "indians! indians!" all was confusion. paralysed mothers hugged their infants and children screamed, when a boy in the crowd threw a bucket of water on the fire extinguishing the light. in a moment all was still, as the men rushed to arms repelling the attack. that boy was meriwether lewis. "no brother like mine," said little mary marks. "every noble trait is his,--he is a father to us children, a counsellor to our mother, and more anxious about our education than even for his own!" charles de st. memin, a french artist, was in washington, engraving on copper. "may i have your portrait as a typical handsome american?" he said to the president's secretary. meriwether laughed and gave him a sitting. the same hand that had so lately limned paul revere, theodosia burr, and the last profile of washington himself, sketched the typical youth of . lewis sent the drawing to his mother, the head done in fired chalk and crayon, with that curious pink background so peculiar to the st. memin pictures. xxx _the president talks with meriwether_ hours by themselves jefferson sat talking to lewis. with face sunny, lit with enthusiasm, he spoke rapidly, even brilliantly, a dreamer, a seer, a prophet, believing in the future of america. "i have never given it up, meriwether. before the peace treaty was signed, after the revolution, i was scheming for a western exploration. we discussed it at annapolis; i even went so far as to write to george rogers clark on the subject. then congress sent me to france. "in france a frequent guest at my table was john ledyard, of connecticut. he had accompanied captain cook on his voyage to the pacific ocean, and now panted for some new enterprise. he had endeavoured to engage the merchants of boston in the northwest fur trade, but the times were too unsettled. 'why, mr. jefferson,' he was wont to say, 'that northwest land belongs to us. i felt i breathed the air of home the day we touched at nootka sound. the very indians are just like ours. and furs,--that coast is rich in beaver, bear, and otter. depend upon it,' he used to say, 'untold fortunes lie untouched at the back of the united states.'" "i then proposed to him to go by land to kamtchatka, cross in some russian vessel to nootka sound, fall down into the latitude of the missouri, and penetrate to and through that to the united states. ledyard eagerly seized the idea. i obtained him a permit from the empress catherine, and he set out; went to st. petersburg, crossed the russian possessions to within two hundred miles of kamtchatka. here he was arrested by order of the empress, who by this time had changed her mind, and forbidden his proceeding. he was put in a close carriage, and conveyed day and night, without ever stopping, till they reached poland; where he was set down and left to himself. the fatigue of this journey broke down his constitution, and when he returned to me at paris his bodily strength was much impaired. his mind, however, remained firm and he set out for egypt to find the sources of the nile, but died suddenly at cairo. thus failed the first attempt to explore the western part of our northern continent. "imagine my interest, later, to learn that after reading of captain cook's voyages the boston merchants had taken up ledyard's idea and in sent two little ships, the 'columbia rediviva' and the 'lady washington' into the pacific ocean. "barely was i back and seated in washington's cabinet as secretary of state, before those boston merchants begged my intercession with the court of spain, for one don blas gonzalez, governor of juan fernandez. passing near that island, one of the ships was damaged by a storm, her rudder broken, her masts disabled, and herself separated from her companion. she put into the island to refit, and at the same time to wood and water. don blas gonzalez, after examining her, and finding she had nothing on board but provisions and charts, and that her distress was real, permitted her to stay a few days, to refit and take in fresh supplies of wood and water. for this act of common hospitality, he was immediately deprived of his government, unheard, by superior order, and placed under disgrace. nor was i ever able to obtain a hearing at the court of spain, and the reinstatement of this benevolent governor. "the little ships went on, however, and on may , , captain robert gray, a tar of the revolution, discovered the great river of the west and named it for his gallant ship, the 'columbia.' "in that very year, , not yet having news of this discovery, i proposed to the american philosophical society that we should set on foot a subscription to engage some competent person to explore that region, by ascending the missouri and crossing the stony mountains, and descending the nearest river to the pacific. the sum of five thousand dollars was raised for that purpose, and andré michaux, a french botanist, was engaged as scientist, but when about to start he was sent by the french minister on political business to kentucky." meriwether lewis laughed. "i remember. i was then at charlottesville on the recruiting service, and warmly solicited you to obtain for me the appointment to execute that adventure. but mr. andré michaux offering his services, they were accepted." both were silent for a time. michaux had gone on his journey as far as kentucky, become the confidential agent between genet and george rogers clark for the french expedition, and been recalled by request of washington. "meriwether," continued the president, "i see now some chance of accomplishing that northwest expedition. the act establishing trading posts among the indians is about to expire. my plan is to induce the indians to abandon hunting and become agriculturists. as this may deprive our traders of a source of profit, i would direct their attention to the fur trade of the missouri. in a few weeks i shall make a confidential communication to congress requesting an appropriation for the exploration of the northwest. we shall undertake it as a literary and commercial pursuit." "and, sir, may i lead that exploration?" "you certainly shall," answered the president. "how much money do you think it would take?" secretary lewis spent the next few days in making an estimate. "mathematical instruments, arms and accoutrements, camp equipage, medicine and packing, means for transportation, indian presents, provisions, pay for hunters, guides, interpreters, and contingencies,-- twenty-five hundred dollars will cover it all, i think." then followed that secret message of january , , dictated by jefferson, penned by lewis, in which the president requested an appropriation of twenty-five hundred dollars, "for the purpose of extending the external commerce of the united states." congress granted the request, and busy days of preparation followed. the cabinet were in the secret, and the ladies, particularly mrs. madison and mrs. gallatin, were most interested and sympathetic, providing everything that could possibly be needed in such a perilous journey, fearing that lewis might never return from that distant land of savages. the president's daughters, mrs. randolph and mrs. eppes, were there, handsome, accomplished, delicate women, who rode about in silk pelisses purchasing at the shops the necessaries for "housewives," pins, needles, darning yarn, and the thousand and one little items that women always give to soldier boys. dolly madison, in mulberry-coloured satin, a tulle kerchief on her neck and dainty cap on her head, stitched, stitched; and in the streets, almost impassable for mud, she and martha, the president's daughter, were often mistaken for each other as they went to and fro guided by dolly's cousin, edward coles, a youth destined to win renown himself one day, as the "anti-slavery governor" of illinois. in his green knee pants and red waistcoat, long stockings and slippers, the genial president looked in on the busy ladies at the white house, but his anxiety was on matters of far more moment than the stitchery of the cabinet ladies. alexander mackenzie's journal of his wonderful transcontinental journey in was just out, the book of the day. it thrilled lewis,--he devoured it. before starting on his tour alexander mackenzie went to london and studied mathematics and astronomy. "it is my own dream," exclaimed lewis, as the president came upon him with the volumes in hand. "but the scientific features, to take observations, to be sure of my botany, to map longitude--" "that must come by study," said jefferson. "i would have you go to philadelphia to prosecute your studies in the sciences. i think you had better go at once to dr. barton,--i will write to him to-day." and again in the letter to dr. barton, meriwether's hand penned the prosecution of his fortune. "i must ask the favour of you to prepare for him a note of those lines of botany, zoölogy, or of indian history which you think most worthy of study or observation. he will be with you in philadelphia in two or three weeks and will wait on you and receive thankfully on paper any communications you may make to him." jefferson had ever been a father to meriwether lewis, had himself watched and taught him. and lewis in his soul revered the great man's learning, as never before he regretted the wasted hours at parson maury's when often he left his books to go hunting on peter's mount. but proudly lifting his head from these meditations: "i am a born woodsman, mr. jefferson. you know that." "know it!" jefferson laughed. "does not the fame of your youthful achievements linger yet around the woods of monticello? i have not forgotten, meriwether, that when you were not more than eight years old you were accustomed to go out into the forest at night alone in the depth of winter with your dogs and gun to hunt the raccoon and opossum. nor have i forgotten when the cherokees attacked your camp in georgia." the young man flushed. "your mother has often told it. it was when you were bringing them home to albemarle. how old were you then? about eighteen? the indians whooped and you put out the fire, the only cool head among them. a boy that could do that can as a man lead a great exploration like this. "nor need you fret about your lack of science,--the very study of latin you did with parson maury fits you to prepare for me those indian vocabularies. i am fortunate to have one so trained. latin gives an insight into the structure of all languages. for years, now, i have been collecting and studying the indian tongues. fortune now permits you to become my most valued coadjutor." and so lewis noted in his book of memorandum, "vocabularies of indian languages." "you ought to have a companion, a military man like george rogers clark. i have always wished to bring him forward in indian affairs; no man better understands the savage." "but clark has a brother," quickly spoke lewis, "a brave fellow, absolutely unflinching in the face of danger. if i could have my choice, captain william clark should be my companion and the sharer of my command." two years lewis had been jefferson's private secretary, when, appointed to this work, he went to philadelphia to study natural science and make astronomical observations for the geography of the route. this youth, who had inherited a fortune and every inducement to a life of ease, now spent three months in severest toil, under the instruction of able professors, learning scientific terms and calculating latitude and longitude. early in june he was back at washington. already the president had secured letters of passport from the british, french, and spanish ministers, for this expedition through foreign territory. "the object of your mission is to explore the missouri river, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and communication with the waters of the pacific ocean, whether the columbia, oregon, colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practicable water-communication across the continent, for the purpose of commerce." far into the june night jefferson discussed his instructions, and signed the historic document. "i have no doubt you will use every possible exertion to get off, as the delay of a month now may lose a year in the end." lewis felt the pressure; he was packing his instruments, writing to military posts for men to be ready when he came down the river, and hurrying up orders at harper's ferry, when a strange and startling event occurred, beyond the vision of dreamers. book ii _into the west_ book ii _into the west_ i _the louisiana purchase_ "spain, knowing she cannot hold louisiana, has ceded it to france!" the winds of ocean bore the message to america. "napoleon? is he to control us also?" never so vast a shadow overawed the world. afar they had read of his battles, had dreaded his name. instantly colossal napoleon loomed across the prairies of the west. napoleon had fifty-four ships and fifty thousand troops, the flower of his army, sailing to re-establish slavery in hayti. but a step and he would be at the mississippi. he was sending laussat, a french prefect, to take over new orleans and wait for the army. "shall we submit? and is this to be the end of all our fought-for liberty, that napoleon should rule america?" the fear of france was now as great as had been the admiration. gaily the flatboats were floating down, laden with flour and bacon, hams and tobacco, seeking egress to cuba and atlantic seaports, when suddenly, in october, , the spanish intendant at new orleans closed the mississippi. crowding back, for twenty thousand miles inland, were the products of the autumn. the western country blazed; only by strenuous effort could congress keep a backwoods army from marching on new orleans. a powerful minority at washington contended for instant seizure. pittsburg, with shore lined with shipping, roared all the way to the gulf, "no grain can be sold down the river on account of those piratical spaniards!" appeal after appeal went up to jefferson, "let us sweep them into the sea!" what hope with a foreign nation at our gates? spain might be got rid of, but france--monroe was dispatched to france to interview napoleon. "the french must not have new orleans," was the lightning thought of jefferson. "no one but ourselves must own our own front door." and jefferson penned a letter to livingstone, the american minister at paris: "there is on the globe but one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. it is new orleans, through which the produce of three-eighths of our territory must pass to market. france placing herself in that door assumes to us the attitude of defiance. spain might have retained it quietly for years. not so france. the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and restlessness of her character, render it impossible that france and the united states can continue friends when they meet in so irritating a position. the day that france takes possession of new orleans--from that moment we must marry ourselves to the british fleet and nation." as jefferson placed that letter in the hands of monroe he added: "in europe nothing but europe is seen. but this little event, of france's possessing herself of louisiana,--this speck which now appears an invisible point on the horizon,--is the embryo of a tornado. "i must secure the port of new orleans and the mastery of the navigation of the mississippi. "we must have peace. the use of the mississippi is indispensable. we must purchase new orleans." "you are aware of the sensibility of our western citizens," madison was writing to madrid. "to them the mississippi is everything. it is the hudson, the delaware, the potomac, and all the navigable rivers of the atlantic states, formed into one." but napoleon's soldiers were dying at san domingo, the men with whom he would have colonised louisiana. at that moment the flint and steel of france and england struck, and the spark meant--war. england stood ready to seize the mouth of the mississippi. after the solemnities of easter sunday at st. cloud, april , , napoleon summoned two of his ministers. "i _know_ the full value of louisiana!" he began with vehement passion, walking up and down the marble parlour. "a few lines of treaty have restored it to me, and i have scarcely recovered it when i must expect to lose it. but if it escapes from me," the first consul shook his finger menacingly, "it shall one day cost dearer to those who oblige me to strip myself of it, than to those to whom i wish to deliver it. the english have successively taken from france, canada, cape breton, newfoundland, nova scotia, and the richest portions of asia. they _shall not have_ the mississippi which they covet. they have twenty ships of war in the gulf of mexico, they sail over those seas as sovereigns. the conquest of louisiana would be easy. i have not a moment to lose in putting it out of their reach. i know not whether they are not already there. i think of ceding it to the united states. they only ask one town of me in louisiana but i already consider the colony as entirely lost, and it appears to me that in the hands of this growing power it will be more useful to the policy and even to the commerce of france, than if i should attempt to keep it." he turned to barbé-marbois, who had served as secretary of the french legation at philadelphia during the whole war of the american revolution. "we should not hesitate to make a sacrifice of that which is about slipping from us," said barbé-marbois. "war with england is inevitable; shall we be able to defend louisiana? can we restore fortifications that are in ruins? if, citizen consul, you, who have by one of the first acts of your government made sufficiently apparent your intention of giving this country to france, now abandon the idea of keeping it, there is no person that will not admit that you yield to necessity." far into the night they talked, so late that the ministers slept at st. cloud. at daybreak napoleon summoned barbé-marbois. "read me the dispatches from london." "sire," returned the secretary, looking over the papers, "naval and military preparations of every kind are making with extraordinary rapidity." napoleon leaped to his feet and strode again the marble floor. "irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season. i _renounce_ louisiana. it is not only new orleans that i will cede, but the whole colony without reservation. i _know_ the price of what i abandon. i renounce it with regret. to attempt to retain it would be folly. i direct you to negotiate this affair with the united states. do not even await the arrival of mr. monroe; have an interview this very day with mr. livingstone; but i require a great deal of money for this war, and i would not like to commence it with new contributions. i want fifty millions, and for less than that sum i will not treat. to-morrow you shall have your full powers." the minister waited. "mr. monroe is on the point of arriving," continued napoleon. "neither this minister, nor his colleague, is prepared for a decision which goes infinitely beyond anything they are about to ask of us. begin by making them overtures, without any subterfuge. acquaint me, hour by hour, of your progress." "what will you pay for all louisiana?" bluntly asked barbé-marbois that day of the astonished livingstone. "_all louisiana!_ new orleans is all i ask for," answered livingstone. so long had talleyrand trifled and deceived, the american found himself distrustful of these french diplomatists. "but i offer the province," said barbé-marbois. surprised, doubtful, livingstone listened. "i have not the necessary powers." the next day monroe arrived. "there must be haste or the english will be at new orleans," said barbé-marbois. "how much will you pay for the whole province?" "the english? fifteen millions," answered the americans. "incorporate louisiana as soon as possible into your union," said napoleon, "give to its inhabitants the same rights, privileges, and immunities as to other citizens of the united states. "and let them know that we separate ourselves from them with regret; let them retain for us sentiments of affection; and may their common origin, descent, language, and customs perpetuate the friendship." the papers were drawn up and signed in french and in english. "we have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our lives!" exclaimed livingstone, as he and barbé-marbois and monroe arose and shook hands across the document. "this accession of territory strengthens for ever the power of the united states," said napoleon, coming in to look at the treaty. and as he affixed that signature, "napoleon," he smiled,--"i have just given to england a maritime rival, that sooner or later will humble her pride." and on that day the mississippi was opened, to be closed by a foreign power no more for ever. but no sooner had napoleon parted with louisiana than he began to repent. "hasten," the ministers warned jefferson, "the slightest delay may lose us the country." the word reached america. "jefferson--bought new orleans? bought the mississippi? bought the entire boundless west?" men gasped, then cheered. tumultuous excitement swept the land. on july , , an infant republic hugging the atlantic, on july , a world power grasping the pacific! "a bargain!" cried the republicans. "unconstitutional!" answered the federalists. "the east will become depopulated." "fifteen millions! fifteen millions for that wilderness! why, that would be tons of money! waggon loads of silver five miles long. we have not so much coin in the whole country!" ii _the knight of the white house_ and meriwether lewis was ready to start. the night before the fourth of july he wrote his mother: "the day after to-morrow i shall set out for the western country. i had calculated on the pleasure of visiting you, but circumstances have rendered it impossible. my absence will probably be equal to fifteen or eighteen months. the nature of this expedition is by no means dangerous. my route will be altogether through tribes of indians friendly to the united states, therefore i consider the chances of life just as much in my favour as i should conceive them were i to remain at home. the charge of this expedition is honourable to myself, as it is important to my country. for its fatigues i feel myself perfectly prepared, nor do i doubt my health and strength of constitution to bear me through it. i go with the most perfect pre-conviction in my own mind of returning safe, and hope therefore that you will not suffer yourself to indulge any anxiety for my safety,--i will write again on my arrival at pittsburg. adieu, and believe me your affectionate son, meriwether lewis." the jefferson girls had returned to their homes. dolly madison and mrs. gallatin supervised the needle department, having made "housewives" enough to fit out a regiment. joseph rapin, the steward, helped lewis pack his belongings, secretary gallatin contributed a map of vancouver's sketch of the columbia mouth, and madison rendered his parting benediction. out of the iron gate in the high rock wall in front of the white house meriwether went,--fit emblem of the young republic, slim and lithe, immaculate in new uniform and three-cornered _chapeau_, his sunny thick-braided queue falling over the high-collared coat,--to meet the potomac packet for harper's ferry. all around were uncut forests, save the little clearing of washington, and up the umbrageous hills stretched an endless ocean of tree-tops. the wind blew up the potomac, fluttering the president's gray locks. "if a superior force should be arrayed against your passage, return, meriwether," was the anxious parting word. "to your own discretion must be left the degree of danger you may risk." but meriwether had no fears. "should you reach the pacific ocean,--endeavour to learn if there be any port within your reach frequented by sea-vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusted people back by sea, with a copy of your notes. should you be of opinion that the return of your party by the way they went will be dangerous, then ship the whole, and return by way of cape horn or the cape of good hope. as you will be without money, clothes or provisions, i give you this open letter of credit authorising you to draw on the executive of the united states or any of its officers in any part of the world. our consuls at batavia in java, at the isles of france and bourbon, and at the cape of good hope will be able to supply you necessities by drafts on us." for where in the world the missouri led, no man then knew! "i have sometimes thought of sending a ship around to you," said jefferson, "but the spaniards would be certain to gobble it, and we are in trouble enough with them already over this louisiana purchase." too well lewis knew the delicacy of the situation. spain was on fire over the treachery of napoleon. "france has no right to alienate louisiana!" was the cry from madrid. but what could she do? nothing but fume, delay, threaten,--napoleon was master. "under present circumstances," continued the president, "i consider futile all effort to get a ship to your succour on those shores. spain would be only too glad to strike a blow. but there must be trade, there is trade,--all through adams's administration the russians were complaining of yankee skippers on that northwest coast. "russia has aided us, i may call the emperor my personal friend." with pardonable pride the president thought of the bust of alexander over his study door at monticello. "though catherine did send poor ledyard back, alexander has proved himself true, and in case any russian ship touches those shores you are safe, or english, or american. this letter of credit will carry you through. "and above all, express my philanthropic regard for the indians. humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts." and after lewis was fairly started, the president sent on as a great secret, "i have received word from paris that mr. broughton, one of the companions of captain vancouver, went up columbia river one hundred miles in december, . he stopped at a point he named vancouver. here the river columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide. from this point mt. hood is seen twenty leagues distant, which is probably a dependency of the stony mountains. accept my affectionate salutations." on the fourth of july the same hand that drew up the declaration of independence had drawn for meriwether lewis a letter of credit, authorising him to purchase anything he needed on the credit of the united states in any part of the world. was jefferson thinking of those days when george rogers clark gave drafts on new orleans for the conquest of illinois? this again was another venture into a dark unwritten west. the next day lewis "shot all his guns" at harper's ferry, examined extra locks, knives, tomahawks, accoutrements that had been manufactured at his special direction. the waggoner from philadelphia came jolting by with indian presents, astronomical apparatus, and tents on the way to pittsburg. pittsburg? a cloud of smoke hung even then over the embryotic city. two thousand miles inland, it already had a flourishing ship-yard. several large vessels lay on the stocks and builders were hammering day and night. "the 'louisiana,' three hundred tons, is waiting for the next rise of the river," said a strapping tar. "in may a fleet of schooners went out to the caribbees. you are too late for this summer's freshet." "come, gentlemen, gentlemen all, ginral sincleer shall remem-ber-ed be, for he lost thirteen hundred me-en all in the western tari-to-ree." captain lewis took a second look at the singer,--it was george shannon standing on the dock. "why, captain lewis! where are you going?" george was an old friend of meriwether's, and yet but a lad of seventeen. his father, one of those "ragged continentals" that marched on yorktown, had emigrated to the far ohio. jane shannon was a typical pioneer mother. she spun, wove, knit, made leggings of skins, and caps and moccasins, but through multitudinous duties found time to teach her children. "to prepare them for college," she said, "that is my dream. i'd live on hoe-cake for ever to give them a chance." every one of her six boys inherited that mother's spirit, every one attained distinction. at fourteen george was sent to his mother's relatives on the monongahela to school. here he met lewis, forted in that winter camp. the gallant virginian captured the boy's fancy,--he became his model, his ideal. "and can you go?" asked captain lewis. "go? i will accompany you to the end of the world, captain lewis," answered george shannon. "there is no time for mails,--i know i have my parent's consent. and the pay, that will take me to college!" shannon enlisted on the spot, and was lewis's greatest comfort in those trying days at pittsburg. the boat-builders were drunkards. "i spent most of my time with the workmen," wrote lewis to the president, "but neither threats nor persuasion were sufficient to procure the completion before the st of august." loading the boat the instant it was done, they set out at four o'clock in the morning, with john collins of maryland, and george gibson, hugh mcneal, john potts, and peter wiser, of pennsylvania, recruits that had been ordered from carlisle. peter wiser is believed to have been a descendant of that famous conrad weiser who gave his life to pacifying the indian. by this time the water was low. "on board my boat opposite marietta, sept. ," lewis writes,--"horses or oxen--i find the most efficient sailors in the present state of navigation," dragging the bateaux over shallows of drift and sandbars. and yet that same spring, when the water was high, marietta had sent out the schooners "dorcas and sally," and the "mary avery," one hundred and thirty tons, with cheers and firing of cannon. when lewis passed, a three-mast brig of two hundred and fifty tons and a smaller one of ninety tons were on the point of being finished to launch the following spring, with produce for philadelphia. george shannon was a handsome boy, already full grown but with the beardless pink and white of youth. his cap would not fit down over his curls, but lifted like his own hopes. nothing would start the boats at daylight like his jolly, rollicking "blow, ye winds of morning, blow, blow, blow," rolling across the tints of sunrise. his cheeks glowed, his blue eyes shone to meet the wishes of his captain. past the fairy isle of blennerhassett with its stately mansion half-hid behind avenues of lombardy poplar and tasteful shrubbery, captain lewis came on down to fort washington, cincinnati, where brigs had lately taken on cargoes and sailed to the west indies. bones? of course lewis wanted to look at bones and send some to the learned president. dr. goforth of cincinnati was sinking a pit at the big bone lick for remains of the mammoth, and might not mammoths be stalking abroad in all that great land of the west? mystery, mystery,--the very air was filled with mystery. iii _recruiting for oregon_ "now that i have accepted president jefferson's proposal to be associated with captain lewis in this expedition, it will oblige me to accept brother jonathan's offer of ten thousand dollars cash for mulberry hill," william clark was saying at louisville. "that will help out brother george on his military debts, satisfy his claimants, and save him from ruin." at the time of sale the old home was occupied by general clark and william clark, and their sister fanny and her children. the departure of william for the pacific broke up and dispersed the happy family. the general went back to the point of rock, fifty feet above the dashing ohio. that water was the lowest ever known now, men could walk across on the rocks. three or four locust trees shaded the cabin, now painted white, and an orchard of peach and cherry blossomed below. negro ben and his wife venus, and carson and cupid, lived back of the house and cultivated a few acres of grain and garden. all of clark's old soldiers remained loyal and visited the point of rock, and every year an encampment of braves, indian chiefs whom he had subdued, came for advice and to partake of his hospitality. grand and lonely, prematurely aged at fifty-one when he should have been in his prime, general clark sat overlooking the falls when captain lewis pulled his bateaux into the bear grass. captain clark and nine young men of kentucky were waiting for the boat,--william bratton, a blacksmith, formerly of virginia, and john shields, gunsmith, the tubal cain of the expedition, john coalter, who had been a ranger with kenton, the famous shields brothers, reuben and james, william warner and joseph whitehouse, all experts with the rifle, charles floyd, son of that charles floyd that rode with his brother from the death-stroke of big foot, and nathaniel pryor, his cousin. twenty years had passed since that fatal april morning when john floyd was laid a corpse at the feet of jane buchanan. that posthumous child, ushered so sadly into the world, john floyd the younger, now a handsome youth, was eager to go with his cousins--but an unexpected illness held him back--to become a member of congress and governor of virginia. and york, of course york. had he not from childhood obeyed john clark's command, "look after your young master"? with highest elation york assisted in the preparation, furbished up his gun, and prepared to "slay dem buffaloes." "an interpreter is my problem now," said captain lewis, "a man familiar with indians, trustworthy, and skilled in tongues." "i think my brother will know the man,--he has had wide experience in that line," said william; and so down to the point of rock the captains betook themselves to visit george rogers clark. "dignity sat still upon his countenance and the commanding look of washington," wrote a chronicler of that day. "an interpreter?" mused general clark. then turning to his brother, "do you remember pierre drouillard, the frenchman that saved kenton? he was a man of tact and influence with the indians, and, although he wore the red coat, a man of humanity. he interpreted for me at fort mcintosh and at the great miami. he comes with buckongahelas." william clark remembered. "that old frenchman has a son, george, chip of the old block, brought up with the indians and educated at a mission. he is your man,--at st. louis, i think." "always demand of the indians what you want, william, that is the secret. never let them think you fear them. great things have been effected by a few men well conducted. who knows what fortune may do for you?" it was the self-same saying with which twenty-four years before he had started to vincennes. "here are letters to some of my old friends at st. louis and kaskaskia," added the general. all the negroes were out to weep over york, whom they feared to see no more,--old york and rose, nancy and julia, jane, cupid and harry, from the scattered home at mulberry hill. general jonathan clark and major croghan were there, the richest men in kentucky, and general jonathan's daughters who stitched their samplers now at mulberry hill; and lucy, from locust grove, the image of william, "with face almost too strong for a woman," some said. all the city knew her, a miracle of benevolence and duty, and by her side the little son, george croghan, destined to hand on the renown of his fathers. william clark's last word was for fanny, a widow with children. "it is my desire that she should stay with lucy at locust grove until my return," said the paternal brother, kissing her pale cheek. "and i want johnny with me at the point of rock," added the lonely general, who, if he loved any one, it was little john o'fallon, the son of his sister fanny. "bring on your plunder!" the kentuckians could be recognised by their call as they helped the bateaux over the rapids and launched them below. george rogers clark stood on the point of rock, waving a last farewell, watching them down the river. while captain clark went on down the ohio, and engaged a few men at fort massac, captain lewis followed the old vincennes "trace" to kaskaskia. in that very september, sergeant john ordway, in russell bissell's company, was writing home to new hampshire: "kaskaskia is a very old town of about two hundred houses and ruins of many more. we lie on the hill in sight of the town, and have built a garrison here.--if betty crosby will wait for my return i may perhaps join hands with her yet. we have a company of troops from portsmouth, new hampshire, here." captain lewis came up to the garrison. out of twenty volunteers only three possessed the requisite qualifications. but sergeant ordway was one, robert frazer of vermont, another, and thomas p. howard, of massachusetts, the third. oppressed and anxious in mind over the difficulty of finding suitable men, captain lewis was one morning riding along when into the high road there ran out a short, strong, compact, broad-chested and heavy-limbed man, lean, sprightly, and quick of motion, in the dress of a soldier. his lively eye instantly caught that of captain lewis. perceiving that the soldier was evidently bent on seeing him, lewis checked his horse and paused. with military salute the man began: "me name is patrick gass, sorr, and i want to go with you to the stony mountings, but my commander, sorr, here at the barracks, will not consint. he siz, siz he, 'you are too good a carpenter, pat, and i need you here.'" his build, his manner, and the fact that pat was a soldier and a carpenter, was enough. men must be had, and here was a droll one, the predestined wit of the expedition. "i knew you, sorr, when i saw your horse ferninst the trees. i recognised a gintleman and an officer. i saw you whin i met gineral washington at carlisle out with throops to suppriss the whiskey rebillion. i met gineral washington that day, and i sid, siz i, 'gineral, i'm a pathriot mesilf and i'll niver risist me gover'm'nt, but i love ould bourbon too well to inlist agin the whiskey byes.'" "and have you never served in the field?" roared lewis, almost impatient. "ah, yis; whin adams was prisident, i threw down me jackplane and inlisted under gineral alexander hamilton, but there was no war, so thin i inlisted under major cass." patrick glanced back and saw his captain. "hist ye! shoulder-sthraps are comin'!" lewis laughed. "go and get ready, patrick; i'll settle with your captain." and patrick, bent on a new "inlistment" and new adventures, hied him away to pack his belongings. for days in dreams he was already navigating the missouri, already he saw the blue pacific. as he told the boys afterward, "and i, siz i to mesilf, 'patrick, let us to the pecific!' me captain objicted, but i found out where captain lewis was sthopping and sthole away and inlisted annyhow." captain lewis had made no mistake. patrick gass, cheerful, ever brave, was a typical frontiersman. his had been a life of constant roving. starting from chambersburg, pennsylvania, when he was five years old, the family crossed the alleghanies on packhorses. on the first horse was the mother, with the baby and all the table furniture and cooking utensils; on another were packed the provisions, the plough-irons and farming utensils; the third was rigged with a packsaddle and two large cradles of hickory withes. in the centre of these sat little pat on one side and his sister on the other, well laced in with bed-clothes so that only their heads stuck out. along the edges of precipices they went,--if a horse stumbled he would have thrown them hundreds of feet below. on these horses they forded mountain streams, swollen with melting snows and spring rains. daily were hairbreadth escapes, the horses falling, or carried down with the current and the family barely snatched from drowning. the journey was made in april when the nights were cold and the mother could not sleep. there was so much to do for the children. as the tireless father kept guard under the glow of the campfire, little patrick's unfailing good-night was, "hist, child! the injuns will come and take you to detroit!" there were several of these moves in his childhood. here and there he caught glimpses of well-housed, well-fed hirelings of the british army watching like eagles the land of the patriot army. at last they turned up at what is now wellsburg in west virginia. while yet a boy gass was apprenticed to a carpenter and worked on a house for a man by the name of buchanan, while around him played "little jimmy," the president-to-be. "little jimmy was like his mother," said gass. in december lewis and clark dropped down before the white-washed walls and gray stone parapets of the old french town of st. louis. with fierce consequential air a spanish soldier flourished his sword indicating the place to land. "we will spend the winter at charette, the farthest point of settlement." that was the town of daniel boone. but the governor, don carlos de hault de lassus, barred the way. "by the general policy of my government i am obliged to prevent strangers from passing through spanish territory until i have received official notice of its transfer." nothing could be done but to go into winter camp opposite the mouth of the missouri, just outside of his jurisdiction, and discipline the men, making ready for an early spring start. beyond the big river was foreign land. did the spaniard still hope to stay? iv _the feud is ended_ hark! is that the boom of distant cannon? the american troops are falling into line outside the walls of new orleans on this th day of december, . the tri-colour of france floats on the flagstaff; the sky shines irradiant, like the "suns of napoleon." it is high noon; another salute shakes the city. "ho, warder, lower the drawbridge!" with chain-pulleys rattling down goes the bridge, never to be lifted again. the fortress bell strikes its last peal under the flag of france, or spain. with thundering tread american dragoons file under the portcullis of the tchoupitoulas gate, followed by cannoneers and infantry in coonskin caps and leathern hunting shirts. curiously these sons of the forest look upon the old world forts and donjons of masonry. the moat is filled with stagnant water. the ramparts of new orleans are filled with soldiers from havre and madrid. the windows and balconies are filled with beautiful women weeping, weeping to see the barbarians. laussat was looking for napoleon's soldiers, not a sale. pale as death he hands over the keys. slowly the tri-coloured flag of france at the summit of the flagstaff in the plaza descends. slowly the star-spangled banner uplifts; half-way the two linger in one another's folds. as the flags embrace, another boom, and answering guns reply from ship and fort and battery around the crescent of new orleans. the flags are parting,--it is a thrilling moment; up, up, steadily mounts the emblem of america and bursts on the breeze. the band breaks into "hail, columbia," amid the roar of artillery and shouting of backwoodsmen. the map of france in the new world has become the map of the united states. "the flag! the flag!" veterans of the french army receive the descending tri-colour, and followed by a procession of uncovered heads bear it with funereal tread to laussat. "we have wished to give to france a last proof of the affection which we will always retain for her," with trembling lip speaks the flag-bearer. "into your hands we deposit this symbol of the tie which has again transiently connected us with her." and laussat with answering tears replies, "may the prosperity of louisiana be eternal." but of all in new orleans on this historic day, none fear, none tremble like sister infelice, in the cloister of the ursulines. she seems to hear the very sabres beat on the convent wall. when a tropic hurricane sweeps up the gulf at night she falls on the cold stone floor and covers her head, as if the very lightning might reveal that form she loved so well, the great virginia colonel. to infelice he was ever young, ever the heroic saviour of st. louis. that time could have changed him had never occurred to her,--he was a type of immortal youth. infelice never speaks of these things, not even to her father confessor; it is something too deep, too sacred, a last touch of the world hid closer even than her heart. and yet she believes he is coming,--that is the cause of all this tumult and cannonading. her hero, her warrior wants _her_, and none can stay him. and when the cession is fairly over and he comes not, the disappointment prostrates her utterly. "he cares, he cares no more! the virginians? did you say the virginians had come?" from that bed of delirium the mother superior of the ursuline house sent for the mayor. "i beg to be allowed to retire with my sisterhood to some point under the protection of his catholic majesty of spain." "going!" exclaimed monsieur le mayor of new orleans. "for why? you shall not be disturbed, you shall have full protection." "do you stand for france, revolution and infidelity?" gasped the aged mother, denouncing the mayor. the people pled, the mayor went down on his knees. "do not abandon our schools and our children!" but the mother superior was firm. twenty-two years had the donna de leyba been a nun. the old official records are lost, but out of twenty-five nuns in the establishment we know the sixteen of spain went away. all new orleans gathered to see them depart. when the gun sounded on whitsunday eve, sixteen women in black came forth, heavily veiled. the convent gardens were thronged with pupils, slaves knelt by the wayside, the mayor and populace followed until they embarked on the ship and sailed to havana. the old ursuline convent of new orleans is now the archbishop's palace. sister infelice is gone, but near some old cloister of cuba we know her ashes must now be reposing. henceforth the gates were open. the wall decayed, the moat was filled, and over it to-day winds the handsomest boulevard in america. the flatboatmen came home with romantic tales of the land of the palmetto and orange, luxuries unknown in the rigorous north. the tide of emigration so long held in check burst its bounds and deluged louisiana. among other americans that settled at new orleans was the fighting parson. his son charles mynn thruston had married fanny. v _the cession of st. louis_ "glass we must have, and quicksilver. wife, let me have the mirror." the madame threw up her hands. "the precious pier glass my dead mother brought over from france? what shall we have left?" "but rosalie, this is an emergency for the government. the men must have thermometers, and barometers, and i have no glass." "the president will pay for the glass, madame; he would consider it the highest use to which it could be put," said captain lewis. "and you shall have a better one by the next ship that sails around from france." so as usual to everything the doctor wished, the good woman consented. none had more unbounded faith in dr. saugrain's gift of miracles than his own wife. the huge glass, that had reflected parisian scenes for a generation before coming to the wilds of america, was now lifted from its gilt frame and every particle of quicksilver carefully scraped from the back. then the pier plate was shattered and the fragments gathered, bit by bit, into the doctor's mysterious crucible, making the country people watch and wonder. so long had meriwether lewis been with jefferson, that he had imbibed the same eager desire to know, to understand. when he met with doctor saugrain it was like a union of kindred spirits. saugrain, the pupil, friend, and disciple of the great franklin, was often with the american scientist when he experimented with his kites, and drew down lightning to charge his leyden jars. three times dr. saugrain came to america, twice as guest of dr. franklin, before he settled down as physician to the spanish garrison at st. louis in . with him he brought all his scientific lore, the latest of the most advanced city in the world. when all the world depended on flint and steel, paris and dr. saugrain made matches. he made matches for lewis and clark that were struck on the columbia a generation before boston or london made use of the secret. bitterly the cheerful, sprightly little royalist in curls lamented the french revolution. "oh, the guillotine! the guillotine! my own uncle, dr. guillotine, invented that instrument to save pain, not to waste life. but when he saw his own friends led up to the knife, distressed at its abuse he died in despair!" sufficient reason had dr. saugrain to be loyal to louis xvi. for more than two hundred years his people had been librarians, book-binders, and printers for the king. litterateurs and authors were the saugrains for six continuous generations, and out of their scientific and historical publications came the bent of dr. antoine françois saugrain of st. louis. but when the bastile was stormed, saugrain left france for ever. an _emigré_, a royalist, with others of the king's friends he came to the land that honoured louis xvi. between the rue de l'Église and the rue des granges, at the extreme southwestern limit of the old village of st. louis, stood dr. saugrain's modest residence of cement with a six-foot stone wall around it and extensive gardens. in his "arboretum" dr. saugrain was making a collection of the most attractive native trees he found around st. louis, and some there, imported from paris, cast their green shadows on the swans of his swimming pond, an old french fancy for his park. in this happy home with its great library, captain lewis became a welcome guest in that winter of - while waiting for the cession. under the doctor he pursued his scientific studies, medicine, surgery, electricity, for not even dr. barton in philadelphia could surpass the bright little frenchman so strangely transplanted here in this uttermost border. the doctor's taper fingers were always stained with acids and sulphur; busy ever with blowpipe and crucible, he fashioned tubes, filled in quicksilver, graduated cases, and handed out barometers and thermometers that amazed the frontier. "great medicine!" cried the indians when he gave them a shock of electricity. how dr. saugrain loved to turn his battery and electrify the door-knobs when those bothersome indians tried to enter! or, "here, white hair, is a shilling. you can have it if you will take it out." the osage chieftain plunges his arm into a crock of electrified water to dash off howling with affright. with intense interest captain lewis stood by while the chemist-physician dipped sulphur-tipped splints of wood into phosphorus, and lo! his little matches glowed like lucifer's own. "you can make the sticks yourself," he said. "i will seal the phosphorus in these small tin boxes for safety." "and have you any kine-pox? you must surely carry kine-pox, for i hear those omahas have died like cattle in a plague." "president jefferson particularly directed me to carry some kine-pox virus," replied captain lewis, "but really, what he gave me seems to have lost its virtue. i wrote him so from cincinnati, but fear it will be too late to supply the deficiency." out of his medicine chest in the corner, the little doctor brought the tiny vials. "sent me from paris. carry it, explain it to the indians, use it whenever you can,--it will save the life of hundreds." and other medicines, simple remedies, the good savant prescribed, making up a chest that became invaluable in after days. other friends were gratiot and the chouteaus, auguste and pierre. it was auguste that had planned the fortifications of st. louis, towers and bastions, palisades, demilunes, scarps, counter-scarps, and sally ports, only finished in part when the city was handed over. long since had carondelet offered rewards to the traders of st. louis to penetrate to the pacific. already the chouteau boats had reached the mandan towns, but freely they gave every information to the american captain. "i send you herewith enclosed," wrote lewis to the president, "some slips of the osage plum and apple. mr. charles gratiot, a gentleman of this place, has promised that he would with pleasure attend to the orders of yourself, or any of my acquaintances who may think proper to write him on the subject. i obtained the cuttings now sent you from the gardens of mr. peter chouteau, who resided the greater portion of his time for many years with the osage nation. "the osage might with a little attention be made to form an ornamental and useful hedge. the fruit is a large oval plum, of a pale yellow colour and exquisite flavour. an opinion prevails among the osages that the fruit is poisonous, though they acknowledge they have never tasted it." the leaders of all the french colonies on the mississippi were gentlemen of education and talent. they saw what the cession meant, and hailed it with welcome. but the masses, peaceable, illiterate, with little property and less enterprise, contented, unambitious, saw not the future of that great valley where their fathers had camped in the days of la salle. frank, open, joyous, unsuspecting, wrapped in the pleasures of the passing hour, they cared little for wealth and less for government provided they were not worried with its cares. their children, their fruits and flowers, the dance--happy always were the creole habitants provided only they heard the fiddle string. retaining all the suavity of his race, the roughest hunter could grace a ballroom with the carriage and manners of a gentleman. meanwhile captain clark was drilling the men at camp after the fashion of wayne. other soldiers had been engaged at fort massac and elsewhere,--silas goodrich, richard windsor, hugh hall, alexander willard, and john b. thompson, a surveyor of vincennes. never had st. louis such days! hurry, hurry and bustle in the staid and quiet town that had never before known any greater excitement than a church festival or a wedding,--never, that is, since those days of war when george rogers clark saved and when he threatened. but now lewis and clark made a deep impression on the villagers of the power and dignity of the united states government. out of their purchases every merchant hoped to make a fortune; the eager frenchmen displayed their wares,--coffee, gunpowder, and blankets, tea at prices fabulous in deerskin currency and sugar two dollars a pound. but lewis already had made up his outfit,--richly laced coats, medals and flags from jefferson himself, knives, tomahawks, and ornaments for chiefs, barrels of beads, paints and looking-glasses, bright-coloured three-point mackinaw blankets, a vision to dazzle a child or an indian, who is also a child. george drouillard was found, the skilled hunter. there was a trace of indian in drouillard; his french fathers and grandfathers had trapped along the streams of ohio and canada since before the days of pontiac, in fact, with cadillac they had helped to build detroit. every part of america was represented in that first exploring expedition,--lewis, the kinsman of washington, and clark from the tidewater cavaliers of old virginia, foremost of the fighting stock that won kentucky and illinois, puritan yankees from new england, quaker pennsylvanians from carlisle, descendants of landholders in the days of penn, french interpreters and adventurers whose barkentines had flashed along our inland lakes and streams for a hundred years, and finally, york, the negro, forerunner of his people. cruzatte and labiche, canoemen, were of old kaskaskia. pierre cruzatte was near-sighted and one-eyed, but what of that? a trusted trader of the chouteaus, he had camped with the omahas, and knew their tongue and their country. could such a prize be foregone for any defect of eyesight? accustomed to roving with their long rifles and well-filled bullet pouches, nowhere in the world could more suitable heroes have been found for this homeric journey. news of the sale had reached st. louis while captain lewis was struggling with those builders at pittsburg. "_sacre! diable!_" exclaimed the french. some loved france, some clung to spain, some shook their heads. "de country? we never discuss its affaires. dat ees de business of de commandante." the winter of - was very severe. in november the ice began running and no one could cross until february. then captain amos stoddard, at kaskaskia with his troops, sent a letter to don carlos de hault de lassus by a sergeant going on business to captain lewis. on top of the hill a double stockade of logs set vertically, the space between filled with dirt, a two-story log building with small windows and a round stone tower with a pointed cap of stone,--that was the fort where the spanish soldiers waited. down below, inhabitants in blue blanket capotes and blue kerchiefs on their heads, now and then in red toque or a red scarf to tie up their trousers, wandered in the three narrow lanes that were the streets of st. louis, waiting. before them flowed the yellow-stained, eddy-spotted mississippi, behind waved a sea of prairie grass uninterrupted by farm or village to the rockies. spring blossomed. thickets of wild plum, cherry, wild crab-apples, covered the prairie. vanilla-scented locust blooms were shaking honey-dew on the wide verandas of the old st. louis houses, when early in the morning of may , american troops crossed the river from cahokia, and clark's men from the camp formed in line with fife and drum, and colours flying. at their head major amos stoddard of boston and captain meriwether lewis of virginia led up to the government house. black hawk was there to see his spanish father. he looked out. "here comes your american father," said the commandant de lassus. "i do not want _two_ fathers!" responded black hawk. dubiously shaking his head as the americans approached, black hawk and his retinue flapped their blankets out of one door as stoddard and captain lewis entered the other. away to his boats black hawk sped, pulling for dear life up stream to his village at rock island. and with him went singing bird, the bride of black hawk. "strange people have taken st. louis," said the hawk to his sacs. "we shall never see our spanish father again." a flotilla of frenchmen came up from kaskaskia,--menard, edgar, francis vigo, and their friends. villagers left their work in the fields; all st. louis flocked to la place d'armes in front of the government house to see the transfer. in splendid, showy uniforms, every officer of the spanish garrison stood at arms, intently watching the parade winding up the limestone footway from the boats below. with its public archives and the property of a vast demesne, don carlos de hault de lassus handed over to major stoddard the keys of the government house in behalf of france. a salvo of cannonry shook st. louis. "people of upper louisiana," began de lassus in a choked and broken voice, "_by order of the king_, i am now about to surrender this post and its dependencies. the flag which has protected you during nearly thirty-six years will no longer be seen. the oath you took now ceases to bind. your faithfulness and courage in upholding it will be remembered for ever. from the bottom of my heart i wish you all prosperity." de lassus, stoddard, lewis, clark, and the soldiers filed up the yellow path, past the log church, to the fort on the hill. the spanish flag was lowered; de lassus wept as he took the fallen banner in his hand, but as the lilies of france flashed in the sun the creoles burst into tumultuous cheers. not for forty years had they seen that flag, the emblem of their native land. cannon roared, swords waved, and shouts were heard, but not in combat. the gates were thrown open; out came the spanish troops with knapsacks on their backs, ready to sail away to new orleans. the old brass cannon and munitions of war were transported down the hill, while the american soldiers in sombre uniforms filed into the dingy old fort of spain. major stoddard sent for the french flag to be taken down at sunset. "no, no, let it fly! let it fly all night!" begged the creoles, and a guard of honour went up to watch the flickering emblem of their country's brief possession. all night long that french flag kissed the sky, all night the guard of honour watched, and the little log church of st. louis was filled with worshippers. all the romance of brittany and normandy rose to memory. rené kiercereau the singer led in ballads of la belle france, and the glories of fields where their fathers fought were rehearsed with swelling hearts. not the real france but an ideal was in their hearts, the tradition of louis xiv. that was the last day of france in north america. as the beloved banner sank the drums gave a long funeral roll, but when, instead, the red, white, and blue burst on the breeze, the fifes struck into lively music and the drums rained a cataract. "three cheers for the american flag!" cried charles gratiot in the spirit of the swiss republic, but there were no cheers. the creoles were weeping. sobs, lamentations arose, but the grief was mostly from old frenchmen and their wives who so long had prayed that the fleur de lis might wave above san loui'. their sons and daughters, truly, as lucien bonaparte had warned napoleon, "went to bed good frenchmen, to awake and find themselves americans." the huge iron cock in the belfry of the old log church spun round and round, as if it knew not which way the wind was blowing. in three days three flags over st. louis! no wonder the iron cock lost its head and spun and spun like any fickle weather vane. in the same square with the government house stood one of the chouteau mansions. auguste chouteau had been there from the beginning, when as a fearless youth with laclede he had penetrated to the site of the future san loui' in . he was a diplomat who met indians and made alliances. he had seen the territory pass under spain's flag, and in spite of that had made it more and more a place of gallic refuge for his scattered countrymen. he had welcomed saugrain, cerré, gratiot, in fact,--he and his brother pierre remembered the day when there was no san loui'. a band of osage chiefs had come in to see their great spanish father. with wondering eyes they watched the cession, and were handed over to captain lewis to deal with in behalf of the united states. a french messenger was sent ahead with a letter to the tribe. "the americans taken san loui'?" manuel lisa, the spaniard, was disgusted,--it broke up his monopoly of the osage trade. "we will not haf the americans!" the osages burnt the letter. vi _sergeant ordway writes a letter_ the winter of - had been uncommonly severe. unknown to george shannon, that winter his father hunting in the dense woods of ohio lost his way in a snow-storm and was frozen to death. unaware of the tragedy at home, unaware also of his own inherited facility for getting lost, the boy set out up the winding staircase of the wild missouri. an older brother, john, nineteen years of age, became the stay of that widowed mother with her seven small children, the least a baby, wilson shannon, twice the future governor of ohio and once the governor of kansas. with a pad on his knee every soldier boy wrote home from the camp on river dubois opposite the mouth of the missouri. down through the years sergeant ordway's letter has come to us. "camp river dubois, april the th, . "honoured parents,--i now embrace this opportunity of writeing to you once more to let you know where i am and where i am going. i am well thank god and in high spirits. i am now on an expedition to the westward, with capt. lewis and capt. clark, who are appointed by the president of the united states to go on an expedition through the interior parts of north america. we are to ascend the missouri river with a boat as far as it is navigable and then to go by land to the western ocean, if nothing prevents. this party consists of twenty-five picked men of the armey and country likewise and i am so happy as to be one of them picked from the armey and i and all the party are if we live to return to receive our discharge whenever we return again to the united states if we choose it. this place is on the mississippi river opposite to the mouth of the missouri river and we are to start in ten days up the missouri river, this has been our winterquarters. we expect to be gone months or two years, we are to receive a great reward for this expedition when we return. i am to receive dollars a month and at least ackers of first rate land and if we make great discoveries as we expect the united states has promised to make us great rewards, more than we are promised, for fear of accidents i wish to inform you that [personal matters]. i have received no letters since betseys yet but will write next winter if i have a chance. "yours, etc., "john ordway, _segt._ "to stephen ordway, dumbarton, n.h." vii _into the land of anarchy_ the boats were ready, the red pirogue and the white, from st. louis, fresh painted, trim and slim upon the water, and the big bateau, fifty-five feet from stem to stern, with setting poles, sweeps, a square sail to catch the breeze, and twenty-two oars at the rowlocks. down under the decks and in the cabins, had been packed the precious freightage, government arms, rifles made at harper's ferry under lewis's own superintendence, tents, ammunition, bales and boxes of indian presents, provisions, tools. into the securest lockers went lewis's astronomical instruments for ascertaining the geography of the country, and the surgical instruments that did good service in the hands of clark. nothing was forgotten, even small conveniences, candles, ink, mosquito bars. it took half a million to send stanley to africa. for twenty-five hundred dollars lewis and clark made as great a journey. to assist in carrying stores and repelling indian attacks, corporal warfington and six soldiers had been engaged at st. louis and nine french boys of cahokia, inured to the paddle and the camp. feather-decked and beaded they came, singing the songs of old cahokia to start the little squadron. the americans had knives in their belts, pistols in their holsters, knapsacks on their backs, powder horns and pouches of ammunition, ink horns and quills, ready to face the wilderness and report. lewis encouraged every one to keep a journal. "i niver wint to school but nineteen days in me boyhood and that was whin i was a man," said patrick gass. but what pat lacked in books he made up in observation and shrewd reasoning; hence it fell out that patrick gass's journal was the first published account of the lewis and clark expedition. all honour to patrick gass. of such are our heroes. the cession was on wednesday, may , , and all the men were there but a few who guarded camp. at three o'clock the following monday, may , captain clark announced, "all aboard!" the heavy-laden bateau and two pirogues swung out, to the voyageurs' _chanson_, thrilling like a brass band as their bright new paddles cut the water: "a frigate went a-sailing, _mon joli coeur de rose_, far o'er the seas away, _joli coeur d'un rosier, joli coeur d'un rosier_." and hill and hollow echoed, "_mon joli coeur de rose_" "san chawle!" cried cruzatte the bowsman at two o'clock, wednesday, when the first creole village hove in sight. at a gun, the signal of traders, all st. charles rushed to see the first americans that had ever come up the missouri. and straggling behind the frenchmen came their friends, the kickapoos of kaskaskia, now on a hunt in the missouri. "meet us up the river with a good fat deer," said captain clark. the delighted kickapoos scattered for the hunt. five days the boats lay at st. charles, waiting for captain lewis who was detained fixing off the osage chiefs at st. louis. patrick gass wrote in his journal, "it rained." sergeant floyd adds, "verry much rain." captain clark chronicles, "rain, thunder, and lightning for several days." but never on account of a flurry of rain did the sociable french of st. charles fail in polite attentions to their guests on the river bank. on sunday, boats were descried toiling up from st. louis with a dozen gentlemen, who had come to escort captain lewis and bid "god speed!" to the expedition. captain stoddard was there, and auguste chouteau, availing himself of every opportunity to forward the enterprise. monsieur labbadie had advice and gratiot and dr. saugrain, little and learned, with the medicine chest. with throbbing hearts the captains stole a moment for a last home letter to be sent by the returning guests. "my route is uncertain," wrote clark to major croghan at locust grove. "i think it more than probable that captain lewis or myself will return by sea." "_bon voyage! bon voyage, mes voyageurs!