The loyal martyr vindicated Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester, 1632-1714. 1691 Approx. 189 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49353 Wing L3353A ESTC R41032 19579111 ocm 19579111 109147 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109147) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1691:17) The loyal martyr vindicated Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester, 1632-1714. 52 p. s.n., [London : 1691?] Caption title. Place and date of publication suggested by Wing. Attributed to Fowler by NUC pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ashton, John, d. 1691. James -- II, -- King of England, 1633-1701. Lancashire Plot, 1689-1694. 2003-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Loyal Martyr VINDICATED . AFTER Mr. Ashton's Paper had been shewn by the Sheriff to those that sit at the Helm , and that it was known there were more Copies of it given abroad , so that it was impossible to sham or disguise it , it raised in them ( as I am informed ) very sollicitous Apprehensions what Effects it was likely to work in the Minds of all the true Sons of the Church of England , to see a genuine Member of that Communion , with his last Breath , admonish his prevaricating Brethren of the enormous Crimes of Perjury and Rebellion , in which they they had of late so deeply plunged themselves ; denounce Prophetically to them the Judgments attending their Apostacy , if not timely repented of ; profess so stoutly his Allegiance to his much injured and unjustly Dispossessed Prince ; seal our Church's Doctrine of Non-resistance with his dearest Blood , and dye so resignedly , chearfully , nay joyfully , in Testimony of that Christian Principle ; could not but be apprehended to our Statis's to be the most powerful Motives imaginable , to reclaim those who had been misled by false Information , or seduced by Interest into a Repentance of their Errors ; and to establish the rest in the Loyal Principles to which they had hitherto adhered . Besides , the honest unaffected Reason , which appears in the Account he gives of his Tenets , and Conscientious Proceedings , and the Christian Moderation and sincere Piety , which he observed throughout his whole Paper , Praying heartily for his very Enemies , though unjustly thirsting after his Blood , ( the proper Temper of a dying Martyr , ) could not but recommend the Contents of it to the esteem of every indifferent Reader , and even be able to shock all such as were not resolutely byass'd . Nor can I blame them for being so highly concerned , that such a Legacy was left to the Loyal Party . Those politick Men were well aware of the successful Methods by which Christianity was Propagated at first , and that The Blood of the Martyrs was the Seed of the Church ; and therefore they judged it very Expedient , that some speedy and effectual Means should be taken to stop the prejudicial Effects , which it would otherwise produce . It was then thought the best way to seem to slight and undervalue the Paper , by Printing it themselves , and at the same time to endeavour to baffle and confute it by an Answer going along with it , penned with as much plausibleness as the Cause could bear : But Truth is not easily trampled down . His Christian Constancy has made too great an Impression in the Hearts of his Admirers , to permit his Meritorious Sufferings to lie under the Scandal of a Treasonable Guilt ; and has given Courage to some of the meanest of them to vindicate his Cause , and Credit , against the wicked Slanders and weak Reasons of this mercenary Writer ; though he foresees that if they be discovered , they can expect no other Reward but the same fatal End. The Holland Lyon has begun to taste English Blood , and finds it so sweet that it draws on an Appetite of shedding still more . To fall then to our Reply — His First Sham ( for the whole Piece is a continu'd fardle of such Stuff ) is , That the Paper is none of Mr. Ashton's . This , if made good , would ( they hoped ) take off the Authority and Influence of it , as no● being the proper Act of the Martyr , but of some other of that Party ● it required therefore his best skill to make this Credible . Let us then examine his Arguments : His First Proof is , Because 〈…〉 with too much Art and Care to be the Work of one , who professes he thought it better to employ his last minutes in Devotion , ( p. 8. ) What a ridiculous Cavil is this ! His last minutes were at the place of Execution which the Martyr professeth he thought it better to employ in Devotion and holy Communion with his God , than in making Speeches ; which if they were Loyal , and delivered his Thoughts fully , were likely to be interrupted , and so not attended with the designed Success ; and therefore he chose rather to deliver what he had to say in Writing . Now comes this Gentleman , and pretends ( if his Words have any Tenour or Sense in them ) that he must have compos'd this Paper of his a● his last minutes , that is , at the Gallows ; which , he says , he could not do with so much Art and Care , those minutes being taken up otherwise , viz. In Devotion ; and therefore ( forsooth ) the Paper is none of his : As if he had not time enough between his Sentence and the Execution of it to compose a Paper , both larger , and more full of Art and Care ( had he minded such Advantages ) than this was : Or , as if good Men , whose Piety enclines them to spend their last minutes in holy Thoughts , could not in the time anteceding use both their best Art and Care to pen a true Account of their Principles , and the Cause for which they Suffered ; but indeed there is little Art or Care in the Master , or Sense of the Paper , but a plain and candid Discovery of his Thoughts and Affections both towards God , and the World ; and as for the manner of Writing it ( if it were indeed such as this Man exhibits it ) there was neither any the least Art or Care shewn in it , but perfect Negligence , or rather great Ignorance and Folly throughout the whole , as will be seen shortly . His Second Reason to prove the Paper was not the Martyr's , is , Because Mr. Ashton , says he , was illiterate and unskilled in the Law , and yet uses such Bug-words , as Impending , Prevaricating , Premisses , and Consequence ; and gives such a peremptory Iudgment about the Laws of the Realm , in a Case acknowledged by all ingenious Men of his own Party to have a great deal of difficulty in it ; this Man will say any thing , though never so openly false : Not one M●n of his Party ever thought there was the least difficulty in this , That it was Treason by our Laws to resist a legal Prince , or acknowledge any other for King while he lives . No not this Writer himself , as appears by his not thinking it his best play to alledge the Laws of the Realm , bu● flying off and recurring to the Law of Nations : And as for the Law as it relates to his own Case , he was far from Peremptory , as is manifest from his saying — I am told I am the First Man that ever was condemned for High-Treason upon bare Presumption or Suspicion : Do not these Words [ I am told ] sound as modestly as is possible , and bar all shew of his passing such a peremptory Iudgment about the Laws of the Realm , as he puts upon him p. 8 ? What will not this Caviller say ? But 't is pleasant to observe what Prancks he uses all along . 'T is plain Mr. Ashton meant no more but that he was illiterate ( that is , unlearned ) and unskilful in the Law , as appears by his desiring the Iudges to observe for him what might be for his Advantage . And sure a Man who has not made the Law his Study , ( for the Word reaches no farther , ) may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words , none of them being artificial Law Terms ; but such honest English as every Gentleman , that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank , is capable of understanding and using . But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks , ( for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy , ) disjoyns by his Discourse [ illiterate ] from [ unskill'd in the Law ] and refers the Four cramp Words to the former , and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter ; and when he has done , he tells us very sadly , one may justly wonder at it ; and indeed it is very wonderful : For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room , wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked ; and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie , is altogether Monstrous . He tells us , p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things . To assert his Principles , and to testifie his Innocency ; and he sets himself to prove that he did neither . As for the former , he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience ; and then confutes him most learnedly , by telling us , That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it , and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it . Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly ? The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King ; and he is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government , who has Title to it by immediate Succession . Now comes this acute Gentleman , and pretends , without Shame or Wit , that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King , whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such , in their clear , unb●ass'd , and 〈◊〉 in us Thoughts , but to ano●her , who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom , and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws , nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so , or who dare not do otherwise . And then after he had preva●icated thus eg egiously , he te●ls us very gravely , That certainly there must be some g●ea● mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church : Whereas if there be any 't is manifestly on his side ; but to say the plain Truth , there is no mistake at all , even on his side , but an open Prevarication , and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet , making our Passi●e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object , which is to make the Principles of our Church face ab●ut with the Times , and point ( as a Weather-cock does to the Wind ) to a Dispossessour of the true Prince ; so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party , and keep under , or Murther , by his new Laws , and new Judges , those who dare be Loyal . He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it . If he means that only some of them are found there , it reaches not home to his purpose . But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there , he shews himself to be very weak . Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word , and it only , is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith ; and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow , is the most unanimous Exposition of it , avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men , and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church . If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience , and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith , that is , does not hold it part of her Faith ; he should have produced such , and so many genuine , grave , and eminent Members of one Church , as are beyond Exception , who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense , and upon that ground held the contrary . I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock , who is so flexible a Complier with every side , that , I fear , he is of no side , and ready to be of any , as God-M●mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry , or some such irresistible Temptation . As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith , it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector 's days , who had Abdicated twi●e , ( if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating , ) and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands , and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense ; yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days , when honest Principles , as yet unantiquated , made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution , but all adher'd to their legal King , though all of them suffered in their Estates , and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty . But as our Author told us formerly , that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds , so he tells us here , that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince , ( whatever his Principles were , or his Practices might be , ) as God's Vicegerent , and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power : All this ( says he ) he might have done , and have been alive still , because , as he contends , King William was his rightful lawful Prince . So that it se●ms let King William be of what Principles he will , even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames ; or let his Practices be what they will , even to the Subverting all our Liberties , Properties , nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land , still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only , and consequently to obey him as such . Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book , and makes all the Deserters , and fi●st Adherers to the Prince of Orange , and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King , and the Consent of the Nation , he talks of , to be Irreligious and Wicked . For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King , nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned , which comes within the compass of his , [ whatever his Principles are , or his Practices might be , ] and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent ; it follows unavoidably , that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion , in the highest Degree , who deserted him , opposed him , turned him out , and set up a Stranger in his stead . Yet this Action of theirs , confest by himself to be Irreligious , is the true Foundation of our new Government . Hitherto he has begged the whole Question , and supposed the present Governours to be rightful and lawful King and Queen ; and now after he has done this , he sets himself to prove it : Certainly this Man's Logick is very extraordinary . If it might be supposed , it needed not to be proved ; and if it could be well proved , it needed not have been supposed . Yet this Gentleman , to make this sure Work , will needs do both , though the Method he takes to do this be very preposterous , his special Gift of Reasoning , by a neat Figure called Hysteron Proteron , sets the Cart before the Horse ; and first supposes it , and then goes about to prove it : The Question , says he , ( p. 9. ) is not whether rightful lawful Kings are to be obeyed , but w●o in our Circumstances is our rightful lawful Sovereign ? And so he addresses himself to settle King William's Title , and put it beyond all disp●te , which being so rare a Sight , and so great a Novelty and Curiosity , it may deservedly challenge our best Attention ; especially it being withal our real-Interest : For I cannot think that any Man of the least degree of Wit , would undergo outward Disquiets , Dangers , and Inconveniences , in not submitting heartily to this present Government , if his Conscience would let him be quiet within : Let us see then what we in Reason and Conscience think of this new Title to what was most evidently , by G●d's and Man's Law too , another Man 's Right . That Party that stickled to make the Prince of Orange King , do hold that the People have the Power to make and unmake the supreme Magistrate ; and so they fix his Title upon the Creation of the People , and make account the same People by virtue of the same Power can limit his Authority , and annihilate it again , as one of them profest openly in the House of Commons : Nay , this was the only Reason and Interest they had , or could have to make him King ; for the Commonalty , of whom they pretend to be the best Patrons , were not at all burthened with Taxes under King Iames ; and withall themselves enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience ; and , lastly , had more than should have fallen to their share in Places and Offices ; And what could they wish more , except the pulling down Monarchy ten Pegs lower , and dwindling it into a Duke of Venice ? Which could not be while the legal King governed ; but might , they hop'd , be easily brought about when themselves had the making , and consequently the modelling of their new Magistrate : For 't is but reasonable that they who give and bestow a Thing , should give as much and as little of it as they please . But this Plot was carried too openly , which obliged the House of Lords , fearing their Ruine by a Common-wealth , rather to vote any new King at a venture , than become Slaves to the People : Nor would a precarious Authority satisfie a Genius , that naturally aimed at being Absolute . So when they had given all the Money that they thought could well be raised , without an extreme Wrong to the common Good of the People , they were packs away ; and home they went gnashing their Teeth , that they should be so Silly as to bring themselves into a Noose they could not untie ; and which in time might come to hang their Liberty , Property , and ( if they should dare to mutter too rudely ) their Persons too . Thus that First Title fell , which served well enough while the Young Government was yet in its Swaddling-clouts , but when it became bigger it out-grow it , as Children do their Cloaths . After this our Church of England Men , who all this while stood Trembling left this new King , being in his Inclination a perfect Presbyterian , and the Creature of their Adversaries , should come to ever-power them , and trample on them , finding that Things did not co●●on well between the ungrateful Sovereign , and these his disgusted Subjects , but that they grew weary of one another , judged it was now their time to strike in : Wherefore they offered him their most humble Ser●ice ; which being accepted , they laught in their Sleeves at the poor baffled Presbyterians , telling them after an upbraiding and scornful Manner , You would needs give us a King whether we would or no , and now we will keep him up whether you will or no. So all this was done , not out of Love to him , ( for he has the ill luck to have few Personal Lovers , ) but for fear of the opposite Party , and to secure themselves against their emulous Competitours , or revenge themselves upon them . If then Title ( as it ought ) be that which gives and upholds Authority ; his best Title after he had now got rid of the hanck the Presbyterians had upon him , next to that of the Confederacy owning him for his Money and Assistance , ( which now begins to knock off ) was in reality , The Feud between our Church and Dissenters : Which Two made up a Second and a Third Title to prop up by turns this feeble Authority . Money then they voted him , and ( to engratiate themselves by out-bidding the others ) full thrice as much as the Dissenters had done ; so that the Nation was half begger'd by his Transporting it beyond Sea , to hire Foreign Soldiers , and bribe the Confederates ; and yet though they thus pleasured him by lavishing away the Money and Riches of the Nation , all the Title he could obtain of them unanimously , was to be only King de Facto , and not de Iure . Which encouraged Dr. Sherlock , who stood watching , his Advantage , to face about and build : this New and Fourth Title upon the Events of Providence , or ( to use an Expression less blasphemous and more proper for a Rueling Authority ) on the Wheel of Fortune . But the poor Man was so baffled for this new Notion of his , particularly by the Author of the Trimming Court Divine , and more largely and unanswerably by those two learned and acute Treatises , Entituled , [ The Duty of Allegiance settled upon its true Grounds , according to Scripture , Reason , and the Opinion of the Church , and by Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance considered with some Remarks upon his Vindication ; ] that 't is his best play to sit down with silence , and be content to lull his Conscience with his Deanry , without awaking or disquieting it by thinking how to answer them , lest it start up in his Face , and disturb his peaceful and comfortable Enjoyments of his new Acquisitions ; for I dare challenge him , particularly in the behalf of the two latter of those three Treatises ; that he is so shamefully , confuted that he has not one starting-hole left for his Credit to escape by . And yet I must tell him , That unless he answers them fully , he Cheats the Government , and is bound in Conscience to make Restitution of his Deanry ; For why should he be so bountifully paid for weaving a Piece , which , when it comes to be well lookt into , is so full of Bracks , Stains , and Holes , that 't is useless and good for nothing ? Thus the Fourth Title of a King de Facto , by the Wheel of Fortune , was laid flat , and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar , and could find no Foundation to fix upon , nor any Basis that would fit it . None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason , that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen : Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine , relying , I suppose , on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation , had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest ; which was formerly ready to be published , but upon the taking of Mons some s●op was put to it at that time . If this be as true as it is told me , with much assurance , we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King , as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time ; for had that Project been heartily encouraged , our Countrey-men had been all Slaves , and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion , it being indeed , in that Case , his own ; so that when Parliaments would give no more , he might , by setting up his Title , when he pleased , take all ; and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot . At length comes this Gentleman , and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts , and not at all likely to take , he will needs strain a Note above Ela , and settle it on a higher Foundation ; viz. on the Law of Nations , which allows Independent Governments to right themselves by Force , or by making War on him that injures them : But , because he saw no War was made , no Army fought , nor a Stroke struck ● so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England ; he very politickly twists with it — and with the Success of this Iust War , ( p. 11. ) the Consent of the People too . This , I must confess , is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other , 't is made of Contradictions , and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous . We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus ( a Goat-Stag ) or some such whimsical Conceit , that imports two or more different Natures clapt together . But this new fangled Notion of Right , he has invented , consists not of merely different , but opposite Natures ; War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon , and Consent signifies Voluntariness . Again , the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters , and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all . So that to come in by Force of War , and at the same time by Consent , is to be beaten voluntarily , to be forced willingly , to resist yieldingly , to submit withall our Hearts , yet against our Will , or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us . But , to say the Truth , there was neither a fair War , subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent , nor a clear , free , and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation ; but ( as will shortly appear ) a mere Trick , manag'd by an Ambitious Invader , and his Confederates , seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters , and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences , and Forgeries , to bubble and fool the Common People , and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under . We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on , and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it , and how prettily the Baby will look . There is besides the Laws of the Land ( says he , p. 11. ) a Law of Nations , by which Sovereign Independent-Governments , when injured , may Right themselves by a Iust War. Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession , and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation , and this War had Success ; therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred , and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due . This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together , as he told us ( p. 10. ) to clear this whole Matter . Let us now take it gently to pieces , and lay each part of it down easily , lest it fall asunder of it self , and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely . 'T is deny'd then , that there were in our Case two Nations , or several Independent Governments . 'T is deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned . 'T is deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends . 'T is deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War , or that he righted himself by Force , or came by the Consent of the People ; and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means , or foul Means , 't is deny'd he has any Right at all ; what he has , how he came by it , or how he still keeps it , shall be declared hereafter . First then , That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew ●efore ; so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged ; but 't is becoming his small Politicks to amp●●fie mightily , and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies : But to be short and slight , or rather perfectly silent in those p●rticul●rs , on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends ; we grant him then that Independent Governments may , when injured , have a Right to demand , and if it be deny'd them , take Satisfaction by force of Arms , for 't is no more than every Man knows , and yields to ; but 't is deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose , or does his Cause the least service . For — Secondly , 'T is deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments , and so his Discourse falls to the g●ound . The S●ates of Holland indeed make a Government , but those good Men , who never told lye in their Lives , disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador ; and , like wise Men , lest it should not succeed , would not be seen in it , but made use of F●ot of W●elp to do their own Jobbs , 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them , and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily , and took our Money very readily : Besides they were Allies to King Iames , which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations , to which he recurrs . And , lastly , if they made this War , and had Success in it , ( I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them , ) it would follow , by this Discourse that They , and not He , are our Lords and Masters ; a Title which the Hollanders do not qu●t , but still assert on due occasions , That their State-holder manages England for their behoof , as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey , where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects , by pretending that England was now under Holland , and that they had sent one of their own Officers to govern it on their stead . As for the Prince of Orange , taken in his own single Capacity , he was far from being a Separate Nation , or Independent Government , which this Gentlemen's Discourse proceeds upon , or indeed Supreme Governour of any Nation at all , not of the Principality of Orange ; for this was by Dr. Sherlock's Event of Providence , and by Conquest taken from him long ago : Nor was the Prince of Orange a Sovereign Independent Prince in Holland , for he was there under the Government of the States : Nor was it ever heard there was a Prince of Breda : So that this Gentleman's Discourse faulters in that which should have been the very subject of it . He should have said that any great Man who had received W●ong , might in true Reason right himself by the best means that he or his Friends could make against any Man , who was not his Sovereign or fellow Subject , and this by the Law of Reason , or Nature , not by the Law of Nations ; For what had the Law of Nations to do in the business , when there was no Nation Injured , or that demanded Satisfaction ? For surely he will not say that King Iames had done Wrong to the Principality of Orange , or that the Person of King William alone , or of his Queen either , is a Nation : Yet one of the two he must say , ●o make his Discourse hang together . Thirdly , 'T is deny'd there were great and violent 〈◊〉 of an injury to the Right of Succession : This , if made good , might do his Cause some service ; let us see then what strong Proofs he brings to evince it . Two sorts of Arguments he alledges to prove it . The fi●st is the Prince of Orange's Declaration ; certainly this Man is infatuated . Our English Proverb [ Ask my Master if I be a Thief ] contains as good a Plea as this ; yet the poor Man triumphs mightily , and thinks his Work is done when he has barely repeated it . But what says the Declaration ? Why , it says , That all the good Subjects of these Kingdoms do vehemently suspect , that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the ●ueen , and that many doubted of the Queen's Bigness , and of the Birth of the Child ; and yet there was not any one Thing done to satisfie their Doubts : So says the Declaration indeed ; and if a Man may be believ'd in his own Cause , ( against our own knowledge , ) when he might hope to get Three Kingdoms by saying so , all is as true as Gospel , and as clear as Demonstration ; otherwise our Reason will , I hope , give us leave to suspect at least Misinformation in the Case , if not Self-partiality . And I do not like either the Sincerity , or the Care of him that penned it , in saying , first that [ All good Subjects vehemently suspected , &c. ] and then dwindling afterwards into [ Many doubted , &c. ] A sober Man would not have quoted the Declaration , unless to defend it ; but this Gentleman builds on it as on his Principle . But how will he justifie the Declaration when it says , that not any one thing was done to satisfie Doubters , or himself for hinting so impudently , ( p. 14. ) That the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them ? Was not the Testimony of near Fifty sworn Witnesses of Credit , enough to satisfie reasonable Men in a matter of Fact ? No , says he , ( p. 13. ) No private Depositions of such as are dependents , or otherwise liable to suspicion , can in reason be taken for satisfactory Evidence . Does this Man consider how many Protestants , how many Persons of unblemish'd Honour he taints with suspicion of Perjury , and Treason against the Nation , by hinting they are so sworn in attesting the Bigness of the Q●een , and the Birth of the Prince of Wales ? Unhappy Mr. Ashron , who had such Judges , and such Jury-men , as though fit to condemn him without any one Witness , or any one Proof , but merely upon Suspicion or Presumption ; yet such multitudes of legal Witnesses are held insufficient to satisfie those of the ●ame Party of the Truth of a matter of Fact far more evident . Certainly this pretended Scrupulosity of theirs , which is so loose at some time ; and so strait-lac'd at another , is more lodged in their W●d than in their Reason : But on how he bussles , and runs about the World to pretend a flaw in this most sample Atte●tation ! The Old Roman Laws are ha●ed in by Head and Shoulders , ( p. 13. ) though he knows well they are generally no where observed , especially those he mentions ; they being indeed such extravagant N●ceties , that it would look like perfect Madness , now a days ; to offer to bring them into play . Then comes in our Old Common Law , ( p. 14. ) Allowing a Writ of Inspection , and the Old Law Books giving directions to prevent and discover Subernation : Now if there were any Thing done contrary to our Laws , that makes for his purpose , Why does he not produce it , and urge it ? Especially why did not the Contention , when they were so vehemently press'd to it by the Loyal Party go about to Discover this pretended Subordination ? Why did not they , or any other since this Government came in , make us of his Writs of Inspection , and his Chapter in the Old Law Books ? Did none of them know Old Laws , W●its and Chapters , but this learned Setler of the Royal Succession ? This I can assure him , that durst the Convention have attempted it they should have sound , even at that , time , very many other Witnesses of Credit , able both to satisfie the nicest Scrupulosity , con●ute the Calumny , and confou●d the Authors and Abet●ers of it . But they were aff●aid such an important Truth should be made too evident to the whole World , because it would at once have spoiled the Prince of Orange's Declaration , and have shamed their own Rebellions Resolution of deposing King Iames , and setting up another in h●s Head : A Pretence which was so necessary to be started and upheld , must not be Discovered by , the Framers and Abetters of it to be a manifest Impestuce , as they knew well it would have been , had they gone about to examine it . I omit to give a fuller Answer to his Citations out of the Old Roman Laws , and our Old Common Laws because they have been considered very particularly , in a Discourse pu●posely made upon those 〈◊〉 subjects , Entituled , De Ventre I●spiciendo , or Remarks on Mr Ashron's Answerer ; which shews clearly from those Laws themselves , in the places he cites , and from those Oracles of the Law , B●acton and my Lord Coke , that neither the one , nor the other are at all to his purpose . His other P●oofs of this injury justifying the War , are a company of [ Its ] as ( pag. 13 ) I● there was no reasonable Care taken to prevous and remove these Suspicions ; and ( pag. 14. ) If no such Care was taken , &c. If the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them . If the whole Thing was managed with Secrecy , and suspicious Circumstances , &c. But he no where affirms , that all the particular [ Ifs ] or any one of them was positively true ; and consequently he attempts not to make good , nor ●ffers the least Proof , that the War upon this Score was Iust ; nor that the Law of Nations , he so much talks of , gives the Invader any Right or Title to the Crown ; nor , lustly , that there were great , and ( as he only phrases it ) violent Presumptions of this Injury to the Right of Succession : Whence follows , that he has not even said one single Word in ju●●●fication of this New Government , or of the Swearing Party ; and so he is infinitely short of clearing the whole Matter , as he , in big Words , pretended at the beginning of this Discourse . Certainly our Governours were either very unwise in clinsing no better a W●iter to defend their Cause , or else ( which is the very Truth ) their Cause it self can bear no better a Defence . Since then this stout Champion of our new Government is so mightily in love with [ I●s . ] it were not amiss to ans●er him with more Ifs than he brings , which more●ver ( a thing he ●o where does , for fear of a Confute , ) we dare vouch to be true . We affirm then , That if this Invasion was intended above three quarters of a Year before it was executed , or more , the French King sending King Iames word of it half a Year before : If it was long befo●e concerted between the Prince of Orange and the Confederates , to dethrone King Iames , without any Respect to the Prince of Wales , ( as yet but a young Embrio , if so much , ) or to the maintaining our Religion or Liberties , or to any of those other specious Pretences taken up afterwards , but on the Confederates parts at least ) merely for fear he might be brought to 〈◊〉 with France , or stand Neuter , and to make the silly English lose their Lives , and beggar themselves to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners : If the main thing that encouraged the Confederates to that U●dertaking was the Kn●wn Hatred of the English Men in general ●o King Iames's Religion , that King's Zeal to make those of his Persuasi●n ●s free is the rest of their Fell●w Subjects , ( which they hop'd would highly disgust very many ● ) and the●r Assurance that they had a Factions , Lying , and Discontented Party here , who would make way for his Ejectment , by giving about and countenancing such Stories and Libels as would encline great part of the Nation to a Revolt : If , among the rest , this Flam of a supposititious Prince of Wales , nor dream'd on by any till then , w●s comed ●● the Politick Mint at the Hague , sent over into England to be made current here by their Party , and then the Dissatisfaction which themselves had raised h●re was taken up for a Pretence , and inserted in the Prince of Orange's Declaration , to give the idle Story a greater Authority , and to gloss over such an unnatural and so unjust an Invasion : If ample Satisfaction was given by the Oaths of Multitudes of Credible and Honourable Witnesses , when the Dissatisfaction came to some height ; it being highly unwise for a King to humor every idle Report , or honor it with such a solemn Examination : If the Queen's Delive●y was far from being carried secretly and suspitiously , ( as one of his Ifs shame●●●y ●ints , ) but in op●n Day-light , before a Multitude of People of All sorts indifferently , no Person of Honor being denied Entrance , who had the Curiosity to be present : If the Prince and Princess of Orange , who were Two of the Persons chiefly concern'd , being absent far off in Holland , and not denied coming over , if they would , might have sent some whom they could trust to be present , or at least had press'd their Sister who was here , and whose Joint Concern it was to be exactly curious in a Business so highly importing ●h●m all ; and yet none of them , though so hugely obliged by then Interest to doe this , did ever make any kind of Means or Applica●ion , in order to their so just Satisfaction , which it had been a Madness not to have done , had they indeed had any real Doubt . Nay more , If ( to carry on the politick Sham ) the Princess of Denmark , who was the Third Person so nearly concerned , after having avoided with all the Industry imaginable to be present at the Queen's rising and going to Bed , ( left she should be forced to see what she was loth to know , and resolved not to w●tn●ss , viz. the Queen's Pregnancy , ) would needs , co●trary to the Will of her Father , who express'd some Trouble that she should then ●e absent , because she being satisfied in the Thing her self , might be the better able to satisfie her Relations , run out of the way to the Bath , and to be purposely absent just at the time the Queen reckoned to be delivered , though she had most pressing reasons of Interest to be here at that time , nor could , without most manifest Injustice , be denied all the Liberty allowable ●o one of the same Sex , both to satisfie her s●lf and others ; though at the same time it was given out , that she was sent away by her F●ther , lest she should discover the pretended Cheat : I● none of the Three nearly conc●r●ed , nor any other , made the least Scruple , nor pretended the least Dissatisfaction in the World , when the Queen was ●elivered of other Chi●●ren formerly , though not half the number was presen● , untill a Male Child was born , which to th●i● R●gret , put them by the Hopes and Expecta●ion of succeeding in th●ir turns ●he Next : If instead of offering any Proof at all , or any one Witness of the contrary , to invalidate or counte●bala●ce in the least degree this consonant Testimony of so many Persons of untai●ted Honour and Sincerity ; this Farce , to gull ●nd mad the silly credulous People , was carried on and abe●●ed with nothing but Multitudes of Lyes , printed and baw'd about to serve a present Turn ; as that the Woman whose Child it was , was come out of Holland , and would appear to justifie it ; that it was brought to St Iames's , sometimes in a Coach , some●imes in a Warming-p●n , that the Midwife had co●fessed the Cheat , &c. All which are e●i●ced to be Falshoods by this , that they wer● never prov'd , or attempted to be prov'd , th●ugh it was so highly necessary : If the factious Members in the Conventi●n , that voted up this new King , were p●est by the loyal Party to call this matter into Examination , yet could never be brought to doe it , though it were in it self of the highest Concern imaginable to our Nation , and withall most absolutely necessary to justifie this otherwise barbarous Invasi●n of the Prince of Orange , and their own Treasonable Abdication of King Iames : Lastly , If this heavy Charge against the Ki●g and Queen , of trumping up a Sham Prince of Wales , was indu●●riously spread throughout the Three Kingdoms , not out of any real Zeal of pres●rving the ●●ue Succession , but onely as a fit occasion to throw off That , and the Mona●chy too , as hereditary by Lineal Descent , by changing it into an Elective , as frankly acknowledged by one of the greatest Abdicating P●ers of the Realm , who owned to a Person of known Integrity , that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body , as his own Son of his Wife 's ; and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch ; which in other words is to change the Government : If , I say , all these Particulars be true , as we dare affirm them to be , and are ready to p●ove by unquestio●able Testimonies ; and as most of them are most notorious , then we may safely conclude , that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War , nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion , as this Gentleman pretends . I pity his Weakness in compa●ing ( p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince , before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Jugg●e between Three , ( the pretended Father and Mother and a M●dwife , ) to subo●n a false Chi●d : He thinks it too of great Weight , That the Ju●y upon hearing the whole Evidence , gave Iudgment that t●at Child was supposititious : What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking ? But why does he not tell us , what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon ? Because it would shame his alleadging it . 