_" cried all the french habitants of st. charles, waving caps and kerchiefs to answering cheers from the crew and the guns. "_bonsoir et bon voyage_--tak' care for you--_prenez garde pour les sauvages_." with a laugh the voyageurs struck up a boat song. the boats slid away into the west, that west where france had stretched her shadowy hand, and spain, and england. the reign of france fell with montcalm on the heights of abraham, flickering up again only in that last act when napoleon gave us louisiana. "the kickapoos! the kickapoos!" through bush and brier above st. charles, the bedraggled indians came tugging down to the shore four fine fat deer. bacon fare and hardtack were relegated to the hold. from that hour lewis and clark threaded the gameland of the world. "joost wait onteel dey get ento de boofalo!" commented those wise young voyageurs, cruzatte and drouillard, nodding at one another as the cooks served out the savoury meat on the grass, and every man drew forth his long hunting-knife and little sack of salt. "where is my old friend, daniel boone?" inquired captain clark, three days later at charette, the last settlement on the missouri border. this, but for spanish interference, would have been their camping station the previous winter. colonel boone, six miles from the missouri, was holding court beneath his judgment tree. the june rise of the missouri was at hand. days of rain and melting snows had set the mad streams whirling. the muddy missouri, frothing, foaming, tore at its ragged banks that, yawning, heavily undermined, leaped suddenly into the water. safety lay alone in mid-stream, where the swift current, bank-full and running like a millrace, bore down toward the mississippi. to stem it was terrific. in spite of oars and sails and busy poling, the bateau would turn, raked ever and anon with drifts of fallen trees. and free a moment, some new danger arose. down out of sight, water-soaked logs scraped the keel with vicious grating. and above, formidable battering-rams of snags sawed their black heads up and down defiantly, as if nature herself had blockaded the way with a _chevaux de frise_. poles broke, oars splintered, masts went headlong, the boat itself careened almost into the depths. it was a desperate undertaking to stem the mad missouri in the midst of her wild june rise. but that very rise, so difficult to oppose upstream, was a sliding incline the other way. may , two canoes loaded with furs came plunging full tilt out of the north. "where from? what news?" "two months from the omaha nation, seven hundred miles up the river," sang out the swiftly passing frenchmen bound for st. louis. behind them a huge raft,-- "from the pawnees on the platte!" and yet behind three other rafts, piled, heaped, and laden to the water's edge,-- "from the grand osage!" such alone was greeting and farewell, as the barks, unable to be checked, went spinning down the water. what a gala for the winter-bound trapper! home again! home again! flying down the wild missouri in the mad june rise! they stopped not to camp or to hunt, but skimming the wave, fairly flew to st. louis. they came, those swift-gliding boats, like visions of another world, the world lewis and clark were about to enter. june , two more canoes flashed by with beaver,-- "from eighty leagues up the kansas river!" june , boats with beaver and otter slid by, and rafts of furs and buffalo tallow,-- "from the sioux nation!" dorion, an old frenchman on a sioux raft, engaged to go back with lewis and clark to interpret for them the language of his wife's relations. a thousand miles against the current! now and then a southwest wind would fill out the big square-cut sail and send the heavy barge ploughing steadily up. again, contrary winds kept them on the walking boards all day long, with heads bent low over the setting-pole. warm and warmer grew the days. some of the men were sunstruck. the glitter of sun on the water inflamed their eyes. some broke out with painful boils, and mosquitoes made night a torture. now and then they struck a sand-bar, and leaping into the water the voyageurs ran along shore with the _cordelle_ on their shoulders, literally dragging the great boat into safety. "_mon cher_ captinne! de win' she blow lak' hurricane!" cried the voyageurs. down came the prairie gale, almost a tornado, snapping the timber on the river-banks, and lashing the water to waves that surged up, over, and into the boats. the sky bent black above them, the fierce wind howled, and the almost exhausted men strained every nerve to hold the rocking craft. "i strong lak' moose, not 'fraid no t'ing," remarked cruzatte, clambering back into the boat wet as a drowned kitten. hot and tired, june they tied up at the mouth of kansas river. "eat somet'ing, tak' leetle drink also," said the voyageurs. on the present site of kansas city they pitched their tents, and stretched their limbs from the weariness of canoe cramp. "the most signs of game i iver saw," said patrick gass, wandering out with his gun to find a bear. "imince hurds of deer," bears in the bottoms, beaver, turkeys, geese, and a "grat nomber of goslins," say the journals, but not an indian. "alas!" sighed the old voyageurs with friendly pity. "de kansas were plaintee brave people, but de sac and de sioux, dey drive 'em up de kansas river." cæsar conquered gaul, but the mercatores were there before him. lewis and clark ascended the missouri, but everywhere the adventurous frenchmen had gone before them, peddlers of the prairie, out with indian goods buying skins. but now americans had come. the whippoorwill sang them to sleep, the wolf howled them awake. the owl inquired, "who? who? who?" in the dark treetops at the mouth of the kansas river. on, on crept the boats, past grand old groves of oak and hickory, of walnut, ash, and buckeye, that had stood undisturbed for ages. swift fawn flitted by, and strange and splendid birds that the great audubon should come one day to study. on, on past the river-which-cries, the weeping water, the home of the elk. tall cottonwoods arose like corinthian columns wreathed with ivy, and festoons of wild grape dipped over and into the wave. the river-which-cries marked the boundary of two nations, the otoes and omahas. almost annually its waters were reddened with slaughter. then came the old men and women and children from the otoe villages on the south and from the omahas on the north and wept and wept there, until it came to be known as nehawka, the weeping water. july came and the waters were falling. with a fair wind, on the st they sailed past the mouth of the great river platte. in the summer evening lewis and clark in their pirogue paddled up the platte. "here i spen' two winter wit' de otoe," said drouillard the hunter. "de otoe were great nation, but de sioux an' de 'maha drove dem back on de pawnee." "and the pawnees?" "dey built villages an' plant corn an' wage war wid de osage." ten days later preparations were made to meet the otoes at council bluffs. on a cottonwood pole the flag was flying. a great feast was ready, when afar off, drouillard and cruzatte were seen approaching with their friends. "boom," went the blunderbuss, and the council smoke arose under an awning made of the mainsail of the bateau. every man of the expedition, forty-five in all, paraded in his best uniform. lewis talked. clark talked. all the six chiefs expressed satisfaction in the change of government. they begged to be remembered to their great father, the president, and asked for mediation between them and the omahas. "what is the cause of your war?" "we have no horses," answered the childlike otoes. "we borrow their horses. then they scalp us. we fear the pawnees also. we very hungry, come to their village when they are hunting, take a little corn!" the captains could scarce repress a smile, nor yet a tear. thefts, reprisals, midnight burnings and slaughter, this was the reign immemorial in this land of anarchy. in vain the tribes might plant,--never could they reap. "we poor indian," was the universal lament. severely solemn, lewis and clark hung medals on the neck of each chief, and gave him a paper with greetings from thomas jefferson with the seals of lewis and clark impressed with red wax and attached with a blue ribbon. "when you look at these, remember your great father. you are his children. he bids you stop war and make peace with one another." in , the otoe indians exhibited at nebraska city those identical papers, borne for more than half a century in all their homeless wanderings, between flat pieces of bark and tied with buckskin thongs. then gifts were distributed and chiefs' dresses. with more handshakings and booming of cannon, the flotilla sailed away that sultry afternoon one hundred years ago. the chiefs stood still on the shore and wonderingly gazed at one another. "these are the peacemakers!" a week later lewis and clark entered the omaha country and raised a flag on the grave of blackbird. encamping on a sandbar opposite the village, sergeant ordway and cruzatte were dispatched to summon the chiefs. here cruzatte had traded two winters. up from the river he found the old trails overgrown. breaking through sunflowers, grass, and thistles high above their heads, they came upon the spot where once had stood a village. naught remained but graves. the omahas had been a military people, feared even by the sioux, the kansas, and the far-away crows. strange mystery clung to blackbird. never had one so powerful ruled the missouri. at his word his enemy perished. stricken by sudden illness, whoever crossed the will of blackbird died, immediately, mysteriously. then came the smallpox in . blackbird himself died and half his people. in frenzy the agonised omahas burnt their village, slew their wives and children, and fled the fatal spot,--but not until they had buried blackbird. in accord with his last wish, they took the corpse of the omaha king to the top of the highest hill and there entombed him, sitting upright on his horse that he might watch the traders come and go. and one of those traders bore in his guilty heart the secret of blackbird's power. he had given to him a package of arsenic. blackbird and big elk's father went to st. louis in the days of the french and made a treaty. a portrait of the chief was then painted that is said to hang now in the louvre at paris. a delegation of otoes had been persuaded to come up and smoke the peace-pipe with the omahas. but not an omaha appeared. and the otoes, released from overwhelming fear, big horse and little thief, big ox and iron eyes, smoked and danced on the old council ground of their enemies, whose scalps they had vowed to hang at their saddle bow. sergeant floyd danced with the rest that hot august night, and became overheated. he went on guard duty immediately afterward, and lay down on a sandbar to cool. in a few moments he was seized with frightful pains. nathaniel pryor awakened the captains. "my cousin is very ill." all night lewis and clark used every endeavour to relieve the suffering soldier. at sunrise the boats set sail, bearing poor floyd, pale and scarce breathing. there was a movement of the sick boy's lips,-- "i am going away. i want you to write me a letter." and there, on the borders of iowa, he dispatched his last message to the old kentucky home. when they landed for dinner floyd died. with streaming tears patrick gass, the warm-hearted, made a strong coffin of oak slabs. a detail of brother soldiers bore the body to the top of the bluff and laid it there with the honours of war, the first united states soldier to be buried beyond the mississippi, and on a cedar post they carved his name. with measured tread and slow the soldiers came down and camped on floyd's river below, in the light of the setting sun. years passed. around that lovely height, floyd's bluff, sioux city grew. travellers passed that way and said, "yonder lies charles floyd on the bluff." relic hunters chipped away the cedar post. finally, the missouri undermined the height, and the oakwood coffin came near falling into the river, but it was rescued and buried farther back in . recently a magnificent monument was dedicated there, to commemorate his name and his mission for ever,--the first light-bearer to perish in the west. a few days later a vote was cast for a new sergeant in the place of floyd, and patrick gass received the honour. every day floyd had written in his journal, and now it was given into the hand of captain clark to be forwarded, on the first opportunity, to his people. viii _"the sioux! the sioux!"_ "what river is this, dorion?" captain lewis had thrown open his infantry uniform to catch the cooling gust down a silver rift in the shore. "_petite rivière des sioux._ go to des moines country. pass tro te lake of te spirit, full of islands. lead to dog plain, prairie du chien, four days from te omaha country. des sioux--" dorion drew his forefinger across his throat and lapsed into silence. they were his people, he would not traduce them. but his listeners understood,--the sioux were "cut-throats," this was their name among the tribes. the voyageurs trembled, "_bon dieu! le sioux sauvage_, he keel de voyageur an' steal deir hair!" the sioux, the terrible sioux, were dog indians, ever on the move, raiding back and forth, restless and unsleeping. almost to athabasca their _travoises_ kicked up the summer dust, their dog trains dragged across the plains of manitoba. on the saskatchewan they pitched their leather tents and chased the buffalo; around lake winnipeg they scalped the chippeways. at the falls of st. anthony they spread their fishing nets, and at niagara falls the old french jesuits found them. now they were stealing horses. for horses, down the mississippi they murdered the illinois. for horses, the mandan on the upper missouri heard and trembled. "the sioux! the sioux!" the ponca paled in his mud hut on the niobrara, the omaha retreated up the platte, the cheyenne hid in the cedar-curtained recesses of the black hills. more puissant than the six nations of the iroquois, the sioux confederacy dominated from the red river of the north to the red river of texas. wilder than the comanches they rode, more cunning in theft than the crows, more bloodthirsty than the blackfeet. on the red man's triple plea for war,--horses, scalps, and wives,--the sioux were pirates of the streams and despots of the prairie. mettlesome with the bow, fiery in battle, strong, brave, wild, kings of the hills and monarchs of the trails, they ruled the earth in splendid savagery. the buffalo was theirs, the beaver and the deer, and woe betide the rival that poached on their preserves. did the poor shoshone venture beyond the rockies, he was flayed and burned alive. no lake, no stream, no river between the mississippi and the rockies remained unstained by their red hatchet. and what a chapter when the traders came! unwritten yet are those days of fierce and constant battle. even dorion himself dreaded the daring freebooters into whose tribe he had married. his own offspring partook of the wild fierce spirit of their people. like eaglets or young panthers, they clutched at him with claws and talons,--with difficulty the little frenchman held them back as the lion-tamer holds the whelps. of dorion's possessions the sioux took what they pleased. for the privilege of trading he smiled and gave them all, then in generosity he was heaped with skins. dorion knew the sioux, knew their best and worst. somewhere in this sioux country his faithful spouse was waiting; he was looking for her now,--a model squaw, a tireless slave who dug his roots and made his garments, brought his wood and water, and, neglected, bore his children. "pilicans! pilicans!" it was the voice of patrick gass, beyond the little sioux. a low sand island was covered with huge, white, web-footed beauties fishing in the chocolate missouri. when the scrimmage was over two handsome birds lay in the bateau, one, the queen of the flock, brought down by lewis himself. she was a splendid specimen, six feet from tip to tip, pure white with a tinge of rose, and an enormous pouch full of fish under her bill. "out with the fish. let us measure that pouch." lewis's enthusiasm was contagious. all hands gathered while he poured in water, five gallons. "the average capacity is but two," said captain clark. "we must preserve this trophy." to-day that beautiful bird, of strong maternal instincts, is the emblem of the state of louisiana. again lewis put the question, "what stream, dorion?" "te great sioux! two hundret mile to te sioux fall, an' beyont--almost to st. peters." a smile relaxed old dorion's leathern face,-- "below te fall, a creek from te cliffs of red rock. all indian get te peace-pipe. no battle dere, no war." of the famous red pipestone quarry old dorion spoke, the beautiful variegated rock out of which resplendent dakota cities should be built in the future. "te rock ees soft, cut it wit te knife, then hard and shining." all tribes, even those at war, could claim asylum at the red pipestone. the sioux came, and the pawnee, to camp on its banks and fashion their calumets. the soft clay pipes, hardened into things of beauty, were traded from tribe to tribe, emblems and signals of peace. captain lewis himself had one, bought in st. louis, brought down from that quarry by some enterprising french trader. "buffalo! buffalo! buffalo!" a grand shout arose at sight of the surging herds. "plaintee boofalo now," said the voyageurs. upon the led horses along shore, clark and joseph fields dashed away for a first shot. again rejoicing cooks went hunting up the kettles, and the whole expedition paused a day for a grand hunt. "te yankton sioux!" joyfully announced old dorion, as they neared the familiar chalk bluffs of "des rivière jaques, tat go almost to te red rivière of te winnipeg." all over these streams old dorion had trapped the beaver. with sergeant pryor and another, dorion set out for the indian camp. the yankton sioux saw the white men approaching and ran with robes to carry them in state to camp. "no," answered the sergeant, "we are not the commanders. they are at the boats." dorion led the way to his wigwam. his polite old squaw immediately spread a bearskin for them to sit on. another woman killed a dog, cut it up, and boiled it and gave it to them to eat, a token of friendship. forty clean and well-kept lodges were in this yankton village, of dressed buffalo and elk skin, painted red and white and very handsome. and each lodge had a cooking apartment attached. under the calumet bluffs the flag was flying when the yankton sioux came down in state and crossed the river to the council. the yankton sioux were reputed to be the best of their nation, and brave as any, with their necklaces of bear's claws, paints, and feathers. they were kingly savages, dignified and solemn, with heads shaved to the eagle plume, and arrayed in robes wrought with porcupine quills. with dorion as interpreter captain lewis delivered the usual speech, and presented flags, medals, and a chief's dress, a richly laced coat, cocked hat, and red feather. the ceremonious indians withdrew to consider a suitable answer. the next morning again the chiefs assembled, solemnly seated in a row with enormous peace-pipes of red stone and stems a yard long, all pointing toward the seats intended for lewis and clark. but the great indian diplomats did not hasten. "ha!" even the stoic sioux could not refrain from an ejaculation of admiration as they half rose, pipe in hand, to gaze in awe and wonder as the white chiefs entered the council. no such traders ever came up the missouri, no such splendid apparitions as the red head chief and his brother, pink and white as the roses on the river jaques. captain lewis habitually wore his sunny hair in a queue; to-day it was loosened into a waving cataract, and clark, slipping off his eelskin bag, let his red locks fall, a strange and wondrous symbol. no such red and gold had ever been seen in the indian country. with pale berries they stained their porcupine quills, with ochre painted the buffalo lodges, with vermilion rouged their faces, but none like these growing on the heads of men! seating themselves with all due dignity, lewis and clark scarce lifted their eyes from the ground as the grand chief, weucha, extended his decorated pipe in silence. a full hour elapsed before weucha, slipping his robe to give full play to his arm, arose before them. "i see before me my great father's two sons. we very poor. we no powder, ball, knives. our women and children at the village no clothes. i wish my brothers would give something to those poor people. "i went to the english, they gave me a medal and clothes. i went to the spanish, they gave me a medal. now you give me a medal and clothes. still we are poor. i wish you would give something for our squaws." then other chiefs spoke. "very poor. have pity on us. send us traders. we want powder and ball." deadly as were the sioux arrows,--one twang of their bowstring could pierce a buffalo,--yet a better weapon had crossed their vision. firearms, powder, ball, fabulous prices, these problems changed indian history. congratulating themselves on this favourable encounter with the dreaded sioux, and promising everything, lewis and clark went forward with renewed courage. more and more buffaloes dotted the hills, and herds of antelope, strange and new to science. "i must have an antelope," said lewis. at that moment he saw seven on a hilltop. creeping carefully near, they scented him on the wind. the wild beauties were gone, and a similar flock of seven appeared on a neighbouring height. "can they have spanned the ravine in this brief time?" he looked, and lo! on a third height and then a fourth they skimmed the hills like cloud shadows, or winged griffins of the fabled time, half quadruped and half bird. "a cur'ous lill animal here, captain," said one of the hunters, handing him a limp little body. its head was like a squirrel's. lewis stroked the long fine hair. "what is it?" cruzatte, the bowman, paddle in hand, leaned over, peering with his one near-sighted but intelligent eye. "ha! ha! ha! _le petit chien!_" he laughed. "live in te hole een te prairie. leetle dog. bark, yelp, yelp, yelp, like te squirrel. all over te countree, whole towns," spreading his brown hands expressively. after this lucid explanation the captains, lewis and clark, set out for a prairie-dog town. a few yelps, heels in air, the town was deserted save for the tiny mounds that told where each had hidden. "let us drown one out." forthwith, every man came puffing up with big brass kettles full of water. "five barrels," says clark in his journal, "were poured into the holes but not a dog came out," and patrick gass adds, "though they worked at the business until night they only caught one of them." more and more the hills were thronged with buffalo. even york, captain clark's black servant, went out and killed two at one ride. on the top of a high bluff the men had found the skeleton of a huge fish, forty-five feet long and petrified. "blow, ye winds of morning, blow, blow, blow--" george shannon, the boy of the expedition, had enlivened many a sunrise with his jolly, rollicking irish songs. but shannon was lost! on the th of august he had gone out to look for the strayed horses. it was now september. captain lewis was wild, for at his request george had joined the expedition and at his order he had gone after the horses. hunters had sought in every direction, guns had been fired and the blunderbuss, and smokes had been kindled from point to point. "shannon!" a great shout went up as the forlorn boy, emaciated and weary, came dragging into camp on the th of september. it was a short story, soon told. he found the horses and followed by mistake the trail of recent indians, which he mistook for footprints of the party. for days he followed the trail, exhausted his bullets, and lived on wild grapes and a rabbit he killed with a stick. but he heard no guns, saw no smoke. in despair at last he came down to the river, to discover that all this time he had been travelling ahead of the boats! the fatted buffalo-calf was killed and great was the rejoicing, and at daylight next morning, shannon's "blow, ye winds of morning, blow, blow, blow," rang again joyously over the missouri. "danger! quick! the bank is caving!" at one o'clock in the night the guard gave the startled cry. barely was there time to loosen the boats and push into midstream before the whole escarpment dropped like an avalanche over the recent anchorage. thus in one instant might have been blotted out the entire expedition, to remain for all time a mystery and conjecture. on the evening of september the cooks and a guard went ashore to get supper at the mouth of the river teton, the present site of pierre, south dakota. five indians, who had followed for some time, slept with the guard on shore. early next morning sixty indians came down from a sioux camp and the captains prepared for a council. under the flag and an awning, at twelve o'clock the company paraded under arms. dorion had remained behind at the yankton village, so with difficulty, by the aid of drouillard and much sign language, a brief speech was delivered. black buffalo, head chief, was decorated with a medal, flag, laced coat, cocked hat, and red feather, nor were the rest forgotten with smaller gifts, medals, and tobacco. the captains would have gone on, but, "no! no!" insisted black buffalo, seizing the cable of clark's departing pirogue. finally clark and several of the men rowed them ashore. but no sooner had they landed than one seized the cable and held the boat fast. another flung his arms around the mast and stood immovable. "release me," demanded clark, reddening at evidence of so much treachery. black buffalo advanced to seize clark. the captain drew his sword. at this motion captain lewis, watching from the bateau, instantly prepared for action. the indians had drawn their arrows and were bending their great bows, when the black mouth of the blunderbuss wheeled toward them. at this black buffalo ordered his men to desist, and they sullenly fell away, but never was forgotten that time when the teton sioux attempted to carry off captain clark. "we wished to see the boat more," said the indians, by way of excuse. "we wished to show it to our wives and children." to conciliate and to depart without irritation, captain clark offered his hand. the chiefs refused to take it. turning, clark stepped into the boat and shoved off. immediately three warriors waded in after him, and he brought them on board. that night the whole expedition slept under arms, with the indians as guests. at daylight crowds of indian men, women, and children waited on shore in the most friendly manner. ten well-dressed young men took lewis and clark up on a highly decorated robe and carried them up to the council tent. dressed like dandies, seventy indians sat in this roomy council hall, the tail feathers of the golden eagle scarce quivering in their topknots. impressively in the centre on two forked sticks lay the long peace-pipe above a bed of swan's down. outside, the redmen were roasting a barbecue. all day they sat and smoked, and ate of buffalo beef and pemmican. after sunset a huge council fire illuminated the interior of the great lodge, and the dance began. wild indian girls came shuffling with the reeking scalps of omahas, from a recent raid. outside twenty-five omaha women prisoners and their children moaned in the chill of an icy autumn night. it was their trail that shannon had followed for sixteen days. about midnight, fatigued by the constant strain of watchful anxiety, the captains returned to the boats. but not yet were they safely away. "to oars! to oars! the cable's parted!" the indians heard the call. "the omahas! the omahas!" rang the cry up from the teton camp, that on every wind anticipated the whoop of retaliating omahas in search of their stolen wives and children. then followed pandemonium of rushing indians and frightened calls. all night, with strained eyes, every man held his rifle ready as they lay unanchored on the water. at daylight the wily indians held the ropes and still detained the boats. resort to force seemed inevitable. flinging a carat of tobacco, "black buffalo," said lewis, "you say you are a great chief. prove it by handing me that rope." flattered, black buffalo gave the rope, and thankfully the boats pulled out with no more desire to cultivate the sioux. ix _the romance of the mandans_ "what will they find?" asked the people of the united states, discussing the journey of lewis and clark. "numerous powerful and warlike nations of savages, of gigantic stature, fierce, treacherous, and cruel, and particularly hostile to white men." "the mammoth of prehistoric time feeding from the loftiest forests, shaking the earth with its tread of thunder." "they will find a mountain of solid salt glistening in the sun with streams of brine issuing from its caverns." "they will find blue-eyed indians, white-haired, fairer than other tribes, planting gardens, making pottery, and dwelling in houses." "oh, yes," said the federalists, "jefferson has invented these stories to aggrandise the merit of his purchase. they never can cross the mountains. human enterprise and exertion will attempt them in vain." "it was folly! folly to send those men to perish miserably in the wilderness! it was a bold and wicked scheme of jefferson. they will never return alive to this country." had not jefferson himself in his anxiety directed lewis and clark to have recourse to our consuls in java, the isles of france and bourbon, and the cape of good hope? heaven alone knew whither the missouri--columbia might lead them! but the white indians-- in the history of wales there is a story that on account of wars in wales a welsh prince in "prepared certain shipps, with men and munition, and sought adventures by seas, sailing west, and leaving the coast of ireland so farre north, that he came to land unknowne, where he saw many strange things.... this madoc arriving in the countrey, in the which he came in the year , left most of his people there, and returning back for more of his nation, went thither again with ten sails," and was never again heard of. six hundred years later welshmen in america imagined that they could talk with some tribes, who said "they came from white people but were now indians," and the legend was related that white people had once lived on the atlantic coast, but had so many wars they crossed the mountains and made boats and went down the ohio and up the missouri, "where to this day live the fair-haired, blue-eyed mandans." our grandfathers believed this story, believed these whites might have been cut off at the falls of the ohio and some escaped. this is the excuse that cornstalk gave to lord dunmore for the attack at point pleasant: "long ago our fathers destroyed the whites in a great battle at the falls of the ohio. we thought it might be done again." as if in proof of this statement, george rogers clark and other first explorers at the falls found sand island at low water a mass of hacked and mutilated human bones, whether of indians or whites, no man could tell. and here now were lewis and clark, in the autumn of , among the fabled mandans, and here before them was a mr. hugh mccracken, an irishman, and rené jussaume, a frenchman, independent traders, who for a dozen winters had drawn their goods on dog sleds over from the british fort on the assiniboine to trade with the mandans for buffalo robes and horses. thirty dogs they owned between them, great huskies of the eskimo breed. jussaume was immediately engaged as interpreter, and the first sunday was spent in conversation with black cat, head chief of the mandans. all day the hospitable blue-eyed, brown-haired mandan women, fairer than other indians, kept coming in with gifts of corn, boiled hominy, and garden stuffs, raised by their own rude implements. girls of ten years old with silver-gray hair hanging down to their knees stood around and listened. yes, they had earthen pots and gardens, even extensive fields of corn, beans, squashes, and sunflowers, and houses--mud huts. they lived in little forted towns that had been moved successively up, up, up the missouri. "i believe what you have told us," said one of the chiefs in the great council on monday. "we shall now have peace with the ricaras. my people will be glad. then our women may lie down at night without their moccasins on. they can work in the fields without looking every moment for the enemy." "we have killed the ricaras like birds," said another, "until we are tired of killing them. now we will send a chief and some warriors to smoke with them." thus was the first effort for peace in the mandan country. the high chill wind almost blew down the awning over the great council. the men paraded up from the boats, the blunderbuss was fired from the bow of the big bateau, the long reed-stemmed stone-bowled pipes were smoked in amity. "here are suits of clothes for your chiefs," said lewis, handing out of a wooden chest the handsome laced uniforms, cocked hats, and feathers. "to your women i present this iron corn-mill to grind their hominy." the solemn, sad-faced chiefs took the clothes and put them on. the women flew at the corn-mill. all day long they ground and ground and wondered at "the great medicine" that could make meal with so little trouble. mortars and pestles were thrown behind the lodges, discarded. the next day mr. mccracken set out on his return to fort assiniboine, one hundred and fifty miles away, with a friendly letter to the chief factor, chaboillez, enclosing the passport of lewis and clark from the british minister at washington. yes, a passport,--so uncertain was that boundary--never yet defined. where lay that line? to the sources of the mississippi? but those sources were as hidden as the fountain of the nile. no white man yet had seen itasca. since before the revolution the chaboillez family had traded at michilimackinac. they were there in the days when wabasha descended on st. louis, and had a hand in all the border story. while lewis was negotiating with the indians, captain clark set out with black cat to select a point where timber was plenty to build a winter camp. "hey, there! are ye going to run aff and leave me all to mesilf?" exclaimed patrick gass, head carpenter, busy selecting his tools and equipments. "niver moind, i can outwalk the bist o' thim." strong, compact, broad-chested, heavy-limbed, but lean, sprightly, and quick of motion, pat was soon at the side of his captain. "i can show ye a pint or two about cabins, i'm thinkin'." clark smiled. he knew something about cabins himself. the day was fine and crowds of indians came to watch proceedings as clark's men began to cut the tall cottonwoods and roll up the cabins. every day the indians came in crowds to watch the wonderful building of the white men's fort, the deer-skin windows and mud-plastered chimneys. turning loose their horses, all day long the red men lay on the grass watching the details of this curious architecture. at night, gathering an armful of cottonwood boughs stripped from the fort timber, each fed his horse and meandered thoughtfully homeward in the red sunset. one day two squaws came, a leathery old dame and a captive indian girl from the rocky mountains,--the handsome young sacajawea, the bird-woman. "she my slave," said charboneau, a frenchman in blanket capote and kerchief around his head. "i buy her from de rock mountain. i make her my wife." charboneau lived with the minnetarees, friends and neighbours of the mandans. shahaka, the big white head chief, came, too, with his squaw packing on her back "one hundred pounds of very fine meat." whenever shahaka crossed the river his squaw picked up the buffalo-skin canoe and carried it off on her back. those canoes were made exactly like a welsh coracle. the days grew colder, the frost harder. ice began to run in the river and the last boats in from the hunt brought thirty-two deer, eleven elk, and buffalo that were jerked and hung in the winter smoke-house. by november the triangular fort was ready,--two rows of cabins of four rooms each, with lofts above where, snug and warm under the roof next to the chimneys, the men slept through the long cold winter nights on beds of grass, rolled up in their blankets and fuzzy robes of buffalo. in the frosty weather there came over the prairies from fort assiniboine seven northwest traders, led by françois antoine larocque and charles mackenzie, with stores of merchandise to trade among the mandans. they immediately waited upon lewis and clark. "we are not traders," said the americans, "but explorers on our way to the pacific." through larocque's mind flashed the journey of sir alexander mackenzie and its outcome. that might mean more than a rival trader. "he is distributing flags and medals among the mandans," came the rumour. "in the name of the united states i forbid you from giving flags and medals to the indians, as our government looks upon those things as sacred emblems of the attachment of the indians to our country," said captain lewis to monsieur larocque when next he called at fort mandan. "as i have neither flags nor medals, i run no risk of disobeying those orders, i assure you," answered the easy frenchman. "you and all persons are at liberty to come into our territories to trade or for any other purpose, and will never be molested unless your behaviour is such as would subject an american citizen himself to punishment," continued lewis. "and will the americans not trade?" "we may and shall probably have a public store well assorted of all kinds of indian goods. no liquors are to be sold." "a very grand plan they have schemed," muttered larocque, as he went away, "but its being realised is more than i can tell." while talking with the captains, larocque had an eye on a hudson's bay trader who had appeared on the scene. "beg pardon. i must be off," said larocque, slipping out with charboneau to outwit if possible the hudson's bay man and reach the indians first. but before he got off a letter arrived from chaboillez that altered all plans. unknown to lewis and clark, though they gradually came to discover it, hot war was waging in the north. for the sake of furs, rival traders cut and carved and shot and imprisoned each other. for the sake of furs those same traders had held detroit thirteen years beyond the revolution. furs came near changing the balance of power in north america. the old established hudson's bay company claimed british america. the ambitious, energetic northwesters of montreal disputed the right. and now that sir alexander mackenzie, a canadian _bourgeois_, had become a famous explorer, knighted by the king, jealousies broke out in the northwest company itself. simon mctavish, lord of the northwesters, who had done all he could to hold the lakes for britain, would rule or ruin. but the northwesters swore by mackenzie. so the two factions fought each other, and both fought the hudson's bay company. "the northwesters are no better than they ought to be," said the men of hudson's bay. "they sent an embassy to congress in ." in fact a little change in the balance might have thrown the northwesters over to the american side and altered the history of a continent. "the quarrelling traders of the north are almost as bad as the indians," said lewis,--"they demoralise and inflame the indians." "trade with me," said hudson's bay. "the northwesters will cheat you." "trade with me," said the northwester. "hudson's bay are bad men." with troubled eyes the indians listened, then scalped them both. some bloody tales that north could tell, around the plains of lovely winnipeg, out on the lone saskatchewan, and over to athabasca. but now the americans,--this was a new force in the west. december , the americans began to cut and carry pickets to complete the high stockade and gate across the front of fort mandan. december it was too cold to work, and that night the river froze over in front of the fort with solid ice an inch and a half thick. at nine o'clock next morning chief shahaka, big white, came puffing in with news. "de boofalo! de boofalo!" interpreted jussaume, listening intently to the long harangue of the chief who was making all sorts of sign language and excitedly pointing up the river. "de boofalo, on de prairie, comin' eento de bottom." in short order lewis, clark, and fifteen men were out with the indians mounted on horseback. then came the din and chase of battle, a sight to fire the blood and thrill the calmest heart. riding among the herd, each indian chose his victim, then, drawing his arrow to the last notch of the bowstring, let it fly. another and another whizzed from the same string until the quiver was exhausted. the wounded beast, blinded by its mane, sometimes charged the hunter. but the swift steed, trained for the contest, wheeled and was gone. the buffalo staggered for a little, then, struck in a mortal part, fell headlong, pawing up the dust and snow in frantic efforts to rise and fly. into the midst came the captains and their men, and every man brought down his buffalo. at twelve degrees below zero and in a northwest wind, lewis and his men started out again the next morning to chase the herds that darkened the prairie. the air was filled with frosty flakes, the snow was deep and clinging, but all day and until after dark the exciting hunt held them to the saddle, and only when they came to the fire did the participants realise that their hands and feet were frostbitten. cold and colder grew the days. two suns shone in the sky, prognosticator of still deeper frost. brilliant northern lights glowed along the arctic, but still they chased the buffalo until the morning of december , when dr. saugrain's thermometer stood twenty degrees below zero at sunrise. in fur caps, coats, mittens, and double moccasins they brought home horseload after horseload of juicy beef to hang in the winter storehouse. and fortunately, too, for one day they awoke to find the buffalo gone. some winters there was great suffering for food among the mandans, but this was destined to be a year of plenty. out of their abundance the chiefs, also, came to the fort with their dog sleds loaded with meat for their friends at the garrison. x _the first dakota christmas_ on christmas eve the stockade was finished and the gate was shut. with forty-five men and a blunderbuss fort mandan stood impregnable to any force the northern savages could bring against it. but there was no hostility,--far from it. from curiosity or for trade the indians came in throngs, until on christmas eve captain lewis sent out the announcement: "let no one visit us to-morrow. it is our great medicine day." before daylight the wondering redmen were aroused from their buffalo couches by three volleys fired from the fort. awe-struck they sat up and whispered: "white men making medicine." at sunrise a flag was floating above the palisade, but no indian ventured to approach the mysterious newly closed walls of fort mandan. for his christmas stocking every man received an allowance of flour, dried apples, and pepper, which together with corn, beans, squash, and unlimited buffalo meat and marrow bones made out a christmas feast. at one o'clock the gun was fired for dinner. at two came the signal for the dance. "play up ole fashion reel. everybody he mus' dance," said cruzatte, tuning his fiddle. "we'll do our possible." cruzatte and gibson played, gass and shannon led, clark called the changes; and with crackling fires, and a stamping like horses, away up there under the northern stars the first american christmas was celebrated on the upper missouri. three wide-eyed spectators sat ranged around the walls. these were the squaws of the interpreters, madame rené jussaume, and the two wives of charboneau, madame the old dame, and sacajawea, the beautiful indian captive stolen beyond the rockies. the indians, in their cheerless winter villages, found much to attract them at the fort of the white men. soon after christmas, william bratton and john shields set up their forge as blacksmiths, gunsmiths, and armourers. day after day, with the thermometer forty degrees below zero, a constant procession of indians came wending in on the well-beaten snow-track, with axes to grind and kettles to mend. it seemed as if all the broken old kettles that had ever drifted into the country, from hudson's bay or fort william or up from st. louis, were carried to fort mandan filled with corn to pay for mending. especially the indians wanted battle-axes, with long thin blades like the halberds of ancient warfare. some wanted pikes and spears fixed on the pointed ends of their long dog-poles. a burnt-out old sheet-iron cooking stove became worth its weight in gold. for every scrap of it, four inches square, the indians would give seven or eight gallons of corn, and were delighted with the exchange. these bits of square sheet iron were invaluable for scrapers for hides, and every shred of cutting that fell to the ground was eagerly bought up to fashion into arrow tips. metal, metal, metal,--the _sine qua non_ of civilisation had come at last to the mandans. while bratton was busy over his forge, and shields at the guns, some of the men were out hunting, some were cutting wood to keep the great fires roaring, and some were making charcoal for the smithy. so the days went on. new year's, , was ushered in with the blunderbuss. by way of recreation the captains permitted the men to visit the indian villages where crowds gathered to see the white men dance, "heeling it and toeing it" to the music of the fiddles. the white men in turn were equally diverted by the grotesque figures of the indians leaping in the buffalo dances. captain clark noted an old man in one of the mandan villages and gave him a knife. "how old are you?" "more than one hundred winters," was the answer. "give me something for the pain in my back." but a grandson rebuked the old man. "it isn't worth while. you have lived long enough. it is time for you to go to your relations who can take better care of you than we can." the old man settled back in his robes by the fire and said no more. "what accident has happened to your hand?" inquired lewis of a chief's son. "grief for my relatives," answered the boy. it was a mandan custom to mutilate the body, as a mark of sorrow for the dead, until some had lost not only all their fingers, but their ears and hair. sacred ceremonies of flagellations, knife thrusts into the flesh, piercing with thorns and barbaric crucifixions,--thirty years later george catlin found these still among the mandans, and ascribed them to an effort to perpetuate some christian ceremonial of a remote ancestry. could it have been a corrupted tradition of the crucifixion of christ? who can tell? the welsh of were catholic christians who believed in self-inflicted penance to save the soul. degraded, misguided, interblent with indian superstition through generations, it might have come to this. but everywhere, at feast or council, one walked as conqueror,--clark's negro servant, york. of fine physical presence and remarkable stature, very black and very woolly, york was viewed as superhuman. "where you come from?" whispered the awe-struck savages. grinning until every ivory tooth glistened, and rolling up the whites of his eyes, he would answer, "i was running wild in the wood, and was caught and tamed by my mastah." then assuming an air of ferocity, york would exhibit feats of strength that to the indians seemed really terrible. "if you kill white men we make you chief," the arikaras whispered in his ear. york withstood great temptation,--he fought more battles than clark. "delay! delay! delay!" was the indian plea at every village. "let our wives see you. let our children see, especially the black man." from council bluffs to clatsop, children followed york constantly. if he chanced to turn, with piercing shrieks they ran in terror. "mighty warrior. born black. great medicine!" sagely commented the wise old men, watching him narrowly and shaking their heads at the unheard-of phenomenon. even his jerks, contortions, and grimaces seemed a natural part of such a monstrosity. york was a perpetual exhibit, a menagerie in himself. in these holiday visits to the mandan towns a glimpse was caught of domestic life. wasteful profusion when the buffalo came, when the buffalo left, days of famine. then they opened their cellar-holes of corn and vegetables, hidden away as a last resource in protracted siege when the sioux drove off the game and shut them up in their picketed villages. so often were the horses of the mandans stolen, that it had become a habitual custom every night to take them into the family lodge where they were fed on boughs and bark of the cottonwood. all day long in the iciest weather, the wrinkled, prematurely aged squaws were busy in the hollows, cutting the horse-feed with their dull and almost useless knives. on new year's day black cat came down with a load of meat on his wife's back. a happy woman was she to receive a sharp new knife to cut her meat and cottonwood. it was easy to buy a mandan wife. a horse, a gun, powder and ball for a year, five or six pounds of beads, a handful of awls, the trade was made, and the new spouse was set to digging laboriously with the shoulder-blade of an elk or buffalo, preparing to plant her corn. the indian woman followed up the hunt, skinned and dressed the buffalo, and carried home the meat. indian women built the lodges and took them down again, dragging the poles whenever there were not horses enough for a summer ramble. when not at the hunt or the council, the warrior sat cross-legged at his door, carving a bow, pointing an arrow, or smoking, waited upon by his squaw, who never ate until the braves were done, and then came in at the last with the children and the dogs. wrinkled and old at thirty, such was the fate of the indian girl. sunday, january , charboneau came back from a visit to the minnetarees at turtle mountain with his face frozen. it was fortunate he returned with his life. many a frenchman was slain on that road, many an imprecation went up against the assiniboine sioux,--"_les gens des grands diables du nord_," said charboneau. touissant charboneau, one of the old canadian french charboneaus, with his brothers had tramped with alexander henry far to the north under sub-arctic forests, wintered on the assiniboine, and paddled to winnipeg. seven years now he had lived among the minnetarees, an independent trader like mccracken and jussaume, and interpreter for other traders. moreover, charboneau was a polygamist with several wives to cook his food and carry his wood and water. but he had been kind to the captive indian girl, and her heart clung to the easy-going frenchman as her best friend. the worst white man was better than an indian husband. captured in battle as a child five years before, sacajawea had been brought to the land of the dakotas and sold to charboneau. now barely sixteen, in that february at the mandan fort she became a mother. most of the men were away on a great hunting trip; when they came back a lusty little red-faced pappoose was screaming beside the kitchen fire. the men had walked thirty miles that day on the ice and in snow to their knees, but utterly fatigued as they were, the sight of that little indian baby cuddled in a deerskin robe brought back memories of home. clark came in with frosty beard, and moccasins all worn out. "sacajawea has a fine boy," said lewis. no wonder the captains watched her recovery with interest. all winter they had sought an interpreter for those far-away tongues beyond the mountains, and no one could be found but sacajawea, the wife of charboneau. clark directed york to wait on her, stew her fruit, and serve her tea, to the great jealousy of jussaume's wife, who packed up her pappooses in high dudgeon and left the fort. sacajawea was only a slave. she, madame jussaume, was the daughter of a chief! poor little sacajawea! she was really very ill. if she died who would unlock the gates of the mountains? charboneau was a cook. he set himself to preparing the daintiest soups and steaks, and soon the "bird woman" was herself again, packing and planning for the journey. busy every day now were lewis and clark making up their reports and drawing a map of the country. shahaka, big white, came and helped them. kagohami of the minnetarees came, and with a coal on a robe made a sketch of the missouri that clark re-drew. but in the midst of the map-making all the indian talk was of "war, war, war." "i am going to war against the snakes in the spring," said kagohami. "no," said lewis, "that will displease the president. he wants you to live at peace." "suffer me to go to war against the sioux," begged another chief. "no," answered lewis. "these wars are the cause of all your troubles. if you do not stop it the great father will withdraw his protection from you. he will come over here and make you stop it." "look on the many nations whom war has destroyed," continued lewis. "think of your poverty and misfortunes. if you wish to be happy, cultivate peace and friendship. then you will have horses. then you will grow strong." "have you spoken thus to all the tribes?" inquired kagohami. "we have." "and did they open their ears?" "they did." "i have horses enough," reflected kagohami, "i will not go to war. i will advise my nation to remain at home until we see whether the snake indians desire peace." one night the hunters came in with the report, "a troop of whooping sioux have captured our horses and taken our knives." it was midnight, but lewis immediately routed up the men and set out with twenty volunteers on the track of the marauding sioux. in vain. the boasting freebooters had escaped with the horses beyond recovery. "we are sorry we did not kill the white men," was the word sent back by an arikara. "they are bad medicine. we shall scalp the whole camp in the spring." xi _the british fur traders_ the movements of lewis and clark were watched by the northwest company, who already had planned a house at the mandans. jefferson was not an hour too soon. "yes," said larocque, "i will pass the winter there and watch those americans." in the midst of the frightful cold, twenty-two degrees below zero, on december , , larocque and mackenzie came over again from fort assiniboine and with them came alexander henry. "strangers are among us," said the indians, "big knives from below. had they been kind they would have loaded their great boat with goods. as it is they prefer throwing away their ammunition to sparing a shot to the poor mandans. there are only two sensible men among them, the worker of iron and the mender of guns." "amazing long pickets," remarked larocque, as they came in sight of the new stockade of fort mandan. the triangular fort, two sides formed of houses and the front of pickets, presented a formidable appearance in the wild. "cannon-ball proof," remarked larocque, taking a good squint at the high round bastion in the corner between the houses, defending two sides of the fort. on the top was a sentry all night, and below a sentry walked all day within the fort. "well guarded against surprise," remarked alexander henry, as he tapped at the gate with the ramrod of his gun. as the party knocked at the gates of fort mandan, in their winter coats of leather lined with flannel, edged with fur, and double-breasted, the lively eye of patrick gass peeped out. "some more av thim britishers to ascertain our motives fur visitin' this countery, and to gain infurmation with rispict to th' change o' gov'm't," was the shrewd guess of pat. the hospitable captains were more than glad to entertain visitors. they were there to cultivate international amity. in their hearts lewis and clark never dreamed what a commotion that friendly letter to chaboillez had stirred up. it had gone far and awakened many. immediately upon its receipt chaboillez sent out a runner. "lewis and clark with one hundred and eighty soldiers have arrived at the mandan village," so the story flew. "on their arrival they hoisted the american flag and informed the natives that their object was not to trade, but merely to explore the country; and that as soon as navigation shall open they design to continue their route across the rocky mountains to the pacific. they have made the natives a few small presents and repaired their guns and axes free. they have behaved honourably toward my people, who are there to trade with the natives." such a message as this was enough to bring alexander henry down to investigate. the cottonwood fires at fort mandan roared up the chimneys with unwonted splendour that winter night. the thermometer suddenly fell to forty-five degrees below zero; but warm and comfortable beside the blaze they talked, american and british, in this border of the nations. charles mackenzie had been a clerk of the northwest company for a year. of the same rank as himself was larocque, and both were popular with the redmen. in fact, mackenzie, a scot from the highlands, was already married to an indian girl, and larocque was a frenchman. that was enough. no nation fraternized with the redmen as the frenchmen did. alexander henry, fur trader among the american indians and one of the famous northwesters, bore a great name in the north. there were two alexander henrys; the younger was a nephew of the other, and he it was that had now come to visit lewis and clark. he knew more of the country than, perhaps, any other man in the northwest. in fact, his uncle, the elder henry, was at michilimackinac in the days of pontiac, and had penetrated to the saskatchewan before ever there was a northwest company. henry, jr., wintered on the red river the very year that alexander mackenzie crossed the continent,-- . as a _bourgeois_ of the northwesters, with a fleet of canoes and twenty-one men he had led the red river brigade of up into the winnipeg country. the scarlet belts, breeches of smoked buckskin, and blue cloth leggings of alexander henry's old _coureur des bois_ were known for hundreds of miles. yes, he knew the sioux. their pillaging bands sometimes plundered his traders. "they are not to be trusted," he declared in positive tone. "a very sensible, intelligent man," said lewis and clark to themselves as the great northwester talked of the country and the tribes. but time seemed pressing. questions of cold or of comfort weighed not with these dauntless northwesters when the interests of their company were at stake. they had come on horseback. to return that way was out of the question; and so sleds were fitted up with jussaume's eskimo dogs, the "huskies" of the fur traders. "they seem happy to see us," remarked mackenzie from under his muffler, as they rode away. "they treat us with civility and kindness, but captain lewis cannot make himself agreeable. he speaks fluently, even learnedly, but to me his inveterate prejudice against the british stains all his eloquence." "captain clark is more cordial," rejoined larocque. "he seems to dislike giving offence unnecessarily. do you recall his thoughtfulness in sending for our horses when we feared they might be stolen? he let his men guard them with his own." with the thermometer thirty-two degrees below zero, the dogsleds flew swift across the snow, bearing news not alone to assiniboine, but to fort william on the northern shore of lake superior where the northwesters had built their trading centre. fort william, built in and named in honour of william mcgillivray, was the great distributing point, where "the lords of the lakes and the forests" came to hold their rendezvous. in front rolled superior, the great canadian sea. schooners, laden with merchandise, peltries, and provisions, plied between fort william and sault ste. marie. one of the honoured names of the northwest company was philip de rocheblave. captured by george rogers clark at kaskaskia, sent to virginia and there let out on parole, he broke faith and fled to new york, to turn up at montreal in the winter of - along with mctavish, mcgillivray, the frobishers and frasers, founders of the northwest fur company. pierre de rocheblave had now succeeded to his uncle's honours. would he be apt to let the united states get ahead of him? and by means of a _clark_ at that? "i must go down to the american fort to get my compass put in order," said larocque again, in january. "the glass is broken and the needle does not point due north." he found captain clark sketching charts of the country, lewis making vocabularies; jussaume and charboneau, the frenchmen, interpreting and disputing on the meaning of words. "they write down our words," whispered the suspicious indians. "what wicked design have they on our country?" captain lewis spent a whole day fixing larocque's compass. "i hardly get a skin when the hudson's bay trader is with me," said larocque. "he is known by all the indians, and understands and talks their language. i must get charboneau." and the two went away together. "of what use are beaver?" inquired the indians. "do you make gunpowder of them? do they preserve you from sickness? do they serve you beyond the grave?" alexander henry went to fort william. "a new rival has arisen," said the northwest traders at their hurried conference. "we must anticipate these united states explorers and traders. they may advance northward and establish a claim to ownership by prior right of discovery or occupation. we must build a chain of posts and hold the country." "but whom can we send on such a monumental enterprise?" there seemed but one man,--simon fraser. simon fraser was the son of a scottish tory who had been captured by the americans at burgoyne's surrender and had died in prison. his wife, with simon a babe in arms, removed to canada, to rear her son beneath the banner of her king. at sixteen, young fraser became a clerk of the northwest company and a _bourgeois_. but the frasers were great-brained people; young simon was soon promoted; and now at the age of twenty-nine he was put in charge of the greatest enterprise since the incomparable feat of alexander mackenzie. "you, simon fraser, are to establish trading-posts in the unknown territory, and in this way take possession for great britain." over at sault ste. marie a young doctor by the name of john mcloughlin would gladly have accompanied his uncle simon on that perilous undertaking. but his day was to come later. both of their names are now linked with the old oregon. young men of the two most progressive modern nations were to be pitted in this race for empire,--lewis and clark, and simon fraser. xii _farewell to fort mandan_ on the first day of march preparations began on the building of new boats. the old ones were pried out of the ice, and the whole party was busy making elk-skin ropes and pirogues, in burning coal, and in making battle-axes to trade for corn. ducks began to pass up the river; swans and wild geese were flying north. old chief le borgne of the minnetarees, a giant in stature, a brute at heart, had held aloof all winter in his tepee. "foolish people! stay at home!" he cried. but strange rumours crept within the walls of the sulky cyclops. overcome at last by curiosity le borgne came down to the fort. "some foolish young men of my nation tell me there is a man among you who is black. is that true?" "it is," answered clark. "york, come here." with his one fierce eye, le borgne examined york closely. he wet his finger and rubbed the skin to see if the black would come off. not until the negro uncovered his head and showed his woolly hair could the chief be persuaded that york was not a painted white man. convinced against his will, and amazed, le borgne arose with a snort, his black hair flying over his brawny shoulders, and stalked out. as he passed along, the indians shrank back. over the hill came the wail of a demented mother. many a fair indian girl had left her scalp at the door of this indian blue-beard because she preferred some other lover. the ice was already honeycombed. larocque came over for a farewell. "mctavish is dead," he said. lewis and clark scarcely comprehended the full import of that announcement. at the foot of the mountain in montreal the great northwester was building a palace, fit abode for "the lord of the lakes and the forest," when the summons came in . up the rivers and lakes the word was carried into the uttermost wilds,--"mctavish is dead." thus it came to lewis and clark, this last news from the outer world. the meeting at fort william had been held without him,--mctavish was dead. he was the head and front of the northwest company. under the king, simon mctavish ruled canada, ruled half of british america, making hudson's bay tremble on her northern sea. the quick wit of the american born of irish parents belonged to patrick gass. while others were struggling toward an idea, pat had already seized it. brave, observant, of good sense, and hating the british, he kept an eye on larocque. "do not trust that frinchman." larocque had a stock of goods to trade. he lingered around fort mandan, and offered to go over the mountains with lewis and clark, but they politely declined. already larocque knew of the order at fort william. his own brother-in-law, quesnel, was to be the companion of fraser's voyage, and was to leave, like fraser, his name on the rivers of british columbia. then there was trouble with charboneau. he became independent and impudent and demanded higher wages. somebody was tampering with charboneau. suddenly flaming with new raiment, gay vests, and yards of blue and scarlet cloth, he announced: "i weel not work. i weel not stand guard. i eenterpreteur,--do as i pleese, return wheen i pleese." "we can dispense with your services," coolly answered the captains. charboneau stepped back, surprised. ignoring his presence, preparations were hurried on. the boats, the troublesome, cracking, warping cottonwood boats, were hauled to the fort and pitched and calked and tinned, until at last they were ready to try the water. no one spoke to the frenchman, no one noticed him as he lingered expectantly by. all the indian goods were brought out and hung in the open air. even at the busiest moments, with every man on the jump, no one asked charboneau to help. finding he was about to lose his position, the frenchman came to captain lewis, apologised, and was restored to service. in a trice charboneau was back at the skillets, dishing up the dinner. the occupants of fort mandan had been snow-bound five months when ice began running in the river. all day long now the busy indians were catching buffalo floating by on the high water. the foolish animals, trying to cross the thin ice, broke through. others floated away on big cakes that were certain, sooner or later, to launch them into eternity. the patient, devoted women, too, were in evidence. slipping out of their leather smocks, they plunged naked into the icy current to secure the floating driftwood for fuel. across the snow long lines of squaws came dragging home the drift. the hammers of shields and bratton rang merrily at the anvils. boxes were made and hooped and ironed, to go down in the big bateau that was too unwieldy to carry further. in those stout boxes were horns of the mountain ram, unknown as yet to science, horns of elk and deer, rare skins, robes and indian dresses; bow, arrows, and a shield for the president, on which old black cat had spent months of patient carving; samples of the red arikara corn; sixty-seven specimens of earths, salts, and minerals, and sixty specimens of plants, all carefully labelled; seeds, insects, the skeleton of the big fish from the hilltop, stuffed antelopes and lewis's pelican, a live prairie dog in a wicker cage, a live prairie hen and four magpies. a new geography was there, a map of the missouri extending out to the mystic mountains, drawn from indian description, to be presented by jefferson to congress. in these boxes, too, went letters. there was one of several thousand words from lewis to his mother. captain clark's first and best letter was to his brother at the point of rock; with it he enclosed a map and sketches of indians. another was to major croghan at locust grove, with seeds of several kinds of grapes for his sister lucy. with the bateau went also the famous mandan report of lewis to jefferson, and clark's letter to his soldier friend, william henry harrison, then governor of the indian territory at vincennes. other missives went to ohio, vermont, new hampshire, massachusetts, pennsylvania,--wherever a man had a mother at the hearthstone waiting to hear of her distant boy. saddest of all was the news to mill creek, the home of sergeant floyd. part of clark's journal was transmitted by letter to the president and part was enclosed in a separate tin box, "to multiply the chances of saving something." the mandan treasures, with dispatches and presents from the indians, went down by water to the gulf and thence by sea to washington. "i have little doubt but they will be fired on by the sioux," says lewis in his letter, "but they have pledged themselves to us that they will not yield while there is one of them living." at five o'clock on sunday afternoon, april , , the barge left fort mandan for st. louis with ten men. with it went also brave raven of the arikaras, to visit his great father, the president. at the same moment that the barge left the fort, six small canoes and the two pirogues shot up river, carrying thirty-one men and sacajawea with her child. "this little fleet, although not quite so respectable as those of columbus or captain cook, is still viewed by us with as much pleasure as those famed adventurers ever beheld theirs," said lewis, "and i dare say with quite as much anxiety for their safety and preservation. we are now about to penetrate a country at least two thousand miles in width, on which the foot of civilised man has never trodden. "entertaining as i do the most confident hope of succeeding in a voyage which has formed a darling project of mine for ten years, i can but esteem this moment of our departure as among the happiest of my life." xiii _toward the sunset_ the spring days were squally and chill. the air was sharp, and the water froze on the oars as the little party rowed along. now and then a flurry of snow whitened the april green. sometimes the sails were spread, and the boats scurried before the wind. often, however, the sails proved too large, and over the boats lurched, wetting the baggage and powder. most of the powder had been sealed in leaden canisters. when the powder was emptied the canister itself was melted into bullets. that was a nightly task,--the moulding of bullets. "hio! hio!" the hunters ahead picked a camping spot, beside a spring or by a clump of trees. in short order brass kettles were swung across the gipsy poles. twisting a bunch of buffalo grass into a nest, in a moment dr. saugrain's magical matches had kindled a roaring flame. swinging axes made music where axes had never swung before. baby touissant rolled his big eyes and kicked and crowed in his mother's lap, while charboneau, head cook, stuffed his trapper's sausage with strips of tenderloin and hung it in links around the blaze. stacks of buffalo meat lay near by, where they had been piled by the industrious hunters. odours of boiling meat issued from the kettles. juicy brown ribs snapped and crackled over the flames. captain lewis, accustomed to the _cuisine_ of jefferson at the white house, laughed. "how did you dress this sausage so quick, charboneau? two bobs and a flirt in the dirty missouri?" sometimes lewis himself turned cook, and made a suet dumpling for every man. more frequently he was off to the hills with clark, taking a look at the country. nor was sacajawea idle. with her baby on her back, she opened the nests of prairie mice, and brought home artichokes. sometimes she brought sprouts of wild onion for the broth, or the _pomme blanche_,--the peppery indian turnip. york, too, at his master's direction often gathered cresses and greens for the dinner. but york was becoming a hunter. as well as the best, he "slew dem buffaloes." lewis had bought charboneau's big family tent. under its leather shelter slept the captains, with drouillard and charboneau and his little family. around the twilight fires the men wrote their journals,--lewis, clark, pryor, ordway, gass, fraser, all busy with their stub quill pens and inkhorns, recording the day's adventure. they were not scholars, any of them, but men of action, pioneers and explorers, heralds of the nation. in their strenuous boyhood they had defended the frontier. men at sixteen, they took up a man's employment. lewis, more favoured, prolonged his schooldays until the age of eighteen, then broke away to march with armies. at last these first civilised sounds that ever broke the silence primeval were hushed. rolled up like cocoons in their mackinaw blankets, the men were soon snoring in rows with feet to the fires, while a solitary sergeant peered into the lonely night. the high dakota wind roared among the cottonwoods. mother nature, too, kept guard, lighting her distant beacons in the blue above the soldier boys. in a land of wolves, no wolves molested, though they yelped and barked in the prairie grass. on all sides lay deserted camps of assiniboine sioux. once the expedition crossed the trail of a war party only twenty-four hours old. a dog left behind came to the camp of the explorers and became the pet of captain lewis. "kip so quiet lak' one leetle mouse," whispered cruzatte, cautioning silence. no one cared to meet the assiniboine sioux, the "_gens des grands diables_." once the smoke of their campfires clouded the north; but the boats sped on undiscovered. "the river reminds me of the ohio at this time of year," said clark. "the drumming of that sharp-tailed grouse is like that of the pheasants of old virginia," responded lewis. "and the croaking of the frogs exactly resimbles that of frogs in th' yaunited states," added patrick gass. for days they noted veins of coal burning along the river banks, kindled perhaps by indian fires. alkali dust began to rise, blown into clouds, and sifting into their tight double-cased watches until the wheels refused to move more than a few minutes at a time. toward the last of april lewis went ahead to the mouth of the rochejaune, the yellow rock, or yellowstone river, passing through herds of elk, antelope, and buffalo, so tame they would scarce move out of his way. beautiful dun deer snorted and pawed the leaves, then half trusting, half timorous, slipped into the thicket. no one but sacajawea had ever before been over this road. in may they reached the land where even the beaver were gentle, for they had never been hunted. no white man, so far as they knew, had ever trodden these wilds. they had not heard of the gallant sieur verendrye, two of whose intrepid sons reached the "shining mountains" on new year's day, . washington was a boy then; george rogers clark was not born. but the snakes and the sioux were at war, fierce battles were raging, and they were forced to turn back. the noble verendrye spent all his fortune, and forty thousand livres besides, in trying to find the river of the west. then jonathan carver of connecticut set out about the time boone went to kentucky. at the falls of st. anthony, he, too, heard of the shining mountains. "the four most capital rivers of north america take their rise about the centre of this continent," said carver. "the river bourbon, which empties into hudson's bay; the waters of st. lawrence; the mississippi; and the river oregon, or the river of the west, that falls into the pacific ocean at the straits of anian." what little bird whispered "oregon" in carver's ear? no such word is known in any indian tongue. had some spanish sailor told of a shore "like his own green arragon"? and now lewis and clark are on the sunset path. will _they_ find the shining mountains and the river of the west? at the first large branch beyond the yellowstone, captain lewis went on shore with drouillard the hunter. out of a copse suddenly appeared two grizzlies. lewis remembered well the awe and absolute terror with which the mandans had described this king of western beasts. never did they go out to meet him without war-paint and all the solemn rites of battle. as with the cave bear of ancient song and saga, no weapon of theirs was adequate to meet this dreaded monster. in parties of six or eight they went, with bows and arrows, or, in recent years, the bad guns of the trader. with these things in mind, lewis and the hunter faced the bears. each fired, and each wounded his beast. one of the bears ran away; the other turned and pursued captain lewis, but a lucky third shot from drouillard laid him low. and what a brute was he! only a cub and yet larger than any bear of the atlantic states, the grizzly, known now to be identical with the awful cave bear of prehistoric time. no wonder the indian that slew him was a brave and in the line of chieftainship! no wonder the claws became a badge of honour! no man, no foe so fierce to meet as one enraged and famished grizzly. his skin was a king's robe, his tusk an emblem of unflinching valour. a wind from the east now filled the sails and blew them west! west! more and more tame grew the elk and buffalo, until the men were obliged to drive them out of their way with sticks and stones. before them unrolled the great wild garden of eden. abounding everywhere were meadows,--beaver meadows and clover meadows, wild rice and rye and timothy, and buffalo grazing on a thousand hills. prairie fowl scurried in the under-brush, beautiful white geese gazed calmly at them, ducks quacked around ponds and streams alive with trout. wild gardens were radiant with roses and honeysuckles, morning-glories and wild hops. whole fields of lilies perfumed the sunrise, strawberries carpeted the uplands, and tangles of blackberries and raspberries interwove a verdant wall along the buffalo trails, the highways of the wilderness. mountain sheep sported on the cliffs, the wild cat purred in her forest lair. the yellow cougar, the mountain lion, growled and slunk away. the coyote, the indian dog, snapped and snarled. but man, man was not there. for four months no indian appeared through all the great lone land of the tay-a-be-shock-up, the country of the mountains. william bratton, who had been walking along the shore, presently came running to the boats with cries of terror. "take me on board, quick!" it was some moments before bratton could speak. "a bear! a bear!" he gasped at last. a mile and a half back bratton had wounded a grizzly that turned and chased him. captain lewis and seven men immediately started. for a mile they tracked the trail of blood to a hole where the enraged animal was frantically tearing up the earth with teeth and claws. two shots through the skull finished the grizzly, whose fleece and skin made a load which two men could scarcely carry back to camp. "more bear-butter to fry me sassage," remarked unsentimental charboneau. but now had begun in earnest the days of wild adventure. one evening after another grizzly battle, the men came triumphantly into camp to find disaster there. charboneau had been steersman that night, and cruzatte was at the bow. a sudden squall struck the foremost pirogue, charboneau let go the tiller, the wind bellied the sail, and over they turned. "de rudder! de rudder!" shouted cruzatte. charboneau, the most timid waterman in the party, clinging to the gunwales, heard only his own voice in the wind, crying aloud to heaven, "_mon dieu! mon dieu!_" "de rudder!" roared cruzatte. "seize de rudder instanter and do de duty, or i _shoot_ you!" fear of cruzatte's gun overcame fear of drowning. charboneau, pallid and trembling, reached for the flying rope. half a minute the boat lay on the wave, then turned up full of water. at last, holding the brace of the square sail, charboneau pulled the boat round, while all hands fell to bailing out the water. but all the papers, medicine, and instruments were wet. cruzatte alone was calm, and sacajawea, who, with her baby and herself to save, still managed to catch and preserve most of the light articles that were floating overboard. captain lewis, watching the disaster from afar, had almost leaped into the water to save his precious papers, but was restrained by the reflection that by such rashness he might forfeit his life. two days were lost in unpacking and drying the stores. at midnight a buffalo ran into the sleeping camp. "hey! hey! hey!" shouted the guard, firing on the run and waving his arms. but the distracted beast, plunging close to the heads of the sleeping men, headed directly toward the leather tent. suddenly up before his nose danced the little indian dog, and the buffalo was turned back into the night just as the whole camp jumped to arms in expectation of an attack of the sioux. "fire! fire!" was the next alarm. in the high wind of the night one of the fires had communicated itself to a dead cottonwood overhanging the camp. fanned by the gale the flames shot up the trunk, and burning limbs and twigs flew in a shower upon the leather tent. "fire! fire! fire!" again came the quick, sharp cry. every man rolled out of his mackinaw. the occupants of the lodge were soon aroused. strong hands had scarcely removed the lodge and quenched the burning leather before the tree itself fell directly over the spot where a moment before the captains were sleeping soundly. and so that stream was named the burnt lodge creek. xiv _the shining mountains_ ascending the highest summit of the hills on the north side of the river, on sunday, the th of may, captain lewis first caught a distant view of "the rock mountains--the object of all our hopes, and the reward of all our ambition." "when i viewed--i felt a secret pleasure,--but when i reflected on the difficulties which this snowy barrier would most probably throw in my way to the pacific, and the sufferings and hardships of myself and party in them, it in some measure counterbalanced the joy." bold and bolder grew the river shores. the current now became too rapid for oars, too deep for poles. nothing but the tow-line could draw the boats against the swift flow of the mountain torrent. struggling along shore with the rope on their shoulders, the men lost their moccasins in the clinging clay and went barefoot. sometimes knee-deep, they waded, sometimes waist-deep, shoulders-deep, in the icy water, or rising on higher benches walked on flinty rocks that cut their naked feet. leaping out of the mountains, came down a laughing sparkling river, the clearest they had yet seen. its valley seemed a paradise of ash and willow, honeysuckles and wild roses. standing on its bank clark mused, "i know but one other spot so beautiful. i will name this river for my little mountain maid of fincastle, the judith." could he then foresee that judith would become his wife, or that the verdant judith basin would be the last retreat of the buffalo? big horned mountain sheep were sporting on the cliffs, beaver built their dams along its shores, and up the judith gap the buffalo had his mountain home. the indian, too, had left there the scattered embers of a hundred fires. lewis picked up a moccasin. "here, sacajawea, does this belong to your people?" the bird woman shook her head. "no shoshone." she pointed to the north where the terrible blackfeet came swooping down to shoot and scalp. it was time to hasten on. valley succeeded valley for miles on miles, and between valleys arose hills of sandstone, worn by suns and storms into temples of desolated magnificence; ruins of columns and towers, pedestals and capitals, parapets of statuary, sculptured alcoves and mysterious galleries. sheer up from the river's side they lifted their heads like old venetian palaces abandoned to the bats. june the river forked. "which is the true missouri?" "de nort'ern branch. see it boil and roll?" said cruzatte. "see de colour? dat de true meessouri. de ot'er ees but one leetle stream from de mountain." but the captains remembered the advice of the minnetarees. "the ah-mateah-za becomes clear, and has a navigable current into the mountains." parties were sent up both branches to reconnoitre. lewis and clark ascended the high ground in the fork and looked toward the sunset. innumerable herds of buffalo, elk, and antelope were browsing as far as the eye could reach, until the rivers were lost in the plain. back came the canoes undecided. then the captains set out. clark took the crystal pebbly southern route. lewis went up the turbid northern branch fifty-nine miles. "this leads too far north, almost to the saskatchewan," he concluded, and turned back. in the summer sunshine robins sang, turtle doves, linnets, the brown thrush, the goldfinch, and the wren, filled the air with melody. "i will call it maria's river, for my beautiful and amiable cousin, maria wood of charlottesville," thought lewis, with a memory of other junes in old virginia. when lewis drew up at camp, clark was already there, anxious for his safety. the main party, occupied in dressing skins and resting their lame and swollen feet, looked eagerly for the decision. to their surprise both captains agreed on the southern route. "but cruzatte," exclaimed the men, "he thinks the north stream is the true river, and cruzatte is an experienced waterman. we may be lost in the mountains far from the columbia." "true. everything depends on a right decision. captain clark, if you will stay here and direct the deposit of whatever we can spare, i will go ahead until i know absolutely." at dawn lewis set out with drouillard, gibson, goodrich, and joe fields. under captain clark's direction, bratton, the blacksmith, set up his forge at the mouth of maria's river and shields mended all the broken guns. the rest dug a _cache_, a kettle-shaped cellar, on a dry spot safe from water. the floor was covered with dry sticks and a robe. then in went the blacksmith's heavy tools, canisters of powder, bags of flour and baggage,--whatever could be spared. on top was thrown another robe, and then the earth packed in tight and the sod refitted so that no eye could detect the spot. the red pirogue was drawn up into the middle of a small island at the mouth of maria's river and secured in a copse. "boys, i am very ill," said captain lewis, when they camped for dinner on the first day out. attacked with violent pains and a high fever, unable to proceed, he lay under some willow boughs. no medicine had been brought. drouillard was much concerned. "i well remember," he said, "when a flux was epidemic at chillicothe among de white settlers, my fader, pierre drouillard, administer on de sick wit' great success." "what did he use?" "a tea of de choke-cherry." "prepare me some," said the rapidly sinking captain. with deft fingers drouillard stripped off the leaves of a choke-cherry bough, and cut up the twigs. black and bitter, the tea was brought to lewis at sunset. he drank a pint, and another pint an hour afterward. by ten o'clock the pain was gone, a gentle perspiration ensued, the fever abated, and by morning he was able to proceed. the next day, june , the mountains loomed as never before, rising range on range until the distant peaks commingled with the clouds. twenty-four hours later lewis heard the roaring of a cataract, seven miles away, and saw its spray, a column of cloud lifted by the southwest wind. like hiawatha he had-- "journeyed westward, westward, left the fleetest deer behind him, left the antelope and bison, passed the mountains of the prairie, passed the land of crows and foxes, passed the dwellings of the blackfeet, came unto the rocky mountains, to the kingdom of the west-wind." hastening on with impatient step he came upon the stupendous waterfall, one of the glories of our continent, that hidden here in the wilderness had for ages leaped adown the rocky way. overwhelmed with the spectacle lewis sat down "to gaze and wonder and adore." "oh, for the pencil of salvator rosa or the pen of thompson, that i might give to the world some idea of this magnificent object, which from the commencement of time has been concealed from the view of civilised man." joe fields was immediately dispatched to notify clark of the discovery of the falls. lewis and the other men went on up ten miles, gazing at cataract after cataract where the mighty missouri bent and paused, and gathering its full volume leaped from rock to rock, sometimes wild and irregularly sublime, again smooth and elegant as a painter's dream. lewis, impatient to see and know, hurried on past the rest until night overtook him alone near the head of the series of cataracts. on the high plain along the bank a thousand buffalo were feeding on the short curly grass. lewis shot one for supper, and leaning upon his unloaded rifle watched to see it fall. a slight rustle attracted his attention. he turned. a bear was stealing upon him, not twenty steps away. there was no time for reloading, flight alone remained. not a bush, not a tree, not a rock was near, nothing but the water. with a wild bound lewis cleared the intervening space and leaped into the river. turning, he presented his _espontoon_. the bear, already at the bank, was about to spring, but that defiant _espontoon_ in his face filled him with terror. he turned and ran, looking back now and then as if fearing pursuit, and disappeared. clambering out of the water, lewis started for camp, when, sixty paces in front of him, a strange animal crouched as if to spring. lewis fired and a mountain lion fled. within three hundred yards of the spot, three enraged buffalo bulls left the herd, and shaking their shaggy manes, ran pawing and bellowing, full speed upon him. eluding the bulls, lewis hurried to camp. worn out, he fell asleep, only to awaken and find a huge rattlesnake coiled around the tree above his head! such was earth primeval! the great falls of the missouri was the rendezvous for all wild life in the country. thousands of impatient buffaloes pushed each other along the steep rocky paths to the water. hundreds went over the cataract to feed the bears and wolves below. captain clark soon arrived with the main body and went into camp at a sulphur spring, a favourite resort of buffaloes. "this is precisely like bowyer's sulphur spring of virginia,--it will be good for sacajawea," said lewis, bringing her a cup of the transparent water that tumbled in a cascade into the missouri. sacajawea was sick, very sick, delirious at times as she lay on her couch of skins. the journey had been difficult. the hungry little baby was a great burden, and sacajawea was only sixteen, younger even than shannon, the boy of the party. clark directed his negro servant, york, to be her constant attendant. charboneau was cautioned on no account to leave her. several other semi-invalids guarded the tent to keep the buffaloes away. every day, and twice a day, the captains came to see her and prescribe as best they could. now came the tedious days of portaging the boats and baggage around the falls. a cottonwood tree, nearly two feet in diameter, was sawed into wheels. the white pirogue was hidden in a copse and its mast was taken for an axletree. opposite the spot where the waggons were made was an island full of bears of enormous size. their growling and stealthy movements went on day and night. all night the watchful little dog kept up incessant barking. the men, disturbed in their slumbers, lay half-awake with their arms in hand, while the guard patrolled with an eye on the island. bolder and bolder grew the bears. one night they came to the very edge of the camp and ran off with the meat hung out for breakfast. at last the rude waggons were done. the canoes were mounted and filled with baggage. slowly they creaked away, tugged and pushed and pulled up hills that were rocky and rough with hummocks where the buffaloes trod. prickly-pears, like little scythes, cut and lacerated, even through double-soled moccasins. at every halt, over-wearied and worn out by night watching, the toilers dropped to the ground and fell asleep instantly. a whole month was spent in making the carriages and transporting the baggage the eighteen miles around the falls. in another _cache_ at the sulphur spring, they buried lewis's writing desk, specimens of plants and minerals, provisions, the grindstone brought from harper's ferry, books and a map of the missouri river. the blunderbuss was hid under rocks at the foot of the falls. sacajawea, recovered from her illness, began to look for familiar landmarks. one day clark took her, together with charboneau and york, to look at the falls. he had surveyed and measured the black eagle, crooked rainbow, and great falls. "come," he said, "charboneau, bring sacajawea. let us go up and look at the black eagle." high above the cataract the bird had built its nest in the top of a cottonwood tree. a dark cloud was rising. under a shelving rock they took refuge in a ravine, captain clark still figuring at his notes. a few drops of rain fell,--in an instant a torrent, a cloud-burst, rolled down the ravine. clark saw it coming. snatching his gun and shot-pouch, he pushed sacajawea and the baby up the cliff, while charboneau above was pulling her by the hand. up to clark's waist the water came. fifteen feet it rose behind him as he climbed to safety. compass and umbrella were lost in the scramble. charboneau had left his gun, tomahawk, and shot-pouch. sacajawea had just snatched her baby before its cradle went into the flood. after the storm they came down into the plain, to find york in affright lest they had been swept into the river. on account of the great heat, the men at the waggons had laid aside their leather hunting shirts, when down upon their bare backs came a shower of huge hailstones. bruised, battered, and bleeding as from a battle, they straggled into camp. kind-hearted lewis set to work with linens and medicine, bandaging up their wounds. the next morning captain clark sent two men to look for the articles lost at the falls. they found the ravine filled with rock, but happily, half-hid in mud and sand, the precious compass was recovered. within view of the camp that day clark estimated not less than ten thousand buffalo. and beyond, rimmed on the far horizon, ran the white line of the mountain crest that is to-day the western boundary of montana. the th of july dawned, the second since they had left the states. in the hills they heard strange booming, as of a distant cannonade. it almost seemed as if the rocky mountains were reverberating back the joyous guns of baltimore and boston. the men listened in amaze. "what can it be?" "een de mountain," answered cruzatte. "de vein of silver burst. de pawnee and de rickara hear eet een de black hill." "ah, yes, the minnetarees talked of a noise in the mountains. we thought it was superstition." again through long silence came the great cannonade. unconsciously lewis and clark trod on closed treasure houses, future mines of unwashed tons of gold and silver. had they brought back gold then what might have been the effect upon the restless, heaving east? but, no, the land must wait and grow. other wars must be fought with the englishman and the indian, armies of trappers must decimate the bears and wolves, and easier methods of transportation must aid in opening up the great montana-land. xv _a woman pilot_ monday, july , , the boats were launched above the great falls of the missouri. clark followed by land along an old indian trail, worn deep by the lodge-poles of ages. little did he realise that nuggets lay scattered all over that land, where yet the gold hunters should dot the hills with shafts and mounds; that near here a beautiful city, named for helen of troy, should arise to become a golden capital. "my people! my people!" sacajawea excitedly pointed to deserted wickiups and traces of fires. she read their story at a glance. "it was winter. they were hungry. there were no buffalo. see!" she pointed to the pines stripped of bark and the tender inner wood, the last resort of famishing shoshones. with flags hoisted to notify the indians that they were friends, the canoes passed within the gates of the mountains, where the mighty missouri breaks through the belt range of western montana. nothing in alleghany lands compares with this tremendous water-gap. through the dark cavern the river ran narrow and rapid and clear. down through tributary canyons on either side came rifts of light, odours of pine, and the roar of waterfalls. with unmoved countenance sacajawea looked upon the weird overhanging grayish granite walls through which she had been hurried in terror by her minnetaree captors, five years ago. "we are coming to a country where the river has three forks," said sacajawea. exhilaration seized the men, as they sent the boats up the heavy current that rolled well-deep below. that night they camped in a canyon that is to-day a pleasure resort for the people of helena. again following the indian trail, on the th of july clark arrived at the three forks of the missouri, near the present site of gallatin. from the forks of the far eastern rivers where pittsburg rises, they had come to the forks of the great river of the west. for days the swift current had required the utmost exertion. the men complained of fatigue and excessive heat. "you push a tolerable good pole," said the kentuckians, when lewis took a hand. captain clark was worn out. with the thermometer at ninety, for days he had pushed ahead, determined to find the shoshones. "let us rest a day or two," said captain lewis. "here, boys, build a bower for captain clark. i'll take a tramp myself in a few days to find these yellow gentlemen if possible." camping at the three forks, every man became a leather dresser and tailor, fixing up his buckskin clothes. leggings and moccasins had been sliced to pieces by the prickly pear. "what a spot for a trading post!" the captains agreed. "look," said lewis, "see the rushes in the bottom, high as a man's breast and thick as wheat. this will be much in favour of an establishment here,--the cane is one of the best winter pastures for cows and horses." from the heights at the three forks, lewis and clark looked out upon valleys of perennial green. birds of beautiful plumage and thrilling song appeared on every hand. beaver, otter, muskrat, sported in this trapper's paradise. buffalo-clover, sunflowers and wild rye, buffalo-peas and buffalo-beans blossomed everywhere. all the indian trails in the country seemed to converge at this point. here passed the deadly blackfoot on his raids against the shoshones, the bannocks, and the crows. here stole back and forth the timid shoshone to his annual hunt on the yellowstone and the snake river plains. hither from time immemorial had the flatheads and nez percés resorted for their supplies of robes and meat. even from the far saskatchewan came the piegans and gros ventres to this favoured and disputed spot. the blackfeet claimed the three forks of the missouri, no tribe dwelt there permanently. the roads were deep, like trenches, worn by the trailing lodgepoles of many tribes upon this common hunting ground. the naming of the rivers,--that was an epic by itself. the gay cabinet ladies who had fitted him out at washington flitted through the mind of meriwether lewis,--maria jefferson, companion of his earliest recollection, dolly madison, whose interest never failed in his adventures, mrs. gallatin, the queenly dark-haired wife of the scholarly secretary of the treasury. with what pleasure had they gathered at the white house to fashion "housewives," full of pins and needles and skeins of thread, for these wanderers of the west. not a man in the party but bore some souvenir of their thoughtful handiwork. clark's earliest memory was of jefferson, the friend of his father, of his older brothers, and then of himself. "jimmy" madison and george rogers clark had been schoolmates in the "old field school" of donald robertson. so then and there the captains agreed that three great statesmen and their wives should be commemorated here by the madison, the jefferson, and the gallatin forks of the missouri. "on this very spot my people camped five years ago. here were their tents," said sacajawea, pointing out the embers of blackened fires. "the minnetarees peered over the hills. we ran up this fork and hid in the thick woods." the boats were reloaded and the party began to ascend the jefferson on july , to its head in the bitter root mountains. at noon they camped for dinner. "and here was i captured!" cried sacajawea. "i was made a prisoner. we were too few to fight the minnetarees. they pursued us. our men mounted their horses and fled to the mountains. the women and children hid. i ran. i was crossing this river. they caught me and carried me away." what a realistic glimpse of daily terror! fighting, hunting, wandering, famishing, in the land of anarchy. formerly the shoshones were indians of the plains. now they had been driven by their enemies into almost inaccessible fastnesses. "the beaver head! the beaver head!" sacajawea pointed to a steep, rocky cliff shaped like a beaver's head, one hundred and fifty feet above the water, an indian landmark from time immemorial. "this is not far from the summer retreat of my countrymen. we shall meet them soon, on a river beyond the mountains running to the west." "we must meet those indians," said lewis, "it is our only hope for horses to cross the mountains." lewis and clark camped august , , at beaverhead rock. there, fifty-seven years later, chased by bears, robbed by indians, unsheltered, unshod, and almost starving, the gold hunter stumbled upon the auriferous bed of an ancient river that made montana. gold was discovered at alder gulch in , ten miles south of beaverhead rock, and the next year mining began in the streets of the present city of helena. the pick and the shovel in the miner's hand became the lamp and the ring in the grasp of aladdin. the next morning after passing beaverhead rock, captain lewis and three of the men slung their knapsacks over their shoulders and set out for the mountains, determined not to return until they met some nation of indians. two days later, august , lewis with his spyglass espied a lone horseman on the hills. the wild-eyed shoshone, accustomed to scan the horizon, saw him also. "he is of a different nation from any we have met," remarked lewis, watching intently through his glass. "he has a bow and a quiver of arrows, and an elegant horse without a saddle." like a lookout on the hills, the indian stood and waited. "he is undoubtedly a shoshone. much of our success depends on the friendly offices of that nation." slowly lewis advanced. slowly the indian came forward, until, within a mile of each other the indian suddenly stopped. captain lewis also stopped, and drawing a three-point blanket from his knapsack held it by the corners above his head, and unfolding brought it to the ground as in the act of spreading. three times he repeated the indian signal of hospitality--"come and sit on the robe with me." still the indian kept his position, viewing with an air of suspicion the hunters with lewis. "_tabba bone, tabba bone_," said lewis, stripping up the sleeve of his shirt to show the colour of his skin,--"white man, white man," a term learned of sacajawea. paralysed the indian looked, then fled like a frightened deer. no calls could bring him back. he said to his people, "i have seen men with faces pale as ashes, who are makers of thunder and lightning." "he is a dreamer!" exclaimed the incredulous shoshones. "he makes up tales. he must show us these white men or be put to death," and trembling he started back with a body of warriors. lewis, disappointed at the flight of the shoshone, pressed on. narrower and narrower grew the river. "thank god, i have lived to bestride the missouri!" exclaimed hugh mcneil, planting a foot on either side of the mountain rivulet. two miles farther up they drank from the ice-cold spring at the river's source, and stood on the summit of the great divide. a little creek flowed down the ridge toward the west. stooping, they drank,--of the waters of the columbia, and slept that night in idaho. the next morning, following a well-worn indian trail, lewis came upon two women and a child. one fled, the other, an old dame encumbered by the child, sat down and bowed her head as if expecting instant death. captain lewis advanced, lifted her, loaded her with gifts. "_tabba bone, tabba bone._" stripping up his sleeve he showed to the amazed woman the first white skin she had ever seen. "call your companion," motioned lewis toward the fleeing woman. the old dame raised her voice. as fast as she ran away the young woman came running back, almost out of breath. she, too, was loaded with trinkets, and the cheeks of all were painted with vermilion, the shoshone emblem of peace. without fear now she led him toward sixty mounted warriors, who were advancing at a gallop as to battle. "_tabba bone! tabba bone!_" explained the women, introducing the stranger and exhibiting their gifts. "_ah hi e! ah hi e!_"--"i am much pleased! i am much pleased!" exclaimed the warriors, leaping from their horses and embracing lewis with great cordiality. lewis drew forth his imposing calumet of red pipestone and lighted it. this was a sign language of all tribes. putting off their moccasins as if to say, "may i walk the forest barefoot forever if i break this pledge of friendship," they sat down and smoked. the chief, too, brought out a pipe, of the dense transparent green stone of the bannock mountains, highly polished. another led him to a lodge and presented a piece of salmon,--then lewis no longer doubted that he was on waters flowing to the pacific. slowly, clark, ill with chills and fever, had been coming forward, urging the canoes up the difficult and narrowing stream. sacajawea, the little bird-woman, could not wait. in her anxiety she begged to walk ahead along shore, and with her husband went dancing up the rivulet of her childhood. she flew ahead. she turned, pirouetting lightly on her beaded moccasins, waving her arms and kissing her fingers. her long hair flew in the wind and her beaded necklace sparkled. yes, there were the indians, and lewis among them, dressed like an indian too. the white men had given everything they had to the indians, even their cocked hats and red feathers, and taken indian clothes in exchange, robes of the mountain sheep and goat. an indian girl leaned to look at sacajawea. they flew into each other's arms. they had been children together, had been captured in the same battle, had shared the same captivity. one had escaped to her own people; the other had been sold as a slave in the land of the dakotahs. as girls will, with arms around each other they wandered off and talked and talked of the wonderful fortune that had come to sacajawea, the wife of a white man. a council was immediately called. the shoshones spread white robes and hung wampum shells of pearl in the hair of the white men. "sacajawea. bring her hither," called lewis. tripping lightly into the willow lodge, sacajawea was beginning to interpret, when lifting her eyes to the chief, she recognised her own brother, cameahwait. she ran to his side, threw her blanket over his head, and wept upon his bosom. sacajawea, too, was a princess, come home now to her mountain kingdom. xvi _idaho_ "we are going through your country to the far ocean," said captain lewis. "we are making a trail for the traders who will bring you guns." "this delights me," answered cameahwait, with his fierce eyes, and his lank jaws grown meagre for want of food. "we are driven into the mountains, when if we had guns we could meet our enemies in the plains." all the shoshone talk was of war, war, war. their great terror was the roving indians of the saskatchewan, who, with guns from the british traders, came down like wolves on the fold. only flight and wonderful skill with the bow and arrow saved the shoshones from destruction. horses were their wealth. "most of them would make a figure on the south side of james river," said lewis, "in the land of fine horses. i saw several with spanish brands upon them." brother to the comanche, the shoshone rode his horse over rocks and ravines, up declivitous ways and almost impossible passes. every warrior had one or two tied to a stake near his willow hut, night and day, ready for action. "my horse is my friend. he knows my voice. he hears me speak. he warns me of the enemy." little children played with them, squaws fed them, braves painted them and decorated their manes and tails with eagle-plumes, insignia of the rocky mountain indian. such horses were a boon to lewis and clark, for they were tractable, sure-footed, inured to the saddle and the pack. a shoshone found a tomahawk that lewis had lost in the grass, and returned it,--now a tomahawk was worth a hundred dollars to a shoshone. they had no knives or hatchets,--all their wood was split with a wedge of elkhorn and a mallet of stone. they started their fires by twirling two dry sticks together. through all the valleys the shoshones sent for their best horses, to trade for knives and tomahawks. delighted they watched the fall of deer before the guns of white men. the age of stone had met the age of steel. how to get over the mountains was the daily consultation. cameahwait pointed out an old man that knew the rivers. clark engaged him for a guide: "you shall be called toby. be ready to-morrow morning." proud of his new name, old toby packed up his moccasins. the indians drew maps: "seven days over sheer mountains. no game, no fish, nothing but roots." captain clark set out to reconnoitre the salmon river route. "a river of high rocks," said cameahwait, "all a river of foam. no man or horse can cross. no man can walk along the shore. we never travel that way." nevertheless clark went on. for seventy miles, "through mountains almost inaccessible, and subsisting on berries the greater part of the route," as clark afterward told his brother, they pushed their way, then--"troubles just begun," remarked old toby. checking their horses on the edge of a precipice, clark and his companions looked down on the foaming snake, roaring and fretting and lashing the walls of its inky canyon a hundred feet below, savage, tremendous, frightful. as cameahwait had said, the way was utterly impracticable. "i name this great branch of the columbia for my comrade, captain lewis," said clark. back from the snake river, clark found lewis buying horses. the shoshone women were mending the men's moccasins. the explorers were making pack-saddles of rawhide. for boards they broke up boxes and used the handles of their oars. "i have ever held this expedition in equal estimation with my own existence," said lewis, urging on the preparations. "if indians can pass these mountains, we can." haunched around the fires, the forlorn indians looked and listened and shook their unkempt heads. "me know better route," said the friendly old shoshone guide. "to the north, another great water to the columbia." "no! no! no!" shouted all the shoshones. "no trail that way." but clark believed the faithful old toby. evidently the shoshones wished to detain them all winter. unseen by the indians, at night a _cache_ was dug at the head of the jefferson, for the last of the heavy luggage, leaving out only indian gifts and absolute necessities to carry on the pack-horses. the canoes were filled with rocks and sunk to the bottom of the river. august , the expedition was ready. before setting out the violins were brought and the men danced, to the great diversion of the indians. then, when they turned their faces to the bitter root, with the old guide and his four sons, the shoshones set out east for their annual hunt on the missouri. from may to september the shoshones lived on salmon that came up the mountain streams. now that the salmon were gone, necessity compelled them forth. with swift dashes down the missouri they were wont to kill and dry what buffalo they could, and retreat to consume it in their mountain fastnesses. the whites had surprised them in their very citadel--led by sacajawea. along the difficult bitter root mountains lewis and clark journeyed, meeting now and then indian women digging yamp and pounding sunflower seeds into meal. food grew scarce and scarcer, now and then a deer, a grouse, or a belated salmon stranded in some mountain pool. sometimes they had but a bit of parched corn in their wallets, like the immortals that marched to the conquest of illinois. but those snowy peaks that from a distance seemed so vast,--that like the alps defied approach to any but a hannibal or a napoleon--now, as if to meet their conquerors, bent low in many a grassy glade. in a pocket of the mountains now called ross hole, they came upon a camp of flatheads, with five hundred horses, on their way to the missouri for the fall hunt of buffalo. unknown to them the flatheads had been watching from the timber and had reported: "strangers. two chiefs riding ahead, looking at the country. one warrior painted black. the rest leading packhorses. keep quiet. wait. they are coming." york's feet had become lame and he was riding with the captains. when the white men came in view the flatheads looked on their faces. they were shocked at the whiteness. compassion was in every indian heart. "these men have no blankets. they have been robbed. see how cold their cheeks are. they are chilled. bring robes. build fires." all the indians ran for their beautiful white robes, and wrapped them around the shoulders of the white men. before the blazing fires the white men's cheeks grew red. perspiration burst from every pore. the robes slipped off, but the solicitous red men kept putting them back and stirring up the fire. then the captains, touched to the heart, spoke to the kind-hearted flatheads of a great people toward the rising sun, strong and brave and rich. "have they wigwams and much buffalo?" inquired the flatheads. "yes. we have been sent by the great father, the president, to bring these presents to his children the flatheads." the childlike flatheads were much impressed. never did they forget the visit of those first white men. traditions enough to fill a book have been handed down, and to this day they boast, "the flathead never killed a white man." the whites listened in amaze to the low guttural clucking of the flatheads, resembling that of a chicken or parrot. voice there was none, only a soft crooning to their gentle chatter, interpreted by sacajawea and the old shoshone guide. the women crowded around sacajawea and untied her baby from its elkskin cradle. they fed it and gave it little garments. that baby was an open sesame touching the hearts of all. sacajawea, riding on her horse to the columbia, found friends with every tribe. others might pay; she, never. the indian mother-heart opened to sacajawea. her very presence was an assurance of pacific intention. the women brought food, roots, and berries. to a late hour the white men continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs, when more robes were brought, and the weary ones slept with their feet to the fire. "those hongry injin dorgs ate up me moccasins lasht noight," complained pat in the morning. "but they're the whoitest injins i iver saw." more horses were brought and the lame ones exchanged, so now with forty horses and three colts the captains and their devoted followers struggled on, "over the warst road i iver saw," said pat. "faith! 'tis warse nor the alleghanies where i rid whin a bye." one horse loaded with a desk and small trunk rolled down a steep declivity until it was stopped by a tree. the desk was broken. that night they camped at the snow line and more snow began to fall. wet, cold, hungry, they killed a colt for supper and slept under the stars. the horses were failing. some had to be abandoned. one rolled down a mountain into a creek at the bottom. some strayed or lost their packs, and the worn-out men, ever on the jump, came toiling through the brush, bearing on their own backs the unwieldy pack-saddles. up here in the bitter root mountains, the last of dr. saugrain's thermometers was broken, which accounts for the fact that from this point on they kept no record of temperature. september the expedition journeyed down the main bitter root valley, named clark's river, and crossing it came to a large creek and camped a day to rest their horses. "traveller's rist, is it?" said pat. "me fa-a-ther's inn at wellsburg was the fir-r-st 'traveller's rist' in all wistern varginny," and traveller's rest it remained until some later explorer renamed it the lolo fork of the bitter root river. here the boys mended their garments torn and tattered in the mountains, and the hunters went out for game. they returned with three flatheads. "ay! ay!" clucked the gentle flatheads, "the river goes to the great lake. our relations were there and bought handkerchiefs like these of an old white man that lives by himself." lame and weary, straight across idaho they struggled, over seams and streaks of precious metal that they saw not, the gold of ophir concealed in the rocky chambers of the idaho alps,--struggled into the lolo trail used by the indians for ages before any whites ever came into the country. over the lolo trail went the nez percés to battle and to hunt buffalo in the montana country. down over this trail once came a war party and captured wat-ku-ese, a nez percé girl, and carried her away to the distant land of white men,--_so-yap-po_, "the crowned ones," she called them, because they wore hats. still ever wat-ku-ese dreamed of her nez percé home and one day escaped with her infant on her back. along the way white traders were kind to her. on and on, footsore and weary she journeyed alone. in the flathead country her baby died and was buried there. one day some nez percés came down over the lolo trail bringing home wat-ku-ese, weak, sick, dying. she was with her people at their camas ground, weippe, when lewis and clark came down over the lolo trail. "let us kill them," whispered the frightened nez percés. wat-ku-ese lay dying in her tent when she heard it. "white men, did you say? no, no, do not harm them. they are the crowned ones who were so good to me. do not be afraid of them. go near to them." cautiously the nez percés approached. the explorers shook their hands. this was to the indians a new form of greeting. everywhere indian women were digging the camas root, round like an onion, and little heaps lay piled here and there. they paused in their work to watch the strangers. some screamed and ran and hid. little girls hid their baby brothers in the brush. others brought food. so starved and famished were the men that they ate inordinately of the sweet camas and the kouse, the biscuit root. the sudden change to a warmer climate and laxative roots resulted in sickness, when the expedition might have been easily attacked but for those words of wat-ku-ese, who now lay dead in her tent. to this day the nez percés rehearse the story of wat-ku-ese. it was the beginning of a lifelong friendship with the whites, broken only when chief joseph fled over the lolo trail. but even chief joseph found he must give up the vast areas over which he was wont to roam, and come under the laws of civilised life. as fast as their weakness permitted councils were held, when the captains told the nez percés of the great father at washington, who had sent them to visit his children. twisted hair, the nez percé tewat, a great medicine man, dreamer and wizard and wise one, drew on a white elkskin a chart of the rivers. admiring redmen put their hands over their mouths in amazement. no one but twisted hair could do such things. he was a learned indian, knew all the trails, even to the falls of the columbia. "white men," said he, "live at the tim-tim [falls]." thus into idaho had penetrated the story of ko-na-pe, the wrecked spaniard, who with his son soto had set out up the great river to find white people and tarried there until he died. seven years later astor's people met soto, an old man dark as his indian mother, but still the indians called him white. twenty years later soto's daughter was still living on the columbia in the days of the hudson's bay company. to save time and trouble, canoes were burnt out of logs. leaving their horses with the nez percés, on october the explorers were glad to get into their boats with their baggage and float down the clear kooskooske, into the yellow-green snake, and on into the blue columbia. at the confluence of the rivers medals were given and councils held on the present site of lewiston. day by day through wild, romantic scenes where white man's foot had never trod, the exultant young men were gliding to the sea. ahead of the boats on horseback galloped we-ark-koompt, an indian express. word flew. the tribes were watching. at the dinner camp, october , five indians came up the river on foot in great haste, took a look and started back, running as fast as they could. that night lewis and clark were met at the columbia by a procession of two hundred indians with drums, singing, "ke-hai, ke-hai," the redmen's signal of friendship. xvii _down the columbia_ the arrival at the columbia was followed by days of councils, with gifts and speeches and smoking. two nez percé chiefs, twisted hair the tewat and tetoh, introduced the explorers from tribe to tribe, bearing on and on the good words of wat-ku-ese: "they are crowned ones. do not be afraid. go near to them." all the indian world seemed camped on the columbia. everywhere and everywhere were "inconceivable multitudes of salmon." they could be seen twenty feet deep in the water, they lay on the surface, and floated ashore. hundreds of indians were splitting and spreading them on scaffolds to dry. the inhabitants ate salmon, slept on salmon, burnt dried salmon to cook salmon. with a coal a yakima chief drew on a robe a map of the river so valuable that clark afterwards transferred it to paper. that map on the robe was carried home to jefferson and hung up by him in monticello. every trail was marked by moccasin tracks, every village by a cluster of teepees. in the "high countrey" of the walla walla they caught sight of "the mt. hood of vancouver," and were eager to reach it. "tarry with us," begged yellept, the walla walla chief. "when we return," replied the eager men. then clark climbed a cliff two hundred feet above the water and spied st. helens. very well clark remembered lord st. helens from whom this peak was named. the very name to him was linked with those old days when "detroit must be taken," for lord st. helens and john jay drew up the treaty that evacuated detroit. captain clark and a few of the men still continued in advance walking along the shore. near the beautiful umatilla a white crane rose over the columbia. clark fired. a village of indians heard the report and marvelled at the sudden descent of the bird. as with outspread, fluttering wings it touched the ground the white men came into view. one moment of transfixed horror, and the indians fled. captain clark promptly followed, opened the mat doors of their huts and entered. with bowed heads, weeping and wringing their hands, a crowd of men, women, and children awaited the blow of death. lifting their chins, clark smiled upon them and offered gifts. evidently they had not met the indian express. "all tribes know the peace-pipe," he remarked, and drawing forth his pipestone calumet lit it, as was his wont, with a sunglass. as the fire kindled from the rays through the open roof, again the people shrieked. in vain drouillard tried to pacify them. not one would touch the pipe lit by the sun. clark went out and sat on a rock and smoked until the boats arrived. "do not be afraid. go to them," began the nez percé chiefs. "they are not men," hurriedly whispered the frightened indians. "we saw them fall from heaven with great thunder. they bring fire from the sky." not until sacajawea landed with her baby was tranquillity restored. "no squaw travels with a war party," that must be admitted, and soon they were smoking with great unanimity. "tim-m-m-m;--tim-m-m-m!" hummed the indians at the falls, at celilo, poetically imitating the sound of falling waters. there was salmon at the falls of the columbia, stacks of salmon dried, pounded, packed in baskets, salmon heaped in bales, stored in huts and cached in cellars in the sand. making a portage around the falls, the boats slid down. "de rapide! de rapide! before we spik some prayer we come on de beeg rock!" screamed cruzatte, the bowman. apparently a black wall stretched across the river, but as they neared, a rift appeared where the mighty channel of the columbia narrows to forty-five yards at the dalles. crowds of indians gathered as clark and cruzatte stopped to examine the pass. "by good steering!" said cruzatte. shaping up his canoe, it darted through the hissing and curling waters like a racehorse. close behind, the other boats shot the boiling caldron, to the great astonishment of indian villagers watching from above. at the warm springs reservation there are indians yet who remember the old dip-net fishing days and the stories of "billy chinook," who then saw york, the black man. "i was a boy of twelve. when the black man turned and looked at us, we children fled behind the rocks." here at the dalles were wooden houses, the first that lewis and clark had seen since leaving the illinois country, with roofs, doors, and gables like frontier cabins,--and still more stacks of salmon. "ten thousand pounds," said clark, "dried, baled, and bound for traffic down the river." the ancient indian village of wishram stands on that spot still, with the same strong smell of salmon. the houses are much the same, and among their treasures may be found a coin of , bartered, no doubt, by lewis and clark for a bale of salmon. on sped the boats, through mighty mountains, past ancient burial places of the savage dead, to the wild-rushing cascades. past these cascades, five miles of continuous rapids, white with sheets of foam. "we mak' portage," said cruzatte, his bow grating on the narrow shelf of shore. on either side, rocky palisades, "green-mossed and dripping," reached the skies. tiny waterfalls, leaping from the clouds, fell in rainbow mist a thousand feet below. "mt. hood stood white and vast." below the cascades great numbers of hair-seals slept on the rocks. swarms of swans, geese, ducks, cranes, storks, white gulls, cormorants, plover swept screaming by. the hills were green, the soft west wind was warm with rain. "what a wild delight of space! of room! what a sense of seas!" they had come into a new world,--the valley of the lower columbia, the home of the chinook wind. at hood river alarmed indians, dressed in skins of the mountain goat, the oregon mazama, peered after the passing white men. at every house, and among mouldering remains of ancient tombs, lay scattered innumerable images of wood and stone or of burnt clay, household gods of the columbian indian. flat and flatter grew the heads. up in the bitter root, women alone wore this badge of distinction. here, every infant lay strapped like a mummy with a padded board across its forehead. a new sort of boats now glided alongside the flotilla, great sea canoes manned with chinook paddles. they were long and light, tapering at the ends, wide in the middle and lifting stern and prow into beaks like a roman galley. and every canoe was laden with salmon, going down river to trade for beads and wapato. traces of white men began to appear,--blue and scarlet blankets, brass tea-kettles, and beads. one indian, with a round hat and a sailor-jacket, wore his hair in a queue in imitation of the "bostons." "i trade with mr. haley," said one in good english, showing the bow of iron and other goods that mr. haley had given him. "and this is his squaw in the canoe." more and more fertile and delightful grew the country, shaded by thick groves of tall timber and watered by streams, fair as lay unpeopled kentucky thirty years before. scarce could clark repress the recollection of the tales his brother brought home of that first trip to boonsboro in . nothing surprised them more than the tropic luxuriance of vegetation. the moist japan wind nurtured the trees to mammoths, six, eight, and ten feet through. shrubbery like the hazel grew to be trees. the maple spread its leaves like palm fans; dogwood of magnolian beauty, wild cherry, crab-apple, interlaced with oregon grape, blackberries, wild roses, vines of every sort and description, and ferns, ferns, ferns filled the canyons like the jungles of orinoco. on november , nearly opposite the present vancouver, they landed at a village on the left side of the river where a fleet of over fifty canoes was drawn up on shore, gathering wapato. "wapato? wapato?" an indian treated them to the queen root of the columbia, round and white, about the size of a small irish potato. this, baked, was the bread of the chinook indian. "in two days," said indians in sailor jackets and trousers, shirts, and hats, "in two days, two ships, white people in them." "village there," said an indian in a magnificent canoe, pointing beyond some islands at the mouth of the willamette. he was finely dressed and wore a round hat. yes, it might be, villages, villages everywhere, but ships--ships below! they had no time for villages now. long into the darkness of night the boats sped on, on, past dim forests bending to the wave, past shadowy heights receding into sunset, past campfires on the hills where naked indians walked between them and the light. at a late hour they camped. november rains were setting in, the night was noisy with wild fowl coming up the columbia to escape the storms of ocean. trumpeter swans blew their shrill clarions, and whistling swans, geese, and other birds in flights of hundreds swept past in noisy serenade, dropping from their wings the spray of the sea. none slept. toward morning the rain began. in a wet morning and a rushing wind they bent to the oar, past st. helens, past mt. coffin, past cathlamet where queen sally in scant garments watched from a rock and told the tale in after years. "we had been watching for days," she said. "news had come by indian post of the strangers from the east. they came in the afternoon and were met by our canoes and brought to the village." "there," clark says in his journals, "we dined on november ." but lewis and clark were tired of indians by this time, and moreover, ships were waiting below! it was a moment of intense excitement. even at cathlamet they heard the surge of ocean rolling on the rocks forty miles away. before night the fog lifted and they beheld "the ocean!--that ocean, the object of all our labours, the reward of all our anxieties. ocean in view! o! the joy." struggling with their unwieldy canoes the landsmen grew seasick in the rising swells of the up-river tide. for miles they could not find a place to camp, so wild and rocky were the shores. at last, exhausted, they threw their mats on the beautiful pebbly beach and slept in the rain. everything was wet, soaked through, bedding, stores, clothing. and all the salt was spoiled. there was nothing to eat but raw dried salmon, wet with sea water, and many of the men began to be ill from exposure and improper food. "'t is the divil's own weather," said pat, coming in from a reconnoitre with his wet hunting shirt glued fast to his skin. pat could see the "waves loike small mountains rolling out in the ocean," but just now he, like all the rest, preferred a dry corner by a chimney fire. "une grande piqnique!" exclaimed cruzatte. "lak' tonder de ocean roar! blow lak' not'ing i never see, blow lak' le diable makin' grande tour! hear de win' on de beeg pine tree!" and all were hungry. even clark, who claimed to be indifferent as to what he ate, caught himself pondering on bread and buns. with the peculiar half laugh of the squaw, sacajawea brought a morsel that she had saved for the child all the way from the mandan towns, but now it was wet and beginning to sour. clark took it and remarked in his journal, "this bread i ate with great satisfaction, it being the only mouthful i had tasted for several months." chinook indians pilfered around the camp. "if any one of your nation steals anything from us, i will have you shot," said captain clark,--"which they understand very well," he remarked to the camp as the troublers slunk away. a sentinel stood on constant watch. captain lewis and eleven of the men went around the bay and found where white people had been camped all summer, but naught remained save the cold white beach and the indians camping there. the ships had sailed. down there near the chinook town, facing the ocean, captain lewis branded a tree with his name and the date, and a few days later captain clark says, "i marked my name on a large pine tree immediately on the isthmus, at clatsop." it was two hundred years since captain john smith sailed up the chickahominy in virginia in search of the south sea. at last, far beyond the chickahominy, lewis and clark sailed up the missouri and down the columbia in search of the same south sea. and here at the mouth of the oregon they found it, stretching away to china. balboa, magellan, cortez, mackenzie,--lewis and clark had joined the immortals. xviii _fort clatsop by the sea_ december had now arrived, and southwest storms broke upon the coast with tremendous force. off cape disappointment, the surges dashed to the height of the masthead of a ship, with most terrific roaring. a winter encampment could no longer be delayed. "deer, elk, good skin, good meat," said the chinook indians, in pantomime, pointing across the bay to the south. accordingly, thither the eggshell boats were guided, across the tempestuous columbia, to the little river netul, now the lewis and clark, ten miles from the ocean. beside a spring branch, in a thick grove of lofty firs about two hundred yards from the water, the leather tent was set up and big fires built, while all hands fell to clearing a space for the winter cabins. in four days the logs were rolled up, boonsboro fashion, into shelters for the winter. "the foinest puncheons i iver saw," said patrick gass, head carpenter, as he set to splitting boards out of the surrounding firs. by christmas seven cabins were covered and the floors laid. the chinks were filled with clay, and fir-log fires were set roaring in the capacious chimneys that filled an entire end of each cabin. on christmas day they moved in, wet blankets and all, with rounds of firearms and christmas salutes. the leather tent, soaked for days, fell to pieces. the heavy canisters of powder, every one of which had been under the water in many a recent capsize, were consigned in safety to the powder-house. on new year's eve the palisades were done, and the gates were closed at sunset. the first winter-home of civilised people on the columbia has an abiding charm, not unlike that of plymouth or jamestown. back through the mists of one hundred years we see gangs of elk, chased by hunters through cranberry bogs, "that shook for the space of half an acre." their soundless footfalls were lost in beds of brown pine needles and cushions of moss. the firing of guns reverberated through the dim gloom like a piece of ordnance. it was from such a trip as this that the hunters returned on the th of december, reporting elk. all hands set to work carrying up the meat from the loaded boats, skinning and cutting and hanging it up in small pieces in the meathouse, to be smoked by a slow bark fire. but in spite of every precaution, the meat began to spoil. "we must have salt," said captain lewis. in a few days, five men were dispatched with five kettles to build a cairn for the manufacture of salt from seawater. already clark had examined the coast with this in view, and the salt-makers' camp was established near tillamook head, about fifteen miles southwest of the fort where the old cairn stands to this day. here the men built "a neat, close camp, convenient to wood, salt water and the fresh waters of the clatsop river, within a hundred paces of the ocean," and kept the kettles boiling day and night. on that trip to the coast, while the cabins were building, captain clark visited the clatsops, and purchased some rude household furniture, cranberries, mats, and the skin of a panther, seven feet from tip to tip, to cover their puncheon floor. other utensils were easily fashioned. seated on puncheon stools, before the log-fire of the winter night, the men carved cedar cups, spoons, plates, and dreamed of homes across the continent. in just such a little log cabin as this, shannon saw his mother in ohio woods; patrick gass pictured his father, with his pipe, at wellsburg, west virginia; sergeant ordway crossed again the familiar threshold at hebron, new hampshire. clark recalled mulberry hill, and lewis,--his mind was fixed on charlottesville, or the walls expanded into monticello and the white house. "mak' some pleasurement now," begged the frenchmen, "w'en bonhomme cruzatte tune up hees fidelle for de dance." tales were told and plans were made. toward midnight these sinbads of the forest fell asleep, on their beds of fir boughs, lulled by the brook, the whispering of the pines, and the falling of the winter rain. this was not like winter rain in eastern climates, but soft and warm as april. the grass grew green, spring flowers opened in december. the moist japan wind gives oregon the temperature of england. "i most sincerely regret the loss of my thermometer," said lewis. "i am confident this climate is much milder than the same latitude on the atlantic. i never experienced so warm a winter." but about the last of january there came a snow at clatsop, four inches thick, and icicles hung from the houses during the day. "a real touch of winter," said lewis. "the breath is perceptible in our room by the fire." like all oregon snow it disappeared in a week--and then it was spring. in the centre of the officer's cabin, a fir stump, sawed off smooth and flat for a table, was covered with maps and papers. books were written in that winter of - , voluminous records of oregon plants and trees, birds, beasts, and fishes. they had named rivers and measured mountains, and after wandering more than homer's heroes, the explorers were ready now to carry a new geography to the states. and here, as everywhere, lewis was busy with his vocabularies, learning the chinook jargon. as never before, all the men became scientists. even captain clark's black man took an interest and reported some fabulous finds. the houses were dry and comfortable, and within, they had a plentiful supply of elk and salt, "excellent, white, and fine, but not so strong as the rock salt, or that made in kentucky." meal time was always interesting. very often the captains caught themselves asking: "charboneau, when will dinner be ready?" all day the firelight flickered on sacajawea's hair, as she sat making moccasins, crooning a song in her soft indian monotone. this was, perhaps, the happiest winter sacajawea ever knew, with baby touissant toddling around her on the puncheon floor, pulling her shawl around his chubby face, or tumbling over his own cradle. the modest shoshone princess never dreamed how the presence of her child and herself gave a touch of domesticity to that oregon winter. now and then indian women came to see sacajawea, sitting all day without a word, watching her every motion. sometimes sacajawea helped charboneau, with his spits, turning slowly before the fire, or with his elk's tongues or sausage or beaver's tails. sometimes she made trapper's butter, boiling up the marrow of the shank bones with a sprinkle of salt. in the short days darkness came on at four o'clock, and the last of the candles were soon exhausted. then the moulds were brought and candles were made of elk tallow, until a heap, shining and white, were ready for the winter evenings. "we have had trouble enough with those thieving chinooks," said captain lewis. "without a special permit, they are to be excluded from the fort." the indians heard it. did a knock resound at the gate, "no chinook!" was the quick accompaniment. "who, then?" demanded the sentinel, gun in hand. "clatsop," answered coboway's people entering with roots and cranberries. or, "cathlamets," answered an up-river tribe with rush bags of wapato on their backs. roots of the edible thistle--white and crisp as a carrot, sweet as sugar, the roasted root of the fern, resembling the dough of wheat, and roots of licorice, varied the monotonous fare. these supplies were very welcome, but the purchase money, that was the problem. president jefferson had given to captain lewis an unlimited letter of credit on the united states, but such a letter would not buy from these indians even a bushel of wapato. the cathlamets would trade for fishhooks. the clatsops preferred beads, knives, or an old file. no wonder they valued an old file: the finest work of their beautiful canoes was often done with a chisel fashioned from an old file. lewis and clark had frequent occasion to admire their skill in managing these little boats, often out-riding the waves in the most tumultuous seas. ashore, these canoe-indians waddled and rolled like tipsy sailors. afloat, straight and trim as horse-indians of the prairie, each deft chinook glided to his seat along the unrocking boats, and striking up the paddlers' "ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-" went rowing all their lives, until their arms grew long and strong, their legs shrunk short and crooked, and their heads became abnormally intelligent. nor were these coast indians lacking in courage,--they sometimes ventured into the sea in their wonderful canoes, and harpooned the great whale and towed him in. when it came to prices for their beautiful skins of sea-otter, almost nothing would do. clark offered a watch, a handkerchief, an american dollar, and a bunch of red beads for a single skin. "no! no!" in stentorian tone--"_tyee ka-mo-suck,--chief beads_,"--the most common sort of large blue glass beads, the precious money of that country. chiefs hung them on their bosoms, squaws bound them on their ankles, pretty maidens hung them in their hair. but lewis and clark had only a few and must reserve them for most pressing