'T is this , as I have been informed : The Hereford 〈◊〉 Woman was held Incapable of Children , which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born : A crafty Lawyer , who undertook to discover it , first made Enqui●y what poor Women the midwife ' had delivered about that time , and found that ●ne of them had her Child missing ; having discovered this , he f●ights the Woman , by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child , and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead . Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife , and the p●etended Parents , and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case ? None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately con●erned , who hoped to enjoy the Estate , and a Countrey Midwife , who was to have a share in it for her Project , at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe . So that here wa● in really but One Witness , the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own C●use : Coun● now the Number of our Witnesses , and weigh their Worth , and how that they were not Persons 〈◊〉 out , but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Co●●ition , and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation . Again : The Queen was never held to be barren ; She had had formerly divers Daughters , and a Son ; and it was likely , and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected , that She should at another time have a second Male-Child : ' Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it , as the Lying Parts a go●d w●●e pretended she would ; all those kind of Romances serv'd like Butt●esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height , and build up our New Govern●ent ; and therefore when things were better settled , and could stand without them , they were taken down again , and laid aside as useless . In a word , let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire J●ry had , and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natio● , and to the R●yal Family , and grant the War ( had there been any ) just : Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders , let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated , nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof , and s●ch heavy C●arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence , to ju●●ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable , much less ( as he mouths it ) great and violent Presumptions , and least of all ( what they ought to have been ) absolutely certain Truths . Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions , &c. Next follows ( for though he be a very slender Prover , yet he is still a very big Pretender ) his Too g●eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion , and Civil Liberties of the Nation . I supp●se he calls it Too great Evidence , because 't is so great that it dazles the Night , as the Sun does at Noon-day ; so that no Man can see it , or b●hold it , else why is it too great ? Now when a Man has too much of a thing , 't is very unkind , and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted , not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it , and who both want it , and expect it from him . But we mistake his Genius , he is a Pra●ing not a Proving Writer : Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise , than by referring us again to his Alcoran , the Prince of Orange's Declaration : Whatever he finds there , he makes account is a First Principle , and so bring of too great Evidence , it can need no Proof . An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England , will give us a true Light to judge of this Point . King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it , made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions , and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did , in favour of Papists : Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction , who stood watching all Opportunities to b●eed him Vexation , and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations . Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal , did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief : They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks , were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it , should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all . The making one of the Iesuits ( Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish M●sties ) a Privy-Counsellor , could , they fear'd , have no other likely Effect , but to exasperate all England to the highest degree . They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test , and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military , might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated ; which would certainly have been more easily obtained , had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour , and made them more warily stand upon their Guard , and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them : But that which most Startled our Church , was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters ; they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time , and in Oliver's Days , how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot , and they feared that this setling them by Law , on an even level with themselves , might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again . In a Word , they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands , and therefore they combined — Veleus Testindine factâ — to link themselves unanimously against the universally D●●pensing Power , and in Maintenance of the Test. On the other side , King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law. It had ever been his Tenet , that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian : Besides , he judged it would enrich the Nation , as it had done Holland , by inviteing Strangers hither , and encouraging Trade ; the conveniency of our Ports , above those of our Neighbours , being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us . He judged too that this universal Toleration , if wisely setled and managed , might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion , which had so often distracted the Nation , and , within our Memory , turned the Government topsie-turvy ▪ Nor was it one of his least Motives ( though not the only one , as some apprehended ) to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters ; a thing ( to speak impartially ) to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him . These Conveniences meeting in one , took such full hold of his Judgment , that he was exceedingly fond of a Project , which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation . Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about ▪ but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament , which was his main design : Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient , but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions , and ( for the present ) to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful , and by that means to compass such a Parliament , as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law. He hop'd it would not much displease our Church , since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the State-Religion established by Law , to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices , and by that means to have vast Priviledges a●● Advantages over any others whatsoever : But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future . And hence , as it happens , when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Pre●ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another , which ill meaning Men laid hold on , and made use of to disaffect the Nation ; and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader . Now all this while , What had K●ng Iames done to make his Son in Law , and his own Nephew , nay his own Daughter , turn their Father out of his Kingdoms ? There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution , our Principles he meddled not with , nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings ; whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals , and ou● Parish Churches ; so that we may expect shortly , without God's special and undeserved Mercy , our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions : Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as D●m●able as they will , or can be . Had our Governour ( for to call him Head of such a d●fferent natured Church , were to call it a Monster ) taken away our ●xternal Grandure , or our Revenues , it had been less pernice us ●o our Church , than what it now suffers . For not outward Splendor or R●b●s , but True Principles of Fai●b are that which make a Church ▪ The C●●i●tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions , was still a most perfect and pure Church , h● keeping her Principles untainted ▪ and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets , though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries : So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on n●w corrupting every Day ; and her Revenues too , in great part , are given away to Aliens : Whereas King Iames never injured us , in the least , either in the one of those respects , or the other , ( nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it ) though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition , or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones , which was a trifle in Comparison : Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion , was a meer Pretence , being so far from maintaining , or upholding our Principles of Faith , or assisting our Church ; that , as appears by the Event , he has taken Care to corrupt the One , and is making haste to destroy the Other ; the War therefore ( if any ) cannot be said to be just upon that Account . As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties , which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them : He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative ; and suppose he had something extended that , why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father ? Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes , it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it . But to magnifie the Ro●al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them , especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-weal●hish Principles , and ought to have been esteemed meritorions . Again : The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected , was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters , whence it was inferred , he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law , or suspend the Execution of it , and then adieu to our Civil Liberties . But it ought to be remembred , that when he did this , he declared his Judgment at the same time , what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation , ( which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever , ) and he judged himself to be by his Office , as indeed he was , Ove●seer of the Common Good. It may be remembred , that it enrich'd not himself , but rather impoverished him ; for he l●st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles : So that 't is manife●● he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People , and not at his own private Interest ; and therefore if he had erred , it ought to have been very pardonable , and not have been made such a heinous Fault , as deserv'd an Invasion , and the Loss of his Crown . Again : If King Iames over-reach'd , it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law , which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not , to a Dutch Prince , be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel ; especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion ; which being the Religion that Prince had espoused , and been bred up in , it ought rather to have obliged him , than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father . This Prete●ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties , and of Justifying the War upon that score , is so open a Sham past upon us poor English Gulls , that it gives it self the Lye , even from the Principles of our New Governours themselves . Fourthly , It is denied there was any War at all , either intended , or proclaimed , or acted . Princes that conceive themselves aggrieved , use to be so generous , as first to complain and demand Satisfaction ; and if this be denied , then to d●●ounce War , and pr●se●ute it . Thi● is the Law of Nations , and the common Custom of the World : But here was no Complaint , no Demand of Sati●f●ction , no● any War proclaim'd , but denied to the very time of their Larding ; nor was any battel inten●●d , That Warlike and Noble Prince ( witness his false-hearted Declaration ) came over to wheedle , not ●● fight . Some Th●●sa●●● of Souldiers he did indeed bring over with him , and they might cr●●mp , and perhaps muster ; but for coming forwards within the Lists , till the King's Army had voluntarily dispersed it self , or offer to join B●ttel with them , you must pardon them . Alas ! They were so far from the least Thought of taking upon them that Boldness , that 't is we●l known how upon the Delay of our Renegadoes coming over to them , they had called a Council , not of War , or of Fight , but of Flight ; for it was there in a Panick Fear resolved to be gone most valiantly the next day , had not one of them unexpectedly arrived , who brought the reviving Tidings of more chief Officers to follow ; whose shamefull Deserting , as it gave them the Courage to stay , so it amused the King , that he durst not venture to trust the rest , not knowing the Number of his firm Friends , since those who had the greatest Obligations in the world to be so , had so dishonourably run to his Enemy , and turned Traitors . War implies some kind of Bravery in its Notion , but in this case there was nothing but a sneaking Treachery , and a more Trick to f●ight ●some with the apprehension of an unive●sal Defection of the King's Army , and to debauch the rest with Shams and Lyes . This was the War , this the Success of War , which ( p. 11 ) this idle Talker so much braggs of , and on which he builds the Prince of Orange's Right to the Government . A strange War without doubt , where never a Stroke was struck ! and as strange a Success of War , which depended not on the Battled Courage of the Dutch , but on the Treachery of the English. Till now all Ma●kind verily judged , that Success in War imposed Victory or Conquests ▪ and Can it be called a Victory , ●here none fought ? Besides , a Victor signifies a Conquerour ; and then England should be his by Conquest , notwithstanding the Consent of the People afterwards , unless the People compounded it with the Conquerours before hand , as the Kentish-Men did with William I. otherwise all is his . L●●●ly , 'T is denied there was an unanimous Consent of the People . He distinguishes ( p. 23 ) between a Right to the Government , and the Manner of assuming it . The Right , she says , was founded on the 〈◊〉 Causes of the War , and the Success in it : But the Assuming it was not by any way of Forc● or Violence , but by a free Co●●ent of the People . It see us then the Government originally was 〈◊〉 his , even while he was in Holland , if he could but catch it ; and so , if he were but so wise as to know his own Right , and his own lot 〈◊〉 , of which none can doubt , ●he came over with a Design and full Intention to get it . Yet himself in his De●la●ati●n disclaimed any such Intention ; and continued to doe so all along , till the very time of ch●sing him , even after King Iames was gone , and his Army dispersed ; and consequ●ntly after the Success of the War ( such as it was ) was acquired : So that this acute Gentleman gives us a New and Sixth Title to the Crown , which was never known to that Prince himself , nor ever owned by him , nor hinted in any of his Proclamations ; nor ( which is strange ) acknowledged or intimated by the Convention ; when they voted him King , and were at an utter Loss on what Ground to settle his Title , while the true King was yet living ; nor , lastly , thought on , d●eam'd on , or heard on by any Man in the World , till himself writ ; and one would think , that had not his bad Cause suspended his Use of Common Sense , he could not but see that the very Word [ Acceptance of the Government , ] which he here uses , ( pag. 23. ) is clearly relative to their Giving him the same Government , and ( unless we will wrong the Use and signification of Words ) giving it as a Kindness too , since no man can be said to accept that as a Gift which was his own before . But give it they did , and accordingly he left his hand , and thanked them for the Favour . And I wonder to what end , if this Dis●ourse of his be true , was all that mad Clutter about the Abdication Vote , to make room for a new King , and give him a Title : For if K. William had Right even then to the Government , upon the score of a successfull War , King Iames had no Right at all , but was absolutely outed , whether he had abdicated or not abdicated . But it seems they were all Fools to this Gentleman , whose quick sight could descry a Title which was hid from the dim Eyes of the whole Consenting Nation . But was there indeed a free Consent of the People ? Let us see . A Consent is said then to be free , when there is neither Force over●awing Men , nor Fraud either circumventing them with false Motives , or frightening them with false Fears . Now the Common People were bubbled at that time with a Thousand Lyes about the Prince of Wales , Smithfield-Fares , a League made with France to enslave us all ; nay , that we were all sold to the French King , and in Danger to have all our Throats cut by him : They conserted then upon such Suppositions , not absolutely ; and so these Suppositions being found to be false , their true Reason consented not , but they were surprized , terrified , and ama●ed into a false grounded Passion , which made them in a hurry doe they knew not what ; whereas the most sedate Deliberation , and most true Rep●esentation of things is requisite to such a Free Consent , as submits all the Subjects Lives and Fortun●s to the maintaining this New Governour in the Throne , as they must do , whoever own their Allegiance due to him . At least he will say the Convention represented the Nation , and ●e consented , and that 's enough . I deny all Three . It was neither a Legal Representative , and so let it Vote what it will it binds no Man , nor consequently is it enough for his Purpose : Nor did the People who chose the Commons intend to empower them to alter the most fundamental Law of the Land , and make a New King as they pleased . Besides , if they would needs do it , they ought to have first repealed the Laws for the Royal Succession , and all those other Laws too which make it Treason to obey or acknowledge any other but the immediate Successour for their King ; otherwise those Laws , yet standing , whatever was done against them was beyond all Excuse illegal and treasonable in the highest Degree . Nor , lastly , did the Convention unanunorisly and freely consent . The Common-wealth●sh Party could not 〈◊〉 to bring in a New King , while the Old one was Alive , and had not resigned . Being thus at a loss , when they had computed the Number of their Faction , who they knew would vote any thing , they put the King's Abdication to vote : It was carried , though it was such a Piece of bold Impudence as was , at another time , ( and will be for all future Ages ) enough to make all the Convention held Mad-men . The King was commanded out of his Palace to a Prison , and all Treaty with him refused , and so , being made justly apprehensive by his Father's Fate , he had retired for his Safety ; but well foreseeing the ambitious Drift of the Prince of Orange , He , both by his Letter from Rochester , and divers others afterwards , particularly in that to the Lords , both claimed the Government , challenged their Allegiance , desired them to prepare things for his safe Return , and signified he would be within Convenient distance , to receive and answer their Proposals : He told them the Right was His , and bid them remember , that none but Himself was or could be their Sovereign . Besides : It was fresh in every Man's Memory , how his Royal Brother King Charles had retired also for his Safety , continued many Years out of England ; yet no Man living ever thought , nor were his very Enemies so senseless and shameless as to object , that he had Abdicated his Crown : Yet notwithstanding all this , and in despight of common Sense , Claiming was called Abdicating , and the Challenging their Allegiance was voted Renouncing it : They might better have voted ; that the Huntington Colt , driven down to the Bridge at Cambridge , was a Sturgeon ; that