necessity. since that may morning when captain robert gray discovered the columbia river, fourteen years before, the chinook indians had learned the value of furs. once they handed over their skins, and took without a murmur what the boston skippers chose to give. now, a hundred ships upon that shore had taught them craft. one of old king comcomly's people had a robe of sea-otter, "the fur of which was the most beautiful we had ever seen." in vain lewis offered everything he had, nothing would purchase the treasured cloak but the belt of blue beads worn by sacajawea. on every hand among these coast tribes were blankets, sailor-clothes, guns,--old revolutionary muskets mended for this trade,--powder and ball, the powder in little japanned tin flasks in which the traders sold it. in what clark calls "a guggling kind of language spoken mostly through the throat," with much pantomime and some english, conversation was carried on. "who are these traders?" asked captain lewis. old comcomly, king of the chinooks, on the north side, and tyee coboway, chief of the clatsops, on the south bank of the columbia, tried to remember, and counted on their fingers,-- "haley, three masts, stays some time," "tallamon not a trader," "callalamet has a wooden leg," "davidson, no trader, hunts elk," "skelley, long time ago, only one eye." and then there were "youens, swipton, mackey, washington, mesship, jackson, balch," all traders with three-masted ships whose names are not identified by any atlantic list. the one translated washington by lewis and clark may have been ockington of the _belle savage_, , or tawnington, both of whom are known to have been on the coast in those years. in fact, no complete record was ever kept of the ships that swarmed around the horn and up the pacific, in those infant years of our republic, to . while europe clustered around the theatre of napoleonic wars, every harbour of new england had its fur ships and whalers out, flying the stars and stripes around the world. "what do they say?" inquired lewis, still pressing investigation. proud of their acquirements, every chinook and clatsop in the nation could recall some word or phrase. "musket, powder, shot, knife, file, heave the lead, damned rascal!" no wonder lewis and clark laughed, these mother words on the savage tongue were like voices out of the very deep, calling from the ships. "one hyas tyee ship--great chief ship--moore, four masts, three cows on board." "which way did he go?" the indians pantomimed along the northwest coast. "from which," says lewis, "i infer there must be settlements in that direction." the great desire, almost necessity, now, seemed to be to wait until some ship appeared upon the shore from which to replenish their almost exhausted stores. whenever the boats went in and out of meriwether bay they passed the memeloose illahee, the dead country of the clatsops. before , as near as lewis and clark could ascertain, several hundred of the clatsops died suddenly of a disease that appeared to be smallpox, the same undoubtedly that cut down black bird and his omahas, rolling on west and north where the hudson's bay traders traced it to the borders of the arctic. in haley's bay one hundred canoes in one place bespoke the decimation of the chinooks, all slumbering now in that almost priceless carved coffin, the chinook canoe, with gifts around them and feet to the sunset, ready to drift on an unknown voyage. there was a time when indian campfires stretched from walla walla to the sea, when fortifications were erected, and when indian flint factories supplied the weapons of countless warriors. but they are gone. the first settlers found sloughs and bayous lined with burial canoes, until the dead were more than the living. no indians knew whose bones they were, "those old, old, old people." red children and white tumbled them out of the cedar coffins and carried away the dead men's treasures. "there was mourning along the rivers. a quietness came over the land." stone hammers, flint chips, and arrows lie under the forests, and embers of fires two centuries old. the native tribes were disappearing before the white man came, and the destruction of property with the dead kept the survivors always impoverished. xix _a whale ashore_ "a whale! a whale ashore!" when chief coboway brought word there was great excitement at fort clatsop. everybody wanted to see the whale, but few could go. captain clark appointed twelve men to be ready at daylight. sacajawea, in the privacy of her own room that sunday evening, spoke to charboneau. now charboneau wanted her to stay and attend to the "l'apalois"--roasting meats on a stick,--and knowing that the child would have to be looked after, slipped over to the captains, discussing by the fire. "sacajawea t'ink she want to see de whale. she ought not go." "very well," answered the captains, scarce heeding. "she better stay at the fort. it would be a hard jaunt for a woman to go over tillamook head." charboneau went back. "de captinne say you cannot go!" this was a staggering blow to sacajawea, but her woman's determination had become aroused and she took the rostrum, so to speak. leaving the baby touissant with his father, she in turn slipped over to the captains. sacajawea was a born linguist. "captinne, you remember w'en we reach de rivers and you knew not which to follow? i show de country an' point de stream. again w'en my husband could not spik, i spik for you. "now, captinne, i travel great way to see de beeg water. i climb de mountain an' help de boat on de rapide. an' now dis monstous fish haf come"--sacajawea could scarce restrain her tears. sacajawea was only a woman, and a brave little woman at that. captain lewis was moved. "sacajawea, you are one of those who are born not to die. of course you can go. go and be getting ready, and," he added, "if charboneau wants to go too, he will have to carry the baby!" they breakfasted by candle-light. everybody was ready next morning, but sacajawea was ahead of them all. charboneau looked at her out of the corner of his eye, but said nothing. more than once the captains had reminded him of his duty. the sun rose clear and cloudless on a land of springtime, and yet it was only january. robins sang around the stockade, bluebirds whizzed by, silver in the sunlight. two canoes proceeded down the netul into meriwether bay, on the way to the clatsop town. after a day's adventure, they camped near a herd of elk in the beautiful moonlight. at noon, next day, they reached the salt-makers. here jo fields, bratton, and gibson had their brass kettles under a rock arch, boiling and boiling seawater into a gallon of salt a day. hiring twiltch, a young indian, for guide, they climbed tillamook head, about thirty miles south of cape disappointment. upon this promontory, clark's point of view, they paused before the boisterous pacific, breaking with fury and flinging its waves above the rock of tillamook. on one side the blue columbia widened into bays studded with chinook and clatsop villages; on the other stretched rich prairies, enlivened by beautiful streams and lakes at the foot of the hills. behind, in serried rank, the douglas spruce--"the tree of turner's dreams," the king of conifers,--stood monarch of the hills. two hundred, three hundred feet in air they towered, a hundred feet without a limb, so dense that not a ray of sun could reach the ground beneath. sacajawea, save pocahontas the most travelled indian princess in our history, spoke not a word, but looked with calm and shining eye upon the fruition of her hopes. now she could go back to the mandan towns and speak of things that madame jussaume had never seen, and of the big water beyond the shining mountains. down the steep and ragged rocks that overhung the sea, they clambered to a tillamook village, where lay the great whale, stranded on the shore. nothing was left but a skeleton, for from every indian village within travelling distance, men and women were working like bees upon the huge carcass. then home they went, trailing over the mountains, every squaw with a load of whale blubber on her back, to be for many a month the dainty of an indian lodge. these indian lodges or houses were a source of great interest to lewis and clark. sunk four feet into the ground and rising well above, like an out-door cellar, they were covered with ridgepoles and low sloping roofs. the sides were boarded with puncheons of cedar, laboriously split with elkhorn wedges and stone hammers. a door in the gable admitted to this half-underground home by means of a ladder. around the inner walls, beds of mats were raised on scaffolds two or three feet high, and under the beds were deposited winter stores of dried berries, roots, nuts, and fish. in the centre of each house a fireplace, six or eight feet long, was sunk in the floor, and surrounded by a cedar fender and mats for the family to sit on. the walls, lined with mats and cedar bark, formed a very effective shelter. did some poor stranded mariner teach the savage this semi-civilised architecture, or was it evolved by his own genius? however this may be, these houses were found from yaquina bay to yakutat. in such a house as this captain clark visited coboway, chief of the clatsops, in his village on the sunny side of a hill. as soon as he entered, clean mats were spread. coboway's wife, tse-salks, a tillamook princess, brought berries and roots and fish on neat platters of rushes. syrup of sallal berries was served in bowls of horn and meat in wooden trenchers. naturally, sacajawea was interested in domestic utensils, wooden bowls, spoons of horn, skewers and spits for roasting meat, and beautifully woven water-tight baskets. every squaw habitually carried a knife, fastened to the thumb by a loop of twine, to be hid under the robe when visitors came. these knives, bought of the traders, were invaluable to the indian mother. with it she dug roots, cut wood, meat, or fish, split rushes for her flag mats and baskets, and fashioned skins for dresses and moccasins. ever busy they were, the most patient, devoted women in the world. sacajawea, with her beautiful dress and a husband who sometimes carried the baby, was a new sort of mortal on this pacific coast. while they were conversing, a flock of ducks lit on the water. clark took his rifle and shot the head off one. the astonished indians brought the bird and marvelled. their own poor flintlocks, loaded with bits of gravel when shot failed, often would not go off in cold weather, but here was "very great medicine." they examined the duck, the musket, and the small bullets, a hundred to the pound. "kloshe musquet! wake! kum-tux musquet! a very good musquet! no! do not understand this kind of musquet!" thus early is it a historical fact that the chinook jargon was already established on the pacific coast. this jargon, a polyglot of traders' tongues, like the old lingua franca of the mediterranean, is used by the coast indians to this day from the columbia river to point barrow on the arctic. and for its birth we may thank the boston traders. chinooks, clatsops, tillamooks faced that stormy beach and lived on winter stores of roots, berries, fish, and dried meat. their beautiful elastic bows of white cedar were seldom adequate to kill the great elk, so when the rush bags under the beds were empty, they watched for fish thrown up by the waves. "sturgeon is very good," said a clatsop in english, peering and prying along the hollows of the beach. but the great whale, ecola, that was a godsend to the poor people. upon it now they might live until the salmon came, flooding the country with plenty. old chief coboway of the clatsops watched those shores for sixty years. he did not tell this story to lewis and clark, but he told it to his children, and so it belongs here. "an old woman came crying to the clatsop village: 'something on the shore! behold, it is no whale! two spruce trees stand upright on it. ropes are tied to those spruce trees. behold bears came out of it!' then all the people ran. behold the bears had built a fire of driftwood on the shore. they were popping corn. they held copper kettles in their hands. they had lids. the bears pointed inland and asked for water. then two people took the kettles and ran inland. they hid. some climbed up into the thing. they went down into the ship. it was full of boxes. they found brass buttons in a string half a fathom long. they went out. they set fire. the ship burned. it burned like fat. then the clatsops gathered the iron, the copper, and the brass. then were the clatsops rich." one of these men was ko-na-pe. he and his companion were held as slaves. ko-na-pe was a worker in iron and could fashion knives and hatchets. from that time the clatsops had knives. he was too great to be held as a slave, so the clatsops gave him and his friend their liberty. they built a cabin at a place now known as new astoria, but the indians called it "ko-na-pe," and it was known by that name long after the country was settled by the whites. february had now arrived. for weeks every man not a hunter stood over the kettles with his deer-skin sleeves rolled up, working away at elkskins, rubbing, dipping, and wringing. then again they went back into the suds for another rubbing and working, and then the beautiful skin, hung up to smoke and dry, came out soft and pliable. shields, the skilful, cut out the garments with a butcher knife, and all set to work with awls for needles and deer sinews for thread. for weeks this leather-dressing and sewing had been going on, some using the handy little "housewives" given by dolly madison and the ladies of the white house, until captain lewis records, "the men are better fitted with clothing and moccasins than they have been since starting on this voyage." captain lewis and captain clark had each a large coat finished of the skin of the "tiger cat," of which it "took seven robes to make a coat." with beads and old razors, captain lewis bought high-crowned chinook hats, of white cedar-bark and bear-grass, woven european fashion by the nimble fingers of the clatsop girls, fine as leghorn and water-tight. patrick gass counted up the moccasins and found three hundred and fifty-eight pairs, besides a good stock of dressed elkskins for tents and bedding. "and i compute elk and deer shot in this neighbourhood during the winter," he added. but now the elk were going to the mountains, game was practically unobtainable. now and then drouillard snared a fine fat beaver or an otter in his traps; sometimes the indians came over with sturgeon, fresh anchovies, or a bag of wapato, but even this supply was precarious and uncertain. february , captain clark completed a map of the country, including rivers and mountains from fort mandan to clatsop, dotting in cross-cuts for the home journey, the feat of a born geographer. february the saltmakers returned, with twelve gallons of salt sealed up to last to the _cache_ on the jefferson. while shields refitted the guns, others opened and examined the precious powder. thirty-five canisters remained, and yet, banged as they had been over many a mountain pass, and sunk in many a stream, all but five were found intact as when they were sealed at pittsburg. three were bruised and cracked, one had been pierced by a nail, one had not been properly sealed, but by care the men could dry them out and save the whole. the greatest necessity now was a boat. a long, slim chinook canoe made out of a single tree of fir or cedar was beyond price. preliminary dickers were tried with chinooks and clatsops. finally drouillard went up to cathlamet. of all the trinkets that drouillard could muster, nothing short of captain lewis's laced uniform coat could induce queen sally's people to part with a treasured canoe. and here it was. misfortune had become a joke. "well, now, the united states owes me a coat," laughed lewis, as he found his last civilised garment gone to the savages. "six blue robes, one of scarlet, five made out of the old united states' flag that had floated over many a council, a few old clothes, clark's uniform coat and hat and a few little trinkets that might be tied in a couple of handkerchiefs," this was the reserve fund to carry them two thousand miles to st. louis. but each stout-hearted explorer had his gun and plenty of powder--that was wealth. "now, in case we never reach the united states," said lewis, "what then?" "we must leave a memorial," answered clark. and so the captains prepared this document: _"the object of this list is, that through the medium of some civilised person, who may see the same, it may be made known to the world, that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the government of the united states to explore the interior of the continent of north america, did penetrate the same by the way of the missouri and columbia rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the pacific ocean, where they arrived on the th day of november, , and departed the d day of march, , on their return to the united states by the same route by which they had come out."_ to this document every man signed his name, and copies were given to the various chiefs. one was posted at fort clatsop to be given to any trader that might arrive in the river, and thus, in case of their death, some account of their exploration might be saved to the world. on the back of some of the papers clark sketched the route. at last only one day's food remained. necessity compelled removal. in vain their eyes were strained toward the sea. never were lewis and clark destined to see a summer day on the columbia, when sails of ships flapped listlessly against the masts, and vessels heaved reluctantly on the sluggish waters, rolling in long swells on clatsop beach. on sunday, march , , the boats were loaded and all was ready. chief coboway came over at noon to bid them good bye. in gratitude for many favours during the past winter, lewis and clark presented their houses and furniture to the kind-hearted old chief. chief coboway made fort clatsop his winter home during the remainder of his life. years passed. the stockade fell down, young trees grew up through the cabins, but the spring is there still, gushing forth its waters, cool as in the adventurous days of one hundred years ago. xx _a race for empire_ in this very december of while lewis and clark were struggling with the storms of ocean at the mouth of the columbia, a thousand miles to the north of them the indefatigable and indomitable simon fraser was also building a fort, among the lochs and bens of new caledonia, the british columbia of to-day. on the very day that lewis and clark left fort mandan, simon fraser and his men had faced toward the rockies. while lewis and clark were exploring the missouri, fraser and his voyageurs were pulling for dear life up the saskatchewan and over to athabasca. on the very day that lewis and clark moved into fort clatsop, simon fraser, at the rocky mountain portage, had men busily gathering stones "to get a chimney built for his bedroom." the icy northern winter came down, but in january mortar was made to plaster his trading fort, the rocky mountain portage at the peace river pass. all that arctic winter he traded with the natives, killed deer and moose, and made pemmican for an expedition still farther to the west. all through the stormy, icy april, building his boats and pounding his pemmican, fraser stamped and stormed and swore because the snows refused to melt--because the rivers yet were blocked with ice. the boats were at the door, the bales of goods were tied, when the ice began to break in may. the moment the river was clear all hands were roused at daybreak. simon fraser turned the rocky mountain portage over to mcgillivray, who had arrived on snow shoes, and pressed on west, discovering mcleod lake and building fort mcleod upon its shores. then he portaged over to the fraser, which he believed to be the columbia, and going up the stuart branch built fort st. james on stuart lake. during the winter and summer, after lewis and clark reached home, he built fort fraser on fraser lake, and fort george upon the fraser river, still thinking it was the columbia. "now will i reach the mouth of this columbia," said fraser in the spring of , launching his boat, the _perseverance_, upon the wildest water of the north. "you cannot pass," said the indians, and they waved and whirled their arms to indicate the mad tumultuous swirling of the waters. "whatever the obstacle," said simon fraser, "i shall follow this river to the end," and down he went for days and days through turbulent gulfs and whirlpools, past rocks and rapids and eddies, under frowning, overhanging precipices in the high water of may. the indians spoke of white people. "it must be lewis and clark," groaned fraser, redoubling his effort to win another empire for his king. daily, hourly, risking their lives, at every step in the mountains the indians said, "you can go no further." but the sturdy scotchmen gripped their oars and set their teeth, turning, doubling, twisting, shooting past rocky points that menaced death, portaging, lifting canoes by sheer grit and resolution up almost impassable rockways, over cliffs almost without a foothold and down into the wave again. so ran the northwesters down the wild river to the sea, and camped near the present site of new westminster. and lo! it was _not_ the columbia. back came simon fraser to fort william on lake superior to report what he had done, and they crowned his brow with the name of his own great river, the fraser. travellers look down the frowning fraser gorge to-day, and little realise why simon fraser made that daring journey. xxi _"a ship! a ship!"_ while lewis and clark were making preparations to leave fort clatsop, all unknown to them a ship was trying to cross the bar into the columbia river. and what a tale had she to tell,--of hunger, misery, despair, and death at sitka. since the boston ships had been trading along these shores. in that year , when captain robert gray discovered the columbia river, there were already twenty-one american ships in the pacific northwest. in may, , the boston brig _caroline_, captain cleveland, was buying furs in sitka sound, when coasting along over from the north came the greatest of all the russians, alexander von baranof, with two ships and a fleet of bidarkas. "what now will you have?" demanded the sitka chief, as the expedition entered the basin of sitka sound. "a place to build a fort and establish a settlement for trade," answered baranof. "a boston ship is anchored below and buying many skins," answered the chief. but presents were distributed, a trade was made, and russian axes began felling the virgin forest on the sides of verstova. the next day captain cleveland visited baranof at his fort building. "savages!" echoed captain cleveland to baranof's comment on the natives. "i should say so. i have but ten men before the mast, but on account of the fierce character of these indians i have placed a screen of hides around the ship, that they may not see the deck nor know how few men i have. two pieces of cannon are in position and a pair of blunderbusses on the taffrail." but the land was rich in furs. it was this that brought baranof over from kadiak. in three years sitka was a strong fort, but in june, , in the absence of baranof, it was attacked one day by a thousand indians armed with muskets bought of the boston traders. in a few hours the fort, a new ship in the harbour, warehouses, cattle sheds, and a bathhouse were burnt to ashes. the poor dumb cattle were stuck full of lances. a terrible massacre accompanied the burning. to escape suffocation the russians leaped from the flaming windows only to be caught on the uplifted lances of the savage sitkas. some escaped to the woods, when an english vessel providentially appeared and carried the few remaining survivors to kadiak. that autumn two new ships arrived from russia with hunters, labourers, provisions, and news of baranof's promotion by the czar. tears coursed down the great man's weather-beaten cheeks. "i am a nobleman; but sitka is lost! i do not care to live; i will go and either die or restore the possessions of my august benefactor." then back came baranof to sitka on his errand of vengeance, with three hundred bidarkas and six small russian ships, to be almost wrecked in sitka sound. here he was joined by the _neva_ just out from kronstadt, the first to carry the russian flag around the world. upon the hill where sitka stands to-day, the indians had built a fort of logs piled around with tangled brush. on this the russians opened fire. but no reply came. with one hundred and fifty men and several guns, baranof landed in the dense woods to take the fort by storm. then burst the sheeted flame. ten russians were killed and twenty-six wounded. but for the fleet, baranof's career would have ended on that day. but in time ships with cannon were more than a match for savages armed with boston muskets. far into the night a savage chant was wafted into the air--the alaskans had surrendered. at daylight all was still. no sound came from the shore, and when the russians visited the indian hill, the fort was filled with slaughtered bodies of infant children, slain by their own parents who felt themselves unable to carry them and escape. the indian fort was immediately burned to the ground and on its site arose the russian stronghold of sitka castle. that new fort at sitka was just finished and mounted with cannon the summer that lewis and clark came down the columbia. kitchen gardens were under cultivation and live stock thriving. at sitka that same autumn the _elizaveta_ arrived, with the russian imperial inspector of alaska on board, the baron von rezanof, "chamberlain of the russian court and commander of all america," he called himself. "what is this i hear of those bostonians?" inquired the great baron, unrolling long portraits of the imperial family to be hung in sitka castle. "those bostonians, are they undermining our trade in furs with china?" "ah, yes," answered count baranof, "the american republic is greatly in need of chinese goods, chinese teas and silks, which formerly had to be purchased in coin. but since these shores have been discovered with their abundance of furs, they are no longer obliged to take coin with them, but load their vessels with products of their own country." "all too numerous have become these boston skippers on this northwest coast," continued von rezanof in a decisive tone. "frequent complaints have been made to the american president that his people are selling firearms to our indians, but all to no purpose. it is an outrage. we are justified in using force. i recommend an armed brig to patrol these waters." food supplies were low at sitka that winter. no ship came. the _elizaveta_ dispatched to kadiak for supplies returned no more. no flour, no fish, not even seal blubber for the garrisons, could be caught or purchased. they were eating crows and eagles and devil-fish. just then, when a hundred cannon were loaded to sweep the yankee skippers from the sea, a little rhode island ship came sailing into sitka harbour. "shall we expel these american traders from the north pacific?" demanded von rezanof. "for the love of god, no!" cried baranof. "that little ship is our saviour!" into the starving garrison the yankee captain de wolf brought bread and beef, and raised the famine siege of sitka castle. baranof bought the little ship, the _juno_, with all her cargo, for eight thousand dollars in furs and drafts on st. petersburg. in addition rezanof gave de wolf a sloop, the _ermak_, to carry his men and furs to the hawaiian islands. "god grant that they may not have paid dear for their rashness in trusting their lives to such a craft!" exclaimed von rezanof, as the gallant yankee captain spread sail and disappeared from sitka harbour. the _juno_, a staunch, copper-bottomed fast vessel of two hundred six tons, built at bristol, rhode island, in , was now fitted out for the russian trade and dispatched to kadiak. the storms that lewis and clark heard booming on the oregon coast that winter, devastated alaskan shores as well. when the breakers came thundering up the rocks and the winds shook sitka castle, count baranof in his stronghold could not sleep for thinking, "oh, the ships!--the ships out on this stormy deep, laden with what i need so much!" the little _juno_ returned from kadiak with dried fish and oil, and news of disaster: "the _elizaveta_ has been wrecked in a heavy gale. six large bidarkas laden with furs on the way to you went down. two hundred hunters have perished at sea. our settlement at yakutat has been destroyed by an indian massacre." "my god! my god!" baranof cried, "how can we repair all these disasters!" but ever and ever the gray sea boomed upon the shore where the wretched inmates of sitka castle were dying. the relief from the _juno_ was only temporary. by february not a pound of bread a day dared they distribute to the men. long since rezanof had declared they must have an agricultural settlement. now he fixed his eye on the columbia river. sitting there in the dreary castle he was writing to the czar, little dreaming that in a hundred years his very inmost thought would be read in america. starvation at sitka was imminent,--it was impossible to delay longer. into the stormy sea rezanof himself set the _juno's_ sail on his way to the columbia. while lewis and clark were writing out the muster roll to nail to the wall at fort clatsop for any passing ship, rezanof was striving to cross the columbia bar. none could see beyond the mists. contrary winds blew, it rained, it hailed. rezanof sighted the columbia march , , but the current drove him back. again on the th he tried to enter, and on the st, but the stormy river, like a thing of life, beat him back and beat him back, until the russian gave it up, and four days later ran into the harbour of san francisco. in june he returned with wheat, oats, pease, beans, flour, tallow, and salt to the famished traders at sitka. but notwithstanding all these troubles, in - baranof dispatched to st. petersburg furs valued at more than five hundred thousand roubles. more and more the boston traders came back to alaskan waters. baranof often found it easier to buy supplies from boston than from okhotsk. "furnish me with aleutian hunters and bidarkas and i will hunt on shares for you," proposed a boston captain. "agreed," said baranof, and for years fleets of bidarkas under boston captains hunted and trapped and traded for sea otter southward along pacific shores. "these boston smugglers and robbers!" muttered the spaniards of california. "where do they hide themselves all winter? we know they are on our shores but never a glimpse can we get of their fleet." meanwhile the boston traders on the coasts of california raked in the skins and furs, and sailing around by hawaii reached sitka in time for spring sealing in the north. some hints of this reached the russian directory at st. petersburg, but no one dared to interfere with baranof. shipload after shipload of furs he sent home that sold for fabulous sums in the markets of russia. the czar himself took shares and the imperial navy guarded the russias of north america. all honour to baranof, viking of sitka, and builder of ships! for forty years he ruled the northwest, the greatest man in the north pacific. his name was known on the coast of mexico, even to brazil and havana. the boston merchants consulted him in making up their cargoes. in he went into partnership with john jacob astor to exchange supplies for furs. above all disaster he rose, though ship after ship was lost. but it must be admitted the russians were not such seamen as the gallant boston skippers. never again will this land see more hardy sailors than the american tars that travelled the seas at the close of our revolution. our little yankee brigs were creeping down and down the coast and around the horn, until every village had its skippers in the far pacific. some went for furs and some for whales, and all for bold adventure. in july, , the _lydia_, having just rescued two american sailors from the savages at vancouver island, came into the columbia river for a load of spars, the beginning of a mighty commerce. here they heard of lewis and clark, and ten miles up, faithful old chief coboway gave captain hill the muster roll left at fort clatsop. this, sent by way of china, reached the united states in , to find the great explorers safe at home. with the death of baranof in ended the vast plan of russia to make the northern half of the pacific its own. baranof was small and wrinkled and bald, but his eye had life. he would have made a czar like peter the great. to him and him alone was due the russia of america, that for seven million dollars was sold to us in , an empire in itself. xxii _back to civilisation_ the canoes were loaded, and at one o'clock in the afternoon of sunday, the d day of march, , lewis and clark took final leave of fort clatsop. back past cathlamet they came, where queen sally still watched by her totem posts; past oak point on fanny's island, named by clark, where two springs later a boston ship made the first white settlement in oregon. slowly the little flotilla paddled up, past coffin rock, immemorial deposit of indian dead, past snowy st. helens, a landmark at sea for the ship that would enter the harbour. flowers were everywhere, the hillsides aglow with red flowering currants that made march as gay as the roses of june. the grass was high, and the robins were singing. at sunset, march , they camped on a beautiful prairie, the future site of historic vancouver. before them the columbia was a shimmer of silver. behind, rose the dim, dark oregon forest. the sharp cry of the sea-gull rang over the waters, and the dusky pelican and the splendid brown albatross were sailing back to the sea. herds of elk and deer roamed on the uplands and in woody green islands below, where flocks of ducks, geese, and swans were digging up the lily-like wapato with their bills. with laboured breath, still bending to the oar, on the first of april they encountered a throng of indians crowding down from above, gaunt, hollow-eyed, almost starved, greedily tarrying to pick up the bones and refuse meat thrown from the camp of the whites. "_katah mesika chaco?_" inquired captain lewis. "_halo muck-a-muck_," answered the forlorn indians. "dried fish all gone. no deer. no elk. no antelope to the nez percé country." hundreds were coming down for food at wapato. "_elip salmon chaco._" "until the salmon come!" that had been the cry of the clatsops. the chinooks were practising incantations to bring the longed-for salmon. the cathlamets were spreading their nets. the wahkiakums kept their boats afloat. even the multnomahs were wistfully waiting. and now here came plunging down all the upper country for wapato,--"until the salmon come." "and pray, when will that be?" "not until the next full moon,"--at least the second of may, and in may the americans had hoped to cross the mountains. all the camp deliberated,--and still the cascade indians came flocking down into the lower valley. "we must remain here until we can collect meat enough to last us to the nez percé nation," said the captains, and so, running the gauntlet of starvation, it happened that lewis and clark camped for ten days near the base of mt. hood at the river sandy. in order to collect as much meat as possible a dozen hunters were sent out; the rest were employed in cutting and hanging the meat to dry. two young indians came into the camp at the sandy. "_kah mesika illahee?_--where is your country?" was asked them, in the chinook jargon caught at clatsop. "at the falls of a great river that flows into the columbia from the south." "from the south? we saw no such river." with a coal on a mat one of the indians drew it. the captains looked. "ah! behind those islands!" it was where the multnomah chieftain in his war canoe had said, "village there!" on their downward journey to the sea. clark gave one of the men a burning glass to conduct him to the spot, and set out with seven men in a canoe. along the south side of the columbia, back they paddled to the mysterious inlet hidden behind that emerald curtain. and along with them paddled canoe-loads of men, women, and children in search of food. clark now perceived that what they had called "imagecanoe island" consisted of three islands, the one in the middle concealing the opening between the other two. here great numbers of canoes were drawn up. lifting their long, slim boats to their backs, the indian women crossed inland to the sloughs and ponds, where, frightening up the ducks, they plunged to the breast into the icy cold water. there they stood for hours, loosening wapato with their feet. the bulbs, rising to the surface, were picked up and tossed into the boats to feed the hungry children. clark entered an indian house to buy wapato. "not, not!" with sullen look they shook their heads. no gift of his could buy the precious wapato. deliberately then the captain took out one of dr. saugrain's phosphorus matches and tossed it in the fire. instantly it spit and flamed. "_me-sah-chie! me-sah-chie!_"--the indians shrieked, and piled the cherished wapato at his feet. the screaming children fled behind the beds and hid behind the men. an old man began to speak with great vehemence, imploring his god for protection. the match burned out and quiet was restored. clark paid for the wapato, smoked, and went on, behind the islands. as if lifting a veil the boat swept around the willows and the indian waved his hand. "multnomah!" before them, vast and deep, a river rolled its smooth volume into the columbia. at the same moment five snow peaks burst into view,--rainier, hood, st. helens, adams, and to the southeast another snowy cone which clark at once saluted, "mount jefferson!" for the first recorded time a white man gazed on the river willamette. this sudden vision of emerald hills, blue waters, and snowy peaks forced the involuntary exclamation, "the only spot west of the rocky mountains suitable for a settlement!" the very air of domestic occupation gleamed on the meadows flecked with deer and waterfall. amid the scattered groves of oak and dogwood, bursting now into magnolian bloom, clark half expected to see some stately mansion rise, as in the park of some old english nobleman. the ever-prevailing flowering currant lit the landscape with a hue of roses. a dozen miles or more clark pressed on, up the great inland river, and slept one night near the site of the present portland. he examined the soil, looked at the timber, and measured a fallen fir three hundred and eighteen feet as it lay. watching the current rolling its uniform flow from some unknown distant source, the captain began taking soundings. "this river appears to possess water enough for the largest ship. nor is it rash to believe that it may water the country as far as california." for at least two-thirds of the width he could find no bottom with his five-fathom line. along that wide deep estuary, the grainships of the world to-day ride up to the wharves of portland. the same snow peaks are there, the same emerald hills, and the bounteous smile of nature blushing in a thousand orchards. all along the shores were deserted solitary houses of broad boards roofed with cedar bark, with household furniture, stone mortars, pestles, canoes, mats, bladders of train oil, baskets, bowls, trenchers--all left. the fireplaces were filled with dead embers, the bunk-line tiers of beds were empty. all had just gone or were going to the fisheries. "and where?" "to clackamas nation. _hyas tyee tumwater._ great falls. salmon." had clark but passed a few miles further up, he would have found hundreds of indians at the fishing rendezvous, clackamas rapids and willamette falls. "how many of the clackamas nation?" "eleven villages, to the snow peak." "and beyond?" "forty villages, the callapooias." with outstretched hand the indian closed his eyes and shook his head,--evidently he had never been so far to the south. back around warrior's point clark came, whence the multnomahs were wont to issue to battle in their huge war canoes. an old indian trail led up into the interior, where for ages the lordly multnomahs had held their councils. many houses had fallen entirely to ruin. clark inquired the cause of decay. an aged indian pointed to a woman deeply pitted with the smallpox. "all died of that. _ahn-cutty!_ long time ago!" the multnomahs lived on wapato island. a dozen nations gave fealty to multnomah. all had symbolic totems, carved and painted on door and bedstead, and at every bedhead hung a war club and a moorish scimitar of iron, thin and sharp, rude relic of ko-na-pe's workshop. having now dried sufficient meat to last to the nez percés, lewis and clark set out for the dalles, that tragical valley, racked and battered, where the devils held their tourneys when the world was shaped by flood and flame. through the sheeny brown basaltic rock, three rifts let through the river, where, in fishing time, salmon leaped in prodigious numbers, filling the indians' baskets, tons and tons a day. but the salmon had not yet come. at this season the upper tribes came down to the dalles to traffic robes and silk grass for sea-shells and wapato. fish was money. after the traders came, beads, beads, became the indian's one ambition. for beads he would sacrifice his only garment and his last morsel of food. in this annual traffic of east and west, the dalles indians had become traders, robbers, pirates. no canoe passed that way without toll. dressed in deerskin, elk, bighorn, wolf, and buffalo, these savages lay now in wait for lewis and clark, portaging up the long narrows. tugging, sweating, paddling, poling, pulling by cords, it was difficult work hauling canoes up the narrow way. crowds of indians pressed in. "six tomahawks and a knife are gone!" "another tomahawk gone!" "out of the road," commanded lewis. "whoever steals shall be shot instantly." the crowds fell back. every man toiled on with gun in hand. but from village to village, dishes, blankets, and whatever the indians could get their hands on, disappeared. soon there would be no baggage. it seemed impossible to detect a thief. "nothing but numbers protects us," said the white men. worse even than the pirates of the sioux, it came almost to pitched battle. again and again lewis harangued the chiefs for the restoration of stolen property. once he struck an indian. finally he set out to burn a village, but the missing property came to light, hidden in an indian hut. so long did it take to make these portages that food supplies failed. in the heart of a thickly populated and savage country the expedition was bankrupt. with what gratitude, then, they met yellept, chief of the walla wallas, waiting upon his hills. "come to my village. you shall have food. you shall have horses." gladly they accompanied him to his village at the mouth of the walla walla river. immediately he called in not only his own but the neighbouring nations, urging them to hospitality. then chief yellept, the most notable man in all that country, himself brought an armful of wood for their fires and a platter of roasted mullets. at once all the walla wallas followed with armloads of fuel; the campfires blazed and crackled. footsore, weary, half-starved, lewis and clark and their men supped and then slept. fortunately there was among the walla wallas a captive shoshone boy who spoke the tongue of sacajawea. in council the captains explained themselves and the object of their journey. "opposite our village a shorter route leads to the kooskooskee," said yellept. "a road of grass and water, with deer and antelope." clark computed that this cut-off would save eighty miles. in vain the captains desired to press on. "wait," begged yellept. "wait." already he had sent invitations to the eyakimas, his friends the black bears, and to the cayuses. possibly sacajawea had hinted something; at any rate with a cry of "very great medicine," the lame, the halt, the blind pressed around the camp. the number of unfortunates, products of indian battle, neglect, and exposure, was prodigious. opening the medicine chest, while lewis bought horses, clark turned physician, distributing eye-water, splinting broken bones, dealing out pills and sulphur. one indian with a contracted knee came limping in. "my own father, walla walla chief," says old se-cho-wa, an aged indian woman on the umatilla to-day. "lots of children, lots of horses. i, very little girl, follow them." with volatile liniments and rubbing the chief was relieved. in gratitude yellept presented clark with a beautiful white horse; clark in turn gave all he had--his sword. bidding the chief adieu, the captains recorded: "we may, indeed, justly affirm, that of all the indians whom we have met since leaving the united states the walla wallas were the most hospitable and sincere." poor old yellept! one hundred years later his medal was found in the sand at the mouth of the walla walla. all his sons were slain in battle or died of disease. when the last one lay stretched in the grave, the old chief stepped in upon the corpse and commanded his people to bury them in one grave together. "on account of his great sorrow," says old se-cho-wa. and so he was buried. xxiii _camp chopunnish_ as lewis and clark with twenty-three horses set out over the camas meadows that april morning a hundred years ago, the world seemed brighter for the kindness of the walla wallas. at the dalles the forest had ended. now they were on the great columbian plains that stretch to the rockies, the northwest granary of to-day. the dry exhilarating air billowed the verdure like a sea. meadow larks sang and flitted. dove-coloured sage hens, the cock of the plains, two-thirds the size of a turkey, cackled like domestic fowl before the advancing cavalcade. spotted black-and-white pheasants pecked in the grass like the little topknot "dominicks" the men had known around their boyhood homes. and everywhere were horses. "more hor-r-ses between th' gr-reat falls av th' columby and th' nez percés than i iver saw in th' same space uv countery in me loife before," said patrick gass. "they are not th' lar-r-gest soize but very good an' active." "of an excellent race, lofty, elegantly formed, and durable," those cayuse horses are described by lewis and clark. "many of them appear like fine english coursers, and resemble in fleetness and bottom, as well as in form and colour, the best blooded horses of virginia." a hundred years ago, the cayuse of the columbian plains was a recent importation from the bluest blooded arabian stock of spain. white-starred, white-footed, he was of noble pedigree. traded or stolen from tribe to tribe, these spanish horses found a home on the columbia. all winter these wild horses fattened on the plain; madly their indian owners rode them; and when they grew old, stiff, and blind, they went, so the indians said, to horse heaven on the des chutes to die. following the old nez percés trail, that became a stage road in the days of gold, and then a railroad, lewis and clark came to the land of the nez percés,--chopunnish. thirty-one years later the missionary spalding planted an apple-tree where lewis and clark reached the snake at the mouth of alpowa creek, may , . we-ark-koompt, the indian express, came out to meet them. over the camp of black eagle the american flag was flying. chiefs vied with one another to do them honour. tunnachemootoolt, black eagle, spread his leather tent and laid a parcel of wood at the door. "make this your lodge while you remain with me." hohastilpilp, red wolf, came riding over the hills with fifty people. the captains had a fire lighted, and all night in the leather tent on the banks of the kooskooske the chiefs smoked and pondered on the journey of the white men. lewis and clark drew maps and pointed out the far-away land of the president. sacajawea and the shoshone boy interpreted until worn out, and then fell asleep. and ever within black eagle's village was heard the dull "thud, thud, thud," of nez percé women pounding the camas and the kouse, "with noise like a nail-factory," said lewis. all night long their outdoor ovens were baking the bread of kouse, and the kettles of camas mush, flavoured with yamp, simmered and sweetened over the dull red indian fires. the hungry men were not disposed to criticise the cuisine of the savage, not even when they were offered the dainty flesh of dried rattlesnake! labiche killed a bear. in amazement the redmen gathered round. "these bears are tremendous animals to the indians,--kill all you can," said captain lewis. elated, every hunter went bear-hunting. "wonderful men that live on bears!" exclaimed the indians. again the council was renewed, and they talked of wars. bloody chief, fond of war, showed wounds received in battle with the snakes. "it is not good," said clark. "it is better to be at peace. here is a white flag. when you hold it up it means peace. we have given such flags to your enemies, the shoshones. they will not fight you now." fifty years later, that chief, tottering to his grave, said, "i held that flag. i held it up high. we met and talked, but never fought again." "we have confided in the white men. we shall follow their advice," black eagle went proclaiming through the village. all the kettles of soup were boiling. from kettle to kettle black eagle sprinkled in the flour of kouse. "we have confided in the white men. those who are to ratify this council, come and eat. all others stay away." the mush was done, the feast was served; a new dawn had arisen on the nez percés. finding it impossible to cross the mountains, a camp was established at kamiah creek, on a part of the present nez percé reservation in idaho county, idaho, where for a month they studied this amiable and gentle people. games were played and races run, coalter outspeeding all. frazer, who had been a fencing master in rutland, back in vermont, taught tricks, and the music of the fiddles delighted them. stout, portly, good-looking men were the nez percés, and better dressed than most savages, in their whitened tunics and leggings of deerskin and buffalo, moccasins and robes and breastplates of otter, and bandeaus of fox-skins like a turban on the brow. the women were small, of good features and generally handsome, in neatly woven tight-fitting grass caps and long buckskin skirts whitened with clay. upon the missouri the eagle was domesticated. here, too, the nez percé had his wicker coop of young eaglets to raise for their tail feathers. any rocky mountain indian would give a good horse for the black-and-white tail feather of a golden eagle. they fluttered from the calumet and hung in cascades from head to foot on the sacred war bonnet. a may snowstorm whitened the camas meadows and melted again. thick black loam invited the plough, but thirty springs should pass before spalding established his mission and gave ploughs to the redmen. twisted hair saw the advent of civilisation. red wolf planted an orchard. black eagle went to see clark at st. louis and died there. captain lewis held councils, instructing, educating, enlightening the kamiahs, so that to this day they are among the most advanced of indian tribes. captain clark, with simple remedies and some knowledge of medicine, became a mighty "tomanowos" among the ailing. with basilicons of pitch and oil, wax and resins, a sovereign remedy for skin eruptions, with horse-mint teas and doses of sulphur and cream-of-tartar, with eye-water, laudanum, and liniment, he treated all sorts of ills. fifty patients a day crowded to the tent of the red head. women suffering from rheumatism, the result of toil and exposure in the damp camas fields, came dejected and hysterical. they went back shouting, "the red head chief has made me well." the wife of a chief had an abscess. clark lanced it, and she slept for the first time in days. the grateful chief brought him a horse that was immediately slaughtered for supper. a father gave a horse in exchange for remedies for his little crippled daughter. with exposure to winds, alkali sand, and the smoke of chimneyless fires, few indians survived to old age without blindness. "eye-water! eye-water!" they reached for it as for a gift from the gods. clark understood such eyes, for the smoke of the pioneer cabin had made affections of the eye a curse of the frontier. but affairs were now at their lowest. even the medicines were exhausted, and the last awl, needle, and skein of thread had gone. off their shabby old united states uniforms the soldiers cut the last buttons to trade for bread. but instead of trinkets the sensible nez percés desired knives, buttons, awls for making moccasins, blankets, kettles. shields the gunsmith ingeniously hammered links of drouillard's trap into awls to exchange for bread. the tireless hunters scoured the country. farther and farther had scattered the game. even the bears had departed. thirty-three people ate a deer and an elk, or four deer a day. there was no commissariat for this little army but its own rifles. and yet, supplies must be laid in for crossing the mountains. every day captain lewis looked at the rising river and the melting snows of the idaho alps. "that icy barrier, which separates me from my friends and my country, from all which makes life estimable--patience--patience--" "the snow is yet deep on the mountains. you will not be able to pass them until the next full moon, or about the first of june," said the indians. "unwelcome intelligence to men confined to a diet of horse meat and roots!" exclaimed captain lewis. finally even horse-flesh failed. suspecting the situation, chief red wolf came and said, "the horses on these hills are ours. take what you need." he wore a tippet of human scalps, but, says lewis, "we have, indeed, on more than one occasion, had to admire the generosity of this indian, whose conduct presents a model of what is due to strangers in distress." gradually the snows melted, and the high water subsided. "the doves are cooing. the salmon will come," said the indians. blue flowers of the blooming camas covered the prairies like a lake of silver. with sixty-five horses and all the dried horse meat they could carry, on june , , lewis and clark started back over the bitter root range on the lolo trail by which they had entered. xxiv _over the bitter root range_ dog-tooth violets, roses, and strawberry blossoms covered the plain of weippe without end, but the lolo trail was deep with snow. deep and deeper grew the drifts, twelve and fifteen feet. the air was keen and cold with winter rigours. to go on in those grassless valleys meant certain death to all their horses, and so, for the first time, they fell back to wait yet other days for the snows to melt upon the mountains. "we must have experienced guides." drouillard and shannon were dispatched once more to the old camp, and lo! the salmon had come, in schools and shoals, reddening the kooskooskee with their flickering fins. again they faced the snowy barrier with guides who traversed the trackless region with instinctive sureness. "they never hesitate," said lewis. "they are never embarrassed. so undeviating is their step that whenever the snow has disappeared, even for a hundred paces, we find the summer road." up in the bitter root peaks, like the chamois of the alps, the oregon mazama, the mountain goat, frolicked amid inaccessible rocks. and there, in the snows of the mountain pass, most significant of all, were found the tracks of barefooted indians, supposed to have been flatheads, fleeing in distress from pursuing blackfeet. such was the battle of primitive man. the indians regarded the journey of the white men into the country of their hereditary foes as a venture to certain death. "danger!" whispered the guides, significantly rapping on their heads, drawing their knives across their throats, and pointing far ahead. every year the nez percés followed the lolo trail, stony and steep and ridgy with rocks and crossed with fallen trees, into the buffalo illahee, the buffalo country of the missouri. and for this the blackfeet fought them. the blackfeet, too, had been from time immemorial the deadly foe of the flatheads, their bone of contention for ever the buffalo. the blackfeet claimed as their own all the country lying east of the main range, and looked upon the flatheads who went there to hunt as intruders. the flathead country was west and at the base of the main rockies, along the missoula and clark's fork and northward to the fraser. with their sole weapon, the arrow, and their own undaunted audacity, twice a year occurred the buffalo chase, once in summer and once in winter. but "the ungodly blackfeet," scourge of the mountains, lay in wait to trap and destroy the flatheads as they would a herd of buffalo. and so it had been war, bitter war, for ages. but a new force had given to the blackfeet at the west and the sioux at the east supremacy over the rest of the tribes,--that was the white man's gun from the british forts on the saskatchewan. for spoils and scalps the blackfeet, arabs of the north, raided from the saskatchewan to mexico. they besieged fort edmonton at the north, and left their tomahawk mark on the digger indian's grave at the south. the shoshone-snakes, too, were immemorial and implacable enemies of both the blackfeet and the columbia tribes. they fought to the dalles and walla walla and up through the nez percés to spokane. their mad raiders threw up the dust of the utah desert, and chased the lone aztec to his last refuge in arizona cliffs. the blackfeet fought the shoshones, the crows, by superior cunning, fought the blackfeet, the assiniboines fought the crows, and the sioux, the lordly sioux, fought all. it was time for the white man's hand to stay the diabolical dance of death. xxv _beware the blackfeet!_ on the third of july, at the mouth of lolo creek, the expedition separated, lewis to cross to the falls of the missouri and explore marias river, clark to come to the three forks and cross to the yellowstone. with nine men and five indians captain lewis crossed the missoula on a raft, and following the nez percé trail along the river-of-the-road -to-buffalo, the big blackfoot of to-day, came out july , the first of white men, on the opening through the main range of the rockies now known as the lewis and clark pass. a blackfoot road led down to the churning waters of the great falls. pawing, fighting, ten thousand buffaloes were bellowing in one continuous roar that terrified the horses. the plain was black with a vast and angry army, bearing away to the southwest, flinging the dust like a simoom, through which deep-mouthed clangor rolled like thunder far away. and at their immediate feet, drouillard noted fresh tracks of indians dotting the soil; grizzly bears, grim guardians of the cataract, emitted hollow growls, and great gray wolves hung in packs and droves along the skirts of the buffalo herds, glancing now and then toward the little group of horsemen. in very defiance of danger, again lewis pitched his camp beside the falls, green and foamy as niagara. again buffalo meat, marrow bones, ribs, steaks, juicy and rich, sizzled around the blaze, and the hungry men ate, ate, ate. they had found the two extremes--want on one side of the mountains and abundance on the other. while lewis tried to write in his journal, huge brown mosquitoes, savage as the bears, bit and buzzed. lewis's dog howled with the torture, the same little assiniboine dog that had followed all their footsteps, had guarded and hunted as well as the best, had slept by the fire at clatsop and been stolen at the dalles. hurrying to their _cache_ at the bear islands, it was discovered that high water had flooded their skins and the precious specimens of plants were soaked and ruined. a bottle of laudanum had spoiled a chestful of medicine. but the charts of the missouri remained uninjured, and trunks, boxes, carriage wheels, and blunderbuss were all right. "transport the baggage around the falls and wait for me at the mouth of maria's river to the first of september," said captain lewis, setting out with drouillard and the fields boys. "if by that time i am not there, go on and join captain clark and return home. but if my life and health are spared, i shall meet you on the th of august." it was not without misgivings that sergeant gass and his comrades saw the gallant captain depart into the hostile blackfoot country. with only three men at his back it was a daring venture. already the five nez percés, fearful of their foes, had dropped off to seek their friends the flatheads. in vain lewis had promised to intercede and make peace between the tribes. their terror of the blackfeet surpassed their confidence in white men. "look!" on the second day out drouillard suddenly pointed, and leaning far over on his horse, examined a trail that would have escaped an eye less keen than his. "blackfeet!" the vicious and profligate rovers that of all it was most desirable not to meet! hastily crossing the teton into a thick wood, the party camped that night unmolested. on the eighth day captain lewis suddenly spied several indians on a hilltop intently watching drouillard in the valley. thirty horses, some led, some saddled, stood like silhouettes against the sky. kneeling they scanned the movements of the unconscious hunter below. "escape is impossible. we must make the most of our situation. if they attempt to rob us, we will resist to the last extremity. i would rather die than lose my papers and instruments." boldly advancing with a flag in his hand, followed by the two fields brothers, lewis drew quite near before the indians perceived these other white men. terrified, they ran about in confusion. evidently with them a stranger meant a foe. captain lewis dismounted, and held out his hand. slowly the chief blackfoot approached, then wheeled in flight. at last, with extreme caution, the two parties met and shook hands. lewis gave to one a flag, to another a medal, to a third a handkerchief. the tumultuous beating of the indians' hearts could almost be heard. there proved to be but eight of them, armed with two guns, bows, arrows, and eye-daggs, a sort of war-hatchet. "i am glad to see you," said lewis. "i have much to say. let us camp together." the indians assented and set up their semi-circular tent by the willows of the river. here drouillard, the hunter, skilled in the sign language of redmen, drew out their story. yes, they knew white men. they traded on the saskatchewan six days' march away. yes, there were more of them, two large bands, on the forks of this river, a day above. what did they trade at the saskatchewan? skins, wolves, and beaver, for guns and ammunition. then lewis talked. he came from the rising sun. he had been to the great lake at the west. he had seen many nations at war and had made peace. he had stopped to make peace between the blackfeet and the flatheads. "we are anxious for peace with the flatheads. but those people have lately killed a number of our relatives and we are in mourning." yes, they would come down and trade with lewis if he built a fort at maria's river. until a late hour they smoked, then slept. lewis and drouillard lay down and slept with the indians, while the two fields boys kept guard by the fire at the door of the tent. "let go my gun." it was the voice of drouillard in the half-light of the tent at sunrise struggling with a blackfoot. with a start lewis awoke and reached for his gun. it was gone. the deft thieves had all but disarmed the entire party. chase followed. in the scuffle for his gun, reuben fields stabbed a blackfoot to the heart. no sooner were the guns recovered than the horses were gone. "leave the horses or i will shoot," shouted lewis, chasing out of breath to a steep notch in the river bluffs. madly the indians were tearing away with the horses. lewis fired and killed a blackfoot. bareheaded, the captain felt a returning bullet whistle through his hair, but the indians dropped the horses, and away went swimming across the marias. delay meant death. quickly saddling their horses, lewis and his men made for the missouri as fast as possible, hearing at every step in imagination the pursuing "hoo-oh! whoop-ah-hooh!" that was destined to make marias river the scene of many a bloody massacre by the vengeful blackfeet. expecting interception at the mouth of marias river, the white men rode with desperation to form a junction with their friends. all day, all night they galloped, until, exhausted, they halted at two o'clock in the morning to rest their flagging horses. that forenoon, having ridden one hundred and twenty miles since the skirmish, they reached the mouth of marias river, just in time to see sergeant gass, the fleet of canoes, and all, descending from above. leaping from their horses, they took to the boats, and soon left the spot, seventy, eighty, a hundred miles a day, down the swift missouri. xxvi _down the yellowstone_ as lewis turned north toward marias river, clark with the rest of the party and fifty horses set his face along the bitter root valley toward the south. every step he trod became historic ground in the romance of settlement, wars, and gold. into this bitter root valley were to come the first white settlers of montana, and upon them, through the hell gate pass of the rockies, above the present missoula, were to sweep again and again the bloodthirsty blackfeet. "it is as safe to enter the gates of hell as to enter that pass," said the old trappers and traders. more and more beautiful became the valley, pink as a rose with the delicate bloom of the bitter-root, the mayflower of montana. here for ages the patient flatheads had dug and dried their favourite root until the whole valley was a garden. as clark's cavalcade wound through this vale, deer flitted before the riders, multitudinous mountain streams leaped across their way, herds of bighorns played around the snowbanks on the heights. across an intervening ridge the train descended into ross hole, where first they met the flatheads. there were signs of recent occupation; a fire was still burning; but the flatheads were gone. out of ross hole sacajawea pointed the way by clark's pass, over the continental divide, to the big hole river where the trail disappeared or scattered. but sacajawea knew the spot. "here my people gather the kouse and the camas; here we take the beaver; and yonder, see, a door in the mountains." on her little pony, with her baby on her back, the placid indian girl led the way into the labyrinthine rockies. clark followed, descending into the beautiful big hole prairie, where in a great battle was to be fought with chief joseph, exactly one hundred years after the troubles, when george rogers clark laid before patrick henry his plan for the capture of illinois. out of the big hole, chief joseph was to escape with his women, his children, and his dead, to be chased a thousand miles over the very summit of the rockies! standing there on the field of future battle, "onward!" still urged sacajawea, "the gap there leads to your canoes!" the bird woman knew these highlands,--they were her native hills. as sacajawea fell back, the men turned their horses at a gallop. almost could they count the milestones now, down willard creek, where first paying gold was discovered in montana, past shoshone cove, over the future site of bannock to the jefferson. scarcely taking the saddles from their steeds, the eager men ran to open the _cache_ hid from the shoshones. to those who so long had practised self-denial it meant food, clothing, merchandise--an indian ship in the wild. everything was safe, goods, canoes, tobacco. in a trice the long-unused pipes were smoking with the weed of old virginia. "better than any injun red-willer k'nick-er-k'nick!" said coalter, the hunter. leaving sergeant pryor with six men to bring on the horses, captain clark and the rest embarked in the canoes, and were soon gliding down the emerald jefferson, along whose banks for sixty years no change should come. impetuous mountain streams, calmed to the placid pool of the beaver dam, widened into lakes and marshes. beaver, otter, musk-rats innumerable basked along the shore. around the boats all night the disturbed denizens flapped the water with their tails,--angry at the invasion of their solitude. at the three forks, clark's pony train remounted for the yellowstone, prancing and curveting along the beaver-populated dells of the gallatin. before them arose, bewildering, peak on peak, but again the bird woman, sacajawea, pointed out the yellowstone gap, the bozeman pass of to-day, on the great shoshone highway. many a summer had sacajawea, child of elfin locks, ridden on the trailing travoises through this familiar gateway into the buffalo haunts of yellowstone park. slowly clark and his expectant cavalcade mounted the pass, where for ages the buffalo and the indian alone had trod. as they reached the summit, the glorious yellowstone alps burst on their view. at their feet a rivulet, born on the mountain top, leaped away, bright and clear, over its gravelly bed to the yellowstone in the plains below. it was the brother of george rogers clark that stood there, one to the manner born of riding great rivers or breaking through mountain chains. but thirty years had elapsed since that elder brother and daniel boone had threaded the cumberland gap of the alleghanies. the highways of the buffalo became the highways of the nation. "it is no more than eighteen miles," said clark, glancing back from the high snowy gap, half piercing, half surmounting the dividing ridge between the missouri and the yellowstone, so nearly do their headwaters interlock. in coming up this pass, clark's party went through the present city limits of bozeman, the county seat of gallatin, and over the route of future indians, trappers, miners, road builders, and last and greatest of all, armies of permanent occupation that are marching still to the valleys of fertile montana. up the shining yellowstone, over the belt range, through the tunnel to bozeman, the iron horse flits to-day, on, westerly one hundred miles to helena, almost in the exact footsteps trodden by the heroic youth of one hundred years ago. among the cottonwood groves of the yellowstone, clark's men quickly fashioned a pair of dugouts, lashed together with rawhide; and in these frail barks, twenty-eight feet long, the captain and party embarked, leaving sergeant pryor, shannon, windsor, and hall to bring on the horses. all manner of trouble pryor had with those horses. lame from continual travel, he made moccasins for their feet. they were buffalo runners, trained for the hunt. at sight of the yellowstone herds away they flew, to chase in the old wild indian fashion of their red masters. no sooner had pryor rounded them up and brought them back than they disappeared utterly,--stolen by the crows. not one of the entire fifty horses was ever recovered. here was a serious predicament. down the impetuous yellowstone clark's boats had already gone. alone in the heart of the buffalo country these four men were left, thousands of miles from the haunts of civilised man. "we must join captain clark at all hazards. we must improvise boats," said shannon. sergeant pryor recalled the welsh coracles of the mandans. "can we make one?" long slim saplings were bent to form a hoop for the rim, another hoop held by cross-sticks served for the bottom. over this rude basket green buffalo hides were tightly drawn, and in these frail craft they took to the water, close in the wake of their unconscious captain. and meanwhile clark was gliding down the yellowstone. on either bank buffaloes dotted the landscape, under the shade of trees and standing in the water like cattle, or browsing on a thousand hills. gangs of stately elk, light troops of sprightly antelopes, fleet and graceful as the gazelle of oriental song, deer of slim elastic beauty, and even bighorns that could be shot from the boat. sometimes were heard the booming subterranean geysers hidden in the hollows of the mountains, but none in the party yet conceived of the wonders of yellowstone park that coalter came back to discover that same autumn. one day clark landed to examine a remarkable rock. its sides were carved with indian figures, and a cairn was heaped upon the summit. stirred by he knew not what impulse, clark named it pompey's pillar, and carved his name upon the yielding sandstone, where his bold lettering is visible yet to-day. more and more distant each day grew the rockies, etched fainter each night on the dim horizon of the west. more and more numerous grew the buffaloes, delaying the boats with their countless herds stampeding across the yellowstone. for an hour one day the boats waited, the wide river blackened by their backs, and before night two other herds, as numerous as the first, came beating across the yellow-brown tide. but more than buffaloes held sway on the magic yellowstone. wrapped in their worn-out blankets the men could not sleep for the scourge of mosquitoes; they could not sight their rifles for the clouds of moving, whizzing, buzzing, biting insects. even the buffalo were stifled by them in their nostrils. nine hundred miles now had they come down the yellowstone, to its junction with the missouri half a mile east of the montana border, but no sign yet had they found of lewis. clark wrote on the sand, "w. c. a few miles further down on the right hand side." august , sergeant pryor and his companions appeared in their little skin tubs. four days later, there was a shout and waving of caps,--the boats of captain lewis came in sight at noon. but a moment later every cheek blanched with alarm. "where is captain lewis?" demanded clark, running forward. there in the bottom of a canoe, lewis lay as one dead, pale but smiling. he had been shot. with the gentleness of a brother clark lifted him up, and they carried him to camp. "a mistake,--an accident,--'tis nothing," he whispered. and then the story leaked out. cruzatte, one-eyed, near-sighted, mistaking lewis in his dress of brown leather for an elk, had shot him through the thigh. with the assistance of patrick gass, lewis had dressed the wound himself. on account of great pain and high fever he slept that night in the boat. and now the party were happily reunited. xxvii _the home stretch_ in the distance there was a gleam of coloured blankets where the beehive huts of the mandan village lay. a firing of guns and the blunderbuss brought black cat to the boats. "come and eat." and with the dignity of an old roman, the chief extended his hand. "come and eat," was the watchword of every chieftain on the missouri. even the sioux said, "come and eat!" hospitable as arabs, they spread the buffalo robe and brought the pipe. while the officers talked with the master of the lodge, the silent painstaking squaws put the kettles on the fire, and slaughtered the fatted dog for the honoured guests. "how many chiefs will accompany us to washington?" that was the first inquiry of the business-pushing white men. through jussaume the indians answered. "i would go," said the black cat, "but de sioux--" "de sioux will certainly kill us," said le borgne of the minnetarees. "dey are waiting now to intercept you on de river. dey will cut you off." "we stay at home. we listen to your counsel," piped up little cherry. "but dey haf stolen our horses. dey haf scalp our people." "we must fight to protect ourselves," added the black cat. "we live in peace wit' all nation--'cept de sioux!" in vain captain clark endeavoured to quiet their apprehensions. "we shall not suffer the sioux to injure one of our red children." "i pledge my government that a company of armed men shall guard you on your return," added lewis. at this point jussaume reported that shahaka, or big white, in his wish to see the president, had overcome his fears. he would go to washington. six feet tall, of magnificent presence, with hair white and coarse as a horse's mane, shahaka, of all the chiefs, was the one to carry to the states the tradition of a white admixture in the mandan blood. "the handsomest injun i iver saw," said patrick gass. arrangements for departure were now made as rapidly as possible. presents of corn, beans, and squashes, more than all the boats could carry, were piled around the white men's camp. the blacksmith's tools were intrusted to charboneau for the use of the mandans. the blunderbuss, given to the minnetarees, was rolled away to their village with great exultation. "now let the sioux come!" it was a challenge and a refuge. the iron corn mill was nowhere to be seen. for scarcely had lewis and clark turned their backs for the upper missouri before it had been broken into bits to barb the indian arrows. sacajawea looked wistfully. she, too, would like to visit the white man's country. "we will take you and your wife down if you choose to go," said captain clark to charboneau. "i haf no acquaintance, no prospect to mak' a leeving dere," answered the interpreter. "i mus' leeve as i haf done." "i will take your son and have him educated as a white child should be," continued the captain. charboneau and sacajawea looked at one another and at their beautiful boy now nineteen months old, prattling in their midst. "we would be weeling eef de child were weaned," slowly spake charboneau. "een wan year, he be ole enough to leaf he moder. i den tak' eem to you eef you be so friendly to raise eem as you t'ink proper." "bring him to me in one year. i will take the child," said captain clark. captain lewis paid charboneau five hundred dollars, loaded sacajawea with what gifts he could, and left them in the mandan country. all was now ready for the descent to st. louis. the boats, lashed together in pairs, were at the shore. big white was surrounded by his friends, seated in a circle, solemnly smoking. the women wept aloud; the little children trembled and hid behind their mothers. more courageous than any, shahaka immediately sent his wife and son with their baggage on board. the interpreter, jussaume, with his wife and two children, accompanied them. yes, madame jussaume was going to washington! sacajawea, modest princess of the shoshones, heroine of the great expedition, stood with her babe in arms and smiled upon them from the shore. so had she stood in the rocky mountains pointing out the gates. so had she followed the great rivers, navigating the continent. sacajawea's hair was neatly braided, her nose was fine and straight, and her skin pure copper like the statue in some old florentine gallery. madonna of her race, she had led the way to a new time. to the hands of this girl, not yet eighteen, had been intrusted the key that unlocked the road to asia. some day upon the bozeman pass, sacajawea's statue will stand beside that of clark. some day, where the rivers part, her laurels will vie with those of lewis. across north america a shoshone indian princess touched hands with jefferson, opening her country. all the chiefs had gathered to see the boats start. "stay but one moment," they said. clark stepped back. black cat handed him a pipe, as if for benediction. the solemn smoke-wreaths soon rolled upward. "tell our great fader de young men will remain at home and not mak' war on any people, except in self-defence." "tell de rickara to come and visit. we mean no harm." "tak' good care dis chief. he will bring word from de great fader." it was a promise and a prayer. strong chiefs turned away with misgiving and trepidation as they saw shahaka depart with the white men. dropping below their old winter quarters at fort mandan, lewis and clark saw but a row of pickets left. the houses lay in ashes, destroyed by an accidental fire. all were there for the homeward pull but coalter. he had gone back with hancock and dickson, two adventurers from boone's settlement, to discover the yellowstone park. on the fourth day out three frenchmen were met approaching the mandan nation with the message,-- "seven hundert sioux haf pass de rickara to mak' war on de mandan an' minnetaree." fortunately, shahaka did not understand, and no one told him. the arikara village greeted the passing boats. lewis, still lame, requested clark to go up to the village. like children confessing their misdeeds the arikaras began: "we cannot keep the peace! our young men follow the sioux!" the wild cheyennes, with their dogs and horses and handsome leathern lodges, were here on a trading visit, to exchange with the arikaras meat and robes for corn and beans. they were a noble race, of straight limbs and roman noses, unaccustomed to the whites, shy and cautious. "we war against none but the sioux, with whom we have battled for ever," they said. everywhere there was weeping and mourning. "my son, my son, he has been slain by the sioux!" between the lands of the warring nations surged seas of buffalo, where to-day are the waving bonanza wheat fields of north dakota. from an eminence clark looked over the prairies. "more buffalo than ever i have seen before at one time,"--and he had seen many. "if it be not impossible to calculate the moving multitude that darkens the plains, twenty thousand would be no exaggerated estimate." they were now well into the country of the great sioux indian confederacy. arms and ammunition were inspected. the sharp air thrilled and filled them with new vigour. no wonder the sioux were never still. the ozone of the arctic was in their veins, the sweeping winds drove them, the balsamic prairie was their bed, the sky their canopy. they never shut themselves up in stuffy mud huts, as did the mandans; they lived in tents. unrestrained, unregenerate, there was in them the fire of the six nations, of king philip and of pontiac. tall, handsome, finely formed, agile, revengeful, intelligent, capable,--they loved their country and they hated strangers. so did the greeks. an effeminate nation would have fallen before them as did the roman before the goth, but in the anglo-saxon they met their master. "whoop-ah-ho-o-oh!" as anticipated, black buffalo and his pirate band were on the hills. whether that fierce cry meant defiance or greeting no man could tell. "whoop-ah-ho-o-oh!" the whole band rushed down to the shore, and even out into the water, shouting invitations to land, and waving from the sand-banks. but too fresh in memory was the attempt to carry off captain clark. jubilant, hopeful, and full of the fire of battle as the white men were, yet no one wished to test the prowess of the sioux. unwilling to venture an interview, the boats continued on their way. black buffalo shook his war bonnet defiantly, and returning to the hill smote the earth three times with the butt of his rifle, the registration of a mighty oath against the whites. leaving behind them a wild brandishing of bows, arrows, and tomahawks, and an atmosphere filled with taunts, insults, and imprecations, the boats passed out of sight. wafted on the wind followed that direful "whoop-ah-ho-o-oh!" ending with the piercing shrill indian yell that for sixty years froze the earliest life blood of minnesota and dakota. here in the land of the teton sioux was to be planted the future fort rice, where exactly sixty years after lewis and clark, there crossed the missouri one of the most powerful, costly, and best equipped expeditions ever sent out against hostile indians,--four thousand cavalry, eight hundred mounted infantry, twelve pieces of artillery, three hundred government teams, three hundred beef steers, and fifteen steamboats to carry supplies,--to be joined here on the fourth of july, , by an emigrant train of one hundred and sixty teams and two hundred and fifty people,--the van guard of montana settlement. the sioux were defeated in the bad lands, and the emigrants were carried safely through to helena, where they and their descendants live to-day. already sweeping up the missouri, lewis and clark met advancing empire. near vermilion river, james aird was camping with a license to trade among the sioux. "what is the news from st. louis?" there on the borders of a future great state, lewis and clark first heard that burr and hamilton had fought a duel and hamilton was killed; that three hundred american troops were cantoned at bellefontaine, a new log fort on the missouri; that spain had taken a united states frigate on the mediterranean; that two british ships of war had fired on an american ship in the port of new york, killing the captain's brother. great was the indignation in the united states against jefferson and the impressment of american seamen. "the money spent for louisiana would have been much better used in building fighting ships." "the president had much better be protecting our rights than cutting up animals and stuffing the skins of dead raccoons." "where is our national honour? gone, abandoned on the mississippi." and these _coureurs_ on the mississippi heard that the conflict foreseen by napoleon, when he gave us louisiana, was raging now in all its fury, interdicting the commerce of the world. to their excited ears the river rushed and rocked, the earth rumbled, with the roar of cannon. to themselves lewis and clark seemed a very small part of the forces that make and unmake nations,--and yet that expedition meant more to the world than the field of waterloo! the next noon, on ascending the hill of floyd's bluff they found the indians had opened the grave of their comrade. reverently it was filled again. home from the buffalo hunt in the plains of the nebraska, the omahas were firing guns to signal their return to gather in their harvest of corn, beans, and pumpkins. keel boats, barges, and bateaux came glistening into view,--auguste chouteau with merchandise to trade with the yanktons, another chouteau to the platte, a trader with two men to the pawnee loupes, and joseph la croix with seven men bound for the omahas. through the lessening distance clark recognised on one of the barges his old comrade, robert mcclellan, the wonderful scout of wayne's army, who had ridden on many an errand of death. since wayne's victory mcclellan had been a ranger still, but now the indians were quieting down,--all except tecumseh. "the country has long since given you up," he told the captain. "we have word from jefferson to seek for news of lewis and clark. the general opinion in the united states is that you are lost in the unfathomable depths of the continent. but president jefferson has hopes. the last heard of you was at the mandan villages." with a laugh they listened to their own obituaries. on the same barge with mcclellan was gravelines with orders from jefferson to instruct the arikaras in agriculture, and dorion to help make way through the sioux. "brave raven, the arikara chief, died in washington," said gravelines. "i am on my way to them with a speech from the president and the presents which have been made to the chief." how home now tugged at their heart strings! eager to be on the way, they bade farewell to mcclellan. down, down they shot along, wind, current, and paddle in their favour, past shores where the freebooting kansas indians robbed the traders, past increasing forests of walnut, elm, oak, hickory. the men were now reduced to a biscuit apiece. wild turkeys gobbled on shore, but the party paused not a moment to hunt. on the twentieth a mighty shout went up. they heard the clank of cow bells, and saw tame cattle feeding on the hills of charette, the home of daniel boone. with cheers and firing of guns they landed at the village. "we are indeet astonished," exclaimed the joyful habitants, grasping their hands. "you haf been given up for det long tam since." the men were scattered among the families for the night, honoured guests of charette. "plaintee tam we wish ourself back on ole san loui'," said cruzatte to his admiring countrymen. to their surprise lewis and clark found new settlements all the way down from charette. september , firing a tremendous salute from the old stone tower behind the huts, all st. charles paid tribute to the homeric heroes who had wandered farther than ulysses and slain more monsters than hercules. just above the junction of the missouri and mississippi rivers loomed the fresh mud chimneys of the new log fort bellefontaine, colonel thomas hunt in command, and dr. saugrain, surgeon, appointed by jefferson. the colonel's pretty little daughter, abby hunt, looked up in admiration at lewis and clark, and followed all day these "indian white men" from the north. forty years after she told the story of that arrival. "they wore dresses of deerskin, fringed and worked with porcupine quills, something between a military undress frock coat and an indian shirt, with leggings and moccasins, three-cornered cocked hats and long beards." standing between the centuries in that log fort on the missouri, pretty little abby hunt herself was destined to become historic, as the wife of colonel snelling and the mother of the first white child born in minnesota. after an early breakfast with colonel hunt, the expedition set out for the last stretch homeward. they rounded out of the missouri into the mississippi, and pulled up to st. louis at noon, tuesday, september , , after an absence of nearly two years and a half. xxviii _the old stone forts of st. louis_ it was noon when lewis and clark sighted the old stone forts of the spanish time. never had that frontier site appeared so noble, rising on a vast terrace from the rock-bound river. as the white walls burst on their view, with simultaneous movement every man levelled his rifle. the captains smiled and gave the signal,--the roar of thirty rifles awoke the echoes from the rocks. running down the stony path to the river came the whole of st. louis,--eager, meagre, little frenchmen, tanned and sallow and quick of gait, smaller than the americans, but graceful and gay, with a heartfelt welcome; black-eyed french women in camasaks and kerchiefs, dropping their trowels in their neat little gardens where they had been delving among the hollyhocks; gay little french children in red petticoats; and here and there a kentuckian, lank and lean, eager,--all tripping and skipping down to the water's edge. elbowing his way among them came monsieur auguste chouteau, the most noted man in st. louis. pierre, his brother, courtly, well-dressed, eminently social, came also; and even madame, their mother, did not disdain to come down to welcome her friends, _les américains_. it was like the return of a fur brigade, with shouts of laughter and genuine rejoicing. "_mon dieu! mon dieu!_ eet ees leewes an' clark whom ve haf mournt as det in dose rock mountain. what good word mought dey bring from te fur countree." with characteristic abandon the emotional little frenchmen flung their arms around the stately forms of lewis and clark, and more than one pretty girl that day printed a kiss on their bearded lips. "major christy,--well, i declare!" an old wayne's army comrade grasped captain clark by the hand. what memories that grasp aroused! william christy, one of his brother officers, ready not more than a dozen years ago to aid in capturing this same san luis de ilinoa! "i have moved to this town. i have a tavern. send your baggage right up!" and forthwith a creaking charette came lumbering down the rocky way. "take a room at my house." pierre chouteau grasped the hands of both captains at once. and to chouteau's they went. "but first we must send word of our safe arrival to the president," said lewis, feeling unconsciously for certain papers that had slept next his heart for many a day. "te post haf departed from san loui'," remarked a bystander. "departed? it must be delayed. here, drouillard, hurry with this note to mr. hay at cahokia and bid him hold the mail until to-morrow noon." drouillard, with his old friend pascal cerré, the son of gabriel, set off at once across the mississippi. the wharf was lined with flatboats loaded with salt for 'kasky and furs for new orleans. once a month a one-horse mail arrived at cahokia. formerly st. louis went over there for mail,--st. louis was only a village near cahokia then; but already _les américains_ were turning things upside down. "we haf a post office now. san loui' haf grown." every one said that. to eyes that had seen nothing more stately than fort mandan or clatsop, st. louis had taken on metropolitan airs. in the old fort where lately lounged the spanish governor, peering anxiously across the dividing waters, and whence had lately marched the spanish garrison, american courts of justice were in session. out of the old spanish martello tower on the hill, a few indian prisoners looked down on the animated street below. with the post office and the court house had come the american school, and already vivacious french children were claiming as their own, patrick henry, thomas jefferson, and george washington. just opposite the chouteau mansion was the old spanish government house, the house where george rogers clark had met and loved the dazzling donna. aaron burr had lately been there, feted by the people, plotting treason with wilkinson in the government house itself; and now his disorganised followers, young men of birth and education from atlantic cities, stranded in st. louis, were to become the pioneer schoolmasters of upper louisiana. new houses were rising on every hand. in the good old french days, goods at fabulous prices were kept in boxes. did madame or mademoiselle wish anything, it must be unpacked as from a trunk. once a year goods arrived. sugar, gunpowder, blankets, spices, knives, hatchets, and kitchen-ware, pell-mell, all together, were coming out now onto shelves erected by the thrifty americans. already new stores stood side by side with the old french mansions. "alas! te good old quiet times are gone," sighed the french habitants, wiping a tear with the blue bandana. and while they looked askance at the tall americans, elephantine horses, and conestoga waggons, that kept crossing the river, the prices of the little two-acre farms of the frenchmen went up, until in a few years the old french settlers were the nabobs of the land. already two ferry lines were transporting a never-ending line through this new gateway to the wider west. land-mad settlers were flocking into "jefferson's purchase," grubbing out hazel roots, splitting rails, making fences, building barns and bridges. men whose sole wealth consisted in an auger, a handsaw, and a gun, were pushing into the prairies and the forests. long-bearded, dressed in buckskin, with a knife at his belt and a rifle at his back, the forest-ranging backwoodsman was over-running louisiana. "why do you live so isolated?" the stranger would ask. "i never wish to hear the bark of a neighbour's dog. when you hear the sound of a neighbour's gun it is time to move away." thus, solitary and apart, the american frontiersman took up missouri. strolling along the rue royale, followed by admiring crowds, lewis and clark found themselves already at the pierre chouteau mansion, rising like an old-world chateau amid the lesser st. louis. up the stone steps, within the demi-fortress, there were glimpses of fur warehouses, stables, slaves' quarters, occupying a block,--practically a fort within the city. other guests were there before them,--charles gratiot, who had visited the clarks in virginia, and john p. cabanné, who was to wed gratiot's daughter, julia. on one of those flatboats crowding the wharf that morning came happy pierre menard, the most illustrious citizen of kaskaskia, with his bride of a day, angelique saucier. pierre menard's nephew, michel menard, was shortly to leave for texas, to become an indian trader and founder of the city of galveston. at the board, too, sat pierre chouteau, the younger, just returned from a trip up the mississippi with julien dubuque, where he had helped to start dubuque and open the lead mines. out of the wild summer grape the old inhabitants of st. louis had long fabricated their choicest burgundy. but of late the chouteaus had begun to import their wine from france, along with ebony chairs, claw-footed tables, and other luxuries, the first in this mississippi wild. for never had the fur-trade been so prosperous. there was laughter and clinking of glasses, and questions of lands beyond the yellowstone. out of that hour arose schemes for a trapper's conquest along the trail on which ten future states were strung. "the mouth of the yellowstone commands the rich fur-trade of the rocky mountains," said captain clark. captain lewis dwelt on the three forks as a strategic point for a fort. no one there listened with more breathless intent than the dark-haired boy, the young chouteau, who was destined to become the greatest financier of the west, a king of the fur trade, first rival and then partner of john jacob astor. no wonder the home-coming of lewis and clark was the signal for enterprises such as this country had never yet seen. they had penetrated a realm whose monarch was the grizzly bear, whose queen was the beaver, whose armies were indian tribes and the buffalo. gallic love of gaiety and amusement found in this return ample opportunity for the indulgence of hospitable dancing and feasting. every door was open. every house, from chouteau's down, had its guest out of the gallant thirty-one. hero-worship was at its height. hero-worship is characteristic of youthful, progressive peoples. whole nations strive to emulate ideals. the moment that ceases, ossification begins. here the ideals were lewis and clark. they had been west; their men had been west. they, who had traced the missouri to its cradle in the mountains, who had smoked the calumet with remotest tribes, who had carried the flag to the distant pacific, became the lions of st. louis. such spontaneous welcome made a delightful impression upon the hearts of the young captains, and they felt a strong inclination to make the city their permanent home. the galleries of the little inns of st. louis were filled with frenchmen, smoking and telling stories all day long. nothing hurried, nothing worried them; the rise of the river, the return of a brigade, alone broke the long summer day of content. but here was something new. even york, addicted to romance, told munchausen tales of thrilling incidents that never failed of an appreciative audience. trappers, flat-boatmen, frontiersmen, and frenchmen loved to spin long yarns at the green tree inn, but york could outdo them all. he had been to the ocean, had seen the great whale and sturgeon that put all inland fish stories far into the shade. petrie, auguste chouteau's old negro, who came with him as a boy and grew old and thought he owned auguste chouteau,--petrie, who always said, "me and the colonel," met in york for the first time one greater than himself. immediately upon their return lewis and clark had repaired to the barber and tailor, and soon bore little resemblance to the tawny frontiersmen in fringed hunting-shirts and beards that had so lately issued from the wilderness. in the upper story of the chouteau mansion, the captains regarded with awe the high four-poster with its cushiony, billowy feather-bed. "this is too luxurious! york, bring my robe and bear-skin." lewis and clark could not sleep in beds that night. they heard the watch call and saw the glimmer of campfires in their dreams. the grandeur of the mountains was upon them, cold and white and crowned with stars, the vastness of the prairie and the dashing of ocean, the roar of waterfalls, the hum of insects, and the bellowing of buffalo. they knew now the missouri like the face of a friend; they had stemmed its muddy mouth, had evaded its shifting sandbanks, had watched its impetuous falls that should one day whirl a thousand wheels. up windings green as paradise they had drunk of its crystal sources in the mountains. they had seen it when the mountains cast their shadows around the campfires, and in the blaze of noon when the quick tempest beat it into ink. they had seen it white in mandan winter, the icy trail of brave and buffalo; and they had seen it crimson, when far-off peaks were tipped with amethystine gold. in the vast and populous solitude of nature they had followed the same missouri spreading away into the beaver-meadows of the madison, the jefferson, and the gallatin, and had written their journals on hillsides where the windflower and the larkspur grew wild on montana hills. an instinct, a relic, an inheritance of long ago was upon them, when their ancestors roved the earth untrammelled by cities and civilisation, when the rock was man's pillow and the cave his home, when the arrow in his strong hand brought the fruits of the chase, when garments of skin clad his limbs, and god spoke to the white savage under the old phoenician stars. in their dreams they felt the rain and wind beat on their leather tent. sacajawea's baby cried, spring nodded with the rosy clarkia, screamed with clark's crow, and tapped with lewis's woodpecker. "rat-tat-tat!" was that the woodpecker? no, some one was knocking at the door of their bed chamber. and no one else than pierre chouteau himself. "drouillard is back from cahokia ready to carry your post. the rider waits." this was the world again. it was morning. throwing off robes and bear-skins, and rising from the hardwood floor where they had voluntarily camped that night, both captains looked at the tables strewn with letters, where until past midnight they had sat the night before. there lay clark's letter to his brother, george rogers, and there, also, was the first rough draft of lewis's letter to the president, in a hand as fine and even as copperplate, but interlined, and blotted with erasures. in the soft, warm st. louis morning, with mississippi breezes rustling the curtain, after a hurried breakfast both set to work to complete the letters. for a time nothing was heard but the scratching of quill pens, as each made clean copies of their letters for transmission to the far-off centuries. but no centuries troubled then; to-day,--_to-day_, was uppermost. york stuck in his head, hat in hand. "massah clahk, drewyer say he hab jus' time, sah." "well, sir, tell drouillard the whole united states mail service can wait on us to-day. we are writing to the president." before ten o'clock drouillard was off to cahokia with messages that gave to the nation at large its first intimation that the pacific expedition was a consummated fact. xxix _to washington_ there were hurried days at st. louis, a village that knew not haste before. the skins were sunned and stored in the rooms of cadet chouteau. boxes of specimens were packed for the government. captain lewis opened his trunk and found his papers all wet. the hermetically sealed tin cases that held the precious journals alone had saved these from destruction. the captains had their hands full. the restless men must be paid and discharged. nine of the adventurers within a week after the return to st. louis sold their prospective land claims for a pittance. seven of these claims were bought by their fellow soldiers; sergeant john ordway took several of the men and settled on the site of the present city of new madrid. robert frazer received two hundred and fifty dollars for his claim, and prepared to publish his travels,--a volume that never saw the light. in addition to land grants, the men received double pay amounting altogether to eleven thousand dollars. a grand dinner, given by st. louis, a ball and farewell, and the captains were on the way with their mandan chief, big white, and his indians, and gass, shannon, ordway, pryor, and bratton. "the route by which i propose travelling to washington is by way of cahokia, vincennes, louisville, the crab orchard, fincastle, staunton, and charlottesville," captain lewis had written in that letter to jefferson. "any letters directed to me at louisville will most probably meet me at that place." with well-filled saddle-bags, the returning heroes crossed to cahokia and set out across illinois in the indian summer of . governor harrison was at vincennes, and vigo, and a hundred others to welcome. "hurrah for old kentucky!" cried clark, as he caught sight of its limestone shores. on many a smiling hilltop, the log cabin had expanded into a baronial country seat, with waxed floors and pianos. already the stables were full of horses, the halls were full of music. clark, lewis, and big white climbed the cliff to the point of rock. who but chiefs should visit there? with newspapers around him, sat george rogers clark, following the career of napoleon. that calm and splendid eye kindled at sight of his brother. his locks had grown longer, his eye a deeper black under the shaggy brows, but the revolutionary hero shone in every lineament as he took the hands of the two explorers. with the dashing waters at their feet, upon the lonely point of rock, above the falls of the ohio, william clark stopped first to greet his brother from the great expedition. painters may find a theme here, and future romancers a page in drama. without delay, taking his rusty three-cornered _chapeau_ from its peg, and donning his faded uniform, the conqueror of illinois accompanied the explorers to locust grove, ablaze that night with welcome. lucy, fanny, edmund were there; and jonathan from mulberry hill; major croghan, the courtly host of old; and the lad, george croghan, now in his fifteenth year. all too quickly fled the hours; the hickory flamed and the brass andirons shone not brighter than the happy faces. spread around for exhibition were mandan robes, fleeces of the mountain goat, clatsop hats, buffalo horns, and indian baskets, captain clark's "tiger-cat coat," indian curios, and skins of grizzly bears,--each article suggestive of adventure surpassing marco polo or the arabian nights. another huge box, filled with bones for the president, had been left with george rogers clark at the point of rock. louisville received the explorers with bonfires and cannonry. a grand ball was given in their honour, in which the indians, especially, shone in medals and plumage. the next day there was a sad visit to mill creek, where lamenting parents received the last token and listened to the final word concerning their beloved son, sergeant charles floyd. a cold wind and a light fall of snow warned them no time must be lost in crossing the kentucky mountains; but encumbered with the indian retinue they made slow progress along that atrocious road, on which the followers of boone had "sometimes paused to pray and sometimes stopped to swear." a few days beyond cumberland gap, clark's heart beat a tattoo; they had come to fincastle! among its overhanging vines and trees, the hancock mansion was in holiday attire,--harriet kennerly had just been married to dr. radford of fincastle. colonel hancock had been proud to entertain george rogers clark, still more was he now delighted with the visit of the famous explorers. "la!" exclaimed black granny at the announcement of captain clark. "miss judy?" black granny had nursed miss judy from the cradle. sedately miss judy came down the long staircase,--not the child that clark remembered, but a woman, petite, serious. the chestnut brown curls with a glint of gold were caught with a high back comb, and a sweeping gown had replaced the short petticoats that lately tripped over the foothills of the blue ridge. "my pretty cousin going to marry that ugly man?" exclaimed harriet, when she heard of the early engagement. there was nothing effeminate about clark, nor artificial. his features were rugged almost to plainness; his head was high from the ear to the top, a large brain chamber. "absolutely beautiful," said judy to herself, associating those bronzed features with endless winds that blew on far-off mountains. behind the respectable old hancock silver, judy's mother turned the tea and talked. turning up his laced sleeves to carve the mutton, colonel hancock asked a thousand questions regarding that wonderful journey. "we passed the winter on the pacific, then crossed the mountains, and my division came down the yellowstone," clark was saying. "by the way, judy, i have named a river for you,--the judith." a peal of laughter rang through the dining-room. "judith! judith, did you say? why, captain clark, my name is julia." clark was confounded. he almost feared judy was making fun of him. "is it, really, now? i always supposed judy stood for judith." again rang out the infectious peal, in which clark himself joined; but to this day rolls the river judith in montana, named for clark's mountain maid of fincastle. "that i should live to see you back from the pacific!" was aunt molly's greeting at "the farm," at charlottesville. "i reckoned the cannibal savages would eat you. we looked for nothing less than the fate of captain cook." but maria, whose eyes had haunted lewis in many a long montana day, seemed strangely shy and silent. in fact, she had another lover, perhaps a dearer one. uncle nicholas was sick. he was growing old, but still directed the negroes of a plantation that extended from charlottesville to the fluvanna. it was sunset when captain lewis reached the home at locust hill, and was folded to his mother's bosom. with daily prayer had lucy meriwether followed her boy across the rocky mountains. meriwether's little pet sister, mary marks, had blossomed into a bewitching rose. "here is a letter from the president." captain lewis read his first message from jefferson in more than two years and a half. turning to big white, the chief, who at every step had gazed with amazement at the white man's country,-- "the president says 'tell my friend of mandan that i have already opened my arms to receive him." "ugh! ugh!" commented big white, with visions of barbaric splendour in his untutored brain. that afternoon the entire party rode over to monticello to show the chief the president's indian hall, where all their gifts and tokens had been arranged for display. the next day, by richmond, fredericksburg, and alexandria, the party set out for the national capital. every step of the way was a triumphal progress. xxx _the plaudits of a nation_ it was well into january before both captains reached washington. workmen were still building at the capitol, rearing a home for congress. tools of carpentry and masonry covered the windy lawn where jefferson rode daily, superintending as on his own virginia plantation. never had captain lewis seen his old friend, the president, so moved as when black ben, the valet, with stentorian call announced, "captains mehwether lewis and william clahk!" in silk stockings and pumps they stood in the blue room. at sight of that well-known figure in blue coat faced with yellow, red plush waistcoat, and green velveteen breeches, meriwether lewis bounded as a boy toward his old friend. the gray-haired president visibly trembled as he strained the two sons of his country to his heart. tears gushed from his eyes, "the suspense has been awful." then pausing, with difficulty he controlled his emotion. "but the hopes, the dreams, the ambitions of twenty years are now vindicated, and you are safe, boys, you are safe. i felt that if you were lost the country would hold me responsible." if others had asked questions about the route, jefferson now overwhelmed them with an avalanche, put with the keenness of a scholar and the penetration of a scientist. for with the possible exception of franklin, thomas jefferson was the most learned man of his time. into the president's hands lewis placed the precious journals, obtained at such a cost in toil and travel. each pocket volume, morocco-bound, had as soon as filled been cemented in a separate tin case to prevent injury by wetting. but now lewis had slipped the cases off and displayed them neat and fresh as on the day of writing. on rocking boats, on saddle pommels, and after dark by the flickering campfire, had the writing been done. t's were not always crossed, nor i's dotted, as hurriedly each event was jotted down to be read and criticised after a hundred years. written under such circumstances, and in such haste, it is not remarkable that words are misspelled and some omitted. a considerable collection of later letters gives ample evidence that both the captains were graceful correspondents. and the vocabularies, the precious vocabularies gathered from council bluffs to clatsop, were taken by jefferson and carefully laid away for future study. big white and his indians were entertained by jefferson and the cabinet. dolly madison, mrs. gallatin, and other ladies of the white house, manifested the liveliest interest as the tall shahaka, six feet and ten inches, stood up before them in his best necklace of bear's claws, admiring the pretty squaws that talked to them. "and was your father a chief, and your father's father?" mrs. madison inquired of shahaka. she was always interested in families and lineage. "and what makes your hair so white?" but shahaka had never heard of prince madoc. never had the village-capital been so gay. dinners and balls followed in rapid succession, eulogies and poems were recited in honour of the explorers. there was even talk of changing the name of the columbia to lewis river. in those days everybody went to the capitol to hear the debates. the report of lewis and clark created a lively sensation. complaints of the louisiana purchase ceased. from the mississippi to the sea, the united states had virtually taken possession of the continent. members of congress looked at one another with dilated eyes. with lifted brow and prophetic vision the young republic pierced the future. the mississippi, once her utmost border, was now but an inland river. beyond it, the great west hove in sight, with peaks of snow and the blue south sea. the problem of the ages had been solved; lewis and clark had found the road to asia. the news fell upon europe and america as not less than a revelation. congress immediately gave sixteen hundred acres of land each to the captains, and double pay in gold and three hundred and twenty acres to each of their men, to be laid out on the west side of the mississippi. on the third day of march, , captain lewis was appointed governor of louisiana; and on march , captain clark was made brigadier general, and indian agent for louisiana. tall, slender, but twenty-nine, henry clay was in the senate, advocating roads,--roads and canals to the west. he was planning, pleading, persuading for a canal around the falls of the ohio, he was appealing for the improvement of the wilderness road through which boone had broken a bridle trace. his prolific imagination grasped the chesapeake and ohio canal and an interior connection with the lakes. henry clay--"harry clay" as kentucky fondly called him--had a faculty for remembering names, faces, places. as yesterday, he recalled william clark at lexington. and clark remembered clay, standing in an ox-waggon, with flashing eyes, hair wildly waving, and features aglow, addressing an entranced throng. the same look flashed over him now as he stepped toward the heroes of the pacific. "congratulations, governor." "congratulations, general." the young men smiled at their new titles. another was there, not to be forgotten, strong featured, cordial, cheerful, of manly beauty and large dark eyes, endeavouring to interest congress in his inventions,--robert fulton of the steamboat. wherever they went, a certain halo seemed to hang around these men of adventure. they were soldiers and hunters, and more. through heat and cold, and mount and plain, four thousand miles by canoe, on foot and horseback, through forests of gigantic pines and along the banks of unknown rivers, among unheard-of tribes who had never seen a white man, they had carried the message of the president and brought back a report on the new land that is authority to this day. "what did you find?" eager inquirers crowded on every side to hear the traveller's tale. at louisville, men drove in from distant plantations; at fincastle their steps were thronged along the village walks; in washington they were never alone. "what did we find? gigantic sycamores for canoes, the maple for sugar, the wild cherry and walnut for joiner's work, red and white elm for cartwrights, the osage orange for hedges impenetrable, white and black oak for ship and carpenter work, pine for countless uses, and durable cedar. "what did we find? all sorts of plants and herbs for foods, dyes, and medicines, and pasturage unending. boone's settlers on the missouri frontier have farms of wheat, maize, potatoes, and little cotton fields, two acres sufficient for a family. hemp is indigenous to the soil. even in the mandan land, the indians, with implements that barely scratch the earth, have immense gardens of corn, beans, pumpkins, and squashes. "what did we find? oceans of beaver and seas of buffalo, clay fit for bricks and white clay for pottery, salt springs, saltpetre, and plaster, pipestone, and quarries of marble red and white, mines of iron, lead and coal, horses to be bought for a song, cedar, and fir trees six and eight feet in diameter, enormous salmon that block the streams." no wonder the land was excited at the report of lewis and clark. all at once the unknown mysterious west stood revealed as the home of natural resources. their travels became the robinson crusoe of many a boy who lived to see for himself the marvels of that trans-mississippi. * * * * * sergeant gass received his pay in gold and went home to wellsburg, west virginia, to find his old father smoking still beside the fire. with the help of a scotch schoolmaster patrick published his book the next year, immortalising the name of the gallant irish sergeant. then he "inlisted" again, and fought the creeks, and in lost an eye at lundy's lane. presently he married the daughter of a judge, and lived to become a great student in his old age, and an authority on indians and early times. john ordway went home to new hampshire and married, and returned to live on his farm near new madrid. william bratton tarried for a time in kentucky, served in the war of under harrison, and was at tippecanoe and the thames. he married and lived at terre haute, indiana, and is buried at waynetown. george gibson settled at st. louis, and lived and died there. nathaniel pryor and william werner became indian agents under william clark; pryor died in among the osages. george drouillard went into the fur trade and was killed by the blackfeet at the three forks of the missouri. john coalter, after adventures that will be related, settled at the town of daniel boone, married a squaw and died there. john potts was killed by the blackfeet on the river jefferson. sacajawea and charboneau lived for many years among the mandans, and their descendants are found in dakota to this day. of the voyageurs who went as far as the mandan town, lajaunnesse accompanied fremont across the mountains; and two others, francis rivet and philip degie, were the earliest settlers of oregon, where they lived to a great old age, proud of the fact that they had "belonged to lewis and clark." book iii _the red head chief_ book iii _the red head chief_ i _the shadow of napoleon_ "thank god for the safety of our country!" ejaculated jefferson, in one of his long talks with lewis regarding the upheaval across the sea. in napoleon had been declared consul for life; may , , four days after lewis and clark started, he had been saluted emperor of france. then came jena. when lewis and clark reached the mandan towns, napoleon was entering berlin with the prussian monarchy at his feet. while they camped at clatsop in those december days of , and while baranof prayed for ships in his lonely sitkan outpost, across seas "the sun of austerlitz" had risen. against russian and austrian, napoleon had closed a war with a clap of thunder. every breeze bore news that overawed the world. "napoleon has taken italy." "napoleon has conquered austria." "napoleon has defeated russia." "napoleon has ruined prussia." "napoleon has taken spain." while lewis and clark were at washington came the battles of eylau and dantzic. in december napoleon annexed portugal, and the court of lisbon fled to brazil, to escape his arms and to rear anew the house of braganza. how much more remained to conquer? how soon might the theatre of action come over the sea? still there was england. for a time the napoleonic wars had thrown the carrying trade of the ocean into american hands. american farmers could not reach the coast fast enough with their fleets of grain, the food for armies. cotton went up to a fabulous price. enterprise fired the young republic. ships were building two thousand miles inland to carry her products to the ocean. she grew, she throve, and an ever-increasing inland fleet carried to and fro the red life of a growing nation. on the other hand, the torch of liberty, lit in america and burning there still with calm and splendid lustre, carried by french soldiers to france had kindled a continent, sweeping like a firebrand through a conflagration of abuses. all tradition was overturning. america alone was quiet, the refuge of the world. every ship that touched our shores brought fugitives fleeing from battle-scarred fields where europe groaned in sobs and blood. napoleon was now master of almost the entire coast of europe. did he cast regretful eyes this way? america feared it. nothing but fear of england ever made napoleon give us louisiana. in may, , england blockaded the french coast. napoleon retaliated by the berlin decrees, shutting up all england, interdicting the commerce of the world. and so, when lewis and clark returned, the giants were locked in struggle, like titans of old, tearing up kingdoms, palatinates, and whole empires to hurl at each other. and we had louisiana. when captain lewis went to washington he was the bearer of a mass of papers on land claims sent by auguste chouteau. "i have had some disturbing news from louisiana," said jefferson. "in the first place, monsieur auguste chouteau writes requesting self-government, and that louisiana remain for ever undivided. now the day may come when we shall desire to cut louisiana up into sovereign states,--not now, i grant, but in time, in time. "then the french people of new orleans protest against american rule. such is the dissatisfaction, it is said, that the people of louisiana are only waiting for bonaparte's victory in his war with the allies to return to their allegiance with france. "st. louis asks for a governor 'who must reside in the territory,' hence i propose to put you there." so it came about that meriwether lewis wrote back in february, "i shall probably come on to st. louis for the purpose of residing among you." there was trouble with spain. in july, , everybody thought there would be a war with her. but napoleon was spain's protector. it would never do to declare war against napoleon. napoleon!--the very word meant subjugation. "why are we safe from bonaparte?" exclaimed jefferson. "only because he has not the british fleet at his command." even while congress was at its busiest, devising a government for new orleans, not at all was jefferson sure of the loyalty of the french of louisiana. "if they are not making overtures to napoleon, they are implicated in the treason of aaron burr." all washington was aflame over aaron burr. only two years before captain lewis had left him in the seat of honour at washington. the greatest lawyers in the country now were prosecuting his trial at richmond, randolph of roanoke foreman of the jury and john marshall presiding. borne with the throng, lewis went over to richmond. washington irving was there, winfield scott, and andrew jackson, "stamping up and down, damning jefferson and extolling burr." burr's friends, outcrying against jefferson, caught sight of meriwether lewis; his popularity in a degree counteracted their vituperation. william wirt of maryland came down after making his great speech, to present a gold watch to his friend meriwether lewis. with saddened heart captain lewis left richmond. the beautiful theodosia had come to stay with her father at the penitentiary. lewis always liked aaron burr. what was he trying to do? the mississippi was ours and louisiana. but even the ursuline nuns welcomed burr to new orleans, and the creoles quite lost their heads over his winning address. all seemed to confirm the suspicions of jefferson, who nightly tossed on his couch of worry. it was necessary for captain, now governor, lewis, to go to philadelphia, to place his zoölogical and botanical collections in the hands of dr. barton. scarce had the now famous explorer reached the city before he was beset by artists. charles willson peale, who had painted the portraits of the most prominent officers of the revolution, who had followed washington and painted him as a virginia colonel, as commander-in-chief, and as president, who had sat with him at valley forge and limned his features, cocked hat and all, on a piece of bed-ticking,--peale now wanted to paint lewis and clark. of course such a flattering invitation was not to be resisted, and so, while peale's assistants were mounting lewis's antelopes, the first known to naturalists, and preparing for jefferson the head and horns of a rocky mountain ram, governor lewis was sitting daily for his portrait. this detained him in philadelphia, when suddenly, on the th of june, the great upheaval of europe cast breakers on our shores that made the country rock. it seemed as if in spite of herself the united states would be drawn into the napoleonic wars. england needed sailors, she must have sailors, she claimed and demanded them from american ships on the high seas. "you _shall not search_ my ship," said the captain of the american frigate _chesapeake_ off the virginian capes. instantly and unexpectedly, the british frigate _leopard_ rounded to and poured broadsides into the unprepared _chesapeake_. "never," said jefferson, "has this country been in such a state of excitement since lexington." "fired on our ship!" the land was aflame. by such white heat are nations welded. it was a bold thing for england to disavow. but no apologies could now conceal the fact, that not napoleon, but england, was destined to be our foe, england, who claimed the commerce of the world. meriwether lewis came home to hear virginia ringing for war; not yet had she forgotten yorktown. the mountains of albemarle were clothed in all the brilliancy of summer beauty when lewis kissed his mother good-bye, and set out to assume the governorship of louisiana. ii _american rule in st. louis_ immediately after his appointment in charge of indian affairs, clark left washington, with pryor and shannon, big white and jussaume and their indian families. the ohio, swollen to the highest notch, bore them racing into the mississippi. "manuel lisa haf gone up de meessouri," was the news at st. louis. all winter manuel lisa had been flying around st. louis with pierre menard and george drouillard, preparing for an early ascent into the fur country. so also had been the chouteaus, intending to escort big white back to the mandans. at any time an indian trader was a great man in st. louis. he could command fabulous prices for his skill, and still more now could drouillard, fresh from the unexploited land beyond the mandans. all his money drouillard put into the business, and with the earliest opening of , lisa, menard and drouillard set out for the upper missouri with an outfit of sixteen thousand dollars. "wait for the mandan chief," said frederick bates, the new territorial secretary. manuel lisa was not a man to wait. "while others consider whether they will start, i am on my way," he answered. dark, secret, unfathomable, restless, enterprising, a very spaniard for pride, distrusted and trusted, a judge of men, manuel lisa had in him the spirit of de soto and coronado. for twenty years lisa had traded with indians. of late the spanish government had given him exclusive rights on the osage, a privilege once held by the chouteaus, but alas for lisa! a right now tumbled by the cession. for the united states gave no exclusive privileges. he reached the ear of drouillard; they went away together. no one better than lisa saw the meaning of that great exploration. coincidently with the arrival of clark and big white out of the ohio, came down a deputation of yankton sioux with old dorion from the missouri. with that encampment of indians, around, behind, before the government house, began the reign of the red head chief over the nations of the west that was to last for thirty years. st. louis became the red head's town, and the red head's signature came to be known to the utmost border of louisiana. "we want arms and traders," said the yankton sioux. both were granted, and laden with presents, before the close of may they were dispatched again to their own country. and with them went big white in charge of ensign pryor, sergeant george shannon, and pierre chouteau, with thirty-two men for the mandan trade. even the kansas knew that big white had gone down the river, and were waiting to see him go by. "the whites are as the grasses of the prairie," said big white. in july the new governor, meriwether lewis, arrived and assumed the government. with difficulty the officers had endeavoured to harmonise the old and the new. all was in feud, faction, disorder. st. louis was a foreign village before the cession. nor was this changed in a day. "deed not de great napoleon guarantee our leebertee?" said the french. "we want self-government." but lewis and clark, these two had met the french ideal of chivalry in facing the shining mountains and the ocean. pretty girls sat in the verandas to see them pass. fur magnates set out their choicest viands. the conquest of st. louis was largely social. with less tact and less winning personalities we might have had discord. whatever lewis wanted, clark seconded as a sort of lieutenant governor. it seemed as if the two might go on forever as they had done in the great expedition. ever busy, carving districts that became future states, laying out roads, dispensing justice and treating with indians, all went well until the th of october, when a wave of sensation swept over st. louis. "big white, the mandan chief, is back. the american flag at the bow of his boat has been fired on and he is compelled to fall back on st. louis." all summer the vengeful arikaras had been watching. "they killed our chief, the brave raven." the teton sioux plotted. "they will give the mandans arms and make our enemies stronger than we are." so in great bands, sioux and arikaras had camped along the river to intercept the returning brave. "these are the machinations of the british," said americans in st. louis. "this is a trick of manuel lisa," said the fur traders. "his boats passed in safety, why not ours?" in fact, there had been a battle. not with impunity should trade be carried into the land of anarchy. three men were killed and several wounded, including shannon and rené jussaume. and they in turn had killed black buffalo, the teton chief that led the onslaught. all the way down the missouri george shannon had writhed with his wounded knee. blood poisoning set in. they left him at bellefontaine. "dees leg must come off," said dr. saugrain, the army surgeon. he sent for dr. farrar, a young american physician who had lately located in st. louis. together, without anesthetics, they performed the first operation in thigh amputation ever known in that region. "woonderful! woonderful!" exclaimed the creoles. "dees dogtors can cut une man all up." great already was the reputation of dr. saugrain; to young farrar it gave a prestige that made him the father of st. louis surgery. shannon lay at the point of death for eighteen months, but youth rallied, and he regained sufficient strength to journey to lexington, where he took up the study of law. he lived to become an eminent jurist and judge, and the honoured progenitor of many distinguished bearers of his name. iii _farewell to fincastle_ general clark had had a busy summer, travelling up and down the river, assisting the governor at st. louis in reducing his tumultuous domain to order, treating with indians, conferring with governor harrison in his brick palace at old vincennes, consulting with his brothers, general jonathan and general george rogers clark at the point of rock. now, in mid-autumn, he was again on his way to fincastle. never through the tropic summer had julia been absent from his thoughts. a little house in st. louis had been selected that should shelter his bride; and now, as fast as hoof and horse could speed him, he was hastening back to fix the day for his wedding. october shed glory on the burnished forests. here and there along the way shone primitive farmhouses, the homes of people. the explorer's heart beat high. he had come to that time in his life when he, too, should have a home. those old virginia farmhouses, steep of roof and sloping at the eaves, four rooms below and two in the attic, with great chimneys smoking at either end, seemed to speak of other fond and happy hearts. the valley of virginia extends from the potomac to the carolina line. the blue ridge bounds it on one side, the kittatinnys on the other, and in the trough-like valley between flows the historic shenandoah. from the north, by winchester, scene of many a border fray and destined for action more heroic yet, clark sped on his way to fincastle. some changes had taken place since that eventful morning when governor spotswood looked over the blue ridge. a dozen miles from winchester stood lord fairfax's greenway court, overshadowed by ancient locusts, slowly mouldering to its fall. here george washington came in his boyhood, surveying for the gaunt, raw-boned, near-sighted old nobleman who led him hard chases at the fox hunt. from the head spring of the rappahannock to the head spring of the potomac, twenty-one counties of old virginia once belonged to the fairfax manor, now broken and subdivided into a thousand homes. hither had come tides of quakers, and scotch-presbyterians, penetrating farther and farther its green recesses, cutting up the fruitful acres into colonial plantations. "the shenandoah, it is the very centre of the united states," said the emigrants. the valley was said to be greener than any other, its waters were more transparent, its soil more fruitful. at any rate german-pennsylvanians pushed up here, rearing barns as big as fortresses, flanked round with haystacks and granaries. now and then clark met them, in loose leather galligaskins and pointed hats, sunning in wide porches, smoking pipes three feet long, while their stout little children tumbled among the white clover. here and there negroes were whistling with notes as clear as a fife, and huge conestoga waggons loaded with produce rumbled along to philadelphia, baltimore, richmond. every year thousands of waggons went to market, camping at night and making the morning ring with robin hood songs and jingling bells. yonder lived patrick henry in his last years, at picturesque red hill on the staunton. here in his old age he might have been seen under the trees in his lawn, buried in revery, or on the floor, with grandchildren clambering over him or dancing to his violin. but clark was not thinking of patrick henry, or fairfax,--in fact he scarcely remembered their existence, so intent was his thought on his maid of the mountains, julia hancock. the leaves were falling from elm and maple, strewing the path with gold and crimson. the pines grew taller in the twilight, until he could scarcely see the bypaths chipped and blazed by settlers' tomahawks. sunset was gilding the peaks of otter as clark drew rein at the little tavern near fincastle. "i was rented to the king of england by my prince of hesse cassel," the hessian proprietor was saying. "i was rented out to cut the throats of people who had never done me any harm. four pence three farthings a day i got, and one penny farthing went to his royal highness, the prince. i fought you, then i fell in love with you, and when the war was over i stayed in america." clark listened. it was a voice out of the revolution. after a hurried luncheon the tireless traveller was again in his saddle; and late that night in the moonlight he opened the gate at colonel hancock's. york had followed silently through all the journey,--york, no longer a slave, for in consideration of his services on the expedition the general had given him his freedom. but as a voluntary body-guard he would not be parted from his master. "for sho'! who cud tek cah o' mars clahk so well as old yawk?" "what if love-lorn swains from a dozen plantations have tried to woo and win my pretty cousin! the bronzed face of lochinvar is bleaching," said the teasing harriet when she heard that the wedding date was really set. "one day, who knows, his skin may be white as yours." sudden as a flood in the roanoke came julia's tears. relenting, the lively, light-hearted harriet covered her cousin's curls with kisses. "the carriage and horses are at your service. hunt, fish, lounge as you please," said colonel hancock, "for i must be at the courthouse to try an important case." with thousands of acres and hundreds of negroes, it was the dream of colonel hancock to one day drop these official cares and retire altogether into the privacy of his plantation. already, forty miles away, at the very head spring of the roanoke river, he was building a country seat to be called "fotheringay," after fotheringay castle. back and forth in the gorgeous october weather rode clark and julia, watching the workmen at fotheringay. now and then the carriage stopped at an orchard. passers were always at liberty to help themselves to the fruit. peaches so abundant that they fed the hogs with them, apples rosy and mellow, grapes for the vintage, were in the first flush of abundance. what a contrast to that autumn in the bitter root mountains! then late in november to fincastle came governor lewis and his brother reuben, on their way to the west. he, too, had been to washington on business concerning st. louis. "the great success of york among the mandans has decided reuben to take tom along," laughed lewis, as reuben's black driver dismounted from the carriage--the same family chariot in which meriwether had brought his mother from georgia, now on the way to become the state coach of louisiana. black tom beamed, expansively happy, on york who had been "tuh th' injun country" where black men were "great medicine." "ha, your excellency," laughed the teasing harriet, "the beauty of fincastle dines with us to-night,--miss letitia breckenridge." "wait and the governor will court you," some one whispered to the charming letitia. "i have contemplated accompanying my father to richmond for some time," replied letitia. "if i stay now it will look like a challenge, therefore i determine to go." governor lewis underwent not a little chafing when two days after his arrival the lovely letitia was gone,--to become the wife of the secretary of war in john quincy adams's cabinet. "miss breckenridge is a very sweet-looking girl," wrote reuben to his sister, "and i should like to have her for a sister. general clark's intended is a charming woman. when i tell you that she is much like my sweetheart you will believe i think so." "what are you doing?" clark asked of julia, as she sat industriously stitching beside the hickory fire in the great parlour at fincastle. "working a little screen to keep the fire from burning my face," answered the maiden, rosy as the glow itself. much more beautiful than the little sacajawea, stitching moccasins beside the fire at clatsop, she seemed to clark; and yet the feminine intuition was the same, to sew, to stitch, to be an artist with the needle. "the mistletoe hung in fincastle hall, the holly branch shone on the old oak wall, and the planter's retainers were blithe and gay, a-keeping their christmas holiday." there was sleighing at fincastle when the wedding day came, just after new year's, . the guests came in sleighs from as far away as greenway court, for all the country-side knew and loved judy hancock. weeping, soft-hearted black granny tied again the sunny curls and looped the satin ribbons of her beloved "miss judy." the slaves vied with one another, strewing the snow with winter greens that no foot might touch the chill. the wainscoted and panelled walls glowed with greenery. holly hung over the carved oaken chimneys, and around the fowling pieces and antlers of the chase that betokened the hunting habits of colonel hancock. silver tankards marked with the family arms sparkled on the damask table cloth, and silver candlesticks and snuffers and silver plate. myrtleberry wax candles gave out an incense that mingled with the odour of hickory snapping in the fireplace. "exactly as her mother looked," whispered the grandmother when judy came down,--grandmother, a brisk little white-capped old lady in quilted satin, who remembered very well the mother of washington. the stars hung blazing on the rim of the blue ridge and the snow glistened, when out of the great house came the sound of music and dancing. there were wedding gifts after the old virginia fashion, and when all had been inspected clark handed his bride a small jewel case marked with her name. the cover flew open, revealing a set of topaz and pearls, "a gift from the president." out into the snow went these wedding guests of a hundred years ago, to scatter and be forgotten. iv _the boat horn_ all the romance of the old boating time was in clark's wedding trip down the ohio. it was on a may morning when, stepping on board a flatboat at louisville, he contrasted the daintiness of julia with that of any other travelling companion he had ever known. the river, foaming over its rocky bed, the boatmen blowing their long conical bugles from shore to shore, the keelboats, flat-bottoms, and arks loaded with emigrants all intent on "picking guineas from gooseberry bushes," spoke of youth, life, action. again the boatman blew his bugle, echoes of other trumpets answered, "farewell, farewell, fare--we-ll." soon they were into the full sweep of the pellucid ohio, mirroring skies and shores dressed in the livery of robin hood. frowning precipices and green islets arose, and projecting headlands indenting the ohio with promontories like a chain of shining lakes. hills clothed in ancient timber, hoary whitened sycamores draped in green clusters of mistletoe, and magnificent groves of the dark green sugar tree reflected from the water below. shut in to the water's edge, a woody wilderness still, the river glided between its umbrageous shores. now and then the crowing of cocks announced a clearing where the axe of the settler had made headway, or some old indian mound blossomed with a peach orchard. flocks of screaming paroquets alighted in the treetops, humming birds whizzed into the honeysuckle vines and flashed away with dewdrops on their jewelled throats. on the water with them, now near, now far, were other boats,--ferry flats and alleghany skiffs, pirogues hollowed from prodigious sycamores, dug-outs and canoes, stately barges with masts and sails and lifted decks like schooners, keel boats, slim and trim for low waters, kentucky arks, broadhorns, roomy and comfortable, filled up with chairs, beds, stoves, tables, bound for the sangamon, cape girardeau, arkansas. floating caravans of men, women, children, servants, cattle, hogs, horses, sheep, and fowl were travelling down the great river. some boats fitted up for stores dropped off at the settlements, blowing the bugle, calling the inhabitants down to trade. here a tinner with his tinshop, with tools and iron, a floating factory, there a blacksmith shop with bellows and anvil, dry-goods boats with shelves for cutlery and cottons, produce boats with kentucky flour and hemp, ohio apples, cider, maple sugar, nuts, cheese, and fruit, and farther down, tennessee cotton, illinois corn, and cattle, missouri lead and furs, all bound for new orleans, a panorama of endless interest to julia. here white-winged schooners were laden entirely with turkeys, tobacco, hogs, horses, potatoes, or lumber. nature pouring forth perennial produce from a hundred tributary streams. a bateau could descend from the mouth of the ohio to new orleans in three weeks; three months of toil could barely bring it back. how could boats be made to go against the current? everywhere and everywhere inventive minds were puzzling over motors, paddles--duck-foot, goose-foot, and elliptical,--wings and sails, side-wheels, stern-wheels, and screws,--and steam was in the air. as the sun went down in lengthening shadows a purple haze suffused the waters. adown la belle rivière, "the loveliest stream that ever glistened to the moon," arose the evening cadence of the boatmen,-- "some row up, but we row down, all the way to shawnee town, pull away! pull away! pull away to shawnee town." the crescent moon shone brightly on crag and stream and floating forest, the air was mild and moist, the boat glided as in a dream, and the mocking bird enchanted the listening silence. to clark no spring had ever seemed so beautiful. sitting on deck with julia he could not forget that turbulent time when as a boy he first plunged down these waters. symbolic of his whole life it seemed, until now the storm and stress of youth had calmed into the placid current of to-day. the past,--the rough toil-hardened past of william clark,--fell away, and as under a lifted silken curtain he floated into repose. the rough old life of camps and forts was gone forever. and to julia, everything was new and strange,--la belle rivière itself whispered of louisiana. like an alpine horn the bugle echoed the dreamlife of the waters. the fiddles scraping, boatmen dancing, the smooth stream rolling calmly through the forest, the girls who gathered on shore to see the pageant pass, the river itself, momentarily lost to view, then leaping again in hogarth's line of beauty,--all murmured perpetual music. then slumber fell upon the dancers, but still clark and julia sat watching. from clouds of owls arose voices of the night, cries of wolves reverberated on shore, the plaintive whippoorwill in the foliage lamented to the moon, meteors rose from the horizon to sweep majestically aloft and burst in a showering spray of gems below. the very heavens were unfamiliar. awed, impressed, by the mysteries around them, they slept. before sun-up the mocking-bird called from the highest treetop and continued singing until after breakfast, imitating the jay, the cardinal, and the lapwing, then sailing away into a strain of his own wild music. at the mouth of the wabash arks were turning in to old vincennes. below, broader grew the ohio, unbroken forests still and twinkling stars. here and there arose the graceful catalpa in full flower, and groves of cottonwoods so tall that at a distance one could fancy some planter's mansion hidden in their depths. amid these eden scenes appeared here and there the deserted cabin of some murdered woodman whose secret only the shawnee knew. wild deer, crossing the ohio, heard the bugle call, and throwing their long branching antlers on their shoulders sank out of sight, swimming under the water until the shore opened into the sheltering forest. at times the heavens were darkened with the flights of pigeons; there was a song of the thrush and the echoing bellow of the big horned owl. wild turkeys crossed their path and wild geese screamed on their journey to the lakes. one day the boats stopped, and before her julia beheld the mississippi sweeping with irresistible pomp and wrath, tearing at the shores, bearing upon its tawny bosom the huge drift of mount and meadow, whole herds of drowned buffalo, trunks of forest trees and caved-in banks of silt, leaping, sweeping seaward in the sun. without a pause the bridegroom river reached forth his brawny arm, and gathered in the starry-eyed ohio. over his herculean shoulders waved her silver tresses, deep into his bosom passed her gentle transparency as the twain made one swept to the honeymoon. all night clark's bateau lay in a bend while york and the men kept off the drift that seemed to set toward them in their little cove as toward a magnet. on the th of may governor lewis received a letter from clark asking for help up the river. without delay the governor engaged a barge to take their things to bellefontaine and another barge to accommodate the general, his family and baggage. dispatching a courier over the bellefontaine road, governor lewis sent to colonel hunt a message, asking him to send ensign pryor to meet the party. with what delight clark and his bride saw the barges with ensign pryor in charge, coming down from st. louis. then came the struggle up the turbulent river. clark was used to such things, but never before had he looked on them with a bride at his side. with sails and oars and cordelles all at once, skilled hands paddled and poled and stemmed the torrent, up, up to the rock of the new levee. thus the great explorer brought home his bride to st. louis in that never-to-be-forgotten may-time one hundred years ago. v _a bride in st. louis_ "an _américaine_ bride, general clark haf brought! she haf beeutiful eyes! she haf golden hair!" the creole ladies were in a flutter. "_merci!