an Apple is an Oyster ; or that Chalk is Cheese ; for th●se are onely different Things , not directly Opposites , as a●e the other . No Wonder then it cost the Factious Party such Sweat and Toil to get such a damnable Contradiction enacted : Such a Solliciting , Cajolling , Frighting ! Such Hurry and Clamour , [ Make him King , make him King , ] enough to put sober Mankind out of its Senses ! Besides ; a Dutch Army over-awing them , and the Fear of being accused afterwards to the New King as disaffected to him , which considering his Humour , impatient of Opposition in a pretence he was violently bent upon , might either prove their Ruine , or at least make them live very uneasie under him . Take one short but very significant Instance , how things were carried in those Mad Days , as it was related by a Noble Pee● ( who was himself very forward for the Abdication ) to his Friends upon occasion . There being no Judges yet appointed , there was a Debate in the Convention , what Gentlemen of the long Robe should be made choi●e of to assist in the House : Some named Sir Francis Pemberton , Sir Robert Sawyer , and Mr. Finch ; but the Lords Mordant , Delamere , and some others , took Fire suddenly , and brake out into big and boisterous Language , telling the House flatly and plainly , [ We will have none of those who have been Instruments in the late Reign : ] Upon which a sudden Damp seized all the Lords , as if they had been attackt in Flank and Rear with Canons and Mortars , or the Thunder from Mount Sinai : For we lookt on them , said that Lord , as on so many Princes of Orange , or such as might not be contradicted for fear of his Displeasure ; and in the same Manner most Votes were forced , till we had the Grace to be pliable to what the Military Lords and their Complices proposed . Is not this a strange kind of free Consent , when the Heads of the Faction did All at their Pleasure , and the rest , who made up the Generality , durst do Nothing at all , but what was agreeable to the Arbitrary Will of the Prince of Orange , and his insolent Adherents ? And yet though their own Party was so great , and had all those Advantages to back them , they were able to carry it but by a very few Votes , as appears by the Catalogues of each . And which gives a greater Blemish in the House of Lords , than it had Advantage in the House of Commons , Six Dukes , and Thirty Lords protested solemnly against it , and their Protestations stand yet upon Record : And the Generality of the others admitted it , because they judged it would be a Ruine to themselves , and withall worse for King Iames , if the Government should settle into a Common-wealth , than if they should keep up Monarchy , by setting up a King de Facto at present , which is all they intended at first , as divers of them have declared privately to those Friends they durst trust ; though now they are carried down by the Current of the Times into many Treasonable Actions , contrary to their first Intentions . So dangerous is it to recede from Principles , in Compliance with any present Circumstances whatever . Seeing then all this whole Turn of our State depends upon the Abdication Vote , as on its Bottom and sole Foundation , and no King was chosen , but in Supposition of King Iames's Relinquishing , and voluntary divesting himself of his Crown , it follows , that the True Ground of King William's Right to the Government , is a piece of m●re Nonsense , which we English Men call a Bull : And therefore since none of the many minded Writ●rs , who have gone about to settle his Authority , have light on this Seventh and truest Title of his , I thought it fit to let them know it , that all his Friends may adore this mysterious Monster , this Bull ; and in their Devotions cry aloud , These are the Gods that brought our Israel out of the Land of Aegypt , out of the House of Bondage ; i.e. from under the Government of King James . And for not thinking this Bull to be rational , and falling down and adoring it , our Loyal Martyr suffered . But to put an upshot to this whole Business : Let any Man who has but Eyes , and common Sense , peruse these following Letters of King Iames's to the Lords of the Council , and the House of Lords and Commons , and he must , whether he will or no , plainly see how prodigiously senseless this pretence is of that King's Abdication , on which , ( and which onely ) the Convocation grounded their Dethroning him , and Setting up the Prince of Orange in his stead . His Majesties Letter to the Lords ; and others of his Privy-Council . JAMES R. My Lords , WHen We saw that it was no longer Safe for Us to remain within Our Kingdom of England , and that thereupon We had taken Our Resolutions to withdraw for some time . We left to be Communicated to You and to all Our Subjects , the Reasons of Our withdrawing : And were likewise resolved , at the same time , to leave such O●ders behind Us to You of Our Privy-Council , as might best suit with the present State of Affairs : But that being altogether Unsafe for Us at that time ; We now think fit to let you know , that though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown , to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation , as to give , if possible , no occasion of Complaint ; yet more particularly upon the late Invasion , seeing how the Design was laid , and fearing that Our People , who could not be destroy'd but by themselves , might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine . To prevent so great Mischief , and to take away , not only all just Causes , but even pretences of Discontent , We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion : And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves , which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction , We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament ; and in order to it , We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament , in restoring the City of London , and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges ; and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out , for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary : But the Prince of Orange ●eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered , the People beginning to be undeceiv'd , and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance , and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed , such a Settlement , in all probability , would he made both in Church and State , as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs , resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament . And to do this the most effectual way , he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person , for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament , where there is any force on either of the Houses , so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely wh●re the Sovereign , by whose Authority they meet and sit , and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction , is under actual Confinement . The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London , whose returning Loyalty We could no longer Trust , and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham , when sent to him by Us ; and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat , because they are , We doubt not , by this time very well known , and may , We hope , if enough considered and refl●cted upon , together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England , which by this Invasion he pretended to restore , be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects , and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect , and what Treatment they shall find from him , if at any time it may serve his Purpose , from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince , an Uncle , and a Father , could meet with no better Entertainment . However , the Sense of these Indignities , and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person , by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies , ( as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales , ) which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self ; together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father , of blessed Memory , when he was in the like Circumstances , That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes , ( which afterwards proved too true in his Case , ) could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects , of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Co●fi●●ment and Restraint . And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person , than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing , that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms : For , as on the one hand , No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves , so far as to cond sc●nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station , in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs : So on the other hand , neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects , nor any other Consideration whatsoever , shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the t●●e l●●erest of the English N●●io● ; Which we ever did , and ever must lo●k upon as Our own . Our Wall and P●●●sure , therefore is , That You of Our Privy-Council , take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , in and about our Cities of London and Westminster , to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general . And to assure them , That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament , wherein We may hav● the best Opportunity of undeceiving O●r People , and shewing the Sincerity of those Prote●●ations , We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects , and the Protestant Religion , more especially the Church of England as by Law established , with such Indulgence for those that d●ssent from her , as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peop●e bound to procure for them . And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council , ( who can Judge better by being upon the Place , ) are to send Us Your Advice , what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning , and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name , and by Our Authority , to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders , that the Nation in general , and every one of Our Subjects in particular , may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible . So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands , We bid You heartily Farewell . Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th . of Ianuary , 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year . By Hiis Majesties Command , MELFORT . Directed thus — To the Lords , and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England . His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons , Writ from St. Germains the Third of February , 1688. JAMES R. My Lords , WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes , that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture ; and therefore We think fit to let you know , that finding We could no longer stay with Safety , nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People , We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand , in the following Terms . THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time ; I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange , by my Lord Feversham , and the Instructions I gave him ; but instead of an Answer , such as I might have hop'd for , what was I to expect after the Usage I received , by his making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations ; The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall , without Advertising Me in the least manner of it ; The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight , when I was in Bed , a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning . After all this , How could I hope to be Safe , so long as I was in the Power of one , who had not only done this to Me , and Invaded My Kingdoms , without any just occasion given him for it , but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest Aspersion on Me , that Malice could invent , in that Clause of it which concerns My Son ? I appeal to all that know Me , nay , even to himself , that in their Consciences , neither he nor they , can believe Me , in the least , capable of so Vnnatural a Villany , nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon , in a Thing of such a nature as that : What had I then to expect from one , who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People , as well as to all the World besides ? What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen , by so general a Defection in My Army , as well as in the Nation , amongst all sorts of People . I was born Free , and desire to continue so ; and though I have ventured My Life very frankly , on several occasions , for the Good and Honor of My Countrey , and am as free to do it again , ( and which I hope I shall yet do , as Old as I am , to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under , ) yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured , as not to be at Liberty to effect it ; and for that Reason do withdraw , but so as to be within Call , whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened , so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property . I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts , out of his infinite Mercy , and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in , and bring them to such a Temper , That a legal Parliament may be called ; and that amongst other Things , which may be necessary to be done , they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters ; and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered , and have such a share of it , as they may live Peaceably and Quietly , as English-men and Christians ought to do , and not to be obliged to transplant themselves , which would be very grievous , especially to such as love their own Countrey : And I appeal to all Men , who are Considering Men , and have had Experience , Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing , as Liberty of Conscience ? Some of Our Neighbours dread it . I could add much more to confirm all I have said , but now is not the proper time . Rochester , Decemb. 22d . 1688. But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some , and that the Prince of Orange , and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same , We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council , and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm , believing that none durst take upon them to intercept , or open any of Your Letters : But of all these We have no Account . But We wonder not , that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments , since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham , and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace , than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us , or hearing what We had to propose to him , well knowing that what We had to offer , would content all Honest and Reasonable Men , and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of . Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs , relating to the French-League , and to Our Son the Prince of Wales , We require You to examine into , and thereby satisfie Your Selves , and all other Our Subjects , where the Imposture lies ; We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince , whose Education shall be such , as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter . We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part ( whenever We can with Safety return ) that can contribute towards the red●ess of all former Errors , or present Disorders , or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion , or the Property of every individual Subject , intending to refer the whole to a Parliament , Legally Called , Freely Elected , and held without Constraint , wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England , as by Law Established ; but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters , as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of , not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion , than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families . And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects , whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion , and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs ( which they did not sufficiently see into time enough ) have been Fatally led , beyond what they first intended , ( viz. the Preservation of their Religion , &c. ) to the Breach of all Laws , and even to the total Dissolution of the An●ient Government it self ; and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious , may despair of Our Mercy : We do therefore declare , on the Word of a King , That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them , but to all Our Subjects , to the worst , even those that Betrayed Us , ( some few Excepted , ) Resolving in that Parliament , by an Act of Oblivion , to cover all Faults , heal all Divisions , and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects , which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power . Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part , whatsoever Crimes are omitted , whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes , We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You , expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof ; and so we bid You heartily Farewell . Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February , 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year . The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same . To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army . JAMES R. THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen , and Souldiers , obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage , Loyalty , &c. which has till now been inseparable from English men , which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince ( whose particular Care you ever were ) is now become Contemptible , even to those you joyned with against Us , nor can any thing restore you to your former Character , but a sudden and hearty return to that Duty , which you have so unduly quitted , which We doubt not of , being verily persuaded , that even those that first left Our Service , had no just Prejudice against Our Person , but were Betray'd and Decoy'd by Persons employ'd by , or in Confederacy with the Prince of Orange , who by most wicked and malicious Lyes , had represented Us as black as Hell to Our Subj●cts , who , We hope , do now see into their evil Designs , which they c●uld never have thus far accomplished , but by deluding you into a belief of the Imposture of Our Son the Prince of Wales , the French-League , the Death of Our Brother the late King , &c. of all which they well know Vs Innocent , and da●e not therefore bring on the Stage to be Examined and Searched into , according to their former Promises . And can you then without Indignation , Serve th●se who have thus Villanously Betrayed , Deluded , and made a Property of you ? And now having obtained their Ends by your Assistance , Neglect , D●●spise , and Evilly Intreat you : For to the eternal Shame of all English men ●one but Foreigners are now trusted in the most Honourable P●sts in and about White-hall and London , whilst you are sent ab●oad as Mercenaries , and made subservient to them ; cast back your Thoughts on the Villanies of their Actions , who sate in Our Councils and Betray'd Vs , adding Treachery to the blackest of Ingratitude ; enquire into the Morals of those General Officers that Deserted Vs , and Misled You , and indeed into the Principles of most of these , in their present New Government , and you will soon be convinced , That 't was not Religion ( though that was made the specious Pretence ) that influenced their Actings , but Interest and Ambition ; We charge not these Crimes but on some particular Persons , well knowing that the greatest part both of Officers and Souldiers in Our Army , were not faulty in their Allegiance : And therefore We shall only look forward , and resolve to reward all according to their Demerits , and prefer those first who continue untainted , and shall be quickest in returning to their Duty ; which We doubt not , but that e'er long , by God's Blessing , We shall by appearing in Our own Kingdoms , give them an opportunity to do , and consequently to retrieve their own Honours , as becomes true hearted English-men , and Lovers of their King and Countrey . Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th . of February , 1688 And in the Fifth Year of Our Reign . But to return to our Discours● — Such a free Consent , as suffices in this Case of transferring a Kingdom and the All●giances of all their fellow Subjects , ought to have been General of the whole Nation , unanimous , hearty , and most deliberate , not done in a sudden heat , not check'd nor overaw'd , not protested against ; especially it ought to have been grounded , at least , upon good tolerable Sense ; all which were here wanting . This in case their free Cons●nt could do the Work : But let their Consent be the best qualified in the World , it can never be sufficient for this purpose ; for no Consent of those who have no R●ght to a Thing , though it were never so free , is able to give away another Man's Title , who is known to have had a true and undoubted Right to it . Well , May a Conspiracy of my Servants , Tenants , and of my Children joyned with them , have the Power to d●ive or fright me out of my House ? But not all these together , though never so many , can give away that Right , which the Laws of the Land , and in our Case God's Law too , have made my Property . Thus much for his new Coined Notion of Right by the Law of Nations , own'd by none but this singular Writer , who seeing all other Titles of this upstart Government baffled , was forc'd , for a shift , to recurr to this Whimsie . But since he was pleased to decline the Law of the Land , and run to a Superior Law , ( viz. ) that of Nations , we shall take leave to mind him ( for He and his Party seem to have quite forgot it , or rather indeed to out-brave , and laugh at it ) of the Supreme Law of all , the Law of God , which commands us to Honour our , Father and Mother , and not to covet , much less to rob or cheat another ; and least of all so near , and so Revered a Relation , of what is rightfully his . Let us consider then what Good and Conscientious Christians would have done in the Case of the Prince , and Princess of Orange . For , First , If their Party , with their Consent or Connivance , invented those Stories , which he makes the just Occasion of the War , on purpose to turn out their Father , it was in many regards the most hideous , and the most villanous Injustice that can be imagin'd . Secondly , If those Falshoods were suggested to them by others , they knew the Genius of the English Subjects was apt to raise and believe the most Senseless Falshoods of him out of hatred to his Religion ; and so they ought to have considered , that there was no kind of Evidence of this Story , nor so much as one Witness , that the Prince of Wales was a Counterfeit , nor ( as appears by their not producing it in their Justification when it was so necessary ) any one tolerable Reason , able to persuade a prudent Man , the Thing was true : Whereas , on the other side there were , as was said , near Fifty Sworn Witnesses of clear Honour and Reputation testifying the contrary , any Two or Three of whom were sufficient to carry the greatest Estate , or take away the Life of any Man in England . They knew too , that if the pretended Injury done to them were not really true , they must incurr the dreadful Indignation of a just God , for breaking divers of his Commandments , in that one Action , by Dishonouring , Injuring , and Slandering their Innocent and near Related Neighbour ; And who would hazard their Soul upon such odds ? Thirdly , If they did indeed doubt of it before the Birth , they ought ( as was said ) to have sent some trusty Persons , or have signified their desire , that some here , whom they could confide in , should be present . If they only doubted of it after the Prince was Born , they might have demanded that the same Persons might have Counter-interrogated , and Examin'd the Witnesses ; now they were bound in Conscience to use all such honest and wary Means before they proceded thus to the highest Extremities . Fourthly , If greatest Proof against no Proof could not satisfie them , Why did they not , to clear their Honour that they had not acted Unjustly , Undutifully , or Unchristianly since the time they came hither , bring the Matter into a new Examination ? Since nothing could more contribute to settle them in the Throne , had it been prov'd an Imposture , nor have more ob●iged all England to them , nor have more taken off the Scandal of the World , and have satisfied every Man of the Iustice of their Proceedings . Lastly , If it had been done for the good of Europe , and to bring the French King lower , ( though this could not justifie this Invasion , ) yet Why was not at least the wisest Course taken for this ? Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration , and obliged King Iames , as he might easily have done , to redress Abuses here , and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad ; it had , in all likelihood , by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition : For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England , Scotland , and Ireland , and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy : Whereas now our Men ( and Money too ) are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland ; nor only so , but England it self , whose free Consent he so much brags of , is so Distracted , that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes ; some out of Conscience , not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one , whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on , nor themselves are satisfied with ; and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners , and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch ; so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France , though I doubt not , but it was the Intention of the Confederates , was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange . He could then have no other Motive of Invading England , Driving out his Father , and Usurping his Throne , but mere Ambition , seconded by Dutch Policy , making use of our Rebelliousness , silly Credulity , and our addictedness to Lying , that they might cheat us of our Money , make us defend their Quarrel , and impoverish us to that degree , that we should not dare to resent it , when they get our Trade , and c●zen us of our Plantations , ( as they have done often , ) and then ( to crown the Dutch Jest ) laugh at us for a Company of dull-headed block headedly Fools when they have done . But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine , and vouch'd by the Law of Nations ; and those are these Three . First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain , ( p. 16. ) Now this hath been so well answered already , in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration , that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it ; and , methinks , this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there , before he ventured on this Instance ; but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over , though they have been answered sufficiently , and yet never take notice of the Answers . However , it is sufficient here to observe , that this is nothing at all to his purpose ; he tells us but four lines before , That what he is to make out , is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown , had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties , and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England , p. 15. And , I pray , good Sir , Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries ? And if not , how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out , that the Prince of Orange , by virtue of his Relation to the Crown , had a just Right to concern himself ; and his Instance proves that any Prince , whether they have any such Relation or not , have a just Right to concern themselves . And what , I pray , is all this to a Title by Conquest ? Let it be admitted , but not granted , and which I suppose will not be easily proved , that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince , for Invading the Liberty , and Religion of his own Subjects ; hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People , whose Liberties he pretends to defend , and to set himself King over them ? Or had Queen Elizabeth , upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties , a just Right to make her self Queen over them ? In my Opinion it is a pre●ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties , to make a Conquest of them ; and if this be the Case , Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People , but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People , but a Crown to themselves ; and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown . His next Instance is in King Iames's time , When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia . And how does this prove his Point ? Why , he sent to King James for Advice , and he had no mind he should engage in it . And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself , and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England . I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences , for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it . Well , But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary , and said , that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the B●bemians had a just Cause , and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel , rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous ● Cause . And that may be too ; but without Reflection on that Princess , that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause ; for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel , rather than not to take away , and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father , and which is neither a Religious , nor a Righteous Cause . His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First , When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace , and Liberty of the Germans , and was Defeated ; and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him ; and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger , and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain , &c. Now it does not appear whether th● King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just , or unjust , ( for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random , and never stating them , and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute . ) But let that be as it will , it makes no difference in the present Dispute ; for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will , I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run , thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom . And this was plainly the Case : The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire , and was defeated ; and it ● had ●een ●e●t without Assi●●ence , the Emperour might have wholly subdued him , which would not ●●ely have ruined Denmark , but have endangered all the Northern Princes , and especially England , as the Declaration it self speaks , there will be an open way for Spain left , to do what they pleased . And what is this to our Authour's purpose ? Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War with another , to prevent his utter Overthrow and Destruction , and in such a case for wise and politick Ends to stop the exorbitant and dangerous Growth of a potent Neighbour ; and for the same Prince to take away another Prince's Crown , because he is uneasie and ungratefull to his Subjects ? Yet after such fallacious Inferences , our Author with his wonted Modesty adds , Let those who now with as much Ignorance as Confidence upbraid Men with Renouncing the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England , read and consider these Passages , and if any thing will make them more wise and humble , this will. He contends all along to prove from those Instances , which are of several Independent Governours , and so relate to the Law of Nations , that this Proceeding of the Prince of Orange is not repugnant to the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England , p. 15. and more particularly afterwards from the Homilies , p. 21 , 22. which say , we are bound to obey a Heathen Tyrant , and to pray for him ; from the Jews who were commended to pray for the King of Babylon , and for obeying Augustus ; lastly , from our Saviour's acknowledging the Roman President 's Power and Authority , as given him from God. Nay , he argues a fortiori , p. 21. from the Homilies , thus : If they ( and consequently the Church of England ) declare we are bound by God's Word to obey a Heathen Tyrant , much more ought we , by the Doctrines and Principles of our Church , to pay Allegiance to good and religious Princes , &c. This is the full force of his Argument why we ought to pay Allegiance to the present Governours . But first , We cannot think th●m good and religious , whilst we see they have wilfully broken , and obstinately continue to break God's holy Commandments , the Observing of which is the best Test of Goodness and Religion . Next he le●ves the main Point , which Dr. Sherlock mentions out of his Convocations that are better Declarers of the Church of England's Doctrine than the Homilies , ) That the Authority of all those Conquerours was to be thoroughly settled ; so that there was no mor●l . Possibility the former Governour ( in case he had been alive ) could ev●r by himself , or his Friends , be restored ; and therefore we seldom or never hear that any of such ejected or subdued Sovereigns did ever struggle for their Kingdoms , or went about to recover them . H●w this suits with our prese●t C●se , where the former supreme Governour is living , did ever , and does still claim it , pursues the Recovery of it , has a most potent Monarch abroad for his Friend , who espouses his Quarrel has engaged his Honour he will either restore him to his Crown , or lose his own , is easie to be discerned . But moreover , which is n●●ess material in this Business , King Iames has great Parties in each of the three Nations , who do not acknowledge th● present Governours ▪ and look upon them as unjust Vsurpers of their Father's Right . Besides , ( which alters the Case extremely , ) here was no Conquest , or subduing England by Force ; nay , no War at all exercised upon it : His bad Cause forces this mercenary Writer to shuffle to and fro , and pretend now one Thing , now another ; but all of them , when they come to be scann'd and applied , equally to no purpose . Conquest he dares not call it in down right Terms , for fear of disgusting all England , by making us all Slaves ; yet those Instances of Rightfall Power which he brings , and would have us think to be parallel to this New Government , and proper to a●et it , were all true Successes in War , and by consequence perfect Conquests . 'T is easie to discern by these Hints what he would be at , and not hard to conjecture what Title , though they have agreed of none hitherto , they intend at length to pitch upon finally , unless the Patriots of the Subjects Liberty do in time restrain such audacious Attempts . Thus far in Answer to his settling King William's Title , which being shown to be incoherent and ill grounded , in every Regard , it follows , that Mr. Ashton suffered for a Righteous Cause , and for his due Allegiance to his true Sovereign , which entitles him to the Honour of a glorious Martyr , and this in case he had endeavoured to make way for his Master's Restauration . It remains to vindicate his Paper from those other petty Exceptions this G●ntleman makes against it . He denies p. 24. that King Iames's Usage , after the Prince of Orange's Arrival , was very hard , severe , and unjust . Let the World judge . A Council was held at Windsor , upon Notice of the King 's being in hold at Feversham , where it was debated , whether or no he should be sent to the Tower ▪ And 't is well known who they were that voted in the Affirmative . But the Prince having laid his Design , feared that if the King staid here , some Accommodation would be made ; so he sent Monsieur Zuylisten to tell him , he would have him to stay at Rochester , which being a Port Town , and towards the Sea , might afford him opportunity to escape out of England . The Message mist him ; so he returned to White-hall . The next Night the Prince of Orange sent three Lords to him at Midnight , to tell him he would have him remove by Ten the next Morning to Ham , a place very unlikely to be approved of , there being ( as the King objected ) neither Furniture nor Provisions for him ; and therefore as he expected he moved , for his Return to Rochester , which after his sitting an hour in his Barge , waiting his Pleasure , was granted : And thither he was pack'd away in great State with Dutch Myrmidons ; now ( to the eternal Shame of English Su●jects ) their King's Gaolers , under whom he suffered Hardship enough ; but he was not allowed out of his own Exchequer one Farthing to bear his Charges . The King had before this sent him a Message by the Earl of Feversham , offering to settle all things in Parliament to His and the Kingdom 's Satisfaction : Now had the Prince of Orange meant sincerely in what he pretended , and come onely for the Good of the Nation , what could he have wished more ? But what would have obliged and sweetened another , did highly exasperate him ; for he relish'd this Condescendence of his so●ll , being indeed unsuitable to the ambitious Aim he proposed to himself , that , first , contrary to the Law of Nations , he made his Ambassadour Prisoner , and th●n sent his Worshipfull Command at Midnight to his Father , to be gone out of his own Palace to a Prison ; for they told him a Guard was appointed for him at Ham-house , whither the Prince of Orange ordered him to go the next Morning ; enough to let the King see what he was to expect . He tells the Prince of Orange could have prevented his going away ; true : But then he feared the Nation would only reduce King Iames , not depose him , much less chuse another , their own King being present ; it was therefore thought more Politick to fright him away , and then pretend Abdication , and the Necessity of a new Government , which he knew well ( as he and his Faction would handle it ) could light on none but himself : So that it was out of kindness to himself , not to King Iames , or the Nation , that he let him escape . Yet he Magnifies this Indulgence of the Prince of Orange exceedingly ; but I would ask him , in what this Civility differs from that of Robbers , who first strip the poor Travellers of all they have , and then turn them a Grazing without a Penny in their Purse , or as this pretty Gentleman phrases it , ( p. 24. ) Allow them great Freedom to go where they please . I would ask him too what one Thing was done by the Prince , which look'd either Generous , Civil , or in the least degree Respectful towards a King and a Father , and not rather most Barbarous and Rude ? Or what one Action of his gives us Reason to think , he intended to accommodate Things with the true King , and not rather to set up for himself ? The Martyr , out of Love to his Native Countrey , resented , that All the new Methods of settling the Nation , have hitherto made it more miserable , poor , and exposed to Foreign Enemies . What says he to this ▪ Can Impudence it self deny this to be true ? Is not the Interest of England torn piece-meal , and every Nation has a Limb of us ? Is not the Charge of securing Scotland , reducing of Ireland , the hiring Souldier● from Denmark , and other Places , the Bribing of Holland , the Suiss-Cantons , Savoy , and other poor Confederates , the keeping and paying two great Armies in Flanders and Ireland , and the setting out a vast Fleet at Sea , gone all out of our Pockets ? Has not the driving out King Iames , and the Protecting our new Governor ( and his only ) put us upon such an expensive War , that we are upon our last Legs ; it being absolutely impossible to squeeze Five Millions more out of our drain'd Purses to keep the War on foot another Year , which is the least Summ that can now be expected : For if Five Millions this Year have done nothing at all , 't is to be fear'd that Seven Millions will scarce enable us to do much the next . A certain Person employ'd in the Treasury , who has the opportunity to know exactly the Incomes and Issues of the Exchequer , assured a worthy Friend of mine , that this Michaelmas there will have been paid out of it , since this Revolution , Fifteen Millions ; and that there is still an Arrear behind , to the Army , to the Navy , and for Stores , of Five Millions more : And this besides many Thousands ( perhaps a Hundred of Thousands ) owing for the Wages of transport Ships ; and that for want of ready Money the Creditors are paid with Tallies , so that those who have them can raise no Money , without abating Four or Five Shillings in the Pound , until the next Parliament gives Money to pay off all these Back-reckonings . The insuperable Difficulty of doing which , and withall of raising Seven Millions more to carry on the War the next Campaign , ( not to mention the repaying the Money we have borrowed , ) will make the great Work of Conquering France go but slowly on : Every wise Man , even of our State-Party , clearly seeing , and with regret complaining , that in all appearance the War is as far from an End , as it was at the Beginning . Now where is all this Money to be had , or whence to be raised ? Are not our Ships taken in great Multitudes , our Traffick decay'd abroad , our Trade at home , the Tenants unable to pay their Landlords ; so that sometimes instead of bringing in their Rents , they are forc'd to send to them for Money to pay their Taxes , or else they must throw up their Farms ? Are