_ she haf a carriage!" they cried, peeping from their lattices. governor lewis himself had met the party at the shore, and now in the first state coach st. louis had ever seen, was driving along the rue de l'Église to auguste chouteau's. "_merci!_ she haf maids enough!" whispered the gazers, as rachel, rhody, chloe, sarah, brought up the rear with their mistress's belongings. then followed york, looking neither to the right nor the left. he knew st. louis was watching, and he delighted in the stir. the fame of the beauty of general clark's american bride spread like wild-fire. for months wherever she rode or walked admiring crowds followed, eager to catch a glimpse of her face. thickly swathed in veils, julia concealed her features from the public gaze, but that only increased the interest. "she shall haf a party, une grande réception," said pierre chouteau, and the demi-fortress was opened to a greater banquet than even at the return of lewis and clark. social st. louis abandoned itself to gaiety. dancing slippers were at a premium, and all the gay silks that ever came up from new orleans were refurbished with lace and jewels. "they are beautiful women," said julia that night. "i thought you told me there were only indians here." clark laughed. "wait until you walk in the streets." and sure enough, with the arrival of the beautiful julia came also certain sacs and iowas who had been scalping settlers within their borders. with bolted handcuffs and leg shackles they were shut up in the old spanish martello tower. from the chouteau house julia could see their cell windows covered with iron gratings and the guard pacing to and fro. at the trial in the old spanish garrison house on the hill the streets swarmed with red warriors. "how far away st. louis is from civilisation," remarked julia. "we seem in the very heart of the indian country." "the governor has organised the militia, and our good friend auguste chouteau is their colonel," answered her husband, reassuringly. "why these fortifications, these bastions and stone towers?" inquired julia, as they walked along the rue. "they were built a long time ago for defences against the indians. in fact my brother defended st. louis once against an indian raid." "tell me the story," cried julia. and walking along the narrow streets under the honey-scented locusts, clark told julia of the fight and fright of . "and was that when the spanish lady was here?" "yes." "and what became of her finally?" "she fled with the nuns to cuba at the cession of new orleans." trilliums red and white, anemones holding up their shell-pink cups, and in damp spots adder's tongues and delicate dutchman's breeches, were thick around them as they walked down by the old chouteau pond. primeval forests surrounded it, white-armed sycamores and thickets of crab-apple. "this is the mill that makes bread for st. louis. everybody comes down to chouteau's mill for flour. it is so small i am not surprised that they call st. louis 'pain court'--'short of bread.' to-morrow the washerwomen will be at the pond, boiling clothes in iron pots and drying them on the hazel bushes." as they came back in the flush of evening all st. louis had moved out of doors. the wide galleries were filled with settees and tables and chairs, and the neighbourly creoles were visiting one another, and greeting the passers-by. sometimes the walk led over the hill to the grand prairie west of town. the greensward waved in the breezes like a wheatfield in may. cabanné's wind-mill could be seen in the distance across the prairie near the timber with its great wings fifty and sixty feet long flying in the air like things of life. cabanné the swiss had married gratiot's daughter. st. louis weddings generally took place at easter, so other brides and grooms were walking there in those may days a hundred years ago. night and morning, as in acadia, the rural population still went to and from the fields with their cattle and carts and old-style wheel ploughs. in november clark and his bride moved into the rené kiersereau cottage on the rue royale. the old french house of rené kiersereau dated back to the beginning of st. louis. built of heavy timbers and plastered with rubble and mortar, it bade fair still to withstand the wear and tear of generations. with a long low porch in front and rear, and a fence of cedar pickets like a miniature stockade, it differed in no respect from the other modest cottages of st. louis. back of the house rushed the river; before it, locusts and lightning bugs flitted in the summer garden. beside the kiersereau house clark had his indian office in the small stone store of alexis marie. into this little house almost daily came meriwether lewis, and every moment that could be spared from pressing duties was engrossed in work on the journals of the expedition. sometimes julia brought her harp and sang. but into this home quiet were coming constant echoes of the indian world. "settlers are encroaching on the osage lands. we shall have trouble," said governor lewis. under an escort of a troop of cavalry clark rode out into the indian country to make a treaty with the osages. the shawnees and delawares had been invited to settle near st. louis to act as a shield against the barbarous osages. the shawnees and delawares were opening little farms and gardens near cape girardeau, building houses and trying to become civilised. but settlers had gone on around them into the osage wilderness. "i will establish a fort to regulate these difficulties," said the general, and on his return fort osage was built. "settlers are encroaching on our lands," came the cry from sacs, foxes, and iowas. governor lewis himself held a council with the discontented tribes and established fort madison, the first united states post up the mississippi. but there were still big white and his people not yet returned to the mandan country, and this was the most perplexing problem of all. vi _the first fort in montana_ manuel lisa had enemies and ambition. these always go together. scarcely had clark and his bride settled at st. louis before down from the north came manuel lisa's boats, piled, heaped, and laden to the gunwale edge with furs out of the yellowstone. his triumphant guns saluted charette, st. charles, st. louis. he had run the gauntlet of sioux, arikara, and assiniboine. he had penetrated the yellowstone and established fort lisa at the mouth of the bighorn in the very heart of the crow-land,--the first building in what is now montana. "dey say you cause de attack on big white," buzzed a frenchman in his ear. angry at such an imputation, the spaniard hastened to governor lewis. "i disclaim all responsibility for that disaster. the arikaras fired across my bow. i stopped. but i had my men-at-arms, my swivels ready. i understood presents. i smoked the pipe of peace, with a musket in my hand. of course i passed. even the mandans fired on me, and the assiniboines. should that dismay a trader?" manuel lisa, the successful, was now monarch of the fur trade. even his enemies capitulated. "if he is stern in discipline, the service demands it. he has gone farther, dared more, accomplished more, and brought home more, than any other. what a future for st. louis! we must unite our forces." and so the city on the border reached out toward her destiny. pierre and auguste chouteau, william clark and reuben lewis, locked fortunes with the daring, indomitable manuel lisa. pierre menard, andrew henry, and others, a dozen altogether, put in forty thousand dollars, incorporating the missouri fur company. into the very heart of the rocky mountains it was resolved to push, into those primeval beaver meadows whither lewis and clark had led the way. "abandon the timid methods of former trade,--plunge at once deep into the wilderness," said lisa; "ascend the missouri to its utmost navigable waters, and by establishing posts monopolise the trade of the entire region." already had lisa dreamed of the santa fé,--now he looked toward the pacific. and now, too, was the time to send big white back to the mandans. under the convoy of two hundred and fifty people,--enlisted soldiers and _engagés_, american hunters, creoles, and canadian voyageurs,--the fur flotilla set sail with tons of traps and merchandise. as the flotilla pulled out, a tall gaunt frontiersman with two white men and an indian came pulling into st. louis. clark turned a second time,--"why, daniel boone!" "first rate! first rate!" furrowed as a sage and tanned as a hunter, with a firm hand-grasp, the old man stepped ashore. two summers now had daniel boone and his two sons brought down to st. louis a cargo of salt, manufactured by themselves at boone's lick, a discovery of the old pioneer. "any settlers comin'? we air prepared to tote 'em up." ever a welcome guest to the home of general clark, daniel boone strode along to the cottage on the rue. at sight of julia he closed his eyes, dazzled. "'pears to me she looks like rebecca." never, since that day when young boone went hunting deer in the yadkin forest and found rebecca bryan, a ruddy, flax-haired girl, had he ceased to be her lover. and though years had passed and rebecca had faded, to him she was ever the gold-haired girl of the yadkin. poor rebecca! hers had been a hard life in camp and cabin, with pigs and chickens in the front yard and rain dripping through the roof. "daniel!" she sometimes said, severely. "wa-al, now rebecca, thee knows i didn't have time to mend that air leak in the ruff last summer; i war gone too long at the beaver. but thee shall have a new house." and again the faithful rebecca stuffed a rag in the ceiling with her mop-handle and meekly went on baking hoe-cake before the blazing forelog. daniel had long promised a new house, but now, at last, he was really going to build. for this he was studying st. louis. a day looking at houses and disposing of his salt and beaver-skins, and back he went, with a boatload of emigrants and a cargo of school-books. mere trappers came and went,--boone brought settlers. pathfinder, judge, statesman, physician to the border, he now carried equipments for the first school up the missouri. vii _a mystery_ furs were piled everywhere, the furs that had been wont to go to europe,--otter, beaver, deer, and bear and buffalo. american ships, that had sped like eagles on every sea, were threatened now by england if they sailed to france, by france if they sailed to england. "if our ships, our sailors, our goods are to be seized, it is better to keep them at home," said jefferson. "war itself would be better than that," pled gallatin. the whole world was taking sides in the cataclysm over the sea. napoleon recognised no neutrals. england recognised none. denmark tried it, and the british fleet burned copenhagen. ominously the conflagration glimmered,--such might be the fate of any american seaport. "if we must fight let us go with france," said some. "napoleon will guarantee us the cession of canada and nova scotia." but jefferson, carrying all before him, on tuesday, december , , signed an embargo act, shutting up our ships in our own harbours. in six months commercial life-blood ceased to flow. ships rotted at the wharfs. grass grew in the streets of baltimore and boston. st. louis traders tried to go over to canada, but were stopped at detroit--"by that evil embargo." st. louis withered. "de meeseppi ees closed. tees worse dan de spaniard!" this unpopularity of jefferson cast governor lewis into deepest gloom. the benevolent president's system of peaceable coercion was bringing the country to the verge of rebellion. england cared not nor france, and america was stifling with wheat, corn, and cattle, without a market. fur, fur,--the currency and standard of value in st. louis was valueless. taxes even could no longer be paid in shaved deerskins. peltry bonds, once worth their weight in gold, had dropped to nothing. moths and mildew crept into the chouteau warehouses. a few weeks more and the fruits of lisa's adventure would perish. into the clark home there had come an infant boy, "named meriwether lewis," said the general, when the governor came to look at the child. every day now he came to the cradle, for, weary with cares, the quiet domestic atmosphere rested him. he moved his books and clothes, and the modest little home on the rue became the home of the governor. beside the fire julia stitched, stitched at dainty garments while the general and the governor worked on their journals. now and then their eyes strayed toward the sleeping infant. "this child is fairer than sacajawea's at clatsop," remarked lewis. "but it cries the same, and is liable to the same ills." "and did you name a river for sacajawea, too?" laughed julia. "certainly, certainly, but the governor's favourite river was named maria," slyly interposed clark. a quick flush passed over the governor's cheek. he had lately purchased a three-and-a-half arpent piece of land north of st. louis for a home for his mother,--or was it for maria? however, in june clark took julia and the baby with him on a trip to louisville, and the same month maria was married to somebody else. but on the ohio the joyous activity had ceased. no longer the boatman's horn rang over cliff and scar. jefferson's embargo had stagnated the waters. when general clark returned to st. louis in july he found his friend still more embarrassed and depressed. "my bills are protested," said the governor. "here is one for eighteen dollars rejected by the secretary of the treasury. this has given me infinite concern, as the fate of others drawn for similar purposes cannot be in doubt. their rejection cannot fail to impress the public mind unfavourably with respect to me." "and what are these bills for?" inquired clark. "expenses incurred in governing the territory," answered lewis. general clark did not have to look back many years to recall the wreck of his brother on this same snag of protested bills, and exactly as with george rogers clark the proud and sensitive heart of meriwether lewis was cut to the core. "more painful than the rejection, is the displeasure which must arise in the mind of the executive from my having drawn for public moneys without authority. a third and not less embarrassing circumstance is that my private funds are entirely incompetent to meet these bills if protested." with the generosity of his nature clark gave lewis one hundred dollars, and lewis arranged as soon as possible to go to washington with his vouchers to see the president. with the courage of upright convictions, governor lewis contended with the difficulties of his office, and in due course received the rest of his protested bills. if he raged at heart he said little. if he spent sleepless nights tossing, and communing with himself, he spoke no word to those around him. though the dagger pierced he made no sign. borrowing money of his friends as george rogers clark had done, he met his bills as best he might. but his haggard face and evident illness alarmed his friends. "you had better take a trip to the east," they urged. "you have malarial fever." he decided to act on this suggestion, and with the journals of the western expedition and his vouchers the governor bade his friends farewell and dropped down the river, intending to take a coasting vessel to new orleans and pass around to washington by sea. but at the chickasaw bluffs, now memphis, lewis was ill. moreover, rumours of war were in the air. "these precious manuscripts that i have carried now for so many miles, must not be lost," thought lewis, "nor the vouchers of my public accounts on which my honour rests. i will go by land through the chickasaw country." the united states agent with the chickasaw indians, major neely, arriving there two days later, found lewis still detained by illness. "i must accompany and watch over him," he said, when he found that the governor was resolved to press on at all hazards. "he is very ill." one hundred years ago the natchez trace was a new military road that had been cut through the wilderness of tennessee to the spanish country. over this road the pony express galloped day and night and pioneer caravans paused at nightfall at lonely wayside inns. brigands infested the forest, hard on the trail of the trader returning from new orleans with a pouch of spanish silver in his saddlebags. over that road aaron burr had travelled on his visit to andrew jackson at nashville, and on it tecumseh was even now journeying to the tribes of the south. "two of the horses have strayed," was the servant's report at the end of one day's journey. but even that could not delay the governor. "i will wait for you at the house of the first white inhabitant on the road," said lewis, as neely turned back for the lost roadsters. it was evening when the governor arrived at grinder's stand, the last cabin on the borders of the chickasaw country. "may i stay for the night?" he inquired of the woman at the door. "come you alone?" she asked. "my servants are behind. bring me some wine." alighting and bringing in his saddle, the governor touched the wine and turned away. pulling off his loose white blue-striped travelling gown, he waited for his servants. the woman scanned her guest,--of elegant manners and courtly bearing, he was evidently a gentleman. but a troubled look on his face, an impatient walk to and fro, denoted something wrong. she listened,--he was talking to himself. his sudden wheels and turns and strides startled her. "where is my powder? i am sure there was some powder in my canister," he said to the servants at the door. after a mouthful of supper, he suddenly started up, speaking in a violent manner, flushed and excited. then, lighting his pipe, he sat down by the cabin door. "madame, this is a very pleasant evening." mrs. grinder noted the kindly tone, the handsome, haggard face, the air of abstraction. quietly he smoked for a time, then again he flushed, arose excitedly, and stepped into the yard. there he began pacing angrily to and fro. but again he sat down to his pipe, and again seemed composed. he cast his eyes toward the west, that west, the scene of his toils and triumphs. "what a sweet evening it is!" he had seen that same sun silvering the northern rivers, gilding the peaks of the rockies, and sinking into the pacific. it all came over him now, like a soothing dream, calming the fevered soul and stilling its tumult. the woman was preparing the usual feather-bed for her guest. "i beg you, madame, do not trouble yourself. pernia, bring my bearskins and buffalo robe." the skins and robe were spread on the floor and the woman went away to her kitchen. the house was a double log cabin with a covered way between. such houses abound still in the cumberland mountains. "i am afraid of that man," said the woman in the kitchen, putting her children in their beds. "something is wrong. i cannot sleep." the servants slept in the barn. neely had not come. night came down with its mysterious veil upon the frontier cabin. but still that heavy pace was heard in the other cabin. now and then a voice spoke rapidly and incoherently. "he must be a lawyer," said the woman in the kitchen. suddenly she heard the report of a pistol, and something dropped heavily to the floor. there was a voice,--"o lord!" excited, peering into the night, the trembling woman listened. another pistol, and then a voice at her door,--"oh, madame, give me some water and heal my wounds!" peering into the moonlight between the open unplastered logs, she saw her guest stagger and fall. presently he crawled back into the room. then again he came to the kitchen door, but did not speak. an empty pail stood there with a gourd,--he was searching for water. cowering, terrified, there in the kitchen with her children the woman waited for the light. at the first break of day she sent two of the children to the barn to arouse the servants. and there, on his bearskins on the cabin floor, they found the shattered frame of meriwether lewis, a bullet in his side, a shot under his chin, and a ghastly wound in his forehead. "take my rifle and kill me!" he begged. "i will give you all the money in my trunk. i am no coward, but i am so strong,--so hard to die! do not be afraid of me, pernia, i will not hurt you." and as the sun rose over the tennessee trees, meriwether lewis was dead, on the th of october, . viii _a lonely grave in tennessee_ a hero of his country was dead, the governor of its largest territory,--dead, on his way to washington, where fresh honours awaited him,--dead, far from friends and kindred in a wild and boundless forest. did he commit suicide in a moment of aberration, or was he foully murdered by an unknown hand on that th of october, ? president jefferson, who had observed signs of melancholy in him in early life, favoured the idea of suicide, but in the immediate neighbourhood the theory of murder took instant shape. where was joshua grinder? where were those servants? where was neely himself? "i never for a moment entertained the thought of suicide," said his mother, when she heard the news. "his last letter was full of hope. i was to live with him in st. louis." of all men in the world why should meriwether lewis commit suicide? the question has been argued for a hundred years and is to-day no nearer solution than ever. "old grinder killed him and got his money," said the neighbours. "he saw he was well dressed and evidently a person of distinction and wealth." grinder was arrested and tried but no proof could be secured. "alarmed by his groans the robbers hid his pouch of gold coins in the earth, with the intention of securing it later," said others. "they never ventured to return,--it lies there, buried, to this day." and the superstitions of the neighbourhood have invested the spot with the weird fascination of captain kidd's treasure, or the buried box of gold on neacarney. "he was killed by his french servant," said the lewis family. later, when pernia visited charlottesville and sent word to locust hill, meriwether's mother refused to see him. john marks, half-brother of meriwether lewis, went immediately to the scene of tragedy, but nothing more could be done or learned. proceeding to st. louis, the estate was settled. when at last the trunks arrived at washington they were found to contain the journals, papers on the protested bills, and the well-known spy-glass used by lewis on the expedition. but there were no valuables or money. years after, meriwether's sister and her husband unexpectedly met pernia on the streets of mobile, and mary recognised in his possession the william wirt watch and the gun of her brother. on demand they were promptly surrendered. in the lonely heart of lewis county, tennessee, stands to-day a crumbling gray stone monument with a broken shaft of limestone erected by the state on the spot where, in the thirty-fifth year of his age, meriwether lewis met his death. in solitude and desolation, moss overlies his tomb, but his name lives on, brightening with the years. ix _trade follows the flag_ "_bon jour_, ms'ieu, you want to know where dat captinne?" the polite creole lifted his cap. "'pears now, maybe i heerd he wuz guv'ner," said the keen-eyed trapper thoughtfully. "guff'ner lewees ees det,--kilt heeself. generale clark leeves on de rue royale, next de injun office." in unkempt beard, hair shaggy as a horse's mane, and clothing all of leather, the stranger climbed the rocky path, using the stock of his gun for a staff. it did not take long to find the indian office. with a dozen lounging braves outside and a council within, sat william clark, the red head chief. general clark noted the shadow in the door that bright may morning. not in vain had these men faced the west together. "bless me, it's coalter! where have you been? how did you come?" from the mountains, three thousand miles in thirty days, in a small canoe, coalter had come flying down the melting head-snows of the rockies. he was haggard with hunger and loss of sleep. leading his old companion to the cottage, clark soon had him surrounded with the comforts of a civilised meal. refreshed, gradually the trapper unfolded his tale. when john coalter left lewis and clark at the mandan towns and went back with hancock and dickson, in that summer of , they, the first of white men, entered the yellowstone park of to-day. in the spring, separating from his companions, coalter set out for st. louis in a solitary canoe. at the mouth of the platte he met manuel lisa and drouillard coming up. and with them, john potts, another of the lewis and clark soldiers. on the spot coalter re-enlisted and returned a third time to the wilderness. such a man was invaluable to that first venture in the north. after lisa had stockaded his fort at the mouth of the bighorn, he sent coalter to bring the indians. alone he set out with gun and knapsack, travelled five hundred miles, and brought in his friends the crows. that laid the foundation of lisa's fortune. when lisa came down with his furs in the spring, coalter and potts with traps on their backs set out for the beaver-meadows of the three forks, the madison, the jefferson, and the gallatin. "we knew those blackfoot sarpints would spare no chance to skelp us," said coalter, "so we sot our traps by night an' tuk 'em afore daylight. goin' up a creek six miles from the jefferson, examinin' our traps one mornin', on a suddent we heerd a great noise. but the banks wuz high an' we cudn't see. "'blackfeet, potts. let's retreat,' sez i. "'blackfut nuthin'. ye must be a coward. thet's buffaloes,' sez potts. an' we kep' on. "in a few minutes five or six hunderd injuns appeared on both sides uv the creek, beckonin' us ashore. i saw 't warnt no use an' turned the canoe head in. "ez we touched, an injun seized potts' rifle. i jumped an' grabbed an' handed it back to potts in the canoe. he tuk it an' pushed off. "an' injun let fly an arrer. jest ez i heard it whizz, potts cried, 'coalter, i'm wounded.' "'don't try to get off, potts, come ashore,' i urged. but no, he levelled his rifle and shot a blackfoot dead on the spot. instanter they riddled potts,--dead, he floated down stream. "then they seized and stripped me. i seed 'em consultin'. "'set 'im up fer a target,' said some. i knew ther lingo, lernt it 'mongst the crows, raound lisa's fort, at the bighorn. but the chief asked me, 'can ye run fast?' "'no, very bad runner,' i answered." clark smiled. well he remembered coalter as the winner in many a racing bout. "the chief led me aout on the prairie, 'save yerself ef ye can.' "et thet instant i heerd, 'whoop-ahahahahah-hooh!' like ten thousand divils, an' i _flew_. "it wuz six miles to the jefferson; the graound wuz stuck like a pinquishen with prickly-pear an' sand burrs, cuttin' my bare feet, but i wuz half acrosst before i ventured to look over the shoulder. the sarpints ware pantin' an' fallin' behind an' scatterin'. but one with a spear not more'n a hunderd yeards behind was gainin'. "i made another bound,--blood gushed from my nostrils. nearer, nearer i heerd his breath and steps, expectin' every minute to feel thet spear in my back. "agin i looked. not twenty yeards behind he ran. on a suddint i stopped, turned, and spread my arms. the blackfoot, astonished at the blood all over my front, perhaps, tried to stop but stumbled an' fell and broke his spear. i ran back, snatched the point, and pinned him to the earth. "the rest set up a hidjus yell. while they stopped beside ther fallen comrade, almost faintin' i ran inter the cottonwoods on the borders uv the shore an' plunged ento the river. "diving under a raft of drift-timber agin the upper point of a little island, i held my head up in a little opening amongst the trunks of trees covered with limbs and brushwood. "screechin', yellin' like so many divils, they come onto the island. thro' the chinks i seed 'em huntin', huntin', huntin', all day long. i only feared they might set the raft on fire. "but at night they gave it up; the voices grew faint and fer away; i swam cautiously daown an' acrost, an' landin' travelled all night. "but i wuz naked. the broilin' sun scorched my skin, my feet were filled with prickly-pears, an' i wuz hungry. game, game plenty on the hills, but i hed no gun. it was seven days to lisa's fort on the bighorn. "i remembered the injun turnip that sacajawea found in there, an' lived on it an' sheep sorrel until i reached lisa's fort, blistered from head to heel." as in a vision the general saw it all. judy's eyes were filled with tears. through the gallatin, the indian valley of flowers, where bozeman stands to-day, the lonely trapper had toiled in the july sun and over the bozeman pass, whither clark's cavalcade had ridden two summers before. six years now had coalter been gone from civilisation, but he had discovered the yellowstone park. no one in st. louis would believe his stories of hot water spouting in fountains, "coalter's hell," but william clark traced his route on the map that he sent for publication. john coalter now received his delayed reward for the expedition,--double pay and three hundred acres of land,--and went up to find boone at charette. "what! pierre menard!" another boat had come out of the north. general clark grasped the horny hand of the fur trader. "what luck?" "bad, bad," gloomily answered the trader with a shake of his flowing mane. "drouillard is dead, and the rest are likely soon to be." "what do you mean?" "blackfeet!" clark guessed all, even before he heard the full details behind locked doors of the missouri fur company at the warehouse of pierre chouteau. "as you knew," began menard, "we spent last winter at fort lisa on the bighorn. when lisa started down here in march we packed our traps on horses, crossed to the three forks, and built a double stockade of logs at the confluence of the rivers. every night the men came in with beaver, beaver, beaver. we confidently expected to bring down not less than three hundred packs this fall but that hope is shattered. on the th of april our men were ambuscaded by blackfeet. five were killed. all their furs, traps, horses, guns, and equipments are without doubt by this time at fort edmonton on the saskatchewan." "but you expected to visit the snakes and flatheads," suggested one to rouse the despondent trader from his revery. "i did. and the object was to obtain a blackfoot prisoner if possible in order to open communication with his tribe. they are the most unapproachable indians we have known. they refuse all overtures. "just outside the fort drouillard was killed. a high wind was blowing at the time, so he was not heard, but the scene of the conflict indicated a desperate defence. "despair seized our hunters. they refused to go out. indeed, it was impossible to go except in numbers, so henry and i concluded it was best to report. i set out by night, and here i am, with these men and thirty packs of beaver. god pity poor henry at the three forks!" thus at one blow were shattered the high hopes of the missouri fur company. all thought of andrew henry, tall, slender, blue-eyed, dark-haired, a man that spoke seldom, but of great deeds. would he survive a winter among the blackfeet? but there was another cause of disquiet to the missouri fur company. "have you heard of john jacob astor?" "what?" "he has gone with wilson price hunt to montreal to engage men for an expedition to the columbia." "what, hunt who kept an indian shop here on the rue?" they all knew him. he had come to st. louis in and become an adept in outfitting. two or three times astor had offered to buy stock in the missouri fur company but had been refused. jefferson himself had recommended him to lewis. now he was carrying trade into the fur country over their heads. already he had a great trade on the lakes, and to the headwaters of the mississippi. he had profited by the surrender of detroit and mackinaw. another stride took him to the falls of st. anthony; and now, along the trail of lewis and clark he planned to be first on the pacific. with ships by sea and caravans by land, he could at last accomplish the wished-for trade to china. "but i, too, planned the pacific trade," said manuel lisa, coming down in the autumn. there was some jealousy that a new york man should be first to follow the trail to the sea. the winter was one of anxiety, for astor's men had arrived in st. louis and had gone up the missouri to camp until spring. anxiety, too, for andrew henry, out there alone in the blackfoot country. could they have been gifted with sufficient sight, the partners in st. louis might even then have seen the brave andrew henry fighting for his life on that little tongue of land between the madison and the jefferson. no trapping could be done. it was dangerous to go any distance from the fort except in large parties. fearing the entire destruction of his little band, henry moved across the mountains into the oregon country, and wintered on what is now henry's fork of the river snake, the first american stronghold on the columbia. "we must exterminate hunt's party," said manuel lisa. "no," said pierre chouteau. "next year he will send again and again, and in time will exterminate us. your duty will be to protect his men on the water, and may god almighty have mercy on them in the mountains, for they will never reach their destination." from his new home at charette john coalter saw astor's people going by, bound for the columbia. to his surprise they inquired for him. "general clark told us you were the best informed man in the country." coalter told them of the hostility of the blackfeet and the story of his escape. he longed to return with them to the mountains, but he had just married a squaw and he decided to stay. moreover, a twinge in his limbs warned him that that plunge in the jefferson had given him rheumatism for life. daniel boone, standing on the bank at charette when hunt went by, came down and examined their outfit. "jist returned from my traps on the creek," he said, pointing to sixty beaver skins. tame beavers and otters, caught on an island opposite charette creek, were playing around his cabin. and his neighbours had elk and deer and buffalo, broken to the yoke. several seasons had boone with his old friend calloway trapped on the kansas; now he longed for the mountains. "another year and i, too, will go to the yellowstone," said daniel boone. "andrew henry must be rescued. his situation is desperate. he may be dead," said general clark, president of the missouri fur company at st. louis. three weeks behind hunt, lisa set out in a swift barge propelled by twenty oars, with a swivel on the bow and two blunderbusses in the cabin. lisa had been a sea-captain,--he rigged his boat with a good mast, mainsail and topsail, and led his men with a ringing boat-song. then followed a keelboat race of a thousand miles up the missouri. june lisa caught up with hunt near the present bismarck, and met andrew henry coming down with forty packs of beaver. to avoid the hostile blackfeet, hunt bought horses and crossed through the yellowstone-crow country to the abandoned fort of henry on the snake, and on to the columbia. aboard that barge with lisa went sacajawea. true to her word, she had brought the little touissant down to st. louis, where clark placed him with the catholic sisters to be trained for an interpreter. sacajawea was dressed as a white woman; she had quickly adopted their manners and language; but, in the words of a chronicler who saw her there, "she had become sickly, and longed to revisit her native country. her husband also had become wearied of civilised life." so back they went to the minnetarees, bearing pipes from clark to the chiefs. five hundred dollars a year charboneau now received as indian agent for the united states. for more than thirty years he held his post, and to this day his name may be traced in the land of dakota. we can see sacajawea now, startled and expectant, her heart beating like a trip-hammer under her bodice, looking at julia! no dreams of her mountains had ever shown such sunny hair, such fluffs of curls, like moonrise on the water. and that diaphanous cloud,--was it a dress? no shoshone girl ever saw such buckskin, finer than blossom of the bitter-root. "i am come," said sacajawea. a whole year she had tarried among the whites, quickly accommodating herself to their ways. but in the level st. louis she dreamed of her northland, and now she was going home! x _tecumseh_ "it is madness to contend against the whites," said black hoof, chief of the shawnees. "the more we fight the more they come." he had led raids against boonsboro, watched the ohio, and sold scalps at detroit. three times his town was burnt behind him, twice by clark and once by wayne. then he gave up, signed the treaty at greenville, and for ever after kept the peace. now he was living with a band of shawnees at cape girardeau, and made frequent visits to his old friend, daniel boone. indian phillips was with those who besieged boonsboro. phillips was a white man stolen as a child who had always lived with the shawnees. to him daniel boone was the closest of friends. they hunted together and slept together. boone took phillips' bearskins and sold them with his own in st. louis. "if i should die while i am out with you, phillips, you must mark my grave and tell the folks so they can carry me home." long after those indians in the west had welcomed boone's sons, an old squaw said, "i was an adopted sister during his captivity with the ohio indians." sometimes boone went over to cape girardeau, and sat with his friends talking over old times. "do you remember, dan," phillips would say, "when we had you prisoner at detroit? you remember the british traders gave you a horse and saddle and black fish adopted you, and you and he made an agreement you would lead him to boonsboro and make them surrender and bury the tomahawk, and live like brothers and sisters?" "yes, i remember," said boone, smiling at the recollection of those arts of subterfuge. "do you remember one warm day when black fish said, 'dan, the corn is in good roasting ears. i would like to have your horse and mine in good condition before we start to boonsboro. we need a trough to feed them in. i will show you a big log that you can dig out.' black fish led you to a big walnut log. you worked a while and then lay down. black fish came and said, 'well, dan, you haven't done much.' "'no,' you answered, 'you and your squaw call me your son, but you don't love me much. when i am at home i don't work this way,--i have negroes to work for me.' "'well,' said black fish, 'come to camp and stay with your brothers.'" quietly the two old men chuckled together. boone always called black fish, father, and when he went hunting brought the choicest bit to the chief. but now boone's visits to girardeau were made with a purpose. "what is tecumseh doing?" "tecumseh? he says no tribe can sell our lands. he refuses to move out of ohio." old black hoof had pulled away from tecumseh. the shooting star refused to attend wayne's treaty at greenville. in he styled himself a chief, and organised the young blood of the shawnees into a personal band. about this time tecumseh met rebecca galloway, whose father, james galloway, had moved over from kentucky to settle near old chillicothe. at the galloway hearth tecumseh was ever a welcome guest. "teach me to read the white man's book," said tecumseh to the fair rebecca. with wonderful speed the young chief picked up the english alphabet. hungry for knowledge, he read and read and rebecca read to him. thereafter in his wonderful war and peace orations, tecumseh used the language of his beloved rebecca. for, human-like, the young chief lost his heart to the white girl. days went by, dangerous days, while rebecca was correcting tecumseh's speech, enlarging his english vocabulary, and reading to him from the bible. "promise me, tecumseh, never, never will you permit the massacre of helpless women and children after capture." tecumseh promised. "and be kind to the poor surrendered prisoner." "i will be kind," said tecumseh. but time was fleeting,--game was disappearing,--tecumseh was an indian. his lands were slipping from under his feet. it was useless to speak to the fair rebecca. terrified at the fire she had kindled, she saw him no more. enraged, wrathful, he returned to his band. tecumseh never loved any indian woman. a wife or two he tried, then bade them "begone!" when lewis and clark returned from the west, tecumseh and his brother, the prophet, were already planning a vast confederation to wipe out the whites. jefferson heard of these things. "he is visionary," said the president, and let him go on unmolested. "the seventeen fires are cheating us!" exclaimed tecumseh. "the delawares, miamis, and pottawattamies have sold their lands! the great spirit gave the land to all the indians. no tribe can sell without the consent of all. the whites have driven us from the sea-coast,--they will shortly push us into the lakes." the governor-general of canada encouraged him. then came rumours of indian activity. like the hermit of old, tecumseh went out to rouse the redmen in a crusade against the whites. still jefferson paid no heed. about the time that clark and his bride came down the ohio, the distracted indians were swarming on tippecanoe creek, a hundred miles from fort dearborn, the future chicago. all summer, whisperings came into st. louis, "tecumseh is persuading the sacs, foxes, and osages to war." "i will meet the sacs and foxes," said lewis. clark went out and quieted the osages. boone's son and auguste chouteau went with him. "the great spirit bids you destroy vincennes and sweep the ohio to the mouth," was the prophet's reported advice to the chippewas. "give up our land and buy no more, and i will ally with the united states," said tecumseh to general harrison at vincennes, in august of . "it cannot be," said harrison. "then i will make war and ally with england," retorted the defiant chieftain. the frontier had much to fear from an indian war. more and more vagrant red men hovered around st. louis,--sacs, foxes, osages, who had seen tecumseh. the illinois country opposite swarmed with them, making raids on the farmers, killing stock, stealing horses. massacres and depredations began. "'tis time to fortify," said daniel boone to his sons and neighbours. in a little while nine forts had been erected in st. charles county alone, and every cabin was stockaded. the five stockades at boone's lick met frequent assaults. black hawk was there, the trusted lieutenant of tecumseh. the whole frontier became alarmed. then manuel lisa came down the river. "the british are sending wampum to the sioux. all the missouri nations are urged to join the confederacy." in fact, the prophet with his mystery fire was visiting all the northwest tribes, even the blackfeet. ten thousand indians promised to follow him back. dressed in white buckskin, with eagle feathers in his hair, tecumseh, on a spirited black pony, came to gomo and black partridge on peoria lake in the summer of . "i cannot join you," said black partridge, the pottawattamie, holding up a silver medal. "this token was given to me at greenville by the great chief [wayne]. on it you see the face of our father at washington. as long as this hangs on my neck i can never raise my tomahawk against the whites." gomo refused. "long ago the big knife [george rogers clark] came to kaskaskia and sent for the chiefs of this river. we went. he desired us to remain still in our own villages, saying that the americans were able, of themselves, to fight the british." "will anything short of the complete conquest of the canadas enable us to prevent their influence on our indians?" asked governor edwards of illinois. edwards and clark planned together for the protection of the frontier. in july, , tecumseh went to vincennes and held a last stormy interview with harrison without avail. immediately he turned south to the creeks, choctaws, chickasaws, and seminoles. they watched him with kindling eyes. "brothers, you do not mean to fight!" thundered tecumseh to the hesitating creeks. "you do not believe the great spirit has sent me. you shall know. from here i go straight to detroit. when i arrive there i shall stamp on the ground, and shake down every house in this village." as tecumseh strode into the forest the terrified creeks watched. they counted the days. then came the awful quaking and shaking of the new madrid earthquake. "tecumseh has reached detroit! tecumseh has reached detroit!" cried the frantic creeks, as their wigwams tumbled about them. tecumseh was coming leisurely up among the tribes of missouri, haranguing black hoof at cape girardeau, osages, and kickapoos, and iowas at des moines. but tippecanoe had been fought and lost. "there is to be an attack," said george rogers clark floyd, tapping at the door of harrison's tent at three o'clock in the morning of november , . harrison sprang to his horse and with him george croghan and john o'fallon. it was a battle for possession. every indian trained by tecumseh knew his country depended upon it. every white knew he must win or the log cabin must go. in the darkness and rain the combatants locked in the death struggle of savagery against civilisation. tecumseh reached the wabash to find the wreck of tippecanoe. "wretch!" he cried to his brother, "you have ruined all!" seizing the prophet by the hair, tecumseh shook him and beat him and cuffed him and almost killed him, then dashed away to canada and offered his tomahawk to great britain. "the danger is not over," said clark after harrison's battle. to save as many indians as possible from the machinations of tecumseh, immediately after tippecanoe clark summoned the neighbouring tribes to a council at st. louis. over the winter snows the runners sped, calling them in for a trip to washington. it was may of when clark got together his chiefs of the great and little osages, sacs, foxes, shawnees, and delawares. "ahaha! great medicine!" whispered the indians, when general clark discovered their wily plans. nothing could be hid from the red head chief. feared and beloved, none other could better have handled the inflammable tribes at that moment. old chiefs among them remembered his brother of the long knives, and looked upon this clark as his natural successor. and the general took care not to dispel this fancy, but on every occasion strengthened and deepened it. never before in st. louis had indians been watched so strenuously. moody, taciturn, repelling familiarity, they bore the faces of men who knew secrets. tecumseh had whispered in their ear. "shall we listen to tecumseh?" they were wavering. cold, impassively stoic, they heeded no question when citizens impelled by curiosity or friendly feeling endeavoured to draw them into conversation. if pressed too closely, the straight forms lifted still more loftily, and wrapping their blankets closer about them the council chiefs strode contemptuously away. but if clark spoke, every eye was attention. "before we go," said clark, "i advise you to make peace with one another and bury the hatchet." they did, and for the most part kept it for ever. it was may when clark started with his embassy of ninety chiefs to see their "great god, the president," as they called madison, following the old trail to vincennes, louisville, and pittsburg. along with them went a body-guard of soldiers, and also mrs. clark, her maids, and the two little boys, on the way to fincastle. mrs. clark's especial escort was john o'fallon, nineteen years of age, aide to harrison at tippecanoe, who had come to his uncle at st. louis immediately after the battle. in their best necklaces of bears' claws the chiefs arrived at washington. war had been declared against great britain. there was a consultation with the president. "we, too, have declared war," announced the redmen, as they strode with clark from the white house. but black hawk of the rock river sacs was not there. he had followed tecumseh. about the same time, on the eastern bank of the detroit river tecumseh was met by anxious ohio chiefs who remembered wayne. "let us remain neutral," they pleaded. "this is the white man's war." tecumseh shook his tomahawk above the detroit. "my bones shall bleach on this shore before i will join in any council of neutrality." "the great father over the big water will never bury his war-club until he quiets these troublers of the earth," said general brock to tecumseh's redmen. then came larger gifts than ever from "their british father." "war is declared! go," said tecumseh, "cut off fort dearborn before they hear the news!" two emissaries from tecumseh came flying into the illinois. that night the indians started for chicago on her lonely lake. black partridge mounted his pony and tried to dissuade them. he could not. then spurring he reached fort dearborn first. with tears he threw down his medal before the astonished commander. "my young men have gone on the warpath. here is your medal. i will not wear an emblem of friendship when i am compelled to act as an enemy." before the sun went down the shores of lake michigan were red with the blood of men, women, and children. like the rhine of old france, the lakes were still the fighting border. president madison felt grateful to clark for the step he had taken with the indians. "will you command the army at detroit?" "i can do more for my country by attending to the indians," was the general's modest reply. the country waited to hear that hull had taken upper canada. instead the shocked nation heard, "_hull has surrendered_!" "hull has surrendered!" runners flew among the indians to the remotest border,--the creeks heard it before their white neighbours. little crow and his sioux snatched up the war hatchet. detroit had fallen with tecumseh and brock at the head of the anglo-indian army. "we shall drive these americans back across the ohio," said general brock. at this, the old and popular wish of the lake indians, large numbers threw aside their scruples and joined in the war that followed. in december general clark was appointed governor of the newly organised territory of missouri. meanwhile in the buff and blue stage coach, a huge box mounted on springs, julia and her children were swinging toward fotheringay. the air was hot and dusty, the leather curtains were rolled up to catch the slightest breeze, and the happy though weary occupants looked out on the valley of virginia. forty miles a day the coach horses travelled, leaving them each evening a little nearer their destination. the small wayside inns lacked comforts, but such as they were our travellers accepted thankfully. now and then the post-rider blew his horn and dashed by them, or in the heat of the day rode leisurely in the shade of poplars along the road, furtively reading the letters of his pack as he paced in the dust. and still over the mountains were pouring white-topped conestoga waggons, careening down like boats at sea, laden with cargoes of colonial ware, pewter, and mahogany. the golden age of coaching times had come, and magnificent horses, dappled grays and bays in scarlet-fringed housings and jingling bells, seemed bearing away the world on wheels. to the new home julia was coming, at fotheringay. before the coach stopped julia perceived through enshrining trees black granny standing in the wide hallway. throwing up her apron over her woolly head to hide the tears of joy,-- "laws a-honey! miss judy done come hum!" "fotheringay!" sang out the dusty driver with an unusual flourish of whip-lash and echo-waking blast of the postillion's horn. in a trice the steps were down, and surrounded by babies and bandboxes, brass nail-studded hair trunks and portmanteaus of pigskin, "miss judy" was greeted by the entire sable population of fotheringay. light-footed as a girl she ran forward to greet her father, colonel hancock. the colonel hastened to his daughter,-- "hull has surrendered," he said. xi _clark guards the frontier_ the indian hunt was over; they were done making their sugar; the women were planting corn. the warriors hid in the thick foliage of the river borders, preparing for war. "madison has declared war against england!" the news was hailed with delight. now would end this frightful suspense. in illinois alone, fifteen hundred savages under foreign machinations held in terror forty thousand white people,--officers and soldiers of george rogers clark and others who had settled on the undefended prairies. "detroit has fallen!" "mackinac is gone!" "the savages have massacred the garrison at fort dearborn!" "they are planning to attack the settlements on the mississippi. if the sioux join the confederacy--" cheeks paled at the possibility. the greatest body of indians in america resided on the mississippi. who could say at what hour the waters would resound with their whoops? thousands of them could reach st. louis or cahokia from their homes in five or six days. immense quantities of british gifts were coming from the lakes to the indians at peoria, rock island, des moines. "yes, we shall attack when the corn is ripe," said the indians at fort madison. "unless i hear shortly of more assistance than a few rangers i shall bury my papers in the ground, send my family off, and fight as long as possible," said edwards, the governor of illinois. in missouri, surrounded by pottawattamies, champion horsethieves of the frontier, and warlike foxes, iowas, and kickapoos, the settlers ploughed their fields with sentinels on guard. horns hung at their belts to blow as a signal of danger. in the quiet hour by the fireside, an indian would steal into the postern gate and shoot the father at the hearth, the mother at her evening task. presently the settlers withdrew into the forts, unable to raise crops. with corn in the cabin loft, the bear hunt in the fall, the turkey hunt at christmas, and venison hams kept over from last year, still there was plenty. daniel boone, the patriarch of about forty families, ever on the lookout with his long thin eagle face, ruled by advice and example. the once light flaxen hair was gray, but even yet boone's step was springy as the indian's, as gun in hand he watched around the forts. maine, montana, each has known it all, the same running fights of kentucky and oregon. woe to the little children playing outside the forted village,--woe to the lad driving home the cows,--woe to the maid at milking time. the alarm was swelled by quas-qua-ma, a chief of the sacs, a very pacific indian and friend of the whites, who came by night to bring warning and consult clark. in his search quas-qua-ma tip-toed from porch to porch. frightened habitants peered through the shutters. "what ees wanted?" "the red head chief." but clark had not arrived. "we must take this matter into our own hands," said the people. "british and indians came once from mackinac. they may again." "mackinac? they are at fort madison now, murdering our regulars and rangers. how long since they burned our boats and cargoes at fort bellevue? any day they may drop down on st. louis." "we must fortify." "the old bastions may be made available for service." "the old spanish garrison tower must be refitted for the women and children." such were the universal conclusions. men went up the river to the islands to bring down logs. another party set to work to dig a wide, deep ditch for a regular stockade. when clark arrived to begin his duties as territorial governor he found st. louis bordering on a state of panic. there was the cloud-shadow of the north. below, one thousand indians, cherokees, chickasaws, choctaws, creeks, and catawbas on a branch of the arkansas within three days' journey of saint genevieve were crossing the river at chickasaw bluffs. tecumseh's belts of wampum were flying everywhere. in their best necklaces of bears' claws clark's ninety chiefs came home, laden with tokens of esteem. civilised military dress had succeeded the blanket; the wild fierce air was gone. "we have declared war against kinchotch [king george]," said the proud chiefs, taking boat to keep their tribes quiet along the west. a sense of security returned to st. louis. would they not act as a barrier to tribes more remote? the plan for local fortification was abandoned, but a cordon of family blockhouses was built from bellefontaine to kaskaskia, a line seventy-five miles in length, along which the rangers rode daily, watching the red marauders of illinois. the mississippi was picketed with gunboats. "whoever holds prairie du chien holds the upper mississippi," said governor clark. "i will go there and break up that rendezvous of british and indians." who better than clark knew the border and the indian? he could ply the oar, or level the rifle, or sleep at night on gravel stones. "it requires time and a little smoking with indians if you wish to have peace with them." as soon as possible a gunboat, the _governor clark_, and several smaller boats, manned with one hundred and fifty volunteers and sixty regular troops, went up into the hostile country. fierce sacs glared from rock island, foxes paused in their lead digging at dubuque's mines,--lead for british cannon. although on missouri territory, prairie du chien was still occupied by indians and traders to the exclusion of americans. six hundred, seven hundred miles above st. louis, a little red bird whispered up the mississippi, "long knives coming!" the traders retired. "whoever enjoys the trade of the indians will have control of their affections and power," said clark. "too long have we left this point unfortified." a great impression had been made on the savages by the liberality of the british traders. their brilliant red coats--"eenah! eenah! eenamah!" exclaimed the sioux. but now the long knives! wabasha, son of wabasha of the revolution, remembered the long knives. when clark arrived at prairie du chien wabasha refused to fight him. red wing came down to the council. upon his bosom rising moose proudly exhibited a medal given him by captain pike in . the indians nicknamed him "tammaha, the pike." twenty-five leagues above tammaha's village lived wabasha, and twenty-five above wabasha, the red wing, all great chiefs of the sioux, all very friendly now to the long knife who had come up in his gunboat. since time immemorial wabasha had been a friend of the british, twice had he, the son of wabasha i., been to quebec and received flags and medals. but now he remembered captain pike who visited their northern waters while lewis and clark were away at the west. grasping the hand of clark,-- "we have the greatest friendship for the united states," said the chiefs,--all except little crow. he was leading a war party to the lakes. leaving troops to erect a fort and maintain a garrison at the old french prairie du chien, governor clark returned to his necessary duties at st. louis. behind on the river remained the gunboat to guard the builders. "a fort at the prairie?" cried the british traders at mackinac. "that cuts off our dakota trade." and forthwith an expedition was raised to capture the garrison. barely was the rude fortification completed before a force of british and chippewas were marching upon it. "i will not fight the big knives any more," said red wing. "why?" asked the traders. "the lion and the eagle fight. then the lion will go home and leave us to the eagle." red wing was famed for foretelling events at prairie du chien. in june manuel lisa came down the missouri. "de arrapahoe, arikara, gros ventre, and crow are at war wit' de american. de british nort'west traders embroil our people wit' de sauvages to cut dem off!" "we must extend the posts of st. louis to the british border," cautioned clark to lisa. "and if necessary arm the yanktons and omahas against the sacs and iowas. i herewith commission you, lisa, my especial sub-agent among the nations of the missouri to keep them at peace." very well clark knew whom he was trusting. now that war had crippled the missouri fur company, lisa alone represented them in the field. familiar with the fashions of indians, the size and colour of the favourite blanket, the shape and length of tomahawks, no trader was more a favourite than manuel lisa. besides, he still maintained the company's posts,--council bluffs with the omahas, six hundred miles up the missouri, and another at the sioux, six hundred miles further still, with two hundred hunters in his employ. here was a force not to be despised. ten months in the year lisa was buried in the wilderness, hid in the forest and the prairie, far from his wife in st. louis. wily, winning, and strategic, no trader knew indians better. "and," continued the governor, "i offer you five hundred dollars for sub-agent's salary." "a poor five hundred tollar!" laughed lisa. "eet will not buy te tobacco which i give annually to dose who call me fader. but lisa will go. his interests and dose of de government are one." then after a moment's frowning reflection,--"i haf suffered enough," almost wailed lisa, "i haf suffered enough in person and in property under a different government, to know how to appreciate de one under w'ich i now live." even while they were consulting, "here is your friend, de rising moose!" announced old antoine le claire. "rising moose?" governor clark started to his feet as one of the prairie du chien chiefs came striding through the door. "the fort is taken, but i will not fight the long knife. tammaha is an american." all the way down on the gunboat riddled with bullets, tammaha had come with the fleeing soldiers to offer his tomahawk to governor clark. the guns were not yet in when the enemy swept down on the fort at prairie du chien. "prairie du chien lost? it shall be recovered. wait until spring." and the british, too, said, "wait until spring and we will