not they already forced , in many Places for want of Money , to exchange one Commodity for another in the Markets ? Is not half our Cash gone out of the Nation , so that in Holland alone our Guineas and M●ll'd Money have been as frequent as their own Coin ? Is not Clipp'd Money , which is not worth Transporting , now , in a manner , the only currant Coin left in the Nation ? And to prevent the possibility our good Money should ever return again , it is melted down in Holland into the drossie Alloy of their Sebellings and Stuyvers . But the Transporting our Coin'd Money is not all : They have invented more Expedients than One or Two open ones to impoverish England ; the Decus & Th●amen , inscribed on the Edges of our new Coin , was Judg'd an eff●ctual Preservative from Clipping and Fyling . But now the Clippers ( who by the Law are to suffer as Felows ) are become the best Friends to the Trafficking part of the Nation ; and if they be not conniv'd at , and the Melters down of our M●ll'd and Vncircumcised Money into Bullion , transported in vast quantities every Year into Holland , ( as appears by the Entries in the Custom-house , ) be not severely punish'd , we must in a short time be contented with onely Copper and Tin Farebings , or else be forc'd to debase our Money to the Dutch Standard . If Captain Guy and several other Masters of Yatches , and other Vessels both Dutch and English , were strictly 〈◊〉 , they could tell them what prodigious Number of Chests of Money in Specie , or in Bullion have been transported these Three last Years into Holland and Flanders . We have indeed some Returns from thence , for they bring us prohibited Goods ; so that both in Exporting and Importing our English Laws are still Dispensed with , without any permission from the Parliament , and no Man ( though our Ruin depends upon it ) dares complain . There is yet another odd Commodity imported , which would much encrease the Revenue , if it did but pay Custom ; and that is Shoals of Caterpillars , that come over to devour the Fruits of our Labours , the Dutch , I mean , and other Foreigners with their Wives and Children , of which scarce a Ship or Hoy comes hither that brings not from Ten to Sixty , &c. These and the French Hugenots are transported hither to make up several new Colonies , and compose a Secret Militia , to be ready at a dead lift to enslave our Countrey , if , our Eyes being at length opened to see our impending Ruine , we grow Head-strong , and refuse to wear the Yoke which is preparing for us . Again , Have we felt nothing from the Insolencies of the Dutch , Danes , and other Foreigners wherever they come . Lastly , What are all those Losses put together , in Comparison to the loss of so many English-men's Lives , who have perish'd either by War , o●● through want of Necessaries , or else by strange Diseases in Ireland and at Sea. A Thousand or Two are swept away at a clap in this late prodigious Storm : The loss of the Coronation , and the other Ships that perish'd , and the damage done to all the rest that suffered in their Rigging , and otherwise in that Hurricane , is not worth the mention by those who are so inur'd to continual losses of sundry kinds as we are ; though I 'm told by a knowing Person , that the Repairing of that one M●sfortune will require some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds to be added to the former large Audit of the Nation 's Accounts . And will this Man persuade us that all this , and many other such , are no Miseries ? He runs from the M●tter to talk of the French King ; but the true point , to which he ought to have spoken , is , Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes , or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames ? Had we any concern with France , either by abetting or opposing it in his Days ? Had the Prince of Orange , or our selves used the King Dutifully , as we ought , we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery ( which we pretended to dread ) being forc'd upon us , we might have enjoy'd Peace , Plenty , Trade , and Riches , and have reapt incomparable Benefits , and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us . This we might have done ; and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us , when we medled not with it , ( which that King is too Politick to do , ) we might , by joyning with other Disinterested Princes , have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure , and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War , whilst we stept into their Assistance ; whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us , to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it : All this we might then have done , had we been wise ; but a Rebellious Spirit , which had possess'd and infatuated us , hurried us inconsiderately into a War , for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin , which we ought to have repented of . And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice , will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine . He seems ●ma●'d , p. 25. ( for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say , ) that Mr. Ashton should say , That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving , is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd . Nor do I wonder at his Amazement ; for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks , and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will : This I told him of formerly , and here he makes my Words good ; for ( p. 25 , 26 , 27 , &c. ) he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger ; ( viz. ) The same Laws , the same Protection , the same Encouragement : But Principles which are the Main , and Essential to a Church , are the least part of his Thought . Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her B●shops and Pastors , and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God , and all good Men , in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men , or Hell it self , can do , though she had neither Laws , Protection , nor the least Encouragement to befriend her ; nay , though the Laws , and the State were bent against her . As for our new Principles then ; let him but open his Eyes , and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion . He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons , whose Title to the Government ( as appears by what has been amply prov'd above ) not one Man in England certainly knows , and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in , forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom , as far as lies in their Power , a Nation of Knaves , and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars . He may see the Commandments laugh'd a● ; and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors , and put to death as the worst of Malefactors . Besides the foremention'd Miseries , there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity , who for themselves , and the Reputation of the Nation , would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright , Loyal and Pious , Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man ; these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues , with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People , it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages . In former days we were reputed Valiant , Hospitable , inviolable Observers of our Compacts , Faith , and Honesty . But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain ; yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity : That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War , ' wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd , disarm'd , and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party , yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome , who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries , and the Succession of Usurpers , at last happily effected it . Now what shall we say for our selves , who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood , or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence ? All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies , must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths , the most ungrateful of all Mankind , a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors , the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels . Yea , we are still so much worse than those of the last Age , in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy , who should , and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , which every single Man of them took to their lawful King , have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King , and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences , and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right ; no , not so much as Cromewell the Wicked : These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion . Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum , was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old : What would he have said , if he had liv'd in our Age , to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church , in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance ? By the Conduct of these Men , one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat , and to believe that they themselves own'd no God. Whether they do or not , I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire ; but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell , by Teaching Men , that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent , of everlasting Fire , everlasting Punishment , &c , he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them , since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand , and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned , any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require , &c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen , March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings , &c. do not restrain God from doing what he pleases , though they cut off from the Sinner all reasonable Hopes of the Relaxation or Mitigation of them . p. 16. Of what comfortable Importance this Doctrine may be to some , and how necessary under our present Circumstances , let any one judge : 'T is impossible Men should have perpetrated such abominable Villanies as have been lately transacted , to the Amazement of all that have the least Sense of Piety or Honour left , unless their Minds had been first debauched with these or the like Principles . He that will audaciously violate the sacred Commands of God , acknowledged such by the Church of England , his own Subscriptions , Oaths , and Preaching , must necessarily fansie some secret Reserves of Mercy in the Breast of the Almighty for the Authors and Abetters of such horrid Crimes , upon some Occasions , which will not suffer his Justice to pass upon them in another World , or some extraordinary Relaxations or Mitigations of future Torments . The first seems to be despaired of , because there is small Hopes of Repentance left , the Scriptures for that very Reason , perhaps , amongst many others , comparing Rebellion to the Sin of Witchcraft ; the latter therefore is pitch'd upon as most congruous to carnal-minded Men , who to enjoy the Pleasures of Sin for a Season , and not willing to go to Heaven through Tribulations and Afflictions , do rather chuse to undergo a future Pu●ishment , especially if it consists onely as to its Perpetuity in a bare Exclusion from Eternal Happiness . Serm. p. 15. Now , I say , such a Series of Villany as has been hitherto , and shall be farther exposed , being altogether inconsistent with the Principles of Christianity , which this accursed Generation of Monsters had not long since most zealously professed , they found it as necessary to Abdicate their Saviour and his Precepts , as well as their King and his Rights , as far as they durst . The first thing they did was to ridicule and blasphemously expose the Doctrine of the Cross , and if they could have drawn over the Majority of the Convocation to their Party , the next thing they design'd was to have expunged out of the Liturgie the Athanasian Creed , which was in effect to have denied the Divinity of our Saviour , le●t they , should have been charged with Rebellion against God , as well as their King , if all Power be derived from the second Person of the Trinity as Mediator , and all lawful Kings , whether Christians , Heathens , or Mahometans , be his Vicegerents , and he hath the Disp●sal of their Crowns , and the Command of their Power , and doth actually employ , and makes use of it in the Prosecution of the righteous Ends of ●is Government , as Doctor Scot has learnedly proved in his Christian Life . Part. 3. As it appeared necessary to reform the Doctrines of Christianity , to make them square the better with their late Practice ; so likewise to procure an Alteration amongst our Ecclesiastical Governours too , it being as much for the Interest of this upstart Government the Metropolitan should be an Vsurper , as the supreme Governour in the Civil State ; Like Bishop like King , being as true a Maxim now , a No Bishop no King heretofore . If the Metropolitical See had been real●y void , this present nominal Archbishop was unqualified for it , being esteem'd an Heretick , and by the 84th Canon of the Apostles , as being an actual Rebel , who ought to be deposed , or degraded from his Priesthood and though in the present juncture he cannot be convicted and sentenced ; yet his Crimes being so notorious , all that understand them ought not in Conscience to own him as a Christian Bishop , or hold Communion with him , according to the 33d Canon of the Laodicean Council , that we ought not to pray , or communicate with Schismaticks , or Hereticks . Of what grand Concern these particulars are let every good Christian seriously consider , and lay to heart . Now it is that Poison is poured out into our Church ; therefore it 's high time for us to avoid the Contagion , according to that excellent Advice of St. Cyprian , Keep at a Distance from the Infection of such Men by fleeing from them ; and shun their Conversation as you would the Cancer or Plague , according to the Premonition of our Lord , Mat. 15.14 . They be blind Leaders of the blind , and if the blind lead the blind , &c. — Let them perish by themselves who are willing to perish , let them alone remain without the Church , who have forsaken the Church . Epist. 40. ad Plebem , &c. How can these Men pretend to be Guides to others , who keep to no certain Path themselves ? What certainty can there be in their Doctrines , when they vary th●m with their Interest , and ever calculate them to serve a turn ? Therefore none ought to communicate with them , who value the Salvation of their Souls , and are not willing to partake of their Guilt and Punishment . The Doctrines and Duties of our holy Religion have the Spirit of Truth and Holiness for their Author , and like him are always the same , without any shadow of Change : But from what Spirit must these bold Attempts upon Common Christianity proceed ? Holloixius in his Defence of Origen , lib. 3. cap. 6. cites several Passages out of his Writings , wherein he assigns a different evil Spirit to every Vice or Sin , which he calls inimicas , & adversarias Virtutes , and delivers this Notion among the rest : There seems to me , says he , to be an infinite number of contrary Powers , or Spirits ; because in almost every Man there are certain Spirits , which incite and provoke him to the Commission of divers Sins : E.g. There is a Spirit of Fornication , and a Spirit of Anger , a Spirit of Avarice , and a Spirit of Pride ; and if it happens that any Man be acted by all these , or more Sins , he is to be look'd upon as possessed by so many or more Enemies , or evil Spirits . Surely then , according to this Opinion of Origen . Legion must have taken Possession in some of the Grandees of this new schisinatical Church of England . How obvious is it for any but those who are infatuated , and spiritually blind , to discern the Spirit of Rebellion , Ambition , and Emulation ; the Spirit of Heresie , Schism , and Persecution ; the Spirit of Blasphemy , Lying , Slandering , and Apostacy , reigning and triumphing among them . This word Apostacy I am very sensible will found very harsh in their Ears ; but let any sober and unprejudiced Person seriously consult the several Acceptations of the Word among sacred and prophane Authors , and he will soon be convinced , that it will be no easie Task for these Gentlemen to purge themselves from the imputation of it . Grotius , in his Appendix to his Commentaries de Antichristo , tell us , th●t by Apostacy is understood all kinds of Hostility or Con●umacy against a Superiour , who has the Right of Commanding , and proves it from several Texts of Scripture . Sometimes it signifies a Defection , or a Revolt ; see Suidas and Stephanus . In its common acceptation amongst Christian Writers , a Departure from the Faith , by going over to Heresie , &c. Maimonides , as he is cited by Hottinger , in his Thesaur . Phil log . l. 1. c. 1. s. 3. amongst the several Distinctions of Apostates among the Iews , reckons those who taught or sollicited others to sin . I shall not make a particular Application of these significations of the word Apostacy to the forementioned Persons , I onely refer the Reader to their Sermons and other Discourses , their very Prayers and Practices , it being so easie to be observed by the meanest Capacity ; but shall onely add this following Remark , as an Illustration of what has been just now charged upon them . If the Abrenunciation , and the solemn Stipulation to keep God's holy Will and Commandments , &c. before Baptism were the real Tests of the Faith and Sincerity of the Candidate , by which he was obliged to deny himself , and to take up his Cross ; i.e. to forsake Father and Mother , Wife and Children , Lands and Possessions , and to lay down even his very Life , when ever they should come in competition with his Duty ; and we cannot ordinarily be called to the Performance of this our Vow and Covenant , but under unrighteous and persecuting Princes , then it follows clearly , that by our entring into Christianity we have tied up our hands ( by our own solemn Act ) from making any forcible Resistence against our supreme Governours , upon any pretence whatsoever , and that the Doctrine of the Cross , or Passive Obedience , is a fundamental Doctrine , or Principle of the Christian Religion ; and , lastly , that whosoever teach or practice otherwise , are Renegadoes and Apostates from Christianity it self . This was very near the Assertion of Dr. Burnet himself , in his Sermon on Rom. 13. v. 5. p. 36. But , blessed be God , our Church hates and condemns this Doctrine , ( viz. of deposing and resisting of Kings , ) from what hand soever it come , and hath established the Rights and Authority of Princes on sure and unalterable Foundations , enjoining an entire Obedience to all the lawful Commands of Authority , and an absolute Submission to that supreme Power which God hath put in our Sovereigns Hands . This Doctrine we justly glory in , and if any that had their Education in our Church , have turned Renegadoes from this , they proved no less Enemies to the Church her self , than to the Civil Authority ; so that their Apostacy leaves no blame on our Church . If this be the Case ( as we have all the Reason in the World to think so ) it 's plain and evident to any ordinary Understanding , That these Men are not true Church of England Divines , as they would have all the World believe ; neither is the Church in Possession any more to be esteemed the True , Legal , Ancient Church of England , than the Donatists of Old were to be accounted the only Catholick Church . Their Priesthood is now become Schismatical , having erected Altar against Altar ; their Liturgy Blasphemous and Diabolical , wherein they address themselves to God as the Author and Fountain of all unjust Power , the Patron of Injustice , and the grand Protector , and Encourager of the Notorious Violators of his most sacred Laws . What is this , but with the most impudent and horrid Blasphemy that ever was heard of , to beseech the Almighty to divest himself of his most glorious Attributes , and to enter into a League with Hell it self , for the support and maintenance of all their detestable Impieties . What have they now to say ? Confusion and Shame must cover them , who are the Scandal and Reproach of the Pure and Undefiled Religion they should profess . Thousands of these could not say ( though in reality the well known pretence of most ) that they swore for Bread ; God forgive them they durst not trust Providence , wanted the Courage to give a good Example , or to teach their Flocks the danger of Perjury : They sinned against God , and his Anointed , and their own Souls , and knew they did so . In the preceeding Age we can scarce name a Dignifi'd Clergy-man , or any Person Eminent for Piety and Learning , in either of the Universities , in City or Country , who were not outed their Benefices for refusing to take the Covenant or Engagement ; but now the great Body of the Clergy have been observed to renounce their Allegiance , and worship the Idol of the Hogans : Indeed out of this Number we must except the Most Reverend the Metropolitan , and Seven of his Right Reverend Brethren , and the other Clergy and Loyal Fellows in the Universities , who have not defiled themselves with the Abominations of their Apostate Brethren , whose Virtue and Piety is the only Thing left to attone● for these loud and crying Sins of our Clergy ; and , who incessantly like Abraham intercede with Almighty God to avert his Judgments from this sinful Nation , and which the Perjury and Apostacy , and the general Defection gives but too sad an occasion to fear hangs over our Heads . In short , whatever hopes we may conceive of ever seeing the true Church of England flourish in its true Lustre and Purity , we must owe it ( next to the infinite Mercy of God ) to those never enough applauded Heroes of our Church , the true Arch-bishop of Canterbury , and those ejected Bishops , &c. who have stood in the Gap of Schism , and bor●● up Loyally against the all over-bearing Torrent of the prevaricating Party , who have preferred the Peace and Comfort of a good Conscience , before all wordly Honour and Interest , and fear'd the offending their good God more than their own certain Ruine from ill natured Men. How will these glorious Lights of our Church , and true Servants of the living God shine after their Tryal is over past , when the Adorer's of Mammon ( those interloping Arch bishops , Bishops , and those other mean spiritted Worldlings , who preferred their Profit before their Honesty ) shrink , look dim and pale with Guilt ; and at length their Candlesticks being removed from them , come to be utterly extinguish'd and go out like an ill scenting Snuff . Some Instances he brings ( p. 26. ) to shew we are not singular in Perjury and Rebellion . He tells us that the Law of the Land and of Nations , require us to swear Allegiance to him who is in Possession : Which lame Pretence is answered fully over and over , in the forenamed Books against Dr. Sherlock ; only this Gentleman's Assertion is more raw than his , for he proceeds upon quiet Possession ( as do also our Lawyers , whom he speaks of , and would have quoted if he durst . ) But this Man makes account that bare Possession , however qualified , gives Title to our Allegiance , nay obliges us to swear it too , which we cannot do unless we can safely swear , that this Discourse of his is Convictive ; which , I●le be sworn , is most pernicious Nonsense , and would , if followed , pervert all the settled Order of Mankind , and all Right in the World. To assert that mere Possession of a Thing gives a Man Right to it , is enough to encourage all Men to be Rebels , Vsurpers , Robbers , Thieves , and Cheats . It cries aloud to them all , Catch that catch may , my Masters ; all that you get is your own , by the Law of the Land , and of Nations , of once you get but Possession . It makes the saying of the Th●eves [ This is mine , I stole it ] very strong Reason and good Sense . He 'll say these Cases are not parallel to his : But why are they not , if a true Prince has as good Right to his Crown , as a Subject has to his Money or his Goods ? For if he has , then a Possession transfers the Right of a Crown ; so it must transfer the Right of a Purse , a Cloak , &c. And with so much the more Reason as the Right of the Crown ( on which the common Good of the Nation depends . ) ought to be more fixt and unalienable , than the Right of private Men to their Goods , which are of an inferior Concern . Now if the Law of the Land require us to swear Allegiance as due to any present Possessor , the same Law declares that Allegiance , and consequently the Crown is his Right ; otherwise the Law would oblige me to swear false . And if the Law of the Land declares the Prince of Orange has Right ; To what end did this Gentleman all this while run about to the Law of Nations to patch him up a Title ? It must be a pitiful Cause that makes a Man , who otherwise has wit enough , still interfere thus with himself . But he says , That if an Oath of Allegiance should not follow Possession , there would be infinite Snares to the Consciences of all such who are requir'd to obey , but are not bound to enquire into the Right of War. Note , by the way , one of those shuffling Tricks , of which his Book is full . He begins with Oaths , but proceeds as if only Obedience were required : As if a Man could not live quietly under a Government , without Swearing and calling God to witness that the Governor has Right to the Kingdom , ( and consequently to our Allegiance , ) whether we know he has or no. But let us apply our selves to his Discourse . All the play of these Men , is to persuade the World that this business of Allegiance due to King Iames only , is a Kind of dubious Case ; and then if they can but get their Judgment to bover , they hope that Interest or Fear may turn the Ballance , and make them swear to King William : Whereas we maintain that 't is a most plain Case , which none but byass'd Men can doubt of . Is it not evident to all , that King Iames was Three Years agoe the undoubted Supreme Governor , and that all the World held that none but he had Right to the Crown , and consequently that Allegiance would then be lawfully sworn to none but him ? Is it not evident that he is living , and has not given up his Right ; and so , by the common course of the World , 't is evidently his still ? Is it not evident even to themselves that the new Right of the Prince of Orange is obscure , that Men are in several Minds about the Ground and Reason of it ; some alledging one Thing , others another , which shews that England it self is not satisfied with the Truth of his Title , but is led on by Fear or Interest ? Is it not evident that very many conscientious and good Men , amongst whom are the Primate , and some Bishops , and many reverend and worthy Pastors of our Church do refuse to take the New Oath ; whose Authority far outweighs all the others , in regard they have no Motive but pure Conscience , since they are ruin'd for refusing ; whereas the Complying Party find Interest , and the Favour of great Men , by their mercenary Submission ? Is it not manifestly evident to every sincere Christian's Conscience , even of the most ordinary Capacity , that Oaths are most Sacred Things ; and that those Oaths which were due , or have been sworn upon certain Grounds to an undoubted and indisputable Authority , ought not to be unsworn again , by swearing Allegiance upon uncertain Grounds to a dubious ( at least ) and disputable Authority ? So that here is no moot Case in the Business , as he would pretend , but plain Sense , which every sincere and conscientious Christian is capable of comprehending : There is no danger then of infinite Snares , ( as he madly calls them , ) not of any at all , but those of weak Fears , or base Interest , which have already ensnared many Consciences , and are spread every where , as the Devil's Nets to entangle and ensnare the unwary , unstable , and worldly minded Men. He asks , p. 26. If it be Perjury and Rebellion in the now French King's Conquests , for the Inhabitants to take Oaths of Fidelity to the French King ? Now this is a very pleasant Gentleman ; and for all his objecting , p. 19. The admiring the French Conduct to this sort of Mai● [ Mr. Ashton's Friends . ] He hath said more for the French King than any Iacobite in England will say , and the rankest French Man in the World can say no more ; and that is , that he hath a Right to all the Places he has over-run with his Arms , in Flanders , Savoy , yea , and the Principality of Orange too . But then , Where is that independant Sovereignty which our Author talks of , as necessary and essential to make a Title by Conquest ? For he is possess'd of the Principality of Orange ; and therefore according to our Author , the King of France is Prince of Orange , and no body else . And not to meddle with what Right Conquest conveys , ( as being foreign to the present Question ; ) here is this vast difference in the two Cases : The King of France actually Conquered these Places and People ; the Prince of Orange did not Conquer England , and none but a Mad-man will say he did : And therefore if the Author would have made the Case parallel , he should thus have put his Question , Whether it would not have been Perjury for the Inhabitants of those Places , to have put the Government into the French King's Hands , to transfer their Allegiance , and to take an Oath of Fidelity to him , when it was in their Power to resist ; nay , when he could not do it otherwise but by themselves , and by their own Contrivance , and Assistance : In that Case , which is plainly ours , I stick not to affirm that it is Perjury and Rebellion with a witness ; and no Man who hath not his Ear bored , and is became a Slave to Interest , can have the Face to deny it : And yet for all that he goes on . If it be not Perjury and Rebellion in those Conquer'd Provinces , How comes it to be so here ? By which we say again , he is ready to maintain , ( for he does here manifestly suggest it already , ) That England is the Prince of Orange's by Conquest , and all our Lives and Estates are at his Disposal . And there wants nothing but one of his infinite Snares , a good rich Deanry , or Bishoprick , to make him perfectly hold and openly maintain that Opinion . Parliaments had best look to such Libels in time , left the pretended Conqueror come to abdicate them too as Vseless , or Obstacles to the pretence of Conquest , and make all our Countrey-men become Slaves to his Ambition . But what meant he by his instancing , p. 26 , 27. in the Portugueze's swearing Allegiance to the Duke of Braganza , though the King of Spain had enjoyed the Crown for Three Generations ? The Case was this . There were Three Pretenders to that Crown , and most of the Universities in Europe were emploied to determine which of them had Right ; when Philip the Second , while the Thing was yet under debate , seeing them encline most to the Duke of Braganza , sends the Duke d' Alva with an Army , and very unfairly Surprizes and Oppresses the Headless Nation , and decided the Controversie by the Sword : This was no Conquest , but a manifest Vsurpation , for no Battle was fought , nor Resistance made ; Was this parallel to the Case of us in England ? Was our Nation Headless at the time of the Prince of Orange's Invasion ? Was it under dispute whether King Iames , or he had Right to the Crown ? Or had King Iames usurp'd it , as King Philip had done ? Was he not in quiet Possession of England , which King Philip never was ? The Portugueze still grumbling and resenting , that they were enslav'd to a Foreigner , when a King of their own Nation had a Title to it . Again , their swearing Allegiance to King Philip , was too , in many regards , more justifiable than ours ; they were kept under by a Foreign Force , whereas we do it voluntarily : Besides , the Spanish King had been one of the Pretenders , and the Question was not decided . Had the Prince of Orange , or his Princess , any kind of pretence to England while their Father liv'd ? Lastly , They rose against a Foreign King to introduce one of their own Nation , whereas we rose against our own to introduce a Foreigner . How shallow then is it to huddle together many Instances , and not bring one of them home to his purpose ? How ridiculous to argue all along from Matters of Fact to Matter of Right ? Which is just as wise as to pretend , that whatever has been done , must be well done ; and is the same , as if he would set himself to prove , that we were not the first , nor the only Rebels , Traytors , or Perjured Persons , that have been in the World ; but that there have been others , both of our own and other Nations before us , which we never denied . He has not done with his Plot , to prove the Paper none of Mr. Ashton's ; but ( take which you will ) tells you p. 28. That either 't is not his , or else that he contradicted himself . In what I beseech him ? Why. Mr. Ashton , at his Tryal said He could not but own he had a fair Tryall for his Life , and yet in his Paper he complains of the severe Charge of the Iudges , and hard Measure : And where lies the Contradiction ? Every Man knows that the Tryall is over before the Charge is given , or the Verdict brought in by the Jury : So that nothing hinders but the Tryall may be fair , and seemingly kind , though the Charge which came after did aggravate , and made the worse Misconstruction ( as indeed it did ) of every thing , and so was very hard and severe . But does Mr. Ashton mention no hard Measures besides ? Does he not object his close Imprisonment , the hasty and violent Proceedings against him , and the Industry used in the Return of fi●ting Persons to pass upon him , the denying of him a Copy of the Panel , with an &c. at the end of them ? Were not these hard Measures , and some of them villanously unjust , and indeed plainly shewed , that since they saw him so heartily honest , that he would not be warpt , the Resolution was taken beforehand by the Party to have his Life , per Fas aut Nefas ? Does he deny these were hard Measures , or that Mr. Ashton said true , when he told us he had receiv'd such hard Measures ? He confesses both , by his Silence in such main Businesses . Is it not a rare piece of Justice , to cull out a select Company of Court Pick-thanks , who they were sure would hang him ; and yet deny a Copy of the Panel , that he might except against some chief Boute-feus , ( and particularly that malicious Jury Man he so complains of , ) who would never leave pressing and solliciting the rest , till they brought them ( let the Cause be never so ugly ) into the same Guilt of Murther with themselves ? Yet a Man who loses his Life by such Tricks , is ( according to this Caviller ) confident , uncharitable , or whatever other Character his time-serving Spite thinks fit to put upon him , if he do but barely speak of what they did to take away his Life . Now after all this Outcry and heavy Charges , to lay Load upon the Martyr's Credit , what was it he said : Though I have , I think , just reason to complain of the severe Charge given by the Iudges , and the hard measure , &c. Yet as I hope for Pardon at the Hands of my God , I do most heartily pray for and forgive them , &c. Could any thing be said more sweetly , or more modestly ? He onely spoke it in Transcursu , and as a Transition to the declaring his Charitable Forgiving of his Enemies : He onely said [ he thought ] he had received ill Usage , and why might not he think so , when his Lawyers told him the Law did not reach him , there being onely Presumption , which was incompetent in that Case ? Yet this uncharitable Ca●iller charges him with Confidence , and want of Common Charity , and employs all his little Tricks of Rhetorick to have it thought he dyed an ill Man , and ( which is the worse Sin of the two ) to murther as far as he could , his Soul , and his Credit as a good Christian , after the Judges and Jury had murthered his Body . But how does he clear the Jury ? He cites my Lord Coke , p. 29. that the Intent is to be discovered by Circumstances , &c. But does he or any Man say , that those Circumstances must not be evidently connected with the Intention ; that is , such as could not have light or could not have been put , had there not been such an Intention ? Otherwise the Evidence rises not above Presumption , which that Lawyer declares to be insufficient ; and therefore he requires Good and Manifest Proof ; and the Proof of a Man's Intention cannot be said to be manifest , unless the Over-act was manifestly connected with it . Was it so here ? Ashton clear'd the occasion of his going over to France to have been upon a quite different Account . But the Papers , says he , were found about him . What then ? Might not another who was in the Company , and who onely was conscious of their Contents , give them to him to keep ? Nay , would not that Person who was concerned judge it best in Reason , rather to give them to a Person which was not at all concerned in them , than to another of his own Gang ? Certainly he would . Nothing more frequent in Oliver's Days , than for loyal Gentlemen going in Coach , to give such Papers which were Treasonable in those days to the Coachman , or some Gentlewomen in Company ; and must such Persons who carried them be concluded guilty of Treason ? This Circumstance then of having the Papers found upon him , which were evidently another Man's Concern , as being writ in his hand , was so far from being manifestly connected with his being concerned in them , or knowing their Contents ; that , of the two it rather signifies the contrary . Besides , this Circumstance is not rightly represented . Had they been found upon him when first search'd , it might have born a sleight Suspition , that he was the Bearer of them ; but when he was first forc'd out of the hiding Place , he was search'd , and nothing found about him ; but going down afterwards to the Hold of the Ship , and finding those Papers left , ( which he might suspect my Lord Preston would not have had found , ) he put them in his Bosome , with design to throw them over-board , which being observed , they were found there . Well ; but he had a mind to have these Papers thrown over-board : What then ? Would not any Friend do the same , if his Friend and Fellow-Traveller , who by leaving his Letters behind him where he lay , had by so doing signified , that he would not have them seen , though at the same time he knew nothing of the Contents . Did not Captain Billop at the Tryal declare upon Oath , that Mr. Elliot was much more concerned than he was , and yet no Presumptive Evidence was grounded thereupon against him , of knowing their Contents ? Again , Are there no Secrets , and important Ones too , but Treason ? What Man who is versed in the World would have made such a rash Conclusion of his knowing the Contents of the Letters from a Carriage , as was lately shew'd has sometimes , and may often be used in other Occasions , where he that destroys or conceals any Papers of another's , is yet utterly ignorant of what 's in them , or what is his Friend's Design ? My self in the Protector 's Days lodged near the Pall-Mall , when a Civil Gentleman came to take a Room in the same Hou'e ; it seems he came over to England about King Charles his Business , though he kept it to himself , and never in the least had acquainted me with it ; upon a fright he came running from the Yard into the House , and feating a Search , retired into a safe hiding Place , giving me some Papers ( which it seems he would not have found with him ) to secure them if I could , or else to burn them . I did not much fear , knowing the Constable ; so I lock'd them in a small Trunk of Mine , and put them under the Beds-head . They search'd but found nothing . Here is a Case parallel exactly , or rather far more obnoxious than was that of Mr. Ashton's , and more significant , that I was privy to the Design of them . Now I would ask this inconsiderate Jury , whether , had those Papers ( which I understood afterwards to be Commissions ) been found in my Trunk , they would have brought me in guilty ? Doubtless such a Jury as this would have done it ; and yet I can safely be deposed , That I was then utterly ignorant , both of the Business of that Gentleman , and of the Contents of the Papers . I desire those Gentlemen of the Iury to lay their Hands on their Hearts , and tell us seriously , whether they durst have ventured their own Lives , ( could it have been brought to the Tryall , ) that Mr. Ashton intended to go into France with such a Design ? I doubt their Hearts would quail at such a dubious Wager : And could they think fit to take away another Man's Life , and hazard to damn their own Souls too , on an Evidence that they durst not stake their own Lives upon . Let them reflect how often even very great Likelihoods deceive us every day ; nay , sometimes so great , that we should have judged it almost impossible it should have missed ; and yet no wise or good Man would venture his Life or his Salvation upon those highest Likelihoods , or think fit to swear the Truth of them ; and dare Iuror● then hazard to forswear themselves , and to commit Murther in to the Bargain , by bringing in an illegal Verdict , which takes away a Man's Life upon Likelihoods or Presumptions ? The Law he confesses requires manifest Proof ; What says this Patron of Injustice to the Law ? Yet this Proof ( says he , page 29. ) must still be such as the thing will bear . Let us examine the sense of these Words . Either he means by the Word [ Thing , ] a Fact of such a Nature as Mr. Ashton's is pretended to be , and that such a Fact , abstractedly speaking , cannot bear a more manifest Proof than this had : Or he means that this individual pretended Fact , as standing under the Circumstances it really had , can bear no better Proof than it did , or be made more manifest . He cannot without extreme Folly mean the former of these : For it is evident and confessed here , p. 30. by himself , That had the Papers been produced writ in his own hand , it would have been a plain Proof of his knowing what was in those Papers , ( which by the way , is a plain Confession , that ( that Proof wanting ) there was no plain or manifest Proof at all , ) He must mean then , that this Fact , no better circumstanc'd , can bear no better Proof : Which is in less candid Terms to say ; We were resolved to hang him , and could have been glad of a plain or manifest Proof , but the Evidence we could get from all the Circumstances , not bearing or affording as such a Proof , we were forced to condemn him upon this unmanifest Proof , or else ( which would have vexed us ) we must have acqui●ted him . This is what he would say , had he the Gift of Ingenuity . Well then , since there was ( as he confesses ) no plain or manifest Proof , what Proof will he afford us instead of it ? Why , he tells us , there was sufficient Proof of his Privity to the Contents of those Papers . Sufficient ! What does he mean by that indeterminate and insignificant Expression ? No Proof is sufficient by the Law but what is manifest : But he as good as confesses here , that the Proof was not manifest . He can onely mean then by that lukewarm word [ sufficient , ] that the Proof was sufficient to take away his Life , if such Judges and such a Jury had the managing of it , who were resolved to sacrifice their Consciences and Honesty to the Fear or Favour of Men , and blindly submit them ; without Scruple , to the Pleasure of the State. Next he tells us , there can be no direct and plain Proofs of a secret Intention . How many Tricks are coucht in these few words ? What does the word [ direct ] here ? Did any Man ever pretend he could see a Soul directly , or receive Impressions from it in a streight Line , as Light and visible Objects come to the bodily Eye ? Again : What does the word [ secret ] here ? Had it not been enough to say , None can have a plain Proof of an Intention ? But to confound the weak Reader , and colour over the Paradox , he must add [ secret ] to it . Indeed while an Intention is secret , 't is undoubtedly secret ; but why can there be no plain Proof of an Intention , making it become not secret ? Certainly the denying this would destroy all humane Negotiation , in all its mainest Concerns , and make all our chief Actions floating and uncertain : It makes all the Execution of the Law comfortless to the Judges and Jury , and wickedly injurious to the Persons accused ; for by this Man's Discourse the former can never tell whether or not they condemn an Innocent , and the latter sees his Life and Honor exposed to Hap-hazard . 'T is the Intention , and that onely , which the Law regards , nor is any Action reputed by it to be Felony , Murther , Treason , &c. unless it be done Animo Felonico , &c. with a Felonious Intention , &c. and this Intention , according to him , can never be made plain ; so no Man ●ving knows , or can know , who dies deservedly , who innocently . Let him reflect , that all that the Witnesses can do is to atrest the Overt-act , or the Words spoken imprinted on their Senses ; but 't is the Duty of the Judges and Jury , when once they are satisfied of the Witnesses Integrity , to see that those Actions are necessarily connected with such an Intention as with its Cause , and proceeded from it ; and if they be not satisfied , but that possibly it might spring from another Cause , they must be judged not to value how pretious a Man's Life is , nor to regard much whether they legally condemn an innocent or no , if they bring him in guilty ; and so they incurr the Guilt themselves of careless Murtherers : Nor do the Judges deserve a better Character , if they fail in the Duty of instructing them , that the Law requires manifest Proof , and that they ought not to proceed upon even high Likelihoods or Presumptions , which we do experience do often deceive us : But especially if they aggravate and enhance those Likelihoods to make the Jury proceed upon them as Certainties : All which was but too visible in the Charge to this easily byast Jury . Did this Gentleman , who denies that Intentions can admit of plain Proof , never hear of those Sayings , That out of the abundance of the Heart the Mouth speaketh , or that the Tree is known by its Fruit ; i.e. a Man's Interiour by his Outward Actions ? Can we not know very manifestly , that if a Man way-lay his Enemy , and out of an Ambush assaults and runs him through , he had an Intention to do him a Mischief ? Does not himself confess , that had the Papers been in Mr. Ashton's own hand , it had been a plain or manifest Proof of his knowing their Contents ; which Knowledge is of its own Nature altogether as secret as is an Intention : Lastly , Does he not tell us out of my Lord Coke , that no Proof is sufficient but a manifest one ; and yet he sets himself to prove , that there can be no plain or manifest Proof of an Intention , which makes the Law require Impossibilities ? What Stuff is this to be vented by a Man chosen out to support the State , vindicate the Judges , and confute the solid Paper bequeath'd us by our dying Martyr ! After this he pretends , that , in his Iudgment , one of the Papers was writ in the very same Hand in which this Speech was written ; that is , it was writ by Mr. Ashton . But he must pardon us if we dare not believe his Judgement , which ( as has been abundantly shewn ) has scarcely judg'd right in one single Line of his whole Book : But how frivolous is this Pretence of his ! Had the Judges , or the Managers of the Tryal found the least Ground for such a Suspition , it had been the easiest thing in the World to have compared that Paper with Hundreds of Accomp●s , Acquittances , and Letters , which were all seized in his House by Order from the State : Nor could they have wanted Witnesses to have sworn , that they believed such a Paper was writ by him , as well as they did in the Tryal of my Lord Preston , which is a very great Presumption that they found no such Paper under his Hand , or so near resembling it as might induce any to swear it . They found indeed another Paper of his , which more vext them and hastened his Death , than had they found any such other as this Gentleman pretends : Concerning which take the Martyr's own Words out of part of that Paper left by him in a Friend's hands ; which are as followeth . [ Being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts , I think it a Duty incumbent upon me to impart some Things farther , which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will , I conclude , willingly bear the publication of , and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper . Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here , when it was expected , that , pursuant to his own Declaration , and the King's Letter to the Convention , an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales , there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter , and of the Proofs that were then ( and are still ) ready to be produced , to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy ; but no publick Examination being ever had , and the Violence of the Times , as well as Interest of the present Government , not permitting any private Person to move in it , those Papers have ever since lain by : But it being now thought advisable by some , to have them printed and published , and ( as at first they were designed ) addressed , at their next Meeting , to the Lords and Commons , entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair , and to call forth , examine , and protect ( for who else dares to appear ) the many Witnesses to the several Particulars therein offered to be legally proved , &c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King , my Master , for his view , that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here ; and they being taken with me , with some other Papers of Accounts , &c. in a small Trunck , amongst my Linen , and other private Things of my own , and not in the Packet , ( my Lord Pre●ton being altogether a stranger to the whole proceeding , ) by this means fell into the hands of our present Governours , who , though they wisely waved the producing them as Evidence at my Tryal , yet have I just Reason to believe my greatest Crimes were contained in them ; and I do therefore conclude and hope , that I only am designed to be sacrificed , who only knew of them : Nor am I surprised at it , since nothing , I think , can be more prejudical to some Persons present Interest , than the exposing of those Papers to the Publick , which will set that pretended Mystery of Darkness in so clear a Light , that all Mankind must be convinced of his Highness's being Born of the Queen , and of their Wickedness , who have malitiously and designedly asserted that innocent Prince to be an Impostor . The Love and Compassion that I have for my native Countrey , as well as Charity , obliges me humbly to implore Almighty God to be merciful to it , and not to charge this great Sin to the publick Account , and that we may not farther provoke his Justice by our wilfully continuing in Errour and Mistake , I beseech him to put it into the Hearts of the Lords , &c. at their next Meeting , to examine into that whole Matter , and ( if before that time this be published ) to enquire after , call for , and , if possible , retrieve those Papers that were taken with me ; whereby the Obstinate will most certainly be convinced , the Ignorant informed , the Doubtful confirmed , the Eyes of all opened , and a sacred most important Truth made apparent to the whole World. ] And may we not now with good Reason challenge those of the other Party to give an Answer to those Papers , which were the true occasion of his Suffering ; and in behalf of Justice , Truth , and the good of the Nation , to demand that the said Papers , which are now stiffled , may be produced , and ( if possible ) confuted : For since never greater fedulity was used by any other to set that Business in a manifest Light ; the Answering them must consequently be the surest Means to keep the Nation from being imposed upon in so weighty a Matter . And if this be not done , Will not all sincere Persons conclude hence that the Proofs of the Prince of Wales's Legitimacy , contained in those Papers of Mr. Ashton , are even in the Opinion of our Stat●sts themselves , absolutely unanswerable , and all England be convinced that the Pretence of his being Supposititious , was set up for no other End but to bring , by that detestable Forgery , the King and Queen into Odium and Disgrace , and to make way for the Prince of Orange to seize on his Crown ; and reflect , that from this one villa●ous Cheat , all the Calamities that have befallen our deluded Nation , have had their true Source and Origin . I know the Observator upon Mr. Ashton's Papers denies there were any such ; but could it be done with our Security , we do undertake to prove Circumstantially , that they were in his Trunck when taken by the Government 's Order ; and farther that we will clear that whole Matter , far more fully than has been done hitherto , by many other Witnesses of unquestionable Credit , and by most convincing Proofs ; and to satisfie all I terrogatories that can be offered by the most inquisitive Scrupler . But to return to our Juries ; What matters it what was brought to light about those Papers afterwards ? The Question is , what Evidence the Jury then had , when they brought in their lawless Verdict : If they had at that time no such Evidence as the Law requires ; i.e. if they had then no manifest Proof , he died Innocent in the Eye of the Law ; and nothing can acquit his Condemners from being , according to the same Law , and God's Law too , unconscientious Murderers . And 't is of this kind of Innocence only the Martyr speaks , when he declares himself Innocent ; about which P●ssage this Gentleman , who can neither understand another Man , nor many times himself very well , is very Gay and Pleasant : Though , 't is true , the Martyr by owning his Duty to his lawful Sovereign , does withall , by consequence profess , that , though he had been legally Convicted of an intention to restore him , and of acting too , in order to that good End , he had notwithstanding been Innocent also before God. The Result of all the whole foregoing Discourse is this , That our blessed Martyr is clearly vindicated from any Treasonable Guilt , and proved to have died doubly Innocent ; in the sight of Heaven , in dying for his Allegiance , which provok'd this unreasonable Malice against him ; and in the Eye of the Law , by being adjudg'd to die without manifest Proof , or legal Evidence . May his Noble Christian Fortitude , and his Pious Example , so influence his Prevaricating Brethren , that they may repent them of their Perjury and Rebellion , imitate his Constant Loyalty , and be partakers of that Eternal Crown of Glory which he now enjoys , for undauntedly owning , and even to Death persevering in his Duty of Allegiance to his only Lawful , and only Rightful Sovereign . An Humble Petition to the Present Government . SInce Nature does generally encline every Man to avoid his own Ruine , and to do that which is apparently best for his own worldly Interest and Conveniency ; it cannot in common Reason and Prudence be imagined , but that the generality of those , who do adhere to King IAMES his Title , would be glad to live at Ease , and out of Danger , by submitting freely to the present Government , did not some Consideration that is of a Superior Nature , and concerns their well-being in another World , over-awe them and deter them from owning it . Wherefore as we who write this , do in our Names , so we justly presume we may in the Names of those others , protest in the presence of Almighty God , who sees their Hearts , that our refusing to take the Oath , and pay a voluntary Allegiance to the present Governours , does not spring from any inclination to Faction , nor from Obstinacy , nor yet from any Disaffection to their Persons ; but purely from this , That we cannot be satisfied , either by our own Reason , or any Thing that has been hitherto writ upon that Subject , that they have any Title to the Crown , either by the Law of God or Man ; but , on the contrary , that both Divine and Humane Laws are against their wresting it , by a Trick , out of the Hands of their Father , who was the undoubted rightful Owner of it ; and that their still Possessing and Detaining it from him , is no less against the same Laws , and consequently a doubly-unjust Vsurpation : And therefore our Conscience tells us , That we shall incurr the just Indignation of Almighty God ; and withal , become Obnoxious , by our English Laws , to the Punishments due to Traitors , should we yield to such illegal Compliances . Wherefore we humbly Petition , That for satisfaction to our Consciences , our Governours would please to give Order , that some grave and learned Man may compile a Treatise , shewing their true Title to the Crown , and manifesting how King Iames's legal Title , by Succession , comes to be annull'd : And let him evince these Two main Points from any solid Principles , of what nature soever , acknowledg'd for such by the indifferent part of the World ; and so that it may appear by their giving Authority to that Treatise , by such their Order , that that is the true Ground of their Claim , and the Title they will stand by . Those who have writ in Justification of their Government , are in so many Minds about the Ground of their pretended Right , that instead of clearing it they have , by their Disagreement , satisfied all understanding Men , that 't is very obscure , even to their own Party ; whereas yet it ought to be of it self , or else be made most Evident , e'er it can in any Reason be held able to overthrow a Tenure so incontestibly Evident and Legal , as was that of King Iames , it being built on a long continued H●reditary Succession , abetted by the most Fundamental Laws of the Land , and approved by the universal acknowledgement of the whole World. We humbly request then to be inform'd which of those many Grounds , advanc'd by their Writers , themselves will think fit to make choice of , and esteem thus Evident , which we have not hitherto any Light to guess at . Their Carriage by carressing and advancing Dr. Sherlock , seems to hint that they most approve of his new Notion ; but that Flash of his has been so perfectly and so manifoldly baffled , and laid flat beyond all possibility of setting it up again , or supporting it , that ( next to the Abdication Title ) no Tenet in the World was ever so notoriously convicted of Folly and Inconsistency . We are told that Mr. Johnson is about publishing something upon that Subject , with a disclaim of any other Title but that he is setting up : But as we are well assured that the Principles that Gentleman will proceed upon , ( however he may pretend to wrest our Laws to his Fancy , ) are purely Commonwealthish , and no less confident that our Governours will never think it Honourable for them to own such a precarious Authority ; so we cannot think it safe in Conscience for us to acquiesce in such a Title , which they themselves will not think fit to acknowledge and abide by . This Request is for another Regard the more Reasonable , because the granting it is clearly the best for the Interest even of our Governours themselves : For nothing can be more Prevalent to unite all England in a hearty Subjection to their Government , than the making out Evidently , and Inconfutably ( in Case they judge it fecible ) upon what Ground we may justly hold the former Prince's rightful Title is Extinguished , and their own rightfully Introduced and Established . Nor can an● Thing more acquit them from the heavy Imputation of Cruelty and Murder , ( which Odium they will otherwise lie under , ) than will shewing their Right to be thus Evident : I say Evident ; for plain Reason very sensibly informs every honest Christian , that a Title which was never doubted or controverted , nor had the least flaw in it , by any one pretender in the whole World , ought not to be held abolish'd by a Title which is controverted and dubious ; and also that O●t●s of Allegiance ought not to be sworn to those whose Right to our Allegiance is doubtful and uncertain . Wherefore let them but take away this doubtfulness , by making their Title Clear and Evident ; and then the same Reason which makes us yet retain our Allegiance to King Iames , will oblige us in Conscience to become Faithful and Obedient Subjects to the Prince and Princess of Orange ; and will shew , moreover , that we enjoy under them a State of Liberty and Reason , and are not purely under the slavish Condition of Force and Fear . The granting then this Humble Petition of ours being every way so Reasonable and Advantagious to their own Honour and Interest ; so satisfactory to those who have Scruples , which hinder their Complying ; so agreeable to the Prince of Orange's Declaration , which promises not to persecute for Conscience sake ; so conducive to the Peace and Union of the Kingdom in general ; and , lastly , so necessary to clear the Honour of all their own Party , now lying under the Scandal of Complying they know not why , and of Sacrificing their Consciences to servile Fear or base Interest : If this be refused by the State , and yet Oaths be still press'd upon the Iacobites , and they be still Persecuted , Imprisoned , and put to Death , for performing their conscientious Duties to him whom they cannot but judge as yet to be their rightful Prince , then they do call Heaven and Earth to witness that they suffer for Conscience sake ; and that the pretended Governours are resolved to ruine them , for no other Reason but that they will not , to second and uphold their unaccountable Authority , break God's holy Commands , and our own Laws ; which all good Christians and true English-men are bound to observe . On the other side , their not yielding to this Humble Request cannot but redound highly to their Dishonour ; for all thinking Man will easily make this Inference from their refusal , that either they do not judge they have any Title at all , which will bear the Test , or which they will stand to ; or else , that they are most cruel and most unchristian Persecuters : While , on the one hand , they refuse , when humbly Supplicated , to take Order to give satisfaction to Men's Consciences , in a Case which the many Controversies about it , and the former long settled and legal Title shews to be ( at least ) Dubious ; and on the other side , they go on to punish and put Men to Death , who are desirous to be satisfied , merely for acting according to their Consciences ; which those Men themselves are not able to satisfie , that they ought to submit voluntarily to the Present Government ; and those who should be most able are most concern'd , nay absolutely , in many regards , bound to do it , refuse them that Christian Charity . In a word , Let the Present Governours either satisfie our Consciences , or leave off to persecute us for being Conscientious ; or , else ( which is only left ) let them speak out , and tell the World in plain Terms , what this refusal of theirs will sufficiently intimate , that they will do neither ; but that they are resolved we shall be punish'd as Traitors , if we will not be Knaves ; and that they will only allow us this sad Choice , to be either Hang'd or Damn'd . FINIS .