take st. louis." but they feared the gunboats. governor clark accepted tammaha's service, commissioning him a chief of the red wing band of sioux. "wait and go up with lisa. tell your people the long knife counsels them to remain quiet." when lisa set out for the north as agent of both the fur business and that of the government, he carried with him mementoes and friendly reminders to all the principal chiefs of the northern tribes. big elk of the omahas, black cat and big white of the mandans, le borgne of the minnetarees, even the chiefs of the dreaded teton sioux were not forgotten. the red head had been there, had visited their country. he was the son of their great father,--they would listen to the red head chief. at this particular juncture of our national history, clark the red head and manuel lisa the trader formed a fortunate combination for the interests of the united states. their words to the northern chiefs were weighty. their gifts were continued pledges of sacred friendship. while the eyes of the nation were rivetted on the conflict in the east and on the ocean, clark held the trans-mississippi with even a stronger grip than his illustrious brother had held the trans-alleghany thirty years before. along with lisa up the missouri to the dakotas went tammaha, the rising moose, and crossed to prairie du chien. "where do you come from and what business have you here?" cried the british commander, rudely jerking tammaha's bundle from his back and examining it for letters. "i come from st. louis," answered the moose. "i promised the long knife i would come to prairie du chien and here i am." "lock him in the guard house. he ought to be shot!" roared the officer. "i am ready for death if you choose to kill me," answered rising moose. at last in the depth of winter they sent him away. determined now, the old chief set out in the snows to turn all his energy against the british. "the old priest," said some of the indians, "tammaha talks too much!" all along the missouri, from st. louis to the mandans, lisa held councils with the indians with wonderful success. but the mississippi tribes, nearer to canada, were for the most part won over to great britain. in other directions governor clark sent out for reports from the tribes. the answer was appalling. as if all were at war, a cordon of foes stretched from the st. lawrence to the arkansas and alabama. even black partridge,--at the fort dearborn massacre he had snatched mrs. helm from the tomahawk and held her in the lake to save her life. late that night at an indian camp a friendly squaw-mother dressed her wounds. black partridge loved that girl. "lieutenant helm is a prisoner among the indians," said agent forsythe at peoria. "here are presents, black partridge. go ransom him. here is a written order on general clark for one hundred dollars when you bring him to the red head chief." black partridge rode to the kankakee village and spread out his presents. "and you shall have one huntret tollars when you bring him to te red head chief." "not enough! not enough!" cried the indians. "here, then, take my pony, my rifle, my ring," said the partridge, unhooking the hoop of gold from his nose. the bargain was made. the man was ransomed, and mounted on ponies all started for st. louis. lieutenant helm was saved. late at night, tired and hungry, the rain falling in torrents, without pony or gun, black partridge arrived at his village on peoria lake. his village? it was gone. black embers smouldered there. wrapped in his blanket, black partridge sat on the ground to await the revelation of dawn. wolves howled a mournful wail in his superstitious ear. day dawned. there lay the carnage of slaughter,--his daughter, his grandchild, his neighbours, dead. the rangers had burnt his town. breathing vengeance, "i will go on the war path," said black partridge, the pottawattamie. two hundred warriors went from the wigwams of illinois under black partridge, shequenebec sent a hundred from his stronghold at the head of peoria lake, mittitass led a hundred from his village at the portage on the rivière des plaines. painted black they came, inveterate since tippecanoe. "look out for squalls," wrote john o'fallon from st. louis to his mother at louisville. "an express arrived from fort madison yesterday informing that the sentinels had been obliged to fire upon the indians almost every night to keep them at their distance. indians are discovered some nights within several feet of the pickets." black hawk was there. very angry was black hawk at the building of fort madison at the foot of des moines rapids. while lewis and clark were gone in , william henry harrison, directed by jefferson, made a treaty with the sacs and foxes by which they gave up fifty millions of acres. gratiot, vigo, the chouteaus, and officers of the state and army, quasquama and four other chiefs, attached their names to that treaty in the presence of major stoddard. "i deny its validity!" cried black hawk. "i never gave up my land." now black hawk was plotting and planning and attacking fort madison, until early in september a panting express arrived at st. louis. "fort madison is burned, your excellency." "how did it happen?" inquired the governor. "besieged until the garrison was reduced to potatoes alone, we decided to evacuate. digging a tunnel from the southeast blockhouse to the river, boats were made ready. slipping out at night, crowding through the tunnel on hands and knees, our last man set fire to fort madison. like tinder the stockade blazed, kissing the heavens. indians leaped and yelled with tomahawks, expecting our exit. at their backs, under cover of darkness, we escaped down the mississippi." xii _the story of a sword_ "show me what kind of country we have to march through," said the british general to tecumseh, after detroit had fallen. taking a roll of elm-bark tecumseh drew his scalping knife and etched upon it the rivers, hills, and woods he knew so well. and the march began,--to be checked at fort stephenson by a boy of twenty-one. it was the dream and hope of the british fur companies to extend their territory as far within the american border as possible. the whole war of was a traders' war. commerce, commerce, for which the world is battling still, was the motive power on land and sea. at the lakes now, the british fur traders waved their flags again above the ramparts of detroit. "we must hold this post,--its loss too seriously deranges our plans." smouldering, the old revolutionary fires had burst anew. did george iii. still hope to conquer america? "hull surrendered?" america groaned at the stain, the stigma, the national disgrace! in a day regiments leaped to fill the breach. "detroit must be re-taken!" along the lakes battle succeeded battle in swift succession. at louisville two mothers, lucy and fanny, were anxious for their boys. both george croghan and john o'fallon had been with harrison at tippecanoe. both had been promoted. then came the call for swords. "get me a sword in philadelphia," wrote o'fallon to his mother. "send me a sword to cincinnati," begged croghan. sitting under the trees at locust grove the sisters were discussing the fall of detroit. fanny had john o'fallon's letter announcing the burning of fort madison. lucy was devouring the last impatient scrawl from her fiery, ambitious son, george croghan, now caged in an obscure fort on sandusky river near lake erie. "the general little knows me," wrote croghan. "to assist his cause, to promote in any way his welfare, i would bravely sacrifice my best and fondest hopes. i am resolved on quitting the army as soon as i am relieved of the command of this post." scarcely had the two mothers finished reading when a shout rang through the streets of louisville. "hurrah for croghan! croghan! croghan!" "why, what is the matter?" pale with anxiety lucy ran to the gate. the whole street was filled with people coming that way. in a few hurried words she heard the story from several lips at once. "why, you see, madam, general harrison was afraid tecumseh would make a flank attack on fort stephenson, in charge of george croghan, and so ordered him to abandon and burn it. but no,--he sent the general word, 'we are determined to hold this place, and by heaven we will!' "that night george hastily cut a ditch and raised a stockade. then along came proctor and tecumseh with a thousand british and indians, and summoned him to surrender. "the boy had only one hundred and sixty inexperienced men and a single six-pounder, but he sent back answer: 'the fort will be defended to the last extremity. no force, however great, can induce us to surrender. we are resolved to hold this post or bury ourselves in its ruins.'" tears ran down lucy's cheeks as she listened,--she caught at the gate to keep from falling. before her arose the picture of that son with red hair flying, and fine thin face like a blooded warhorse,--she knew that look. "again proctor sent his flag demanding surrender to avoid a terrible massacre. "'when this fort is taken there will be none to massacre,' answered the boy, 'for it will not be given up while a man is left to resist!' "the enemy advanced, and when close at hand, croghan unmasked his solitary cannon and swept them down. again proctor advanced, and again the rifle of every man and the masked cannon met them. falling back, proctor and tecumseh retreated, abandoning a boatload of military stores on the bank." "hurrah for croghan! croghan! croghan!" again rang down the streets of louisville. the bells rang out a peal as the stars and stripes ran up the flag-staff. "the little game cock, he shall have my sword," said george rogers clark, living again his own great days. and with that sword there was a story. when tippecanoe was won and the world was ringing with "harrison!" men recalled another hero who "with no provisions, no munitions, no cannon, no shoes, almost without an army," had held these same redmen at bay. "and does he yet live?" "he lives, an exile and a hermit on a point of rock on the indiana shore above the falls of the ohio." "has he no recognition?" men whispered the story of the sword. when john rogers went back from victorious vincennes with hamilton a prisoner-of-war, the grateful virginian assembly voted george rogers clark a sword. "and you, captain rogers, may present it." the sword was ready, time passed, difficulties multiplied. clark presented his bill to the virginia legislature. to his amazement and mortification the house of delegates refused to allow his claim. clark went home, sold his bounty lands, and ruined himself to pay for the bread and meat of his army. and then it was rumoured, "to-day a sword will be presented to george rogers clark." all the countryside gathered, pioneers and veterans, with the civic and military display of that rude age to see their hero honoured. the commissioner for virginia appeared, and in formal and complimentary address delivered the sword. the general received it; then drawing the long blade from its scabbard, plunged it into the earth and broke it off at the hilt. turning to the commissioner, he said, "captain rogers, return to your state and tell her for me first to be just before she is generous." for years those old veterans had related to their children and grandchildren the story of that tragic day when clark, the hero, broke the sword virginia gave him. but a new time had come and new appreciation. while the smoke of tippecanoe was rolling away a member of the virginia legislature related anew the story of that earlier vincennes and of the sword that clark, "with haughty sense of wounded pride and feeling had broken and cast away." with unanimous voice virginia voted a new sword and the half-pay of a colonel for the remainder of his life. the commissioners found the old hero partially paralysed. lucy had gone to him at the point of rock. "brother, you are failing, you need care, i will look after you," and tenderly she bore him to her home at locust grove, where now, all day long, in his invalid chair, george rogers clark studied the long reach of the blue ohio or followed napoleon and the boys of . nothing had touched him like this deed of his nephew,--"yes, yes, he shall have my sword!" the next morning after the battle general harrison wrote to the secretary of war: "i am sorry i cannot submit to you major croghan's official report. he was to have sent it to me this morning, but i have just heard that he was so much exhausted by thirty-six hours of constant exertion as to be unable to make it. it will not be among the least of general proctor's mortifications to find that he has been baffled by a youth who has just passed his twenty-first year. he is, however, a hero worthy of his gallant uncle, general george rogers clark." the cannon, "old betsy," stands yet in fort stephenson at fremont, ohio, where every passing year they celebrate the victory of that second day of august, ,--the first check to the british advance in the war of . a few days later, perry's victory on lake erie opened the road to canada and detroit was re-taken. "britannia, columbia, both had set their heels upon detroit, and young columbia threw britannia back across the lakes," says the chronicler. then followed the battle of the thames and the death of tecumseh. a canadian historian says, "but for tecumseh, it is probable we should not now have a canada." what if he had won rebecca? would canada now be a peaceful sister of the states? tecumseh fought with the fur traders,--their interests were his,--to keep the land a wild, a game preserve for wild beasts and wilder men. civilisation had no part or place in tecumseh's plan. with the medal of george iii. upon his breast, tecumseh fell, on canadian soil, battle-axe in hand, hero and patriot of his race, the last of the great shawnees. tecumseh's belt and shot pouch were sent to jefferson and hung on the walls of monticello. tecumseh's son passed with his people beyond the mississippi. from his invalid chair at locust grove george rogers clark was writing to his brother: "your embarkation from st. louis on your late hazardous expedition [to prairie du chien] was a considerable source of anxiety to your friends and relatives. they were pleased to hear of your safe return.... "as to napoleon ... the news of his having abdicated the throne--" "napoleon abdicated?" governor clark scarce finished the letter. having crushed him, what armies might not england hurl hitherward! new danger menaced america. "napoleon abdicated!" new orleans wept. then followed the word, "england is sailing into the gulf,--sir edward pakenham, brother-in-law of the duke of wellington, with a part of wellington's victorious army, fifty ships, a thousand guns and twenty thousand men!" never had great britain lost sight of the mississippi. this was a part of the fleet that burned washington and had driven dolly madison and the president into ignominious flight. terrified, new orleans, the beautiful creole maiden, beset in her orange bower, flung out her arms appealing to the west! and that west answered, "never, while the mississippi rolls to the gulf, will we leave you unprotected." and out of that west came andrew jackson and tall tennesseeans, kentuckians, mississippians, in coonskin caps and leathern hunting shirts, to seal for ever our right to louisiana. the hottest part of the battle was fought at chalmette, above the grave of the fighting parson. immortal eighth of january, ! discontented creoles of proved loyal americans, vindicating their right to honour. napoleon laughed when he heard it at elba,--"i told them i had given england a rival that one day would humble her pride." even the ursuline nuns greeted their deliverers with joy, and the dim old cloistered halls were thrown open for a hospital. "i expect at this moment," said lord castlereagh in europe, "that most of the large seaport towns of america are laid in ashes, that we are in possession of new orleans, and have command of all the rivers of the mississippi valley and the lakes." but he counted without our ships at sea. the war of was fought upon the ocean, "the golden age of naval fighting." bone of her bone, flesh of her flesh, under the "gridiron flag," tars of the american revolution, sailor boys who under impressment had fought at trafalgar, led in a splendid spectacular drama, the like of which england or the world had never seen. she had trained up her own child. a thousand sail had britain--america a dozen sloops and frigates altogether,--but the little tubs had learned from their mother. "the territory between the lakes and the ohio shall be for ever set apart as an indian territory," said england at the opening of the peace negotiations. "the united states shall remove her armed vessels from the lakes and give england the right of navigating the mississippi." clay, gallatin, adams packed up their grips preparatory to starting home, when england bethought herself and came to better terms. the next year america passed a law excluding foreigners from our trade, and the british fur traders reluctantly crossed the border. but they held oregon by "joint occupation." "all posts captured by either power shall be restored," said the treaty. "there shall be joint occupancy of the oregon country for ten years." "a great mistake! a great mistake!" cried out thomas hart benton, a young lawyer who had settled in st. louis. "in ten years that little nest egg of 'joint occupation' will hatch out a lively fighting chicken." benton was a western man to the core,--he felt a responsibility for all that sunset country. and why should he not? missouri and oregon touched borders on the summit of the rockies. were they not next-door neighbours, hobnobbing over the fence as it were? every day at governor clark's at st. louis, he and benton discussed that oregon "joint occupancy" clause. "as if two nations ever peacefully occupied the same territory! i tell you it is a physical impossibility," exclaimed benton, jamming down his wine-glass with a crash. the war of ,--how astor hated it! "but for that war," he used to say, "i should have been the richest man that ever lived." as it was, the british fur companies came in and gained a foothold from which they were not ousted until american ox-teams crossed the plains and american frontiersmen took the country. a million a year england trapped from oregon waters. xiii _portage des sioux_ "come and make treaties of friendship." as his brother had done at the close of the revolution, so now william clark sent to the tribes to make peace after the war of . "no person ought to be lazy to be de bearer of such good news," said old antoine le claire, the interpreter. up the rivers and toward the lakes, runners carried the word of the red head chief, "come, come to st. louis!" to the clay huts of the sable pawnees of the platte, to the reed wigwams of the giant osages, to the painted lodges of the omahas, and to the bark tents of the chippewas, went "peace talks" and gifts and invitations. "de iowas are haughty an' insolent!" st. vrain, first back, laid their answer on the table. "de kickapoo are glad of de peace, but de sauk an' winnebago insist on war! de sauk haf murdered deir messenger!" that was black hawk. with a war party from prairie du chien he was met by the news of peace. "peace?" black hawk wept when he heard it. he had been at the battle of the thames. "de messenger to de sioux are held at rock river!" one by one came runners into the council hall, and, cap in hand, stood waiting. outside, their horses pawed on the rue, their boats were tied at the river. "some one must pass rock river, to the sioux, chippewas, and menomonees," said clark. not an interpreter stirred. "we dare not go into dose hostile countrie," said antoine le claire, spokesman for the rest. "what? with an armed boat?" the silence was painful as the governor looked over the council room. "i will go." every eye was turned toward the speaker, james kennerly, the governor's private secretary, the cousin of julia and brother of harriet of fincastle. the same spirit was there that led a whole generation of his people to perish in the revolution. his father had been dragged from the field of cowpens wrapped in the flag he had rescued. at the risk of his life, when no one else would venture, the faithful secretary went up the mississippi to bring in the absent tribes. black-eyed elise, the daughter of dr. saugrain, wept all night to think of it. governor clark himself had introduced elise to his secretary. how she counted the days! "the chippewas would have murdered me but for the timely arrival of the sioux," said kennerly, on his safe return with the band of rising moose. "the red coats are gone!" said rising moose. "i rush in. i put out the fire. i save the fort." without waiting for troops from st. louis, forty-eight hours after the news of peace the british had evacuated prairie du chien. a day or two later they returned, took the cannon, and set fire to the fort with the american flag flying. into the burning fort went rising moose, secured the flag and an american medal, and brought them down to st. louis. while interpreters were speeding by horse and boat over half a hundred trails, manuel lisa, sleepless warden of the plains, arrived with forty-three chiefs and head men of the missouri sioux. wild indians who never before had tasted bread, brought down in barges camped on the margin of the mississippi, the great council chiefs of their tribes, moody, unjoyous, from the stony mountains. for weeks other deputations followed, to the number of two thousand, to make treaties and settle troubles arising out of the war of . whether even yet a council could be held was a query in governor clark's mind. across the neighbouring mississippi, sacs, foxes, iowas were raiding still, capturing horses and attacking people. that was black hawk. the eyes of the missouri sioux flashed. "let us go and fight those sacs and iowas. they shall trouble us no more." with difficulty were they held to the council. there was a steady and unalterable gloom of countenance, a melancholy, sullen musing among the gathered tribes, as they camped on the council ground at portage des sioux on the neck of land between the two rivers at st. charles. over this neck crossed sioux war parties in times past, avoiding a long detour, bringing home their scalps. resplendent with oriental colour were the bluffs and the prairies. chiefs and warriors had brought their squaws and children,--sioux from the lakes and the high points of the mississippi in canoes of white birch, light and bounding as cork upon the water; sioux of the missouri in clumsy pirogues; mandans in skin coracles, barges, dug-outs, and cinnamon-brown fleets of last year's bark. the panorama of forest and prairie was there,--sioux of the leaf, sioux of the broad leaf, and sioux who shoot in the pine tops, in hoods of feathers, chinese featured sioux, of smooth skins and roman noses, the ideal indian stalking to and fro with forehead banded in green and scarlet and eagle plumes. for wabasha, little crow, and red wing had come, great sachems of the sioux nation. the british officers at drummond's island in lake huron had sent for little crow and wabasha. "i would thank you in the name of george iii. for your services in the war." "my father," said wabasha, "what is this i see on the floor before me? a few knives and blankets! is this all you promised at the beginning of the war? where are those promises you made? you told us you would never let fall the hatchet until the americans were driven beyond the mountains. will these presents pay for the men we lost? i have always been able to make a living and can do so still." "after we have fought for you," cried little crow, "endured many hardships, lost some of our people, and awakened the vengeance of our powerful neighbours, you make a peace and leave us to obtain such terms as we can! you no longer need us and offer these goods for having deserted us. we will not take them." kicking the presents contemptuously with his foot, little crow turned away. "arise, let us go down to the red head parshasha!" in handsome bark canoes propelled by sails alone, the sioux came down to st. louis. walking among their elliptical tents, lounging on panther skins at their wigwam doors, waited the redmen, watching, lynx-eyed, losing nothing of the scene before them. beaded buckskin glittered in the sun, tiny bells tinkled from elbow to ankle, and sashes outrivalled louisiana sunsets. half-naked osages with helmet-crests and eagle-quills, full-dressed in breech-clouts and leggings fringed with scalp-locks, the tallest men in north america, from their warm south hills, mingled with pottawattamies of the illinois, makers of fire, shawnees with vermilion around their eyes, sacs, of the red badge, and foxes, adroitest of thieves, all drumming on their tambourines. winnebagoes, fish eaters, had left their nets on the northern lakes, omahas their gardens on the platte, and ojibway arrow makers sat chipping, chipping as the curious crowds walked by. for all the neighbouring country had gathered to view the indian camp of . oblivious, contemptuous perhaps, of staring crowds, the industrious women skinned and roasted dogs on sticks, the warriors gambled with one another, staking their tents, skins, rifles, dogs, and squaws. here and there sachems were mending rifles, princesses carrying water, children playing ball. about the first of july, governor clark of missouri, governor ninian edwards of illinois, and auguste chouteau of st. louis, opened the council,--one of the greatest ever held in the mississippi valley. auguste chouteau, prime vizier of all the old spanish commandants, now naturally slipped into the same office with clark, and governor edwards of illinois, who as a father had guarded the frontier against the wiles of tecumseh, and had risked his entire fortune to arm the militia,--all in queues, high collared coats, and ruffled shirts, faced each other and the chiefs. in front of their neatly arranged tents sat the tawny warriors in imposing array, with dignified attention to the interpretation of each sentence. "the long and bloody war is over. the british have gone back over the big water," said governor clark, "and now we have sent for you, my brothers, to conclude a treaty of peace." "heigh!" cried all the indians in deep-toned resonance that rolled like a greek chorus to the bluffs beyond. the sky smiled down as on the old areopagus, the leaves of the forest rustled, the river swept laughing by. "every injury or act of hostility by one or either of us against the other, shall be mutually forgiven and forgot." "heigh! heigh! heig-h!" "there shall be perpetual peace and friendship between us." "heigh!" "you will acknowledge yourselves under the protection of the united states, and of no other nation, power, or sovereign whatsoever." "heigh!" a teton sioux who had come down with lisa struggled to his feet, approached, shook hands with the commissioners, then retreated and fixed his keen eye on the governor. his voice rang clear over the assembled thousands,-- "we have come down expressly to notify you, our father, that we will assist in chastising those nations hostile to our government." the two factions faced each other. scowls of lightning hate flashed over the council. but the wisdom and tact of clark were equal to regiments. "the fighting has ended," he said. "the peace has come." "heigh!" shouted all the indians. "heig-h!" partisan was there, the teton chief, who with black buffalo had made an attempt to capture clark on the way to the pacific. and now partisan was bristling to fight for clark. wabasha arose, like a figure out of one of catlin's pictures, in a chief's costume, with bullock horns and eagle feathers. there was a stir. with a profile like the great condé, followed by his pipe bearers with much ceremony, the hereditary chief from the falls of st. anthony walked up to governor clark. "i shake hands," he said. every neck was craned. when before had wabasha stood? in their northern councils he spoke sitting. "i am called upon to stand only in the presence of my great father at washington or governor clark at st. louis. but i am not a warrior," said wabasha. "my people can prosper only at peace with one another and the whites. against my advice some of my young men went into the war." the fiery eyes of little crow flashed, the aquiline curve of his nose lifted, like the beak of an eagle. he had come down from his bark-covered cabin near st. paul. "i am a _war chief_!" said little crow. "but i am willing to conclude a peace." "i alone was an american," said rising moose, "when all my people fought with the british." all the rest of his life tammaha, rising moose, wore a tall silk hat and carried governor clark's commission in his bosom. big elk, the omaha, successor of blackbird, spoke with action energetic and graceful. "last winter when you sent your word by captain manuel lisa, in the night one of the whites wanted my young men to rise. he told them if they wanted good presents, to cross to the british. this man was baptiste dorion. when i was at the pawnees i wanted to bring some of them down, but the whites who live among them told them not to go, that no good came from the americans, that good only came from the british. i have told captain manuel to keep those men away from us. take care of the sioux. take care. they will fly from under your wing." sacs who had been hostile engaged in the debate. noble looking chiefs, with blanket thrown around the body in graceful folds, the right arm, muscular and brawny, bare to the shoulder, spoke as cato might have spoken to the roman senate. "my father, it is the request of my people to keep the british traders among us." as he went on eloquently enumerating their advantages in pleading tone and voice and glance and gesture,--hah! the wild rhetoric of the savage! how it thrilled the assembled concourse of indians and americans! clark shook his head. "it cannot be. we can administer law, order, and justice ourselves. come to us for goods,--the british traders belong beyond the border." the indians gave a grunt of anger. "it has been promised already," cried another chief. "the americans have double tongues!" "heigh!" ran among the indians. many a one touched his tongue and held up two fingers, "you lie!" with stern and awful look clark immediately dismissed the council. the astonished chiefs covered their mouths with their hands as they saw the commissioners turn their backs to go out. that afternoon a detachment of united states artillery arrived and camped in full view of the indians. they had been ordered to the sac country. colonel dodge's regiment of dragoons, each company of a solid colour, blacks and bays, whites, sorrels, grays and creams, went through the manoeuvres of battle, charge and repulse, in splendid precision. it was enough. the sac chiefs, cowed, requested the renewal of the council. "my father," observed the offending chief of the day before, "you misunderstood me. i only meant to say we have always understood from our fathers that the americans used two languages, the french and the english!" clark smiled and the council proceeded. but by night, july , the sacs, foxes, and kickapoos secretly left the council. at the same time came reports of great commotion at prairie du chien where the northern tribes were divided by the british traders. head bent, linked arm in arm with paul louise, his little interpreter, the giant osage chief, white hair, gave strict attention. white hair had been in st. clair's defeat, and in seeking to scalp a victim had grasped--his wig! this he ever after wore upon his own head, a crown of white hair. he said, "i felt a fire within me,--it drove me to the fight of st. clair. his army scattered. i returned to my own people. but the fire still burned, and i went over the mountains toward the western sea." every morning the osages set up their matutinal wail, dolefully lamenting, weeping as if their hearts would break. "what is the matter?" inquired governor clark, riding out in concern. "we are mourning for our ancestors," answered the chief, shedding copious tears and sobbing anew, for ages the custom of his people. "they are dead long ago,--let them rest!" said the governor. brightening up, white hair slipped on his wig and followed him to the council. houseless now and impoverished black partridge and his people clung to colonel george davenport as to a father. poor helpless pottawattamies! "come with me," said davenport, "i will take you to st. louis." so down in a flotilla of canoes had come davenport with thirteen chiefs, all wreathed in turkey feathers, emblems of the pottawattamies. no more they narrated their heroic exploits in fighting with tecumseh. grave, morose, brooding over his wrongs, black partridge was seventy now, his long coarse unkempt hair in matted clusters on his shoulders, but figure still erect and firm. "i would be a friend to the whites," he said. "i was compelled to go with my tribe." the silver medallion of george washington was gone from his breast. many and sad had been the vicissitudes since that day, when, in a flood of tears, he had thrown it down at the feet of the commander at fort dearborn. tall, slim, with a high forehead, large nose and piercing black eyes, with hoops of gold in his ears, black partridge was a typical savage,--asking for civilisation. but it rolled over him. here and there a missionary tarried to talk, but commerce, commerce, the great civiliser, arose like a flood, drowning the redmen. "the settlements are crowding our border," black partridge spoke for his people on their fairy lake, peoria. "and whom shall we call father, the british at malden or the americans at st. louis? who shall relieve our distresses?" "put it in your mind," said auguste chouteau, the shrewd old french founder of st. louis, "put it in your mind, that when de british made peace with us, dey left you in de middle of de prairie without a shade against sun or rain. left you in de middle of de prairie, a sight to pity. we americans have a large umbrella; keeps off de sun and rain. you come under our umbrella." and they did. the indian has a fine sense of justice. the situation was evident. abandoned by the british who had led him into the war, he stood ready at last to return to the friends on whom he was most dependent. one by one the chiefs came forward and put their mark to the treaty of peace and friendship. clark brought the peace pipes,--every neck was craned to scan them. sioux pipes sometimes cost as much as forty horses,--finely wrought pipes of variegated red and white from the minnesota quarries, shoshone pipes of green, and pipes of purple from queen charlottes, were sold for skins and slaves,--but these, clark's pipes of silver bowls and decorated stems, these were worth a hundred horses! puffing its fragrant aroma, the fierce wild eye of the savage softened. twenty thousand dollars' worth of goods was distributed in presents, flags, blankets, and rifles, ornaments and clothing. "ah, ha! great medicine!" whispered the indians as the beautiful gifts came one by one into their hands. "we need traders," said red wing, sliding his hand along the soft nap of the blankets. "that made us go into the war. without traders we have to clothe ourselves in grass and eat the earth." "you shall have traders," answered clark. "i shall not let you travel five or six hundred miles to a british post." every september thereafter he sent them up a few presents to begin their fall hunting, and counselled his agents to listen to their complaints and render them justice. "we must depend on policy rather than arms," said the governor. "for they are our children, the wards of the nation." the indians were dined in st. louis and entertained with music and dancing. by their dignity, moderation, and untiring forbearance, the commissioners of portage des sioux exemplified the paternal benevolence of the government. at the end of the council lisa started back with his chiefs, on a three months' voyage to their northern home, and on the last day of september clark dismissed the rest. thus making history, the summer had stolen away. all next summer and the next were spent in making treaties, until at last there was peace along the border. "did you sign?" finally asked some one of black hawk of the british band. "i touched the goose quill," answered the haughty chief. so ended the war of . xiv _"for our children, our children!"_ as soon as the indian scare was silenced, all the world seemed rushing to missouri. ferries ran by day and night. patriarchal planters of virginia, the carolinas, and georgia passed ever west in long, unending caravans of flocks, servants, herds, into the new land of the louisianas. new englanders and pennsylvanians, six, eight, and ten horses to a waggon, and cattle with their hundred bells, tinkled through the streets of st. louis. "where are you going, now?" inquired the citizens. "to boone's lick, to be sure." "go no further," said clark, ever enthusiastic about st. louis. "buy here. this will be the city." "but ah!" exclaimed the emigrant. "if land is so good here what must boone's lick be!" perennial childhood of the human heart, ever looking for canaan just beyond! the frenchmen shrugged their shoulders at the strange energy of these progressive "bostonnais." it annoyed them to have their land titles looked into. "a process! a lawsuit!" they clasped their hands in despair. but ever the people of st. louis put up their lands to a better figure, and watched out of their little square lattices for the coming of _les américains_. all the talk was of land, land, land! the very wealth of ancient estates lay unclaimed for the first heir to enter, the gift of god. in waggons, on foot and horseback, with packhorses, handcarts, and wheelbarrows, with blankets on their backs and children by the hand, the oppressed of the old world fled across the new. "why do you go into the wilderness?" "for my children, my children," answered the pioneer. more and more came people in a mighty flood, peasants, artisans, sons of the old crusaders, children of feudal knights of chivalry and romance, descendants of the hardy norsemen who captured europe five hundred years before, scions of europe's most titled names, thronging to our west. frosts and crop failures in the atlantic states and a financial panic uprooted old revolutionary centres. "a better country, a better country!" was the watchword of the mobile nation. "let's go over to the territory," said the soldiers of . "let us go to arkansas, where corn can be had for sixpence a bushel and pork for a penny a pound. two days' work in texas is equal to the labour of a week in the north." and on they pressed into no man's land, a land of undeveloped orchards, maple syrup and honey, fields of cotton and wool and corn. conestoga waggons crowded on the alleghanies, teams fell down precipices and perished, but the tide pushed madly on. colonies of hundreds were pouring into michigan, wisconsin, illinois. new towns were named for their founders, new counties, lakes, rivers, streams, and hills,--the settlers wrote their names upon the geography of the nation. in the midst of the war daniel boone had come down to clark at st. louis. "i have spoken to henry clay about your claim," said the governor. "he says congress will do something for you." "now rebecca, thee shall hev a house!" that house, the joint product of nathan, the colonel, and his slaves, was a work of years. not far from the old cabin by the spring it stood, convenient to the judgment tree. for boone still held his court beneath the spreading elm. the stones were quarried and chiselled, two feet thick, and laid so solidly that to-day the walls of the old boone mansion are as good as new. the plaster was mixed and buried in the ground over winter to ripen. roomy and comfortable, two stories and an attic it was built, with double verandas and chimneys at either end, the finest mansion on the border. but in march rebecca died. boone buried her where he could watch the mound. the house was finished. the colonel bought a coffin and put it under the bed to be ready. sometimes he tried his coffin, to see how it would seem when he slept beside rebecca. in december came the land, a thousand arpents in his spanish grant. "if i only cud hev told rebecca," sobbed daniel, kneeling at her grave. "she war a good woman, and the faithful companion of all my wanderings." in the spring boone sold his land, and set out for kentucky. "daniel boone has come! daniel boone has come!" old hunters, revolutionary heroes, came for miles to see their leader who had opened kentucky. there was a reception at maysville. parties were given in his honour wherever he went. once more he embraced his old friend, simon kenton. "how much do i owe ye?" he said to one and another. whatever amount they named, that he paid, and departed. one day the dusty old hunter re-entered his son's house on the femme osage with fifty cents in his pocket. "now i am ready and willing to die. i have paid all my debts and nobody can say, 'boone was a dishonest man.'" then came the climax of his life. "nate, i am goin' to the yellowstone." while clark was holding his peace treaties, daniel boone, eighty-two years old, with a dozen others set out in boats for the upper missouri. autumn came. somewhere in the present montana, they threw up a winter camp and were besieged by indians. a heavy snow-storm drove the indians off. in early spring, coming down the missouri on the return, again they were attacked by indians and landed in a thicket of the opposite shore. under cover of a storm in the night boone ordered them into the boat, and silently in the pelting rain they escaped. boone himself brought the furs to st. louis, and went back with a bag full of money and a boat full of emigrants. farther and farther into his district emigrants began setting up their four-post sassafras bedsteads and scouring their pewter platters. women walked thirty miles to hear the first piano that came into the boone settlement. in the last year of the war boone's favourite grandson was killed at charette. "the history of the settlement of the western country is my history," said the old colonel in his grief. "two darling sons, a grandson, and a brother have i lost by savage hands, besides valuable horses and abundance of cattle. many sleepless nights have i spent, separated from the society of men, an instrument ordained of god to settle the wilderness." "you must paint daniel boone," said governor clark to chester harding, a young american artist fresh from paris in the summer of . the governor was harding's first sitter. he invited the indians into his studio. "ugh! ugh! ugh!" grunted the osage chiefs, putting their noses close and rubbing their fingers across the governor's portrait. in june harding set out up the missouri to paint boone. in an old blockhouse of the war of , he found him lying on a bunk, roasting a strip of venison wound around his ramrod, turning it before the fire. "what? paint my pictur'?" "yes, on canvas. make a portrait, you know." the old man consented. with amazement the frontiersman saw the picture grow,--still more amazed, his grandchildren watched the likeness of "granddad" growing on the canvas. ruddy and fair, with silvered locks, always humming a tune, he sat in his buckskin hunting-shirt trimmed with otter's fur, and the knife in his belt he had carried on his first expedition to kentucky. every day now, in his leisure hours, the old pioneer was busily scraping with a piece of glass. "making a powder-horn," he said. "goin' to hunt on the fork in the fall." a hundred miles up the kansas he had often set his traps, but boone's legs were getting shaky, his eyes were growing dim. every day now he tried his coffin,--it was shining and polished and fair, of the wood he loved best, the cherry. people came for miles to look at boone's coffin. xv _too good to the indians_ manuel lisa had out-distanced all his competitors in the fur trade. but the voice of envy whispered, "manuel must cheat the government, and manuel must cheat the indians, otherwise manuel could not bring down every summer so many boats loaded with rich furs." "good!" exclaimed lisa to governor clark, when the fleets were tying up at st. louis in . "my accounts with the government will show whether i receive anything out of which to cheat it." "i have not blamed you, manuel," explained the governor. "on the contrary i have conveyed to the government my high appreciation of your very great services in quieting the indians of the missouri. it is not necessary to worry yourself with the talk of babblers who do not understand." "cheat the indians!" the spaniard stamped the floor. "the respect and friendship which they have for me, the security of my possessions in the heart of their country, respond to this charge, and declare with voices louder than the tongues of men that it cannot be true. "'but manuel gets so much rich fur.'" lisa ground out the words with scorn. "well, i will explain how i get it. first i put into my operations great activity,--i go a great distance, while some are considering whether they will start to-day or to-morrow. i impose upon myself great privations,--ten months in a year i am buried in the forest, at a vast distance from my own house. i appear as the benefactor, and not as the pillager, of the indians. i carried among them the seed of the large pumpkin, from which i have seen in their possession the fruit weighing one hundred and sixty pounds. also the large bean, the potato, the turnip, and these vegetables now make a great part of their subsistence. this year i have promised to carry the plough. besides, my blacksmiths work incessantly for them, charging nothing. i lend them traps, only demanding preference in their trade. my establishments are the refuge of the weak and of the old men no longer able to follow their lodges; and by these means i have acquired the confidence and friendship of these nations, and the consequent choice of their trade. these things i have done, and i propose to do more." in short, manuel lisa laid down his commission as sub-agent to embark yet more deeply in the fur trade. "what is that noise at the river?" ten thousand shrieking eagles and puffs of smoke arose from the yellow-brown mississippi below. the entire population of st. louis was flocking to the river brink to greet the _general pike_, the first steamboat that ever came up to st. louis. people rushed to the landing but the indians drew back in terror lest the monster should climb the bank and pursue them inland. pell-mell into clark's council house they tumbled imploring protection. never had st. louis appeared so beautiful as when julia and the children came into their new home in . clark, the governor, had built a mansion, one of the finest in st. louis. wide verandas gave a view of the river, gardens of fruit and flowers bloomed. but julia was ill. "take her back to the virginia mountains," said dr. farrar, the family physician. "st. louis heats are too much for her." in dress suit, silk hat, and sword cane, farrar was a notable figure in old st. louis, riding night and day as far out as boone's lick, establishing a reputation that remains proverbial yet. he had married anne thruston, the daughter of fanny. "let her try a trip on the new steamboat," said the doctor. so after her picture was painted by chester harding in that spring of , clark and julia and the little boys, meriwether lewis, william preston, and george rogers hancock, set out for new orleans in the "new-fangled steamboat." it was a long and dangerous trip; the river was encumbered with snags; every night they tied up to a tree. "travel by night? couldn't think of it! we'd be aground before morning!" said the captain. around by sea the governor and his wife sailed by ship to washington. "i will join you at the sweet springs," said president monroe to the governor and his wife in washington. "the sweet springs cure all my ills," said dolly madison at montpelier. "she will recover at the sweet springs," said jefferson at monticello. but at the sweet springs julia grew so ill they had to carry her on a bed to fotheringay. "miss judy done come home sick!" the servants wept. something of a physician himself, clark began the use of fumes of tar through a tube, and to the surprise of all "miss judy" rallied again. "as soon as i can leave her in safety i shall return to st. louis," wrote the governor to friends at the missouri capital. "if i should die," said julia sweetly one day, "and you ever think of marrying again, consider my cousin harriet." "ah, but you will be well, my darling, when spring comes." and she was better in the spring, thinking of the new house at st. louis. julia was a very neat and careful housekeeper. everything was kept under lock and key, she directed the servants herself, and was the light of a houseful of company. for the governor's house was the centre of hospitality,--never a noted man came that way, but, "i must pay my respects to the governor." savants from over the sea came to look at his indian museum. general clark had made the greatest collection in the world, and had become an authority on indian archæology. governor clark, too, was worried about affairs in st. louis. missouri was just coming in as a state, and a new executive must be elected under the constitution. "go," said julia, "i shall be recovered soon now." indeed, deceptive roses were blooming in her cheeks. with many regrets and promises of a speedy return, clark hastened back to his official duties. he found missouri in the midst of a heated campaign, coming in as a state and electing a governor. for seven years he had held the territorial office with honour. but a new candidate was before the people. "governor clark is too good to the indians!" that was the chief argument of the opposing faction. "he looks after their interests to the disadvantage of the whites." "to the disadvantage of the whites? how can that be?" inquired his friends. "did he not in the late war deal severely with the hostile tribes? and what do you say of the osage lands? when hostilities began president madison ordered the settlers out of the boone's lick country as invaders of indian lands. what did the governor do? he remonstrated, he delayed the execution of those orders until they were rescinded, and the settlers were allowed to remain." "how could he do that?" "how? why, he simply told the indians those lands were included in the osage treaty of . he made that treaty, and he knew. no indian objected. they trusted clark; his explanation was sufficient. and his maps proved it." "too good to the indians! too good to the indians!" what governor before ever lost his head on such a charge? at that moment, flying down the ohio, came a swift messenger,--"mrs. clark is dead at fotheringay." with the shock upon him, general clark sent a card to the papers, notifying his fellow citizens of his loss, and of his necessary absence until the election was over. and with mingled dignity and sorrow he went back to fotheringay to bury the beloved dead. granny molly, "black granny," who had laced "miss judy's" shoes and tied up her curls with a ribbon in the old philadelphia days, never left her beloved mistress. a few days before "miss judy" went away, little meriwether lewis, then eleven years of age, came to her bedside with his curly hair dishevelled and his broad shirt collar tumbled. "aunt molly," said the mother, "watch my boy and keep him neat. he is so beautiful, granny!" after her body was placed on two of the parlour chairs, granny molly noticed a little dust on the waxed floor. "miss judy would be 'stressed if she could see it." away she ran, brought a mop, and had it all right by the time the coffin came. down on her knees scrubbing, scrubbing for the last time the floor for "miss judy," tears trickled down the ebony cheeks. "po', po' miss judy. you's done gwine wid de angels." they laid her in the family tomb, overlooking the green valley of the roanoke. two weeks after her death, colonel hancock himself also succumbed. to a double funeral the governor came back. high on the hillside they laid them, in a mausoleum excavated out of the solid rock. "de cunnel, he done watch us out ob dat iron window up dah," said the darkies. "he sits up dah in a stone chair so he can look down de valley and see his slaves at deir work." to this day the superstitious darkies will not pass his tomb. on his way to washington, governor clark stopped again at monticello. "ah, the joyous activity of my grandfather!" exclaimed thomas jefferson randolph. "he mounts his horse early in the morning, canters down the mountain and across country to the site of the university. all day long he assists at the work. he has planned it, engaged workmen, selected timber, bought bricks. he has sent to italy for carvers of stone." out of those students flocking to consult jefferson had grown the university of virginia. books and professors were brought from england, and the institution opened in . martha jefferson's husband, thomas mann randolph, was governor of virginia now, but the sage of monticello paid little attention. all his talk was of schools,--schools and colleges for virginia. "slavery in missouri?" clark broached the discussion that was raging at the west. instantly the sage of monticello was attentive. "this momentous question, like a firebell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. it is the knell of the union. since bunker hill we have never had so ominous a question." he who had said, "pensacola and florida will come in good time," and, "i have ever looked on cuba as the most interesting addition which could be made to our system of states," had corresponded with the spanish minister concerning a canal through the isthmus, and sent lewis and clark to open up a road to asia,--jefferson, more than any other, had the vision of to-day. governor clark went on to washington. ramsay crooks and russell farnham of the astor expedition were quartered at the same hotel with floyd of virginia and benton of missouri. beside their whale-oil lamps they talked of oregon. benton was writing for oregon,--he made a noise in all the papers. john floyd framed a bill, the first for oregon occupancy. missouri was just coming in as a state. the moment benton, her first senator, was seated, he flew to floyd's support. "we must occupy the columbia," said benton. "mere adventurers may enter upon it as Æneas entered upon the tiber, and as our forefathers came upon the potomac, the delaware, and the hudson, and renew the phenomenon of individuals laying the foundation of future empire. upon the people of eastern asia the establishment of a civilised power upon the opposite coast of america cannot fail to produce great and wonderful results. science, liberal principles, government, and the true religion, may cast their lights across the intervening sea. the valley of the columbia may become the granary of china and japan, and an outlet for their imprisoned and exuberant population." staid senators smiled and called benton a dreamer, but he and floyd were the prophets of to-day. for thirty years after astor had been driven out, england and her fur companies enriched themselves in oregon waters. for thirty years benton stood in his place and fought to save us oregon. from the bedside of the dying jefferson, and from the lips of the living clark, he took up the great enterprise of an overland highway to india. when governor clark came sorrowing back to st. louis with the little boys, missouri was a state and a new governor sat in the chair, but though governors came and governors went, the officer that had held the position through all the territorial days was always called "governor" clark. as united states superintendent of indian affairs for the west, governor clark now became practically autocrat of the redmen for life. "if you ever think of marrying again, consider my cousin harriet." more than a year governor clark "considered," and then the most noted citizen of st. louis married the handsome widow radford. "from philadelphia she haf a wedding trousseau," said the vivacious creole girls, drinking tea in their wide verandas. "she haf de majesty look, like one queen." from the home of her brother, james kennerly, the fun-loving harriet of other years went to become the grave and dignified hostess in the home of the ex-governor. xvi _the red head chief_ "hasten, ruskosky, rebraid my queue. kings and half kings are in there as plenty as blackberries in the woods, and i must see what is the matter." hurriedly the polish valet, who dressed clark in his later years, knelt to button the knees of his small clothes and fasten on a big silk bow in place of a buckle. directly the tall figure wrapped in a cloak entered the council chamber connected with his study. the walls of the council chamber were covered with portraits of distinguished chiefs, and with indian arms and dresses, the handsomest the west afforded. nothing pleased the redmen better than to be honoured by the acceptance of some treasure for this museum. against this wall the indians sat, and the little gray-haired interpreter, antony le claire, lit the tomahawk pipe. as the fumes rolled upward the red head chief took his seat at the table before him. the indians lifted their heads. justice would now be done. it was a sultry day and the council doors were open. but sultrier still was the debate within. "our father," said the great and little osages, "we have come to meet our enemies, the delawares and shawnees and kickapoos and peorias, in your council hall. we ourselves can effect a peace." and so the red head listened. "make your peace." six days they argued, paul louise interpreter. hot and hotter grew the debate, and mutual recriminations. "white hair's warriors shot at one of my young men." "but you, delawares, robbed our relations," cried the osage chiefs. "you stole our otter-skins," retorted the delawares. "and you hunted on our lands." "last summer when we were absent, you bad-hearted osages destroyed our fields of corn and cut up our gardens," cried the angry shawnees, who always sided with the delawares. "you speak with double tongues--" clark stepped in and hushed the controversy. "who gave you leave to hunt on osage lands?" "white hair and his principal braves," answered the delawares. "when did they shoot at your man?" "at the big bend of the arkansas." "who owned the peltries the osages took?" "all of us." "very well then, restitution must be made." soothing as a summer breeze was his gentle voice, "my children, i cannot have you injured. the delawares are my children, and the osages, the shawnees, the kickapoos, and the peorias. i cannot permit any one to injure my children. whoever does that is no longer child of mine. you must bury the sharp hatchet underground." he calmed the heated tribes and effected peace. like little children they gave each other strings of beads, pipes, and tobacco, and departed reconciled. "bring all your difficulties to me or to paul louise and we will judge for you," said the red head chief, as one by one they filed in plumed array down the steps of the council house. scarce had the reconciled tribes departed before officers of the law brought in seven chiefs, hostages of the iowas,--"accused by the sacs, your honour, of killing cattle; accused by the whites of killing settlers." "my father." the mournful appealing tone of the indian speaker always affected clark. he was singularly fitted to be their judge and friend. "my son." there was an air of sympathy and paternal kindness as the red head chief listened. his heart was stirred by their wrongs, and his face would redden with indignation as he listened to the pitiful tales of his children. with bodies uncovered to the waist, with blanket on the left arm and the right arm and breast bare, a chief stepped forth to be examined concerning a border fray with the backwoodsmen. drawing himself to his full height, and extending his arm toward clark, the iowa began: "red head, if i had done that of which my white brother accuses me, i would not stand here now. the words of my red head father have passed through both my ears and i have remembered them. i am accused. i am not guilty. "i thought i would come down to see my red head father to hold a talk with him. "i come across the line. i see the cattle of my white brother dead. i see the sauk kill them in great numbers. i said there would be trouble. i thought to go to my village. i find i have no provisions. i say, 'let us go down to our white brother and trade for a little.' i do not turn on my track to my village." then turning to the sacs and pointing,-- "the sauk who tells lies of me goes to my white brother and says, 'the ioway has killed your cattle.' "when the lie has talked thus to my white brother, he comes up to my village. we hear our white brother coming. we are glad and leave our cabins to tell him he is welcome. while i shake hands with my white brother, my white brother shoots my best chief through the head,--shoots three my young men, a squaw, and her children. "my young men hear, they rush out, they fire,--four of my white brothers fall. my people fly to the woods, and die of cold and hunger." dropping his head and his arm, in tragic attitude he stands, the picture of despair. the lip of the savage quivers. he lifts his eyes,-- "while i shake hands my white brother shoots my chief, my son, my only son." only by consummate tact can clark handle these distressing conflicts of the border. who is right and who is wrong? the settlers hate the indians, the indians dread and fear the settlers. "governor clark," said the shawnees and delawares, "since three or four years we are crowded by the whites who steal our horses. we moved. you recommended us to raise stock and cultivate our ground. that advice we have followed, but again white men have come." the cherokees complained, "white people settle without our consent. they destroy our game and produce discord and confusion." clark could see the heaving of their naked breasts and their lithe bodies, the tigers of their kind, shaken by irrepressible emotion. and again in the autumn,-- "what is it?" inquired the stranger as pennons came glittering down the missouri. "oh, nothing, only another lot of indians coming down to see their red-headed daddy," was the irreverent response, as the solemn, calm-featured braves glided into view, gazing as only savages can gaze at the wonders of civilisation. "what! going to war?" cried clark, in a tone of thunder, as they made known their errand at the council house. "your great father, the president, forbids it. he counsels his children to live in peace. if you insist on listening to bad men i shall come out there and make you desist." the stormy excitement subsided. they shrank from his reproofs, and felt and feared his power. "go home. take these gifts to my children, and tell them they were sent by the red head chief." viewed with admiration, the presents were carefully wrapped in skins to be laid away and treasured on many a weary march and through many a sad vicissitude. a few days in st. louis, then away go the willowy copper-skin paddlers to dissuade their braves from incurring the awful displeasure of the red head chief. the west of that day was sown with his medals that disappeared only with the tribes. in time they came to know clark's signature, and preserved it as a sacred talisman. could the influence of one man have availed against armies of westward pressing trappers, traders, and pioneers, the tribes would have been civilised. "shall we accept the missionaries? shall we hearken to their teaching?" "yes," he said to the osages. "yes," to the pawnees, to the shawnees, and "yes," to a delegation that came from the far-off nez percés beyond the rocky mountains. in days of friction and excitement clark did more than regiments to preserve peace on the frontier. he was a buffer, a perpetual break-water between the conflicting races. as united states superintendent of indian affairs the red head chief grew venerable. the stately old officer lived in style in st. louis, and as in the colonial time sir william johnson ruled from the atlantic to the mississippi, so now clark's word was indian law from the mississippi to the pacific. his voice was raised in continual advantage to the indian. while civilisation was pushing west and west, and crowding them out of their old domains, he was softening as much as possible the rigour of their contact with whites. "our position with regard to the indians has entirely changed," he used to say. "before wayne's campaigns in and events of , the tribes nearest our settlements were a formidable and terrible enemy. since then their power has been broken, their warlike spirit subdued, and themselves sunk into objects of pity and commiseration. while strong and hostile, it has been our obvious duty to weaken them; now that they are weak and harmless, and most of their lands fallen into our hands, justice and humanity require us to cherish and befriend them. to teach them to live in houses, to raise grain and stock, to plant orchards, to set up landmarks, to divide their possessions, to establish laws for their government, to get the rudiments of common learning, such as reading, writing, and ciphering, are the first steps toward improving their condition." this was the policy of jefferson, reaffirmed by clark. it was the key to all clark's endeavours. at washington city he discussed the question with president monroe. "but to take these steps with effect the indians should be removed west of the mississippi and north of the missouri." "let them move singly or in families as they please," said clark. "place agents where the indians cross the mississippi, to supply them with provisions and ammunition. a constant tide is now going on from ohio, indiana, illinois. they cross at st. louis and st. genevieve, and my accounts show the aid which is given them. many leading chiefs are zealous in this work, and are labouring hard to collect their dispersed and broken tribes at their new and permanent homes." "and the land?" inquired the president. "it is well watered with numerous streams and some large rivers, abounds with grass, contains prairies, land for farms, and affords a temporary supply of game. "it is in vain for us to talk about learning and religion; these indians want food. the sioux, the osages, are powerful tribes,--they are near our border, and my official station enables me to know the exact truth. they are distressed by famine; many die for want of food; the living child is buried with the dead mother because no one can spare it food through its helpless infancy. "grain, stock, fences are the first things. property alone can keep up the pride of the indian and make him ashamed of drunkenness, lying, and stealing. "the period of danger with an indian is when he ceases to be a hunter and before he gets the means of living from flocks and agriculture. in the transit from a hunter to a farmer, he degenerates from a proud and independent savage to a beggar, drunkard, thief. to counteract the danger, property in horses, hogs, and cattle is indispensable. they should be assisted in making fences and planting orchards, and be instructed in raising cotton and making cloth. small mills should be erected to save the women the labour of pounding corn, and mechanics should be employed to teach the young indians how to make ploughs, carts, wheels, hoes, and axes." benton and other great men argued in the senate. "in contact with the white race the indians degenerate. they are a dangerous neighbour within our borders. they prevent the expansion of the white race, and the states will not be satisfied until all their soil is open to settlement." and so, to remove the indians to a home of their own became the great work of clark's life. "a home where the whites shall never come!" the indians were delighted. "we will look at these lands." "i recommend that the government send special agents to collect the scattered bands and families and pay their expenses to the lands assigned them," said clark, estimating the cost at one hundred thousand dollars. but not all of the tribes would listen. in november, , clark drove from st. louis in his carriage to the choctaw nation in alabama, to persuade them to move west of the mississippi. "after many years spent in reflection," said the commissioners, "your great father, the president, has determined upon a plan for your happiness. the united states has a large unsettled country on the west side of the great river mississippi into which they do not intend their white settlements shall enter. this is the country in which our great father intends to settle his red children. "many of the tribes are now preparing to remove and are making application for land. the cherokees and muscogees have procured lands, and your people can have five times as much land in that fine country as they are now living on in this." never before in the conquest of nations had the weaker race been offered such advantageous terms. two days passed while the indians considered and argued among themselves. "what shall we give to you?" asked the commissioners. "these lands and titles to them, provisions and clothing, a cow and corn and farming implements to each family, and blacksmiths and ploughmakers and annuities." "friends and brothers of the choctaw nation," said clark in the council, "i have spent half the period of an accustomed life among you. thirty-six years ago i passed through your country and saw your distressed condition. now i see part of your nation much improved in prosperity and civilisation. this affords me much happiness. but i am informed that a very large majority of the choctaw nation are seeking food among the swamps by picking cotton for white planters. "cannot provision be made to better their condition? "let me recommend that the poorer and less enlightened be moved without delay to their lands west of the mississippi. there will i take pleasure in advancing their interests. in my declining years it would be a great consolation to me to see them prosper in agriculture. "come to my country where i can have it in my power to act as your father and your friend. you shall be protected and peaceful and happy." the choctaws were touched, but they answered,-- "we cannot part with our country. it is the land of our birth,--the hills and streams of our youth." xvii _the great council at prairie du chien_ st. louis was a cold place in those prairie years; a great deal of snow fell, and sleighbells rang beside the great river. no indians came during the cold weather, but with the springing grass and blossoming trees, each year the indians camped around the twin lakes at maracasta, clark's farm west of st. louis. there were wigwams all over maracasta. james kennerly, clark's indian deputy, busy ever with the ruddy aborigines, dealing out annuities, arranging for treaties and instructing the tribes, kept open house for the chiefs at _côte plaquemine_, the persimmon hill. clark's boys shot bows and arrows with the little indians, kennerly's little girls made them presents of "kinnikinick," dried leaves of the sumac and red osier dogwood, to smoke in their long pipes. every delegation came down laden with gifts for the red head,--costly furs, buffalo robes, bows, arrows, pipes, moccasins. tragedies of the plains came daily to the ears of general clark, far, far beyond the reach of government in the wild battle-ground of the west. in the sioux and cheyennes combined against the crows and fell upon their villages. in the slaughter of that day five thousand defenceless men, women, and children were butchered on the prairie. all their lodges and herds of horses and hundreds of captive girls were carried away. as a people the crows never recovered. drunk with victory the triumphant sioux rolled back on the chippewas, sacs, foxes, and iowas. "if continued, these wars will embroil all the tribes of the west," said clark. "we must do something more to promote peace. they must become civilised." president monroe was working up a new indian policy, with clark as a chief adviser. "go, paul louise, take this talk to my osages. i am coming up to their country. tell them to meet me on the first of june." in his canoe, with his squaw and his babies, the wizened little frenchman set out. he could not read, he could not write, he could only make his mark, but the indians loved and trusted paul louise. "and you, baronet vasquez, take this to the kansas nation." vasquez belonged to the old spanish _régime_. as a youth he had gone out with the spanish garrison at the cession of st. louis, to return a fur trader. then came lafayette from the memories of monticello. escorted by a troop of horse, he had ascended that historic mountain. the alert lithe figure of the little marquis leaped from the carriage; at the same moment the door opened, revealing the tall, bent, wasted figure of jefferson in the pillared portico. the music ceased, and every head uncovered. slowly the aged jefferson descended the steps, slowly the little marquis approached his friend, then crying, with outstretched arms, "ah, jefferson!" "ah, lafayette!" each fell upon the other's bosom. the gentlemen of the cavalcade turned away with tears, and the two were left to solitude and recollection. long and often had jefferson and lafayette laboured together in anxious and critical periods of the past. it was in chasing "the boy" lafayette that the british came to charlottesville. when jefferson was minister in paris, the young and popular nobleman assisted the unaccustomed american at the court of france. together they had seen the opening of the french revolution. what memories came back as they sat in the parlour at monticello, discussing the momentous events of two continents in which they had been actors! "what would i have done with the queen?" asked the aged jefferson. "i should have shut her up in a convent, putting harm out of her power. i have ever believed if there had been no queen there would have been no french revolution." lafayette went to montpelier to see madison, and then to yorktown, over the same road which he himself had opened in in the retreat before cornwallis. one long ovation followed his route. even old ladies who had seen him in their youth pressed forward with the plea, "let me see the young marquis again!" forgetful of the flight of years. echoes of his triumphal tour had reached the border. st. louis, a city and a state not dreamed of in revolutionary days, begged the honour of entertaining lafayette. far down the river they saw the smoke of his steamer, coming up from new orleans. "welcome!" the hills echoed. "_vive_ lafayette!" the marquis lifted his eyes,--white stone houses gay with gardens and clusters of verdure arose before him in a town of five thousand inhabitants. below stood the massive stone forts of the spanish time, and on the brow of the bluff frowned the old round tower, the last fading relic of feudalism in north america. every eye was fixed upon the honoured guest. a few were there who could recall the pride of lafayette in his american troops, with their helmets and flowing crests and the sabres he himself had brought from france. the banquet, the toasts, the ball, all these have passed into tradition. the marquis visited clark's cabinet of indian curios. "i present you this historic cloak of an indian chief," said the general, offering a robe like a russian great coat. in turn, lafayette presented his mess chest, carried through the revolution, and placed on the governor's finger a ring of his hair. later clark sent him the live cub of a grizzly bear, that grew to be a wonder in the jardin des plantes of paris. "and your great brother, george rogers clark?" inquired the marquis. "he died seven years ago at louisville," answered the governor. "in securing the liberties of this country i esteem him second only to washington," said lafayette. "those thieving osages have taken six more of my horses," complained chouteau the next morning at the office of governor clark. "and four blankets and three axes of me," added baptiste dardenne. "worse yet, they have stolen my great-coat and razor case," said manuel roderique. two thousand dollars' worth of claims were paid in that summer of . "we must get them out of the way," persisted the exasperated whites. "acts and acts of congress regulating trade and intercourse with the tribes are of no avail. they must be removed, and as far as possible. they are banditti, robbers!" said benton. in spite of all proclamations clothes disappeared from the line, silk stockings and bed-quilts and ladies' hats mysteriously went into the wigwams of the vagrants. "this state of affairs is intolerable!" exclaimed benton. "governor clark, if you will conclude a treaty removing those tribes to the west i will stake my honour on putting a ratification through congress. i'll present the case!" again the great senator ground out the words between his teeth, "_i'll present the case_. it will be a kindness to both parties. the poor indians have lost all,--we must reimburse them, we must take care of them, they must have a home,--but far away, _far away_!" shaking his fingers and closing his eyes with the significant shrug so well known to the friends of colonel benton. "not so bad as eet once was," urged the kind-hearted creoles. "not so bad by far. in de old spanish days dey once left st. genevieve wit'out a horse to turn a mill. dey came in to de village in de night and carried away everyt'ing dey could find. nobody ever pursue dem. but _les américains_, dey chase dem. but den," commented the tolerant creoles, "de osage do not _kill_, like de kickapoo and de cherokee. dey take de goods, steal de furs, beat with ramrods, drive him off,--but dey don't _kill_!" so in may, after the departure of lafayette, governor clark steamed up the missouri, met the kansas and osage indians, and made treaties for the cession of all their lands within the present boundary of missouri. "you shall have lands, hogs, fowls, cattle, carts, and farming tools to settle farther west." this was wealth to the poor osages, whose hunting fields had become exhausted. "go to the earth and till it, it will give you bread and meat and clothes and comfort and happiness. you may talk about your poverty always, and it will never make you better off. you must be industrious," said clark. "and your old friend, boone, shall be your farmer." for almost forty years now they had known daniel m. boone, the son of the great pioneer,--since, indeed, those days when as a boy of eighteen he trapped on the kansas. two springs later the removal was made, and boone, as "farmer for the kansas indians," took up his residence in the kaw valley where his chimney stacks may yet be seen near the present lecompton. the next year was born napoleon boone, the first white child in kansas. all this time the northern clans were gathering at prairie du chien, a work of months. june governor clark's barge started north from st. louis, laden with presents, provisions, interpreters. "we are afraid to come," said the omahas. "we are afraid to cross the hostile territory." william preston clark, in looks and dress the blonde double of the poet byron, said, "let me bring them, father." so young clark, intimate with indians, went after the omahas and brought them safely in. but big elk left his medal with his son, "i never expect to reach home alive," he said. "we cross the country of the sacs!" the yanktons refused. "shall we be butchered by the sacs?" but later they came to st. louis, smoked with the sacs and shook hands. even the sioux feared the sacs, the warriors of the central valley. mahaska, head chief of the iowas, with his braves went up with clark, and rant-che-wai-me, the flying pigeon. rant-che-wai-me had been to washington. a year ago, when her husband left her alone at the wigwam on the des moines, she set out for st. louis. the steamer was at the shore, the chief was about to embark, when he felt a blow upon his back. shaking his plumes in wrath, mahaska turned,--to behold the flying pigeon, with uplifted tomahawk in her hand. "am i your wife?" she cried. "you are my wife," answered the surprised chief. "are you my husband?" "i am your husband." "then will i, too, go with you to shake the great father by the hand." mahaska smiled,--"you are my pretty wife, flying pigeon; you shall go to washington." clark, too, smiled,--"yes, she can go." the pretty rant-che-wai-me was feted at the white house, and had her picture painted by a great artist as a typical iowa princess. and now she was going to prairie du chien. not for ten years had clark visited his northern territory. few changes had come on the mississippi. twice a year colonel george davenport brought a hundred thousand dollars' worth of goods to his trading post at rock island. beyond, julien dubuque lay in perpetual state on his hills, wrapped only in a winding sheet in his tomb, exposed to the view of every traveller that cared to climb the grassy height to gaze through the grated windows of his lonely mausoleum. "the great chief, the red head is coming," whispered all the indians, as clark's barges hove in sight. prairie du chien was alive with excitement. governor cass of michigan was already there. not only the village, but the entire banks of the river for miles above and below were covered with high-pointed buffalo tents. horses browsed upon the bluffs in arabian abandon. below, tall and warlike, chippewas and winnebagoes from superior and the valley of st. croix jostled menomonees, pottawattamies, and ottawas from lake michigan and green bay. "whoop-oh-hoo-oh!" major taliferro from the falls of st. anthony made the grand entry with his sioux and chippewas, four hundred strong, drums beating, flags flying. taliferro was very popular with the sioux,--even the squaws said he was "_weechashtah washtay_,"--a handsome man. over from sault ste. marie the learned agent schoolcraft had brought one hundred and fifty chippewas, brothers of hiawatha. keokuk, the watchful fox, with his sacs and iowas, was the last to arrive. leagued against the sioux, they had camped on an island below to paint and dress, and came up the mississippi attired in full war costume singing their battle-song. it was a thrilling sight when they came upon the scene with spears, battle-lances, and crested locks like roman helmets, casting bitter glances at their ancient foe, the sioux. nearly nude, with feather war-flags flying, and beating tambourines, the sacs landed in compact ranks, breathing defiance. from his earliest youth keokuk had fought the sioux. "bold, martial, flushed with success, keokuk landed, majestic and frowning," said schoolcraft, "and as another coriolanus spoke in the council and shook his war lance at the sioux." at the signal of a gun, every day at ten o'clock, the chiefs assembled. "children," said governor clark to the assembled savages, "your great father has not sent us here to ask anything from you--we want nothing--not the smallest piece of your land. we have come a great way to meet for your own good. your great father the president has been informed that war is carried on among his red children,--the sacs, foxes, and chippewas on one side and the sioux on the other,--and that the wars of some of you began before any of you were born." "heigh! heigh!" broke forth the silent smokers. "heigh! heigh!" exclaimed the warriors. "heigh! heigh!" echoed the vast and impatient concourse around the council. "your father thinks there is no cause for continuation of war between you. there is land enough for you to live and hunt on and animals enough. why, instead of peaceably following the game and providing for your families, do you send out war parties to destroy each other? the great spirit made you all of one colour and placed you upon the land. you ought to live in peace as brothers of one great family. your great father has heard of your war songs and war parties,--they do not please him. he desires that his red children should bury the tomahawk." "heigh! heigh!" "children! look around you. see the result of wars between nations who were once powerful and are now reduced to a few wandering families. you have examples enough before you. "children, your wars have resulted from your having no definite boundaries. you do not know what belongs to you, and your people follow the game into lands claimed by other tribes." "heigh! heigh!" "children, you have all assembled under your father's flag. you are under his protection. blood must not be spilt here. whoever injures one of you injures us, and we will punish him as we would punish one of our own people." "heigh! heigh! heigh!" cried all the indians. "children," said general cass, "your great father does not want your land. he wants to establish boundaries and peace among you. your great father has strong limbs and a piercing eye, and an arm that extends from the sea to red river. "children, you are hungry. we will adjourn for two hours." "heigh! heigh! heigh-h!" rolled the chorus across the prairie. as to an army, rations were distributed, beef, bread, corn, salt, sugar, tobacco. each ate, ate, ate,--till not a scrap was left to feed a humming-bird. revered of his people, wabasha and his pipe-bearers were the observed of all. "i never yet was present at so great a council as this," said wabasha. three thousand were at prairie du chien. the sioux? far from the northwest they said their fathers came,--the tartar cheek was theirs. wabasha and his chiefs alone had the caucasian countenance. three mighty brothers ruled the sioux in the days of pontiac,--wabasha, red wing, and little crow. their sons, wabasha, red wing, and little crow ruled still. "boundaries?" they knew not the meaning of the word. restless, anxious, sharp-featured little crow fixed his piercing hazel eye upon the red head,-- "_taku-wakan!_--that is incomprehensible!" "heigh! what does this mean?" exclaimed the chippewas. "we are all one people," sagely observed mahaska, the iowa. "my father, i claim no lands in particular." "i never yet heard that any one had any exclusive right to the soil," said chambler, the ottawa. "i have a tract of country. it is where i was born and now live," said red bird, the winnebago. "but the foxes claim it and the sacs, the menomonees, and omahas. we use it in common." red bird was a handsome indian, dressed yankton fashion in white unsoiled deerskin and scarlet, and glove-fitting moccasins,--the dandy of his tribe. the debate grew animated. "our tract is so small," cried the menomonees, "that we cannot turn around without touching our neighbours." then every indian began to describe his boundaries, crossing and recrossing each other. "these are the causes of all your troubles," said clark. "it is better for each of you to give up some disputed claim than to be fighting for ever about it." that night the parties two by two discussed their lines, the first step towards civilisation. they drew maps on the ground,--"my hunting ground," and "mine," and "mine." after days of study the boundary rivers were acknowledged, the belt of wampum was passed, and the pipe of peace. wabasha, acknowledged by every chief to be first of the seven fires of the sioux, was treated by all with marked distinction and deference. and yet wabasha, dignified and of superior understanding, when asked, "wabasha? what arrangement did you make with the foxes about boundaries?" replied, "i never made any arrangement about the line. the only arrangement i made was about peace!" "when i heard the voice of my great father," said mongazid, the loon's foot, from fond du lac, "when i heard the voice of my father coming up the mississippi, calling to this treaty, it seemed as a murmuring wind. i got up from my mat where i sat musing, and hastened to obey. my pathway has been clear and bright. truly it is a pleasant sky above our heads this day. there is not a cloud to darken it. i hear nothing but pleasant words. the raven is not waiting for his prey. i hear no eagle cry, 'come, let us go,--the feast is ready,--the indian has killed his brother.'" shingaba wassin of sault ste. marie, head chief of the chippewas, had fought with britain in the war of and lost a brother at the battle of the thames. he and a hundred other chiefs with their pipe bearers signed the treaty. everybody signed. and all sang, even the girls, the witcheannas of the sioux. "we have buried our bad thoughts in the ashes of the pipe," said little crow. "i always had good counsel from governor clark," observed red wing. "you put this medal on my neck in ," said decorah, the winnebago, "and when i returned i gave good advice to the young men of our village." after a fierce controversy and the rankling of a hundred wrongs, the warring tribes laid down their lances and buried the tomahawk. sacs and sioux shook hands; the dividing lines were fixed; all the chiefs signed, and the tribes were at peace for the first time in a thousand years. "pray god it may last," said clark, as his boat went away homeward along with the sacs down the mississippi. the great council at prairie du chien was over. xviii _the lords of the rivers_ for thirty years after the cession, st. louis was a great military centre. sixty thousand dollars a year went into the village from bellefontaine, and still more after the opening of jefferson barracks in . nor can it be denied that the expenditure of large sums of money in indian annuities through the office of governor clark did much for the prosperity of the frontier city. and ever the centre of hospitality was the home of governor clark. both the governor and his wife enjoyed life, took things leisurely, both had the magnetic faculty of winning people, and they set a splendid table. "i like to see my house full," said the governor. there were no modern hotels in those days, and his house became a stopping place for all noted visitors to st. louis. their old-fashioned coach, with the footman up behind in a tall silk hat, met at the levee many a distinguished stranger,--travellers, generals, dukes, and lords from europe who came with letters to the indian autocrat of the west. all had to get a pass from clark, and all agents and sub-agents were under and answerable to him. but unspoiled in the midst of it passed the plain, unaristocratic red head chief and friend of the oppressed. for years he corresponded with lafayette, and yet clark was not a scholar. he was a man of affairs, of which this country has abounded in rich examples. prince paul of wurtemberg came, the duke of saxe-weimar, and maximilian, prince of wied, all seeking passports for the indian country, all coming back with curios for their palaces and castles. very politely mrs. clark listened to their broken english and patiently conversed with them when the governor was away. one of the first pianos came to the clark parlours, and on special occasions the indian council room was cleared and decorated for grand balls. many a young "milletoer," as the creoles called them, dashed up from jefferson barracks to win a bride among the girls of st. louis. for the preservation of peace and the facilitation of indian removals, fort des moines was built among the iowas, fort atkinson near the present omaha, fort snelling at the falls of st. anthony, and fort leavenworth on the borders of kansas. half the area of the united states lay out there, with no law, no courts, but those of battle. as quietly as possible, step by step, the savage land was taken into custody. and the pretty girls of st. louis did their share to reconcile the "milletoers" to life at the frontier posts. "ho for santa fé!" one may morning in a caravan of waggons passed through the streets of st. louis. penned in the far-off mexican mountains a little colony of white people were shut from the world. twice before a few adventurous pack-trains had penetrated their mountain solitudes, as phoenicians of old went over to egypt, india, arabia. "_los americanos! los americanos!_" shouted the eager mountain dwellers, rushing out to embrace the traders and welcome them to their lonely settlement. silks, cottons, velvets, hardware, were bought up in a trice, and the fortunate traders returned to st. louis with horseload after horseload of gold and silver bullion. "those people want us. but the spanish authorities are angry and tax us as they used to tax the traders at new orleans. the people beg us to disregard their tyrannous rulers,--they must have goods." in young auguste chouteau tried it, and was cast into prison and his goods confiscated. "what wish you?" demanded the spanish governor, in answer to repeated solicitations from the captive. "_mi libertad gobernador._" wrathfully they locked him closer than ever in the old donjon of santa fé. "my neighbour's son imprisoned there without cause!" exclaimed governor clark. all the old spanish animosity roiled in his veins. he appealed to congress. there was a rattling among the dry bones, and chouteau and his friends were released. and now, on the th of may, , eighty men set out in the first waggon train, with twenty thousand dollars' worth of merchandise for the isolated mexican capital. in september the caravan returned with their capital increased a hundred-fold in sacks of gold and silver and ten thousand dollars' worth of furs. the santa fé trade was established never to be shaken, though indian battles, like conflicts with arab sheiks of the desert, grew wilder than any crusader's tale. young men of the mississippi dreamed of that "farther west" of santa fé and los angeles. "we must have a safe road," said the traders. "we may wander off into the desert and perish." in the same year senator benton secured an appropriation of ten thousand dollars for staking the plains to santa fé. "we must have protection," said the traders to governor clark at the council house. at council grove, a buffalo haunt in a thickly wooded bottom at the headwaters of the neosho in the present kansas, clark's agents met the osage indians and secured permission for the caravans to pass through their country. but the dreaded pawnees and comanches were as yet unapproachable. in spite of the inhumanity of spaniards, in spite of murderous pawnees, in spite of desert dust and red-brown grass and cacti, year by year the caravans grew, the people became more friendly and solicitous of each other's trade, until one day new mexico was ready to step over into the ranks of the states. and one day kit carson, whose mother was a boone, only sixteen and small of his age, ran away from a hard task-master to join the santa fé caravan and grow up on the plains. daniel boone was dead, at eighty-six, just as missouri came in as a state. jesse, the youngest of the boone boys to come out from kentucky, was in the constitutional convention that adjourned in his honour, and jesse's son, albert gallatin boone, in , joined as private secretary that wonderful ashley expedition that keel-boated up the platte, crossed from its head-waters over to green river, kept on west, discovered the great south pass of the rockies, the overland route of future emigration, and set up its tents on the borders of utah lake. overwhelmed with debt ashley set out,--he came back a millionaire with the greatest collection of furs ever known up to that time. everything was ashley then, "ashley boats" and "ashley beaver,"--he was the greatest man in st. louis, and was sent to congress. sixty years ago the lords of the rivers ruled st. louis. the rocky mountain fur company went out and camped on the site of a dozen future capitals. from the green river valley under the wind river mountains of wyoming, from the tetons of colorado, the uintahs of utah, and the bitter roots of idaho, from the shining absarokas and the bighorn alps, they came home with mink and otter, beaver, bear, and buffalo. the american fur company came to st. louis, and the chouteaus, at first the rivals, became the partners of john jacob astor. born in the atmosphere of furs, for forty years pierre chouteau the younger had no rival in the valley except clark. the two stood side by side, one representing commerce, the other the government. pierre chouteau, the largest fur trader west of the alleghanies, sent his boats to itasca, the headwaters of the mississippi, the missouri, the yellowstone, the osage, the kansas, and the platte, employing a thousand men and paying skilled pilots five thousand dollars for a single expedition. with chouteau's convoys came down clark's chiefs, going back in the same vessels. to their untutored minds the trader's capital and the red head town were synonymous. if there was a necessary conflict between the policy of the government and that of the fur trade, no one could have softened it more than the red head diplomat. with infinite tact and unfailing good sense, he harmonised, reconciled, and pushed for the best interest of the indian. "give up the chase and settle into agricultural life," said clark's agents to the indians. "go to the chase," said the trader. clark sent up hoes to supersede the shoulder-blade of the buffalo. the trader sent up fusils and ammunition. the two combined in the evolution of the savage. the squaw took the hoe, the brave the gun. winter expresses came down to st. louis from the far-off powder and the wind river mountains. "send us merchandise." with the first breaking ice of spring the boats were launched, the caravans ready. deck-piled, swan-like upon the water the missouri steamboat started. pierre chouteau was there to see her off, governor clark was there to bid farewell to his chiefs. _engagés_ of the company, fiercely picturesque, with leg knives in their garters, jumped to store away the cargo. up as far as st. charles clark and the chouteaus sometimes went with the ladies of their families to escort the up-bound steamer, and with a last departing, "_bon voyage! bon voyage, mes voyageurs!_" disembarked to return to st. louis. on, on steamed the messenger of commerce and civilisation, touching later at fort pierre chouteau in the centre of the great sioux country, the capital of south dakota to-day, at fort union at the yellowstone, where mckenzie lived in state like the hudson's bay magnates at the north, at fort benton at the foot of the great falls of the missouri. traders from st. louis laid the foundations of kansas city and topeka, built the first forts at council bluffs and omaha, pre-empted the future sites of yankton and bismarck. "a boat! a boat!" for a hundred miles indian runners brought word. barely had the steamer touched the wharf before the solitude became populous with colour and with sound. night and day went on the loading and unloading of furs and merchandise. a touch of the hand, a farewell,--before the june rise falls, back a hundred miles a day she snorts to st. louis with tens of thousands of buffalo robes, buffalo tongues, and buffalo hides, and carefully wrapped bales of the choicest furs. the cargoes opened, weighed, recounted, repacked, down the river the smokestacks go in endless procession on the way to new york. overland on horseback rode pierre chouteau to philadelphia or new york, to arrange shipments to france and england, and to confer with john jacob astor. back up from new orleans came boatloads of furniture to beautify the homes of st. louis, bales on bales of copper and sheet-iron kettles, axes and beaver traps, finger rings, beads, blankets, bracelets, steel wire and ribbons, the indispensables of the frontier fur trade. sometimes fierce battles were fought up the river, and troops were dispatched,--for commerce, the civiliser, stops not. the sight of troops paraded in uniforms, the glare of skyrockets at night, the explosion of shells and the colours of bunting and banners, the blare of brass bands and the thunder of artillery, won many a bloodless victory along the prairies of the west. but blood flowed, fast and faster, when trapping gave way to days of gold and the pressure of advancing settlement. the trapper saw no gold. otter, beaver, mink, and fox filled his horizon. into every lonely glen where the beaver built his house, the trapper came. a million dollars a year was the annual st. louis trade. rival fur companies kept bubbling a tempest in a teapot. they fought each other, fought the hudson's bay company. west and west passed the fighting border,--st. lawrence, detroit, mackinaw, mandan, montana, oregon. astor, driven out by the war of , had been superseded on the columbia by dr. john mcloughlin, a hudson's bay magnate who combined in himself the functions of a chouteau and a clark. but the story of mcloughlin is a story by itself. xix _four indian ambassadors_ as the years went by clark's plant of the indian department extended. in his back row were found the office and council house, rooms for visiting indians, an armory for repairs of indian guns and blacksmiths' shops for indian work, extending from main street to the river. daily he sat in his office reading reports from his agents of indian occurrences. four muskrats or two raccoon skins the indians paid for a quart of whiskey. "whiskey!" clark stamped his foot. "a drunken indian is more to be dreaded than a tiger in the jungle! an indian cannot be found among a thousand who would not, after a first drink, sell his horse, his gun, or his last blanket for another drink, or even commit a murder to gratify his passion for spirits. there should be total prohibition." and the government made that the law. "i hear that you have sent liquor into the indian country," he said to the officers of the american fur company. "can you refute the charge?" and the great company, with chouteau and astor at its head, hastened to explain and extenuate. there was trouble with indian agents who insisted on leaving their posts and coming to st. louis, troubles with indians who wanted to see the president, enough of them to have kept the president for ever busy with indian affairs. the sacs and the sioux were fighting again. "why not let us fight?" said black hawk. "white men fight,--they are fighting now." twice in the month of may, , sacs and foxes came down to tell of their war with the sioux. "we might sell our illinois lands and move west," hinted the sacs and foxes. instantly clark approved and wrote to washington. "i shall have to go up there and quiet those tribes," said clark. in july, , again he set out for prairie du chien. indian runners went ahead announcing, "the red head chief! the red head chief!" seventy-eight sacs and foxes crowded into his boats and went up. this time in earnest, clark began buying lands, giving thousands of dollars in annuities, provisions, clothing, lands, stock, agricultural implements. many of these indians came on with him down to st. louis to get their presents and pay. there came a wailing from the indians of illinois. "the game is gone. naked and hungry, we need help." "poor, misguided, and unreflecting savages!" exclaimed the governor. "the selfish policy of the traders would keep them in the hunter's state. the government would have them settled and self-supporting." funds ran out, but clark on his own credit again and again went ahead with his work of humanity, moving families, tribes, nations. assistance in provisions and stock was constantly called for. the great western migration of tribes from ohio, indiana, illinois, was sweeping on, the movement of a race. the peorias were crossing, the weas, piankeshaws, and others forgotten to-day. "those miserable bands of illinois rovers, those wretched nations in want of clothes and blankets!" clark wrote to washington, begging the department for help. their annuities, a thousand dollars a year for twelve years, had expired. "exchange your lands for those in the west," he urged the indians. to the government he recommended an additional annuity to be used in breaking up, fencing, and preparing those lands for cultivation. horses were stolen from the settlers by tens and twenties and fifties, and cattle killed. the farmers were exasperated. "banditti, robbers, thieves, they must get out! the indians hunt on our lands, and kill our tame stock. they are a great annoyance." for two years governor edwards had been asking for help. "the general government has been applied to long enough to have freed us from so serious a grievance. if it declines acting with effect, it will soon learn that these indians _will_ be removed, and that very promptly." clark himself was personally using every exertion to prevail on the indians to move as the best means of preserving tranquillity, and did all he could without actual coercion. the indians continued to promise to go, but they still remained. "more time," said the indians. "another year." the combustible train was laid,--only a spark was needed, only a move of hostility, to fire the country. will black hawk apply that spark? "we cannot go," said the pottawattamies. "the sale of our lands was made by a few young men without our consent." five hundred indians determined to hold all the northern part of illinois for ever. sacs, foxes, pottawattamies, sent daily letters and complaints. "our father! our father! our father!"--it was a plea and a prayer, and trouble, trouble, trouble. black partridge's letters make one weep. "some of my people will be dead before spring." meanwhile agents were ahead surveying lands in that magic west. the indians were becoming as interested in migration as the whites had been; the same causes were pushing them on. clark was busily making contracts for saw-mills and corn-mills on the platte and kansas, arranging for means of transportation, for provisions for use on the way and after they settled, for oxen and carts and stock,--when one day four strange indians, worn and bewildered, arrived at st. louis, out of that west. some kind hand guided them to the indian office. that tunic, that bandeau of fox skins,--clark recalled it as the tribal dress of a nation beyond the rocky mountains. with an expression of exquisite joy, old tunnachemootoolt, for it was he, the black eagle, recognised the red head of a quarter of a century before. clark could scarcely believe that those indians had travelled on foot nearly two thousand miles to see him at st. louis. as but yesterday came back the memory of camp chopunnish among the nez percés of oregon. over tunnachemootoolt's camp the american flag was flying when they arrived from the walla walla. it did not take long to discover their story. some winters before an american trapper (in oregon tradition reputed to have been jedediah smith), watched the nez percés dance around the sun-pole on the present site of walla walla. "it is not good," said the trapper, "such worship is not acceptable to the great spirit. you should get the white man's book of heaven." voyageurs and iroquois trappers from the jesuit schools of canada said the same. then ellice, a chief's son, came back from the red river country whither the hudson's bay company had sent him to be educated. from several sources at once they learned that the white men had a book that taught of god. "if this be true it is certainly high time that we had the book." the chiefs called a national council. "if our mode of worship is wrong we must lay it aside. we must know about this. it cannot be put off." "if we could only find the trail of lewis and clark they would tell us the truth." "yes, lewis and clark always pointed upward. they must have been trying to tell us." so, benighted, bewildered, the nez percés talked around their council fires. over in the buffalo country black eagle's band met the white traders. "they come from the land of lewis and clark," said the eagle. "let us follow them." and so, four chiefs were deputed for that wonderful journey, two old men who had known lewis and clark,--black eagle and the man-of-the-morning, whose mother was a flathead,--and two young men,--rabbit-skin-leggings of the white bird band on salmon river, black eagle's brother's son, and no-horns-on-his-head, a young brave of twenty, who was a doubter of the old beliefs. "they went out by the lolo trail into the buffalo country of montana," say their descendants still living in idaho. one day they reached st. louis and inquired for the red head chief. very well governor clark remembered his nez percé-flathead friends. his silver locks were shaken by roars of laughter at their reminders of his youth, the bear hunts, the sale of buttons for camas and for kouse. the hospitality of those chiefs who said, "the horses on these hills are ours, take what you need," should now be rewarded. with gratitude and with the winsomeness for which he was noted, he invited them into his own house and to his own table. mrs. clark devoted herself to their entertainment. black eagle insisted on an early council. "we have heard of the book. we have come for the book." "what you have heard is true," answered clark, puzzled and sensible of his responsibility. then in simple language, that they might understand, he related the bible stories of the creation, of the commandments, of the advent of christ and his crucifixion. "yes," answered clark to their interrogatories, "a teacher shall be sent with the book." just as change of diet and climate had prostrated lewis and clark with sickness among the nez percés twenty-five years before, so now the nez percés fell sick in st. louis. the summer was hotter than any they had known in their cool northland. dr. farrar was called. mrs. clark herself brought them water and medicine as they lay burning with fever in the council house. they were very grateful for her attentions,--"the beautiful squaw of the red head chief." but neither medicine nor nursing could save the aged black eagle. "the most mournful procession i ever saw," said a young woman of that day, "was when those three indians followed their dead companion to the grave." his name is recorded at the st. louis cathedral as "keepeelele, buried october , ," a "ne percé de la tribu des choponeek, nation appellée tête plate." "keepeelele," the nez percés of to-day say "was the old man, the black eagle." sometimes they called him the "speaking eagle," as the orator on occasions. still the other indians remained ill. "i have been sent by my nation to examine lands for removal to the west," said william walker, chief of the wyandots. william walker was the son of a white man, stolen as a child from kentucky and brought up by the indians. his mother was also the descendant of a stolen white girl. young william, educated at the upper sandusky mission, became a chief. the semi-christian wyandots desired to follow their friends to the west. sitting there in the office, transacting business, governor clark spoke of the flathead nez percés. "i have never seen a flathead, but have often heard of them," answered william walker. curiosity prompted him to step into the next room. small in size, delicately formed, and of exact symmetry except the flattened head, they lay there parched with fever. "their diet at home consists chiefly of vegetables and fish," said the governor. "as a nation they have the fewest vices of any tribe on the continent of america." november , ten days after the burial of black eagle, colonel audrain of st. charles, a member of the legislature, died also at governor clark's house. his body was conveyed to st. charles in the first hearse ever seen there. on december , christmas day, , mrs. clark herself died after a brief illness. there was sickness all over st. louis. was it a beginning of that strange new malady that by the next spring had grown into a devouring plague,--the dreaded asiatic cholera? at the bedside of his dead wife, governor clark sat, holding her waxen hand, with their little six-year-old son, jefferson, in his lap. "my child, you have no mother now," said the father with streaming tears. after the funeral, nothing was recorded in clark's letter-books for some days, and when he began again, the handwriting was that of an aged man. none mourned this sad event more than the tender-hearted nez percés, who remained until spring. when the new steamer _yellowstone_ of the american fur company, set out for its first great trip up the missouri, governor clark made arrangements to send the chiefs home to their country. a day later, the other old indian, the-man-of-the-morning, died and was buried near st. charles. among other passengers on that steamer were pierre chouteau the younger and george catlin, the indian artist, who was setting out to visit the mandans. "you will find the mandans a strange people and half white," said governor clark to his friend the artist, as he gave him his passport into the indian country. on the way up the river catlin noticed the two young nez percés, and painted their pictures. as if pursued by a strange fatality, at the mouth of the yellowstone no-horns-on-his-head died,--rabbit-skin-leggings alone was left to carry the word from st. louis. earlier than ever that year the nez percés had crossed the snowy trails of the bitter root to the buffalo country in the yellowstone and judith basin. "for are not our messengers coming?" and there, camped with their horses and their lodges, watching, rabbit-skin-leggings met them and shouted afar off,--"a man shall be sent with the book." back over the hills and the mountains the message flew,--"a man shall be sent with the book." every year after that the nez percés went over to the east, looking for the man with the book. nearly a year elapsed before william walker got back from his explorations and wrote a public letter giving an account of the nez percés in their search for the book. his account of meeting them in general clark's office, and of the object of their errand, created a tremendous sensation. religious committees called upon general clark, letters were written, and to one and all he said, "that was the sole object of their journey,--to obtain the white man's book of heaven." the call rang like a trumpet summons through the churches. the next year, , the methodists sent jason lee and three others to oregon. two years later followed whitman and spalding and their brides, the first white women to cross the rocky mountains. "a famine threatens the upper missouri," was the news brought back by that steamer _yellowstone_ in . "the buffaloes have disappeared!" the herds, chased so relentlessly on the missouri, were struggling through the bitter root mountains, to appear in vast throngs on the plains of idaho. even europe read and commented on that wonderful first journey of a steamer up the missouri, as later the world hailed the ascent of the nile and the yukon. it was a great journey. amazed indians everywhere had watched the monster, puffing and snorting, with steam and whistles, and a continued roar of cannon for half an hour at every fur fort and every indian village. "the thunder canoe!" redmen fell on the ground and cried to the great spirit. some shot their dogs and horses as sacrifices. at last, even the blackfeet were reached. the british tried to woo them back to the saskatchewan at fort edmonton, but eventually they tumbled over one another to trade with the fire boat that annually climbed the missouri staircase. xx _black hawk_ the roman faces of black hawk and keokuk were often seen in st. louis, where the chiefs came to consult clark in regard to their country. "keokuk signed away my lands," said black hawk. he had never been satisfied with that earliest treaty made while lewis and clark were absent beyond the mountains. for thirty years black hawk had paid friendly visits to chouteau and sold him furs. more often he was at malden consulting his "british father." schooled by tecumseh, the disloyal black hawk was wholly british. fort armstrong had been built at rock island for the protection of the border. those whitewashed walls and that tower perched on a high cliff over the mississippi reminded the traveller up the father of waters seventy years ago of some romantic castle on the rhine. and it was erected for the same reason that were the castles of the rhine. not safe were the traders who went up and down the great river, not safe were the emigrants seeking entrance to rock river,--for black hawk watched the land. the white settlements had already come up to the edge of black hawk's field. "no power is vested in me to stop the progress of settlements on ceded lands, and i have no means of inducing the indians to move but persuasion, which has little weight with those chiefs who have always been under british influence," said clark in . again and again clark wrote to the secretary of war on this subject. the policy of moving the tribes westward stirred the wrath of black hawk. "the sacs never sold their country!" but the leader of the "british band" had lost his voice in the council. "who is black hawk?" asked general gaines at rock island. "is he a chief? by what right does he speak?" "my father, you ask who is black hawk. i will tell you who i am. i am a sac. my father was a sac. i am a warrior. so was my father. ask those young men who have followed me to battle and they will tell you who black hawk is. provoke our people to war and you will learn who black hawk is." haughtily gathering up his robes, the chief and his followers stalked over to canada for advice. in his absence keokuk made the final cession to the united states and prepared to move beyond the mississippi. back like a whirlwind came the hawk,-- "sold the sac village, sold your country!" "keokuk," he whispered fiercely in his ear, "give mines, give everything, but keep our cornfields and our dead." "cross the mississippi," begged keokuk. "i will stay by the graves of my fathers," reiterated the stubborn and romantic black hawk. the indians left the silver rivers of illinois, their sugar groves, and bee trees with regret. no wonder the chief's heart clung to his native village, among dim old woods of oak and walnut, and orchards of plum and crab. for generations there had they tilled their indian gardens. from his watchtower on rock river the old chief scanned the country. early in the spring of he discovered a scattering train of whites moving into the beloved retreat. "quick, let us plant once more our cornfields." in a body black hawk and his british band with their women and children came pulling up rock river in their canoes. the whites were terrified. "black hawk has invaded illinois," was the word sent by governor reynolds to clark at st. louis. troops moved out from jefferson barracks. "go," said governor clark to felix st. vrain, his sac interpreter. "warn black hawk to withdraw across the mississippi." st. vrain sped away,--to be shot delivering his message. then followed the war, the flight and chase and battle of bad axe, and the capture of black hawk. wabasha's sioux fell upon the last fleeing remnant, so that few of black hawk's band were left to tell the tale. "farewell, my nation!" the old chief cried. "black hawk tried to save you and avenge your wrongs. he drank the blood of some of the whites. he has been taken prisoner and his plans are stopped. he can do no more. he is near his end. his sun is setting and he will rise no more. farewell to black hawk." in chains black hawk and his prophet, wabokeskiek, were brought by jefferson davis to st. louis. as his steamboat passed rock island, his old home, black hawk wept like a child. "it was our garden," he said, "such as the white people have near their villages. i spent many happy days on this island. a good spirit dwelt in a cave of rocks where your fort now stands. the noise of the guns has driven him away." it hurt clark to see his old friend dragging a ball and chain at jefferson barracks. he seldom went there. but the little kennerly children carried him presents and kinnikinick for his pipe. there were guests at the house of clark,--maximilian, prince of wied, and his artist,--when early in april of a deputation of sacs and foxes headed by keokuk came down in long double canoes to intercede for black hawk, and with them, haggard and worn from long wanderings, came singing bird, the wife of black hawk. with scientific interest maximilian looked at them, dressed in red, white, and green blankets, with shaven heads except a tuft behind, long and straight and black with a braided deer's tail at the end. they were typical savages with prominent noses and eagle plumes, wampum shells like tassels in their ears, and lances of sword-blades fastened to poles in their hands. "this is a great chief from over the big water, come to see you," said clark introducing the prince. "hah!" said the indians, giving the prince the right hand of friendship and scanning him steadily. bodmer, the artist, brought out his palette. keokuk in green blanket, with a medal on his heart and a long calumet ornamented with eagle feathers in his hand, was ready to pose. "hah!" laughed the indians as stroke by stroke they saw their chief stand forth on canvas, even to the brass necklace and bracelets on throat and wrists. "great medicine!" "i have chartered the _warrior_ to go down to jefferson barracks," said clark. striking their hands to their mouths, the indians gave the war whoop, and stepped on board the "big fire canoe." intent, each animated, fiery, dark-brown eye watched the engine hissing and roaring down to the barracks. "if you will keep a watchful eye on black hawk i will intercede for him," said clark. "i will watch him," promised keokuk. clark left them for a moment, and then led in a little old man of seventy years, with gray hair, light yellow face, and a curved roman nose. it was an affecting sight when keokuk stepped forward to embrace black hawk. keokuk, subtle, dignified, in splendid array of deer-skin and bear-claws, grasped the hand of his fallen rival. poor dethroned old black hawk! in a plain suit of buckskin and a string of wampum in his ears, he stood alone, fanning himself with the tail of a black hawk. keokuk tried to get him released. often had he visited clark on that errand, but no,--black hawk was summoned to washington and went. antoine le claire, son of old antoine, was his interpreter. released, presently, he made a triumphal tour home, applauded by thousands along the route, even as lafayette had been a few years before. not so the roman conquerors treated their captives! but black hawk came home to keokuk to die. the defeat of black hawk opened iowa to settlement, and a day later prairie schooners overran the black hawk purchase. on the staff of general atkinson when he marched out of jefferson barracks for the black hawk war, was meriwether lewis clark, now a graduate of west point, and his cousin robert anderson, grandson of clark's sister eliza. in the hurry and the heat of the march one day, lieutenant clark, riding from the rear back to the general, became enclosed by the troops of cavalry and had to ride slowly. by his side on a small horse he noticed a long-legged, dark-skinned soldier, with black hair hanging in clusters around his neck, a volunteer private. admiringly the private gazed at clark's fine new uniform and splendidly accoutred horse, a noble animal provided by his father at st. louis. young clark spoke to the soldier of awkward and unprepossessing appearance, whose witticisms and gift for stories kept his comrades in a state of merriment. he proved very inquisitive. "the son of governor clark of the lewis and clark expedition, did you say?" "yes." "and related to all those great people?" "yes," with a laugh. they chatted until the ranks began to thin. "i must ride on," but feeling an interest in the lank, long-haired soldier, lieutenant clark turned again,-- "where are you from and to what troop do you belong?" "i am an illinois volunteer." "well, now, tell me your name, and i will bid you good bye." "my name is abraham lincoln, and i have not a relation in the world." the next time they met, meriwether lewis clark was marching through the streets of washington city with other prisoners in lee's surrendered army. and the president on the white house steps was abraham lincoln. the cousin of meriwether lewis clark, robert anderson, hero of fort sumter, stood by lincoln's side, with tears in his eyes. weeks before, when the land was ringing with his valour, the president had congratulated him and asked, "do you remember me?" "no, i never met you before." "yes," answered the president, "you are the officer that swore me in as a volunteer private in the black hawk war." the next day the assassin's bullet laid low the martyred lincoln; none mourned him more than meriwether lewis clark, for in that president he had known a friend. xxi _a great life ends_ "ruskosky, man, you tie my queue so tight i cannot shut my eyes!" with both hands up to his head governor clark rallied his polish attendant, who of all things was particular about his friend's appearance. for ruskosky never considered himself a servant, nor did clark. ruskosky was an old soldier of pulaski, a great swordsman, a gentleman, of courtly address and well educated, the constant companion of governor clark after the death of york. "come, let us walk, ruskosky." a narrow black ribbon was tied to the queue, the long black cloth cloak was brushed and the high broad-brim hat adjusted, the sword cane with buckhorn handle and rapier blade was grasped, and out they started. children stared at the ancient queue and small clothes. the oldest american in st. louis, governor clark had come to be regarded as a "gentleman of the old school." a sort of halo hung around his adventures. beloved, honoured, trusted, revered, his prominent nose and firm-set lips, his thin complexion in which the colour came and went, seemed somehow to belong to the revolution. he was locally regarded as a great literary man, for had not the journals of his expedition been given to the world? and now, too, delvers in historic lore began to realise what george rogers clark had done. eighteen different authors desired to write his life, among them madison, chief justice marshall, and washington irving. but the facts could not be found. irving sent his nephew to inquire of governor clark at st. louis. but the papers were scattered, to be collected only by the industry of historical students later. "governor clark is a fine soldier-like looking man, tall and thin," irving's nephew reported to his uncle. "his hair is white, but he seems to be as hardy and vigorous as ever, and speaks of his exposures and hardships with a zest that shows that the spirit of the old explorer is not quenched." children danced on an old carriage in the orchard. "uncle clark, when did you first have this carriage? when was it new?" the chivalrous and romantic friendship of his youth came back to the governor, and his eyes filled with tears. "children, that carriage belonged to meriwether lewis. in the settlement of his estate, i bought it. many a time have we ridden in it together. that is the carriage that met judy hancock when she landed at st. louis, the first american bride, a quarter of a century ago. many a vicissitude has it encountered since, in journeyings through woods and prairies. it is old now, but it has a history." in his later years governor clark travelled, made a tour of the lakes, and visited new york, boston, buffalo, cleveland, sandusky, and detroit. "hull?" said clark at detroit. "he was not a coward, but afraid for the people's sake of the cruelty of the indians." one day governor clark came ashore from a steamer on the ohio and stood at the mouth of the hockhocking where dunmore had his camp in . the battle of point pleasant? that was ancient history. most of the residents in that region had never heard of it, and looked upon the old gentleman in a queue as a relic of the mound-builders. with wide-eyed wonder they listened again to the story of that day when civilisation set its first milestone beyond the alleghanies. when the thundering cannon in announced the return of a fur convoy from the yellowstone, governor clark expected a messenger. "they haf put the sand over him," explained a frenchman. "yes, he is dead and buried." "and my mandan?" "there are no more mandans." clark looked at the trader in surprise. "small-pox." the cheek of the red head paled. small-pox! in it swept from omaha to clatsop leaving a trail of bones. thirty years later ten thousand pawnees, otoes, and missouris perished. and now, despite all precautions, it had broken out on the upper missouri. in six weeks the wigwams of the mandans were desolate. out of sixteen hundred souls but thirty-one remained. arikara, minnetaree, ponca, assiniboine, sank before the contagion. the sioux survived only because they lived not in fixed villages and were roaming uncontaminated. blackfeet along the marias left their lodges standing with the dead in them, and never returned. the crows abandoned their stricken ones, and fled to the mountains. across the border beseeching indians carried the havoc to hudson's bay, to athabasca, and the yukon. over half a continent terrified tribes burnt their towns, slaughtered their families, pierced their own hearts or flung themselves from precipices. redmen yet unstricken poured into st. louis imploring the white man's magic. clark engaged physicians. day after day vaccinating, vaccinating, they sat in their offices, saving the life of hundreds. he sent out agents with vaccine to visit the tribes, but the superstitious savages gathered up their baggage and scattered,---- "white men have come with small-pox in a bottle." with this last great shock, the decimation of the tribes, upon him, clark visibly declined. "my children," he said to his sons, "i want to sleep in sight and sound of the mississippi." when the summons came, september , , in the sixty-eighth year of his age, meriwether lewis clark and his wife were with him, the deputy, james kennerly and his wife, elise, and old ruskosky, inconsolable. with great pomp and solemnity his funeral was celebrated, as had been that of his brother at louisville twenty years before. both were buried as soldiers, with minute guns and honours of war. in sight of the ohio, george rogers clark sleeps, and below the grave of william clark sweeps the mississippi, roaring, swirling, bearing the life-blood of the land they were the first to explore. the sacs, with keokuk at their head, marched in the long funeral train of their red head father and wept genuine tears of desolation. no more, dressed in their best, did the indians sing and dance through the streets of st. louis, receiving gifts from door to door. the friend of the redmen was dead. st. louis ceased to be the mecca of their pilgrimages; no more their gala costumes enlivened the market; they disappeared. for more than forty years william clark had been identified with st. louis,--had become a part of its history and of the west. october , , a few days after clark, black hawk, too, breathed his last in his lodge, and was buried like the sac chieftains of old, sitting upright, in the uniform given him by president jackson, with his hand resting on the cane presented by henry clay. he, too, said, "i like to look upon the mississippi. i have looked upon it from a child. i love that beautiful river. my home has always been upon its banks." and there they buried him. every day at sunset travellers along that road heard the weird heart-broken wail of singing bird, the widow of black hawk. xxii _the new west_ four years after the death of governor clark began the rush to oregon. dr. lewis f. linn, senator from missouri, and grandson of william linn, the trusted lieutenant of george rogers clark, introduced a bill in congress offering six hundred and forty acres of land to every family that would emigrate to oregon. the linns came to missouri with daniel boone, and with the boones they looked ever west! west! "six hundred and forty acres of land! a solid square mile of god's earth, clear down to the centre!" men exclaimed in amaze. while ohio was still new, and the mississippi valley billowed her carpets of untrodden bloom, an eagle's flight beyond, civilisation leaped to oregon. from ferries where kansas city and omaha now stand they started, crossing the platte by fords, by waggon-beds lashed together, and on rafts, darkening the stream for days. before their buffalo hunters, innumerable herds made the earth tremble where kansas-nebraska cities are to-day. in marcus whitman piloted the first waggon train through to the columbia. "a thousand people? starving did you say? lord! lord! they must have help to-night," exclaimed dr. mcloughlin, the old white-haired hudson's bay trader at fort vancouver. "man the boats! people are starving at the dalles!" and the noble-hearted representative of a rival government sent out his provision-laden bateaux to rescue the perishing americans, who in spite of storms and tempests were gliding down the great columbia as sixty years before their fathers floated down the indian-haunted ohio. and indians were here, with tomahawks ready. "let us kill these bostons!" mcloughlin heard the word, and shook the speaker as a terrier shakes a rat. "dogs, you shall be punished!" in his anxiety lest harm should come to the approaching americans, all night long, his white hair wet in the rain, dr. mcloughlin stood watching the boats coming down the columbia, and building great bonfires where lewis and clark had camped in . women and little children and new-born babes slept in the british fur-trader's fort. anglo-saxon greeted anglo-saxon in the conquest of the world, to march henceforward hand in hand for ever. among the emigrants on the plains in , was alphonso boone, the son of jesse, the son of daniel. several grown-up boone boys were there, and the beautiful chloe and her younger sisters. chloe boone rode a thorough-bred mare, a descendant of the choicest boone stock, from the old kentucky blue-grass region. mounted upon her high-stepping mare, chloe and her sisters and other young people of the train rode on ahead of the slow-going line of waggons and oxen. gay was the laughter, and merry the songs, that rang out on the bright morning air. francis parkman, the great historian, then a young man just out of college, was on the plains that year, collecting material for his books. now and then they met parties of soldiers going to the mexican war, and many a boy in blue turned to catch a glimpse of the sweet girl faces in chloe's train. happily they rode in the spring on the plains; more slowly when the heats of summer came and the sides of the rocky mountains grew steep and rough; and slower still in the parched lands beyond, when the woodwork of the waggons began to shrink, and the worn-out animals to faint and fall. "so long a journey!" said chloe. six months it took. clothes wore out, babes were born, and people died. they came into oregon by the southern route, guided by daniel boone's old compass, the one given him by dunmore to bring in the surveyors from the falls of the ohio seventy-two years before. the fall rains had set in. the umpqua river was swollen,--eighteen times from bank to bank chloe forded, in getting down umpqua canyon. "we shall have to leave the waggons and heavy baggage with a guard," said colonel boone, "and hurry on to the settlements." they reached the willamette valley, pitched their tents where corvallis now stands, and that winter, in a little log cabin, chloe boone taught the first school ever conducted by a woman outside of the missions in oregon. leaving the girls, colonel boone went back after the waggons. alas! the guard was killed, the camp was looted, and daniel boone's old compass was gone for ever. its work was done. alphonso boone built a mansion near the present capital city of salem and here chloe married the governor, george l. curry, and for years beside the old boone fireside the governor's wife extended the hospitalities of the rising state. albert gallatin boone camped on the site of denver twenty years before denver was, and negotiated the sale of colorado from the indians to the united states. john c. boone, son of nathan boone, explored a new cut-off and became a pioneer of california. james madison boone drove stakes in texas. what years had passed since the expedition of lewis and clark! it seemed like a bygone event, but one who had shared its fortunes still lived on and on,--our old friend, patrick gass. in the war of , above the roaring falls of niagara, sergeant gass spiked the enemy's cannon at the battle of lundy's lane. years went on. a plain unpretentious citizen, patrick worked at his trade in wellsburg and raised his family. in patrick gass headed a delegation of gray-haired veterans of the war of to washington, and was everywhere lionised as the last of the men of lewis and clark. on july , , the land was aflame over the firing on fort sumter. all wellsburg with her newly enlisted regiments for the war was gathered at apple pie ridge to celebrate the day. "where is patrick gass?" a grand carriage was sent for him, and on the shoulders of the boys in blue he was brought in triumph to the platform. "speech! speech!" and the speech of his life patrick gass made that day, for his country and the union. the simple, honest old hero brought tears to every eye, with a glimpse of the splendid drama of lewis and clark. again they saw those early soldier-boys bearing the flag across the rockies, suffering starvation and danger and almost death, to carry their country to the sea. "but me byes, it's not a picnic ye're goin' to,--oh, far from it! no! no! 't will be hard fur ye when ye come marchin' back lavin' yer comrades lyin' far from home and friends, but there is one to look to, who has made and kept our country." it seemed the applause would never cease, with cheering and firing of cannon. "stay! stay!" cried the people. "sit up on the table and let us have our banquet around you with the big flag floating over your head." in an instant pat was down. "far enough is far enough!" he cried, "and be the divil, will yez try to make sport of mesilf?" excitedly the modest old soldier slipped away. the war ended. a railroad crossed the plains. oregon and california were states. alaska was bought. still pat lived on, until , when he fell asleep, at the age of ninety-nine, the last of the heroic band of lewis and clark. william walker, who gave to the world the story of the nez percés, led his wyandots into kansas, and, with the first white settlers, organising a provisional government after the plan of oregon, became himself the first governor of kansas-nebraska. oh, little crow! little crow! what crimes were committed in thy name! in the midst of the war, , little crow the third arose against the white settlers of minnesota in one of the most frightful massacres recorded in history. then came sibley's expedition sweeping on west, opening the dakotas and montana. the indian? he fought and was vanquished. how we are beginning to love our indians, now that we fear them no longer! no wild man ever so captured the imagination of the world. with inherent nobility, courage to the border of destruction, patriotism to the death, absolutely refusing to be enslaved, he stands out the most perfect picture of primeval man. we might have tamed him but we had not time. the movement was too swift, the pressure behind made the white men drivers as the indians had driven before. civilisation demands repose, safety. and until repose and safety came we could do no effective work for the indian. we of to-day have lived the longest lives, for we have seen a continent transformed. we have forgotten that a hundred years ago briton and spaniard and frenchman were hammering at our gates; forgotten that the indian beleaguered our wooden castles; forgotten that wolves drummed with their paws on our cabin doors, snapping their teeth like steel traps, while the mother hushed the wheel within and children crouched beneath the floor. o mothers of a mighty past, thy sons are with us yet, fighting new battles, planning new conquests, for law, order, and justice. where rolls the columbia and where the snow-peaks of hood, adams, jefferson, rainier, and st. helens look down, a metropolis has arisen in the very multnomah where clark took his last soundings. northward, seattle sits on her puget sea, southward san francisco smiles from her golden gate, spanish no more. over the route where lewis and clark toiled slowly a hundred years ago, lo! in three days the traveller sits beside the sunset. five transcontinental lines bear the rushing armies westward, ever westward into the sea. bewildered a moment they pause, then turn--to the conquest of the poles and the tropics. the frontiersman? he is building nome city under the arctic: he is hewing the forests of the philippines. * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected.